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Page I OF GREEK AND ROM'AN BIOGRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY, VOL..L
Page III OF GREEK AN]) ROMAN BIO1GRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY. EDITED BY W~ILLIAM SMITH, LL.D). E.DIotOr O THE " DICTIONARY OF, GREEK AND BOMAN ANTIQUITIES." ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUJS ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD, IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. I. BOSTON: LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. 18671
Page V LIST OF WRITERS. INITIALS. NAMES. A. A. ALEXANDER ALLEN, Ph. D. C. T. A. CHARLES THOMAS ARNOLD, M.A. One of the Masters in Rugby School. J. E. B. JOHN ERNEST BODE, M. A. Student of Christ Church, Oxford. Ch. A. B. CHRISTIAN A. BRANDIS, Professor in the University of Bonn. E. H. B. EDWARD HERBERT BUNBURY, M. A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. A J. C. ALBANY JAMES CHRISTIE, M. A. Late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. A. H. C. ARTHUR HUGH CLOUGH, M. A. Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. G.E.L. C. GEORGE EDWARD LYNCH COTTON, M.A. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge; one of the Masters in Rugby School. S. D. SAMUEL DAVIDSON, LL.D. W. F. D. WILLIAM FISHBURN DONKIN, M. A. Savilian Professor of Astronomy in the University of Oxford. W. B. D. WILLIAM BODHAM DONNE. T. D. THOMAS DYER. E. E. EDWARD ELDER, M. A. Head Master of Durham School. J. T. G. JOHN THOMAS GRAVES, M.A., F.R.S. W. A. G. WILLIAM ALEXANDER GREENHILL, M. D. Trinity College, Oxford. A. G. ALGERNON GRENFELL, M. A. One of the Masters in Rugby School,
Page VI vi LIST OF WRITERS. INITIALS. NAMES. W.M. G. WILLIAM MAXWELL GUNN, One of the Masters in the High School, Edinburgh. W.I. WILLIAM IHNE, Ph. D. Of the University of Bonn. B. J. BENJAMIN JOWETT, M. A. Fellow and Tutor of Baliol College, Oxford. H. G. L. HENRY GEORGE LIDDELL, M. A. Head Master of Westminster School. G. L. GEORGE LONG, M. A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. J. M. M. JOHN MORELL MACKENZIE, M. A. C. P. M. CHARLES PETER MASON, B.A. Fellow of University College, London. J. C. M. JOSEPH CALROW MEANS. H. H. M. HENRY HART MILMAN, M. A. Prebendary of St. Peter's, Westminster. A. de M. AUGUSTUS DE MORGAN. Professor of Mathematics in University College, London. W. P. WILLIAM PLATE, LL. D. C. E. P. CONSTANTINE ESTLIN PRICHARD, B.A.. Fellow of Baliol College, Oxford. W. R. WILLIAM RAMSAY, M. A. Professor of Humanity in the University of Glasgow. L. S. LEONHARD SCHMITZ, Ph. D., F.R.S.E. Rector of the High School of Edinburgh. P. S. PHILIP SMITH, B.A. Of University College, London. A. P. S. ARTHUR PENRYHN STANLEY, M. A. Fellow and Tutor of University College, Oxford. A. S. ADOLPH STAHR, Professor in the Gymnasium of Oldenburg. L.. LUDWIG URLICHS, Professor in the University of Bonn. R. W. ROBERT WHISTON, M. A. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. The Articles which have no initials attached to them are written by the Editor.
Page VII PREFACE. "THE present work has been conducted on the same principles, and is designed mainly for the use of the same persons, as the " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities." It has been long felt by most persons engaged in the study of Antiquity, that something better is required than we yet possess in the English language for illustrating the Biography, Literature, and Mythology, of the Greek and Roman writers, and for enabling a diligent student to read them in the most profitable manner. The writings of modern continental philologists, as well as the works of some of our own scholars, have cleared up many of the difficulties connected with these subjects, and enabled us to attain to more correct knowledge and more comprehensive views than were formerly possessed. The articles in this Dictionary have been founded on a careful examination of the original sources; the best modern authorities have been diligently consulted; and no labour has been spared in order to bring up the subject to the present state of philological learning upon the continent as well as at home. A work, like the present, embracing the whole circle of ancient history and literature for upwards of two thousand years, would be the labour of at least one man's life, and could not in any case be written satisfactorily by a single individual, as no one man possesses the requisite knowledge of all the subjects of which it treats. The lives, for instance, of the ancient mathematicians, jurists, and physicians, require in the person who writes them a competent knowledge of mathematics, law, and medicine; and the same remark applies, to a greater or less extent, to the history of philosophy, the arts, and' numerous other subjects. The Editor of the present work has been fortunate in obtaining the assistance of scholars, who had made certain departments of antiquity their particular study, and he desires to take this opportunity of returning his best thanks to them for their valuable aid, by which he has been able to produce a work which could not have been accomplished by any single person. The initials of each writer's name are given at the end of the articles he has written, and a list of the names of the contributors is prefixed to the work. The biographical articles in this work include the names of all persons of any importance which occur in the Greek and Roman writers, from the earliest times down to the extinction of the Western Empire in the year 476 of our era, and to the extinction of the Eastern Empire by the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in the year 145,3. The lives of historical personages occurring in the history of the Byzantine empire are treated with comparative brevity, but accom
Page VIII viii PREFACE. panied by sufficient references to ancient writers to enable the reader to obtain further information if he wishes. It has not been thought advisable to omit the lives of such persons altogether, as has usually been done in classical dictionaries; partly because there is no other period short of the one chosen at which a stop can conveniently be made; and still more because the civil history of the Byzantine empire is more or less connected with the history of literature and science, and, down to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, there was an interrupted series of Greek writers, the omission of whose lives and of an account of their works would be a serious deficiency in any work which aspired to give a complete view of Greek literature. The relative length of the articles containing the lives of historical persons cannot be fixed, in a work like the present, simply by the importance of a man's life. It would be impossible to give within any reasonable compass a full and elaborate account of the lives of the great actors in Greek and Roman history; nor is it necessary: for the lives of such persons are conspicuous parts of history and, as such, are given at length in historical works. On the contrary, a Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography is peculiarly useful for the lives of those persons who do not occupy so prominent a position in history, since a knowledge of their actions and character is oftentimes of great importance to a proper understanding of the ancient writers, and information;'repecting such persons cannot be obtained in any other quarter. Accordingly, such articles have had a space assigned to them in the work which might have been deemed disproportionate if it were not for this consideration. Woodcuts of ancient coins are given, wherever they could be referred to any individual or family. The drawings have been made from originals in the British Museum, except in a few cases, where the authority for the drawing is stated in the article. More space, relatively, has been given to the Greek and Roman Writers than to any other articles, partly because we have no complete history of Greek and Roman Literature in the English language, and partly because the writings of modern German scholars contain on this subject more than on any other a store of valuable matter which has not yet found its way into English books, and has, hitherto, only partially and in a few instances, exercised any influence on our course of classical instruction. In these articles a full account of the Works, as well as of the Lives, of the Writers is given, and, likewise, a list of the best editions of the works, together with references to the principal modern works upon each subject. The lives of all Christian Writers, though usually omitted in similar publications, have likewise been inserted in the present Work, since they constitute an important part of the history of Greek and Roman literature, and an account of their biography and writings can be attained at present only by consulting a considerable number of voluminous works. These articles are written rather from a literary than a theological point of view; and accordingly the discussion of strictly
Page IX PREFACE. 1 ix theological topics, such as the subjects might easily have given rise to, has been carefully avoided. Care has been taken to separate the mythological articles from those of an historical nature, as.a reference to any part of the book will shew. As it is necessary to discriminate between the Greek and Italian Mythology, an account of the Greek divinities is given under their Greek names, and of the Italian divinities under their Latin names, a practice which is universally adopted by the continental writers, which has received the sanction of some of our own scholars, and is moreover of such importance in guarding against endless confusions and mistakes as to require no apology for its introduction into this work. In the treatment of the articles themselves, the mystical school of interpreters has been avoided, and those principles followed which have been developed by Voss, Buttmann, Welcker, K. 0. Miiller, Lobeck, and others. Less space, relatively, has been given to these articles than to any other portion of the work, as it has not been considered necessary to repeat all the fanciful speculations which abound in the later Greek writers and in modern books upon this subject. The lives of Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, have been treated at considerable length, and an account is given of all their works still extant, or of which there is any record in ancient writers. These articles, it is hoped, will be useful to the artist as well as to the scholar. Some difficulty has been experienced respecting the admission or rejection of certain names, but the following is the general principle which has been adopted. The names of all persons are inserted, who are mentioned in more than one passage of an ancient writer: but where a name occurs in only a single passage, and. nothing more is known of the person than that passage contains, that name is in general omitted. On the other hand, the names of such persons are inserted when they are intimately connected with some great historical event, or there are other persons of the same name with whom they might be confounded. iWhen there are several persons of the same name, the articles have been arranged either in chronological or some alphabetical order. The latter plan has been usually adopted, where there are many persons of one name, as in the case of ALEXANDER, ANTIOCHUS, and others, in which cases a chronological arrangement would stand in the way of ready reference to any particular individual whom the reader might be in search of. In the case of Roman names, the chronological order has, for obvious reasons, been always adopted, and they have been given under the cognomens, and not under the gentile names. There is, however, a separate article devoted to each gens, in which is inserted a list of all the cognomens of that gens. In a work written by several persons it is almost impossible to obtain exact uniformity of reference to the ancient Writers, but this has been done as far as was possible. Wherever an author is referred to by page, the particular edition used by the writer is generally stated; but of the writers enumerated below, the following VOL..
Page X X PREFACE. editions are always intended where no others are indicated: Plato, ed. H. Stephanus, 1578; Athenaeus, ed. Casaubon, Paris, 1597; the Moralia of Plutarch, ed. Francof. 1620; Strabo, ed. Casaubon, Paris, 1620; Demosthenes, ed. Reiske, Lips. 1770; the other Attic Orators, ed. H. Stephanus, Paris, 1575; the Latin Grammarians, ed. H. Putschius, Hanov. 1605; Hippocrates, ed. Kiuhn, Lips. 1825-7; Erotianus, ed. Franz, Lips. 1780; Dioscorides, ed. Sprengel, Lips. 1829-30; Aretaeus, ed. Kiihn, Lips. 1828; Rufus Ephesius, ed. Clinch, Lond. 1726; Soranus, ed. Dietz, Regim. Pruss. 1838; Galen, ed. Kiihn, Lips. 1821-33; Oribasius, Aitius, Alexander Trallianus, Paulus Aegineta, Celsus, ed. H. Stephanus, among the Medicae Artis Principes, Paris, 1567; Caelius Aurelianus, ed. Amman, Amstel. 4to. 1709. Names of Places and Nations are not included in the Work, as they will form the subject of the forthcoming " Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography." WILLIAM SMITH. London, October, 1844.
Page XI LIST OF COINS ENGRAVED IN THE FIRST VOLUME. In the following list AV indicates that the coin is of gold, AR of silver, AE of copper, 12E first bronze Roman, 22E second bronze Roman, 32E third bronze Roman. The weight of all gold and silver coins is given, with the exception of the aurei and denarii, which are for the most part of nearly the same weight respectively. When a coin has been reduced or enlarged in the drawing, the diameter of the original coin is given in the last column, the numbers in which refer to the subjoined scale: those which have no numbers affixed to them are of the same size in the drawing as the originals. S -;a-o ^a~a e 01 rt. OC^ - - --- --- --- It Coin30 2 Aemilianus....... 80 1 Agrippa........ 81 1 Agrippina I...... 82 1 Agrippina II...... 831 2 Ahala......... 86 1 Ahenobarbus...... 90 2 Albinus........ 93 1 Do.......... S Do......... 94 1 Do. (Emperor.).. 114 2 Alexander Balas, king of I Syria........ 116 1 Alexander I., king of Epeirus........., 2 Alexander II., king of S Epeirus......... 118 2 Alexander I., king of Macedonia...... 119 1 Alexander II., king of 1 Macedonia...... 122 1 Alexander III. (the Great), king of Macedonia........... 126 2 Alexander (Roman emperor)........ 128' 1 Alexander Zebina, king of Syria....... 132 1 Allectus........ 137 2 Amastris........ 155 1 Amyntas, king of Macedonia........ 156 1 Amyntas, kingofGalatia 180 2 Annius........ 183 2 Antigonus, king of Asia 189 2 Antigonus Gonatas.. 192 1 Antinous........ 194 2 Antiochus, king of Cormmagene...... S,, Antiochus Hierax.. 196i 1 Antiochus I., king of Syria..., 2 Antiochus II..... 197 2 Antiochus III.... 198: 1 Antiochus IV....,, 2J Antiochus V... 199 1 Antiochus VI..... 21E At At AR At At At AV Al AR At 2M, At At At AV At At AR AR M At MR 22 1 2401 4421 254 1431 1601 264 61 2621 265 253 263 249 239 2501 '-3 71 9ic 2 9 9 11 81 9 812 81 9 7 s^ c Coin. P u 199 1 Antiochus VII... S2 Antiochus VIII..... S Antiochus IX..... 200 1 Antiochus X.....,,,, Antiochus XI.....,, 2 Antiochus XII....,,,, Antiochus XIII... 210 1 Antonia........ 212 2 Antoninus Pius.... 216 1 M. Antonius:.., 2 C. Antonius...... 217 1 L. Antonius...... 253 1 Julia Aquilia Severa.. 257 2 Arcadius........ 263 2 Archelaus....... 278 1 Aretas......... 284 2 AriarathesIV..... 5 2 Ariarathes V..... 285 1 Ariarathes VI..... S 1 Ariarathes VII.... 286 2 Ariobarzanes I.. 287 1 Ariobarzanes III.. 350 2 Arrius......... 354 2 Arsaces III...... S 2 Arsaces V....... 355 1 Arsaces VI......,,, Arsaces VII... 356 2 Arsaces XIV..... 360 1 Arsaces XXVIII... 367 1 Arsinoe.........,, 2 Do....... 405 1 Atilius......... 412 1 Attalus........ 418 1 Audoleon... 420 1 Augurinus....... 431 1 Augustus. 435 2 Avitus......... 438 1 Aurelianus....... 443 1 Aurelius........ 455 1 Balbinus........, 1 Balbus, Acilius.., 2 Balbus, Antonius...,,, Balbus, Atius.. 456 2 Balbus, Cornelius... 457 2 Balbus, Naevius.... 458 1 Balbus, Thorius.... At AR At 2R 1E AE At 1At AI 12E AV At At JE At At At At At At AR 2R At AV AV AV iR At At AV AV lAt At AE Am At MY MR MR MR MV 2511 8' 255 83 245 82 242 8' 2501 74 185 55 61 661 63 63 601 601 511 60 241 60 143 1841 4251 A1 190
Page XII Nil xli LIST OF COINS. 482 2 492 2,505 2.506 2 512 1 516 1,, 2 5 18 1 539 2 555 2 5561 557 1 561 2 563 2 5 650'2 6 02 2 6 03 1 604 1 610 *2 6113 1,, 2 617 1 618 1 621 1 6350 2 6 63 2 665 1 6 72 1 67 5 1 '74 8 2 7,55 1 757"12 "76 0 2 775 1 777 1,, 2 800 1 802 2 99, 9)1n I C0111. Berenice.......... Do............. Bloejo............ Britauinicus, llrocchus.......... Blrutus............ Buca............. Do.............. D-ursio............ Caesar, Sex. Julius Caesar, C. Julius, Do.......... C. and- L. Caesar.Caesius........ Calcius............ Calidius.......... Caligula........... Capito. Fouteius IDo. Capito, Marius. Capitolinun, Petillius Carausius....... Cariuus........... Carisius. Do............ Carvilius.......... Carus............ Casca, Cassauder......... Cato............ Do.............. Coleus............ Do............. CeusoriuuLs........ Do...... Do.......... Do............ Do............ Cereo............. Cestiuss........... Cilo or Chilo...... Ciuua......... Cipius. Clara, Didia.... Claudius........ Cloudless (emnperor). leSt coin...... Do. 2nd coiu Clauidius 1I'........ Cleopatra, wife of Autiochus....... Cleopatra, queeu of Egypt.......... Cleopatra, wife of Juba 1t At At At At At At At At At At At At At At At AV AtR LEA At At At Atýl At At 107 326 199 51 9 805 007 810 819 8211 831 83 7 8 46 848 84,01 850 852 8,58 863 868 870 8B2! 895 949 956ý 965 967 968 996 11004 1014 1031 1037 1061 1062 1061 1064 1071 10086 1087 1092 2.3 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 C041. Cloolius........... Cluviuls........ Codles......... Comnmodus........ Constans.......... Constantinus, the tyrant Conetantinus I. (the Great).......... Constanltinus 11. ConstantiessTI...... ConstantineiI 1. Constantius II1. Coponius......... Cordus........... Cornificius......... Coeconisee Do............. Cotys............ Craseipee.......... Crasne........... Criepina.......... Crispue........... Critoniese.......... Docesetitiss......... Deemus........ Dolotaru......... Dolinateuss....e Demtrutsss I.,ken-g of Macedonia... Doesetrius II. king- of Ma9cedonia.. DemsritusueI., king of Syria........... Densetrius IT., kingy of Syria........... Desmetrius Ill., kinsg of Syrsa........... Diaduesns'nus se.... Didls.. ss.... Diorletiesseso........ Diossysiso' of Heracleia Dionsis 11.eIIof Synacuse.0..4......... Donuytia........ Donuts s as. Dosesteli u....... Domna Julea. Doesenus.... Drusess.... Drusus, Nero Clauldius Durmius.. Do. Do.. -: At AV AVT AVT AV At At 32E 2R At AVT 119 AlT At 21-; A 12 61 A 2)6 2 At 260 Al At 1.48 At 26312 At At 'IR At I 2 1 2 2 9 2 9 '3 2 C) 2
Page 1 A DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN BIOGRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY. ABARIS. ABAEUS ('Aealos), a surname of Apollo derived from the town of Abae in Phocis, where the god had a rich temple. (Hesych. s. v. "A'at; Herod. viii. 33; Paus. x. 35. ~ 1, &c.) [L. S.] ABAMMON MAGISTER. [PORPHvRIus.] ABANTI'ADES ('ACavTnar'si) signifies in general a descendant of Abas, but is used especially to designate Perseus, the great-grandson of Abas (Ov. Met. iv. 673, v. 138, 236), and Acrisius, a son of Abas. (Ov. Met. iv. 607.) A female descendant of Abas, as Danae and Atalante, was called Abantias. [L. S.] ABA'NTIAS. [ABANTIADES.] ABA'NTIDAS ('AeavriSas), the son of Paseas, became tyrant of Sicyon after murdering Cleinias, the father of Aratus, B. c. 264. Aratus, who was then only seven years old, narrowly escaped death. Abantidrs was fond of literature, and was accustomed to attend the philosophical discussions of Deinias and Aristotle, the dialectician, in the agora of Sicyon: on one of these occasions he was murdered by his enemies. He was succeeded in the tyranny by his father, who was put to death by 1icocles. (Plut. Arat. 2. 3; Paus. ii. 8. ~ 2.)' ABARBA'REA ('Aegap~eap/), a Naiad, who bore two sons, Aesepus and Pedasus, to Bucolion, the eldest but illegitimate son of the Trojan King Laomedon. (Hom. II. vi. 22, &c.) Other writers do not mention this nymph, but Hesychius (s. v.) mentions 'Agap@apeas or 'AfapfaXclas as the name of a class of nymphs. [L. S.] A'BARIS ("Agapms), son of Seuthes, was a Hyperborean priest of Apollo (Herod. iv. 36), and came from the country about the Caucasus (Ov. Met. v. 86) to Greece, while his own country was visited by a plague. He was endowed with the gift of prophecy, and by this as well as by his Scythian dress and simplicity and honesty he created great sensation in Greece, and was held in high esteem. (Strab. vii. p. 301.) He travelled about in Greece, carrying with him an arrow as the symbol of Apollo, and gave oracles. Toland, in his History of the Druids, considers him to have been a Druid of the Hebrides, because the arrow formed a part of the costume of a Druid. His history, which is entirely mythical, is related in various ways, and worked up with extraordinary ABAS. particulars: he is said to have taken no earthly food (Herod. iv. 36), and to have ridden on his arrow, the gift of Apollo, through the air. (Lobeck, Aglaophiamnus, p. 314.) He cured diseases by incantations (Plat. Charmid. p.158, B.), delivered the world from a plague (Suidas, s. v. "Agapts), and built at Sparta a temple of Kop-q ao-reipa. (Paus. iii. 13. ~ 2.) Suidas and Eudocia ascribe to him several works, such as incantations, Scythian oracles, a poem on the marriage of the river Hebrus, expiatory formulas, the arrival of Apollo among the Hyperboreans, and a prose work oni the origin of the gods. But such works, if they were really current in ancient times, were no more genuine than his reputed correspondence with Phalaris the tyrant. The time of his appearance in Greece is stated differently, some fixing it in 01. 3, others in 01. 21, and others again make him a contemporary of Croesus. (Bentley, On1 the Epist. of Phalaris, p. 34.) Lobeck places it about the year B. c. 570, i. e. about 01. 52. Respecting the perplexing traditions about Abaris see Klopfer, Mythologisclhes Wilritrbzcli, i. p. 2; Zapf, DisIzntatio historica de Abaride, Lips. 1707; Larcher, on Herod. vol. iii. p. 446. [L. S.] ABAS ('Agas). 1. A son of Metaneira, was changed by Demeter into a lizard, because he mocked the goddess when she had come on her wanderings into the house of her mother, and drank eagerly to quench her thirst. (Nicander, Theriaca; Natal. Comn. v. 14; Ov. Met. v. 450.) Other traditions relate the same story of a boy, Ascalabus, and call his mother Misme. (Antonin. Lib. 23.) 2. The twelfth King of Argos. He was the son of Lynceus and Hypermnestra, and grandson of Danaus. He married Ocaleia, who bore him twin sons, Acrisius and Proetus. (Apollod. ii. 2. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 170.) When he informed his father of the death of Danaus, he was rewarded with the shield of his grandfather, which was sacred to Hera. He is described as a successful conqueror and as the founder of the town of Abae in Phocis (Paus. x. 35. ~ 1), and of the Pelasgic Argos in Thessaly. (Strab. ix. p. 431.) The fame of his warlike spirit was so great, that even after his death, when people B
Page 2 2 ABELLIO. revolted, whom he had subdued, they were put to flight by the simple act of showing them his shield. (Virg. Aen. iii. 286; Serv. ad loc.) It was from this Abas that the kings of Argos were called by the patronymic Abantiads. [ABANTIADES.] [L. S.] ABAS ("Aay ). 1. A Greek sophist and rhetorician about whose life nothing is known. Suidas (s. v. '"Aas: compare Eudocia, p. 51) ascribes to him LeroptKa.d mroeavcpatra and a work on rhetoric (TriE pv'ropt c). What Photius (Cod. 190. p. 150, b. ed. Bekker) quotes from him, belongs probably to the former work. (Compare Walz, Rhetor. Graec. vii. 1. p. 203.) 2. A writer of a work called Troica, from which Servius (ad Aen. ix. 264) has preserved a fragment. [L. S.] ABASCANTUS ('A@dceaVTros), a physician of Lugdunum (Lyons), who probably lived in the second century after Christ. He is several times mentioned by Galen (De Compos. Medicam. seeund. Locos, ix. 4. vol. xiii. p. 278), who has also preserved an antidote invented by him against the bite of serpents. (De Antid. ii. 12. vol. xiv. p. 177.) The name is to be met with in numerous Latin inscriptions in Gruter's collection, five of which refer to a freedman of Augustus, who is supposed by Kiuhn (Additcm. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. ac J. A. Fabricio in " Bibl. Gr." Ethib.) to be the same person that is mentioned by Galen. This however is quite uncertain, as also whether lapaec'inos 'AgdenavOos in Galen (De Compos. M1ledicam. secund. Locos. vii. 3. vol. xiii. p. 71) refers to the subject of this article. [W. A. G.] ABDOLO'NIMUS or ABDALO'NIMUS, a gardener, but of royal descent, was made king of Sidon by Alexander the Great. (Curt. iv. 1; Just. xi. 10.) Hle is called Ballonymus by Diodorus. (xvii. 46.) ABDE'RUS (CAfdnspos), a son of Hermes, or according to others of Thromius the Locrian. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 8; Strab. vii. p. 33 1.) He was a favourite of Heracles, and was torn to pieces by the mares of Diomedes, which Heracles had given him to pursue the Bistones. Heracles is said to have built the town of Abdera to honour him. According to Hyginus, (Fab. 30,) Abderus was a servant of Diomedes, the king of the Thracian Bistones, and was killed by Heracles together with his mnaster and his four men-devouring horses. (Compare Philostrat. Heroic. 3. ~ 1; 19. ~ 2.) [L. S.] ABDIAS ('AgSnas), the pretended author of an Apocryphal book, entitled The History of the Apostolical contest. This work claims to have been written in Hebrew, to have been translated into Greek by Eutropius, and thence into Latin by Julius Africanus. It was however originally written in Latin, about A. D. 910. It is printed in Fabricius, Codex/ Apocrn?,plhus Novi Test. p. 402. 8vo. Hamb. 1703. Abdias was called too the first Bishop of Babylon. [A. J. C.] ABE'LLIO, is the name of a divinity found in inscriptions which were discovered at Comminges in France. (Gruter, Inscr. p. 37, 4; J. Scaliger, Lectioes Ausonianae, i. 9.) Buttmann (alI/i/ytzolo/us, i. p. 167, &c.) considers Abellio to be the same name as Apollo, who in Crete and elsewhere was called 'AS/Atos, and by the Italians and some Dorians Apello (Fest. s. v. Apellinem; Eustath. ad II. ii. 99), and that the deity is the same as the Gallic Apollo mentioned by Caesar (Bell. Gall. vi. ABISARES. 17), and also the same as Belis or Belenus mentioned by Tertullian (Apologet. 23) and Herodian (viii. 3; comp. Capitol. Maximin. 22). As the root of the word he recognises the Spartan BiAa, i. e. the sun (Hesych. s. v.), which appears in the Syriac and Chaldaic Belus or Baal. [L. S.] ABE'RCIJUS, ST. ('AgEiptos), the supposed successor of St. Paplas in the see of Hierapolis, flourished A. D. 150. There are ascribed to him, 1. An Epistle to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, of which Baronius speaks as extant, but he does not produce it; and, 2. A Book of Discipline (,3i@Aoes 6t6acrcaAias) addressed to his Clergy; this too is lost. See 1lllstr. Eccles. Orient. Script. Vitae, a P. Halloix. Duac. 1636. [A. J. C.] A'BGARUS, A'CBARUS, or AU'GARUS ("AGyapos, "AicGapoY, AViyapoy), a name common to many rulers of Edessa, the capital of the district of Osrhoene in Mesopotamia. It seems to have been a title and not a proper name. (Procop. Bell. Pers. ii. 12.) For the history of these kings see Bayer, " Historia Osrhoeina et Edessena ex nummis illustrata," Petrop. 1734. Of these the most important are: 1. The ally of the Romans under Pompey, who treacherously drew Crassus into an unfavorable position before his defeat. lie is called Augarus by Dion Cassius (xl. 20), Acbarus the phylarch of the Arabians in the Parthian history ascribed to Appian (p. 34. Schw.), and Ariamnes by Plutarch. (Crass. 21.) 2. The contemporary of Christ. See the following article. 3. The chief, who resisted Meherdates, whom Claudius wished to place on the Parthian throne: he is called a king of the Arabians by Tacitus (Ann. xii. 12.14), but was probably an Osrho'nian. 4. The contemporary of Trajan, who sent presents to that emperor when he invaded the east, and subsequently waited upon him and became his ally. (Dion Cass. 1xviii. 18. 21.) 5. The contemporary of Caracalla, who acted cruelly towards his nation, and was deposed by Caracalla. (Dion Cass. lxxvii. 12.) A'IGARUS, Toparch of Edessa, supposed by Eusebius to have been the author of a letter written to our Saviour, which he found in a church at Edessa and translated from the Syriac. The letter is believed to be spurious. It is given by Eusebius. (Hist. Eccl. i. 13.) [A. J. C.] A'BIA ('AGLa), the nurse of Hyllus, a son of Heracles. She built a temple of Heracles at Ira in Messenia, for which the Heraclid Cresphontes afterwards honoured her in various other ways, and also by changing the name of the town of Ira into Abia. (Paus. iv. 30. ~ 1.) [L. S.] ABELOX, ABELUX or ABILYX ('AGiAvm), a noble Spaniard, originally a friend of Carthage, betrayed the Spanish hostages at Saguntun, who were in the power of the Carthaginians, to the Roman generals, the two Scipios, after deceiving Bostar, the Carthaginian commander. (Liv. xxii. 22; Polyb. iii. 98, &c.) ABI'SARES or ABI'SSARES ('Agiudp7s), called Embisarus ('Egieo-apos) by Diodorus (xvii. 90), an Indian king beyond the river Hydaspes, whose territory lay in the mountains, sent embassies to Alexander the Great both before and after the conquest of Porus, although inclined to espouse the side of the latter. Alexander not only allowed him to retain his kingdom, but increased it, and
Page 3 ABROCOMAS. on his death appointed his son as his successor. (Arrian, Anab. v. 8. 20. 29; Curt. viii. 12. 13. 14. ix. 1. x. 1.) ABI'STAMENES was appointed governor of Cappadocia by Alexander the Great. (Curt. iii. 4.) He is called Sabictas by Arrian. (Anaeb. ii. 4.) Gronovius conjectures that instead of Abistamene Calppadociae praeposito, we ought to read Abicts magnae Ccappadociae, c. ABITIA'NUS ('A@Icmrcrds), the author of a Greek treatise De Urinis inserted in the second volume of Ideler's Physici et AMedici Graeci Minores, Berol. 8vo. 1842, with the title liepl Ovp'WV Ilpay/Laersia 'ApieorT 70' TO0 O(PwrTrov rapa lev 'Ivols AXAJ "EUvT0 7rove0 wv i'roL "AAuAS viov 70ov 7Liap, 8rapd S 'IraAoes 'AcLTraWvo6. He is the same person as the celebrated Arabic physician Avicenna, whose real name was AbUi 'Ali Ibn Sind, A. H. 370 or 375-428 (A. D. 980 or 985-1037), and from whose great work Ketdb al-KAinin fi 't-Tebb, Liber Canonis Medicinae, this treatise is probably translated. [W. A. G.] ABLA'BIUS ('AeAdeios). 1. A physician on whose death there is an epigram by Theosebia in the Greek Anthology (vii. 559), in which he is considered as inferior only to Hippocrates and Galen. With respect to his date, it is only known that he must have lived after Galen, that is, some time later than the second century after Christ. [W. A. G.] 2. The illustrious ('I\odo'Tpios), the author of an epigram in the Greek Anthology (ix. 762) "on the quoit of Asclepiades." Nothing more is known of him, unless he be the same person as Ablabius, the Novatian bishop of Nicaea, who was a disciple of the rhetorician Troilus, and himself eminent in the same profession, and who lived under Honorius and Theodosius II., at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries after Christ. (Socrates, Hist. Ecc. vii. 12.) [P. S.] ABLA'VIUS. 1. Prefect of the city, the minister and favourite of Constantine the Great, was murdered after the death of the latter. (Zosimus, ii. 40.) He was consul A. D. 331. There is an epigram extant attributed to him, in which the reigns of Nero and Constantine are compared. (Anth. Lat. n. 261, ed. Meyer.) 2. A Roman historian, whose age is unknown, wrote a history of the Goths, which is sometimes quoted by Jornandes as his authority. (De Reb. Getic. iv. 14. 23.) ABRADA'TAS ('ACpad',ras), a king of Susa and an ally of the Assyrians against Cyrus. His wife Pantheia was taken on the conquest of the Assyrian camp, while he was absent on a mission to the Bactrians. In consequence of the honorable treatment which his wife received from Cyrus, he joined the latter with his forces. He fell in battle, while fighting against the Egyptians. Inconsolable at her loss, Pantheia put an end to her own life, and her example was followed by her three eunuchs. Cyrus had a high mound raised in their honour: on a pillar on the top were inscribed the names of Abradatas and Pantheia in the Syriac characters; and three columns below bore the inscription oKecr'rovxcw, in honour of the eunuchs. (Xen. Cgyr. v. 1. ~ 3, vi. 1. ~ 31, &c. 4. ~ 2, &c. vii. 3. ~ 2, &c.; Lucian. Imag. 20.) ABRETTE'NUS ('ApcE'rmnVds), a surname of Zeus in Mysia. (Strab. xii. p. 574.) [L. S.] ABRO'COMAS ('AfpGKncdas), one of the satralys ABSYRTUS. 3 of Artaxerxes Mnemon, was sent with an army of 300,000 men to oppose Cyrus on his march into upper Asia. On the arrival of Cyrus at Tarsus, Abrocomas was said to be on the Euphrates; and at Issus four hundred heavy-armed Greeks, who had deserted Abrocomas, joined Cyrus. Abrocomas did not defend the Syrian passes, as was expected, but marched to join the king. He burnt some boats to prevent Cyrus from crossing the Euphrates, but did not arrive in time for the battle of Cunaxa. (Xen. Anab. i. 3. ~ 20, 4. ~ 3, 5, 18, 7. ~ 12; Harpocrat. and Suidas, s. v.) ABRO'COMES ('Afpoum'JA) and his brother Hyperanthes ('Trepdcv-si), the sons of Darius by Phratagune, the daughter of Artanes, were slain at Thermopylae while fightiiing over the body of Leonidas. (Herod. vii. 224.) ABRON or HABRON ("Agpwi or "A~pwi). I Son of the Attic orator Lycurgus. (Plut. Vit. dec. Orat. p. 843.) 2. The son of Callias, of the deme of Bate in Attica, wrote on the festivals and sacrifices of the Greeks. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Ba'T.) He also wrote a work repl rapwcvvjwv, which is frequently referred to by Stephanus Byz. (s.v. 'A-yci0,'"Apyos, &c.) and other writers. 3. A grammarian, a Phrygian or Rhodian, a pupil of Tryphon. and originally a slave, taught at Rome under the first Caesars. (Suidas, s. v. "Afpwv.) 4. A rich person at Argos, from whom the proverb "Adpwvos Pios, which was applied to extravagant persons, is said to have been derived. (Suidas, s. v.) ABRO'NIUS SILO, a Latin Poet, who lived in the latter part of the Augustan age, was a pupil of Porcius Latro. His son was also a poet, but degraded himself by writing plays for pantomimes, (Senec. Suas. ii. p. 21. Bip.) ABRO'NYCHUS ('APpw'vuXos), the son of Lysicles, an Athenian, was stationed at Thermopylae with a vessel to communicate between Leonidas and the fleet at Artemisium. He was subsequently sent as ambassador to Sparta with Themistocles and Aristeides respecting the fortifications of Athens after the Persian war. (Herod. viii. 21; Thuc. i. 91.) ABRO'TA ('A^p'rsT?), the daughter of Onchestus, the Boeotian, and the wife of Nisus, king of Megaris. On her death Nisus commanded all the Megarian women to wear a garment of the same kind as Abrota had worn, which was called aphabroma (dpddpwyua), and was still in use in the time of Plutarch. (Quaest. Graec. p. 295,a.) ABRO'TONUM ('AMpo'oeov), a Thracian harlot, who according to some accounts was the mother of Themistocles. There is an epigram preserved recording this fact. (Plut. Them. 1; Athen. xiii. p. 576, c.; Aelian, V. I,. xii. 43.) Plutarch also refers to her in his'Epwfrmcsi (p. 753, d.); and Lucian speaks of a harlot of the same name (Dial, Meretr. 1). ABRU'POLIS, an ally of the Romans, who attacked the dominions of Perseus, and laid them waste as far as Amphipolis, but was afterwards driven out of his kingdom by Perseus. (Liv. xlii. 13. 30. 41.) ABSEUS. [GIGANTES.] ABSIMARUS. [TIBEnRIUS ABSIMARUS.] ABSYRTUS or APSYRTUS ("Amvpros), a son of Aeetes, king of Colchis, and brother of Modeia. His mother is stated diiffercntly: Hygiu2
Page 4 4 ACACALLIS. nus (Fab. 13) calls her Ipsia, Apollodorus (i. 9. ~ 23) Idyia, Apollonius (iii. 241) Asterodeia, and others Hecate, Neaera, or Eurylyte. (Schol. ad Apollon. 1. c.) When Medeia fled with Jason, she took her brother Absyrtus with her, and when she was nearly overtaken by her father, she murdered her brother, cut his body in pieces and strewed them on the road, that her father might thus be detained by gathering the limbs of his child. Tomi, the place where this horror was committed, was believed to have derived its name from vE/scw, " cut." (Apollod. i. 9. ~24; Ov. Trist. iii. 9; compare Apollon. iv. 338, &c. 460, &c.) According to another tradition Absyrtus was not taken by Medeia, but was sent out by his father in pursuit of her. He overtook her in Corcyra, where she had been kindly received by king Alcinous, who refused to surrender her to Absyrtus. When he overtook her a second time in the island of Minerva, he was slain by Jason. (Hygin. Fab. 23.) A tradition followed by Pacuvius (Cic. de nt. deor. iii. 19), Justin (xlii. 3), and Diodorus (iv. 45), called the son of Aeetes, who was murdered by Medeia, Aegialeus. [L. S.] ABULI'TES ('AjovXhiA s), the satrap of Susiana, surrendered Susa to Alexander, when the latter approached the city. The satrapy was restored to him by Alexander, but he and his son Oxyathres were afterwards executed by Alexander for the crimes they had committed in the government of the satrapy. (Curt. v. 2; Arrian, Ancab. iii. 16. vii. 4; Diod. xvii. 65.) ABU'RIA GENS, plebeian. On the coins of this gens we find the cognomen GEM., which is perhaps an abbreviation of Geminus. The coins have no heads of persons on them. 1. C. ABURIUS was one of the ambassadors sent to Masinissa and the Carthaginians, B. c. 171. (Liv. xlii. 35.) 2. M. ABURIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 187, opposed M. Fulvius the proconsul in his petition for a triumph, but withdrew his opposition chiefly through the influence of his colleague Ti. Gracchus. (Liv. xxxix. 4. 5.) He was praetor peregrinus, B. c. 176. (Liv. xli. 18. 19.) ABURNUS VALENS. [VALENS.] ABYDE'NUS ('Ajvs)ds), a Greek historian, who wrote a history of Assyria ('Ao-o-uptatcd). The time at which he lived is uncertain, but we know that he made use of the works of Megasthenes and Berosus; and Cyrillus (adv. Julian. pp. 8, 9) states, that he wrote in the Ionic dialect. Several fragments of his work are preserved by Eusebius, Cyrillus and Syncellus: it was particularly valuable for chronology. An important fragment, which clears up some difficulties in Assyrian history, has been discovered in the Armenian translation of the Chronicon of Eusebius. The fragments of his history have been published by Scaliger, " De Emendatione Temporum," and Richter, " Berosi Chaldaeorum Historiae," &c., Lips. 1825, ACACALLIS ('AcKacaxAis), daughter of Minos, by whom, according to a Cretan tradition, Hermes begot Cydon; while according to a tradition of the Tegeatans, Cydon was a son of Tegeates, and immigrated to Crete from Tegea. (Paus. viii. 53. ~ 2.) Apollo begot by her a son Miletus, whom, for fear of her father, Acacallis exposed in a forest, where wolves watched and suckled the child, until he was found by shepherds who brought him up. ACACIUS. (Antonin. Lib. 30.) Other sons of her and Apollo are Amphithemis and Garamas. (Apollon. iv. 1490, &c.) Apollodorus (iii. 1. ~ 2) calls this daughter of Minos Acalle ('Aca'AAh), but does not mention Miletus as her son. Acacallis was in Crete a common name for a narcissus. (Athen. xv. p. 681; Hesych. s.v.) [L. S.] ACA'CIUS ('Airacrtos), a rhetorician, of Caesarea in Palestine, lived under the emperor Julian, and was a friend of Libanius. (Suidas, s. v. 'Acarecor, AiC&dios: Eunapius, Acacii Vit.) Many of the letters of Libanus are addressed to him. [B. J.] 2. A Syrian by birth, lived in a monastery near Antioch, and, for his active defence of the Church against Arianism, was made Bishop of Berrhoea, A. D. 378, by St. Eusebius of Samosata. While a priest, he (with Paul, another priest) wrote to St. Epiphanius a letter, in consequence of which the latter composed his Panarium (A. D. 374-6). This letter is prefixed to the work. In A. D. 377 -8, he was sent to Rome to confute Apollinaris be. fore Pope St. Damasus. He was present at the Oecumenical Council of Constantinople A. D. 381, and on the death of St. Meletius took part in Flavian's ordination to the See of Antioch, by whom.he was afterwards sent to the Pope in order to heal the schism between the churches of the West and Antioch. Afterwards, he took part in the persecution against St. Chrysostom (Socrates, Hist. Eccl. vi. 18), and again compromised himself by oldaiinig as successor to Flavian, Porphyrius, a man unworthy of the episcopate. He defended the heretic Nestorius against St. Cyril, though not himself present at the Council of Ephesus. At a great age, he laboured to reconcile St. Cyril and the Eastern Bishops at a Synod held at Berrhoea, A. D. 432. He died A. D. 437, at the age of 116 years. Three of his letters remain in the original Greek, one to St. Cyril, (extant in the Collection of Councils by Mansi, vol. iv. p. 1056,) and two to Alexander, Bishop of Hierapolis. (1bid. pp. 819, 830, c.41. 55. ~ 129, 143.) 3. The One-eyed (d MovJ(pOaXlos), the pupil and successor in the See of Caesarea of Eusebius A. D. 340, whose life he wrote. (Socrates, Hist. Eccl. ii. 4.) He was able, learned, and unscrupulous. At first a Semi-Arian like his master, he founded afterwards the Homoean party and was condemned by the Semi-Arians at Seleucia, A. D. 359. (Socrates, Hist. Eccl. ii. 39. 40; Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. iv. 22. 23.) He subsequently became the associate of A'tius [AbTIus], the author of the Anomoeon, then deserted him at the command of Constantius, and, under the Catholic Jovian, subscribed the Homoousion or Creed of Nicaea. He died A. D. 366. He wrote seventeen Books on Ecclesiastes and six of Miscellanies. (St. Jerome, Vir. Ill. 98.) St. Epiphanius has preserved a fragment of his work against Mlarcellus (c. lHaer. 72), and nothing else of his is extant, though Sozomen speaks of many valuable works written by him. (Hist. Eccl. iii. 2.) 4. Bishop of Constantinople, succeeded Gennadius A. D. 471, after being at the head of the Orphan Asylum of that city. He distinguished himself by defending the Council of Chalcedon against the emperor Basiliscus, who favoured the Monophysite heresy. Through his exertions Zeno, fromn whom Basiliscus had usurped the empire, was restored (A. D. 477), but the Monophysites mean
Page 5 ACAMAS. while had gained so much strength that it was deemed advisable to issue a formula, conciliatory from its indefiniteness, called the Henoticon, A. D. 482. Acacius was led into other concessions, which drew upon him, on the accusation of John Talaia, against whom he supported the claims of Peter Mongus to the See of Alexandria, the anathema of Pope Felix II. A. D. 484. Peter Mongus had gained Acacius's support by professing assent to the canons of Chalcedon, though at heart a Monophysite. Acacius refused to give up Peter Mongus, but retained his see till his death, A. D. 488. There remain two letters of his, one to Pope Simplicius, in Latin (see Conciliorum Nova Collectio a Mansi, vol. vii. p. 982), the other to Peter Fullo, Archbishop of Antioch, in the original Greek. (Ibid. p. 1121.) 5. Reader at (A. D. 390), then the Bishop of Melitene (A. D. 431). He wrote A. D. 431, against Nestorius. His zeal led him to use expressions, apparently savouring of the contrary heresy, which, for a time, prejudiced the emperor Theodosius II. against St. Cyril. He was present at the Oecumenical Council of Ephesus A. D. 431, and constantly maintained its authority. There remain of his productions a Homily (in Greek) delivered at the Council, (see Conciliorume Nova Collectio a Mlansi, vol. v. p. 181,) and a letter written after it to St. Cyril, which we have in a Latin translation. (Ibid. pp. 860, 998.) [A. J. C.] ACACCE'SIUS ('AKascraoos), a surname of Hermes (Cidlim. IHym. in Dian. 143), for which Homer (II. xvi. 185; Od. xxiv. 10) uses the form ddCaOirra (d.tcatrns). Some writers derive it from the Arcadian town of Acacesium, in which he was believed to have been brought up by king Acacus; others from cKacos, and assign to it the meaning: the god who cannot be hurt, or who does not hurt. The same attribute is also given to Prometheus (Hes. Theog. 614), whence it may be inferred that its meaning is that of benefactor or deliverer from evil. (Compare Spanh. ad Callim. 1. c.; Spitzner, ad II. xvi. 185.) [L. S.] ACACE'TES. [ACAcEEsIus,] A/CACUS ("Alcacos), a son of Lycaon and king of Acacesium in Arcadia, of which he was believed to be the founder. (Paus. viii. 3. ~ 1; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AIKarKicov.) [L. S.] ACADE'MUS ('Adcalssos), an Attic hero, who, when Castor and Polydeuces invaded Attica to liberate their sister Helen, betrayed to them that she was kept concealed at Aphidnae. For this reason the Tyndarids always showed him much gratitude, and whenever the Lacedaemonians invaded Attica, they always spared the land belonging to Academus which lay on the Cephissus, six stadia from Athens. (Plut. Thes. 32; Diog. Laert. iii. 1. ~ 9.) This piece of land was subsequently adorned with plane and olive plantations (Plut. Cim. 13), and was called Academia from its original owner. [L. S.] ACALLE. [ACACALLIs.] A'CAMAS ('Atcdaas). 1. A son of Theseus and Phaedra, and brother of Demophoon. (Diod. iv. 62.) Previous to the expedition of the Greeks against Troy, he and Diomedes were sent to demand the surrender of Helen (this message Homer ascribes to Menelaus and Odysseus, II. xi. 139, &c.), but during his stay at Troy he won the affection of Laodice, daughter of Priam (Parthen. Nic. Erot. 16), and begot by her a son, Munitus, ACASTUS. 5 who was brought up by Aethra, the grandmother of Acamas. (Schol. ad Lycoplr. 499, &c.) Virgil (Aen. ii. 262) mentions him among the Greeks concealed in the wooden horse at the taking of Troy. On his return home he was detained in Thrace by his love for Phyllis; but after leaving Thrace and arriving in the island of Cyprus, he was killed by a fall from his horse upon his own sword. (Schol. ad Lycophr. 1. c.) The promontory of Acamas in Cyprus, the town of Acamentium in Phrygia, and the Attic tribe Acamantis, derived their names from him. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AKcaudv"-rno; Paus. i. 5. ~ 2.) He was painted in the Lesche at Delphi by Polygnotus, and there was also a statue of him at Delphi. (Paus. x. 26. ~ 1, x. 10. ~ 1.) 2. A son of Antenor and Theano, was one of the bravest Trojans. (Homr II. ii. 823, xii. 100.) He avenged the death of his brother, who had been killed by Ajax, by slaying Promachus the Boeotian. (II. xiv. 476.) He himself was slain by Meriones. (II. xvi. 342.) 3. A son of Eussorus, was one of the leaders of the Thracians in the Trojan war (Hom. II. ii. 844, v. 462), and was slain by the Telamonian Ajax. (II. vi. 8.) [L. S.] ACANTHUS ("AKavOos), the Lacedaemonian, was victor in the slaavos and the B6\tXos in the Olympic games in 01. 15, (B. c. 720,) and according to some accounts was the first who ran naked in these games. (Paus. v. 8. ~ 3; Dionys. vii. 72; African. apud Euseb. p. 143.) Other accounts ascribe this to Orsippus the Megarian. [OaRSPPus.] Thucydides says that the Lacedaemonians were the first who contended naked in gymnastic games. (i. 6.) ACARNAN ('AKcapviv), one of the Epigones, was a son of Alcmaeon and Calirrhoe, and brother of Amphoterus. Their father was murdered by Phegeus, when they were yet very young, and Calirrhoe prayed to Zeus to make her sons grow quickly, that they might be able to avenge the death of their father. The prayer was granted, and Acarnan with his brother slew Phegeus, his wife, and his two sons. The inhabitants of Psophis, where the sons had been slain, pursued the murderers as far as Tegea, where however they were received and rescued. At the request of Achelous they carried the necklace and peplus of Harmonia to Delphi, and from thence they went to Epirus, where Acarnan founded the state called after him Acarnania. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 5-7; Ov. Met. ix. 413, &c.; Thucyd. ii. 102; Strab. x. p. 462.) [L. S.] ACASTUS ("Acao-Tos), a son of Pelias, king of lolcus, and of Anaxibia, or as others call her, Philomache. He was one of the Argonauts(Apollod. i. 9. ~ 10; Apollon. Rhod. i. 224, &c.), and also took part in the Calydonian hunt. (Ov. Met. viii. 305,&c.) After the return of the Argonauts his sisters were seduced by Medeia to cut their father in pieces and boil them; and Acastus, when he heard this, buried his father, drove lason and Medeia, and according to Pausanias (vii. 11) his sisters also, from lolcus, and instituted funeral games in honour of his father. (Hygin. Fab. 24 and 273; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 27, &c.; Paus. iii. 18. ~ 9, vi. 20. ~ 9, v. 17. ~ 4; Ov. Met. xi. 409, &c.) During these games it happened that Astydamia, the wife of Acastus, who is also called Hippolyte, fell in love with Peleus, whom Acastus had purified from the mur
Page 6 6 ACCA LAURENTIA. der of Eurytion. When Peleus refused to listen to her addresses, she accused him to her husband of having attempted to dishonour her. (Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 2, &c.; Pind. Nem. iv. 90, &c.) Acastus, however, did not take immediate revenge for the alleged crime, but after he and Peleus had been chasing on mount Pelion, and the latter had fallen asleep, Acastus took his sword from him, and left him alone and exposed, so that Peleus was nearly destroyed by the Centaurs. But he was saved by Cheiron or Hermes, returned to Acastus, and killed him together with his wife. (Apollod. 1. c.; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 224.) The death of Acastus is not mentioned by Apollodorus, but according to him Peleus in conjunction with lason and the Dioscuri merely conquer and destroy lolcus. (Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 7.) [L. S.] ACBARUS. [ABGAaUS.] ACCA LAURE'NTIA or LARE'NTIA, a mythical woman who occurs in the stories in early Roman history. Macrobius (Sat. i. 10), with whom Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. 35; Romul. 5) agrees in the main points, relates the following tradition about her. In the reign of Ancus Martius a servant (aedituus) of the temple of Hercules invited during the holidays the god to a game of dice, promising that if he should lose the game, he would treat the god with a repast and a beautiful woman. When the god had conquered the servant, the latter shut up Acca Laurentia, then the most beautiful and most notorious woman, together with a well stored table in the temple of Hercules, who, when she left the sanctuary, advised her to try to gain the affection of the first wealthy man she should meet. She succeeded in making Carutius, an Etruscan, or as Plutarch calls him, Tarrutius, love and marry her. After his death she inherited his large property, which, when she herself died, she left to the Roman people. Ancus, in gratitude for this, allowed her to be buried in the Velabrum, and instituted an annual festival, the Larentalia, at which sacrifices were offered to the Lares. (Comp. Varr. Ling. Lat. v. p. 85, ed. Bip.) According to others (Macer, cujnd Mlacrob. 1. c.; Ov. Fast. iii. 55, &c.; Plin. IH. N. xviii. 2), Acca Laurentia was the wife of the shepherd Faustulus and the nurse of Romulus' and Remus after they had been taken from the she-wolf. Plutarch indeed states, that this Laurentia was altogether a different being from the one occurring in the reign of Ancus; but other writers, such as Macer, relate their stories as belonging to the same being. (Comp. Gell. vi. 7.) According to Massurius Sabinus in Gellius (1I. c.) she was the mother of twelve sons, and when one of them died, Romulus stept into his place, and adopted in conjunction with the remaining eleven the name of fratres arvales. (Comp. Plin. 1. c.) According to other accounts again she was not the wife of Faustulus, but a prostitute who from her mode of life was called lupa by the shepherds, and who left the property she gained in that way to the Roman people. (Valer. Ant. ap. Gell. 1. c,; Livy, i. 4.) Whatever may be thought' of the contradictory statements respecting Acca Laurentia, thus much seems clear, that she was of Etruscan origin, and connected with the worship of the Lares, from which her name Larentia itself seems to be derived. This appears further from the number of her sons, which answers to that of the twelve country Lares, and from the circumstance that the day sacred to ACERBAS. her was followed by one sacred to the Lares. (Macrob. Sat. 1. c.; compare Muller, Etruisler, ii. p. 103, &c.; Hartung, Die Religion der Romer, ii. p. 144, &c.) [L. S.] L. A'CCIUS or A'TTIUS, an early Roman tragic poet and the son of a freedman, was born according to Jerome B. c. 170, and was fifty years younger than Pacuvius. He lived to a great age; Cicero, when a young man, frequently conversed with him. (Brut. 28.) His tragedies were chiefly imitated from the Greeks, especially from Aeschylus, but he also wrote some on Roman subjects (Praetextata); one of which, entitled Brutus, was probably in honour of his patron D. Brutus. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 21, pro Arch. 11.) We possess only fragments of his tragedies, of which the most important have been preserved by Cicero, but sufficient remains to justify the terms of admiration in which he is spoken of by the ancient writers, He is particularly praised for the strength and vigour of his language and the sublimity of his thoughts. (Cic. pro Plance. 24, pro Sest. 56, &c.; Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 56; Quintil. x. 1. ~ 97; Gell. xiii. 2.) Besides these tragedies, he also wrote Annales in verse, containing the history of Rome, like those of Ennius; and three prose works, " Libri Didascalion," which seems to have been a history of poetry, " Libri Pragmaticon " and " Parerga": of the two latter no fragments are preserved. The fragments of his tragedies have been collected by Stephanus in " Frag. vet. Poet. Lat." Paris, 1564; Maittaire, " Opera et Frag. vet. Poet. Lat." Lond. 1713; and Bothe, " Poet. Scenici Latin.," vol. v. Lips. 1834: and the fragments of the Didascalia by Madvig, " De L. Attii Didascaliis Comment." Hafniae, 1831. T. A'CCIUS, a native of Pisaurum in Umbria and a Roman knight, was the accuser of A. Cluentius, whom Cicero defended B. c. 66. He was a pupil of iermagoras, and is praised by Cicero for accuracy and fluency. (Brut. 23, pro Cluent. 23, 31, 57.) ACCO, a chief of the Senones in Gaul, who induced his countrymen to revolt against Caesar, B. c. 53. On the conclusion of the war Acco was put to death by Caesar. (Bell. Gall. vi. 4, 44.) ACCOLEIA GENS is known to us only by coins and inscriptions. On a denarius we have the name P. Accoleius Lariscolus, and in two inscriptions a P. Accoleius Euhemerus, and a L. Accoleius Abascantus. ACE'RATUS ('AKiparos ypayyi.a-ras),a Greek grammarian, and the author of an epigram on Hector in the Greek Anthology. (vii. 138.) Nothing is known of his life. [P. S.] ACERBAS, a Tyrian priest of Hercules, who married Elissa, the daughter of king Mutgo, and sister of Pygmalion. He was possessed of considerable wealth, which, knowing the avarice of Pygmalion, who had succeeded his father, he concealed in the earth. But Pygmalion, who heard of these hidden treasures, had Acerbas murdered, in hopes that through his sister he might obtain possession of them. But the prudence of Elissa saved the treasures, and she emigrated from Phoenicia. (Justin. xviii. 4.) In this account Acerbas is the same person as Sichaeus, and Elissa the same as Dido in Virgil. (Aen. i. 343, 348, &c.) The names in Justin are undoubtedly more correct than in Virgil; for Servius (ad Aen. i. 343) remarks, that Virgil here, as in other cases, changed a fo
Page 7 ACESTES. reign name into one more convenient to him, and that the real name of Sichaeus was Sicharbas, which seems to be identical with Acerbas. [DIDO; PYGMALION.] [L. S,] ACERRO'NIA, a friend of Agrippina, the mother of Nero, was drowned in B. c. 59, when an unsuccessful attempt was made at the same time to drown Agrippina. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 4; Dion Cass. Lxi. 13.) CN. ACERRO'NIUS PROCULUS, consul A. D. 37, the year in which Tiberius died (Tac. Ann. vi. 45; Suet. Tib. 73), was perhaps a descendant of the Cn. Acerronius, whom Cicero mentions in hig oration for Tullius, B. c. 71, as a vir optimus. (16, &c.) ACERSE'COMES ('AIcepoýEdKI1s), a surname of Apollo expressive of his beautiful hair which was never cut or shorn. (Hom. II. xx. 39; Pind. Pyith. iii. 26.) [L. S.] ACESANDER ('Atao-avpos) wrote a history of Cyrene. (Schol. ad Apoll. iv. 1561, 1750; ad Pind. Pyth. iv. init. 57.) Plutarch (Symp. v. 2. ~ 8) speaks of a work of his respecting Libya (replI Aisvrs), which may probably be the same work as the history of Cyrene. The time at which he lived is unknown. A'CESAS ('Arceois), a native of Salamis in Cyprus, famed for his skill in weaving cloth with variegated patterns (polymitarius). He and his son Helicon, who distinguished himself in the same art are mentioned by Athenaeus. (ii. p. 48, b.) Zenobius speaks of both artists, but says that Acesas (or, as he calls him Aceseus, 'Alcese's) was a native of Patara, and Helicon of Carystus. He tells us also that they were the first who made a peplus for Athena Polias. When they lived, we are not informed; but it must have been before the time of Euripides and Plato, who mention this peplus. (Eur. Hfec. 468; Plat. Euthyphr. ~ 6.) A specimen of the workmanship of these two artists was preserved in the temple at Delphi, bearing an inscription to the effect, that Pallas had imparted marvellous skill to their hands. [C. P. M.] ACE'SIAS ('AcEro-ns), an ancient Greek physician, whose age and country are both unknown. It is ascertained however that he lived at least four hundred years before Christ, as the proverb "Anscinas i daaro, Acesias cured him, is quoted on the authority of Aristophanes. This saying (by which only Acesias is known to us,) was used when any person's disease became worse instead of better under medical treatment, and is mentioned by Suidas (s. v. 'AIctaes), Zenobius (Proverb. Cent. i. ~ 52), Diogenianus (Proverb. ii. 3), Michael Apostolius (Proverb. ii. 23), and Plutarch (Proverb. quibes Alexanc'dr. usi sunt, ~ 98). See also Proverb. e Cod. Bodl. ~ 82, in Gaisford's Paroemiograprhi Graeci,- 8vo. Oxon. 1836. It is possible that an author bearing this name, and mentioned by Athenaeus (xii. p. 516, c.) as having written a treatise on the Art of Cooking (Od/aprvTuCd), may be one and the same person, but of this we have no certain information. (J. J. Baier, Adag. Medic. Cent. 4to. Lips. 1718.) [W. A. G.] ACE'SIUS ('Aicdo-os), a surname of Apollo, under which he was worshipped in Elis, where he had a splendid temple in the agora. This surname, which has the same meaning as deco'rwp and dXAeinaKCos, characterised the god as the averter of evil. (Paus. vi. 24. ~ 5.) [L. S.] ACESTES ('Aecso-rsis), a son of the Sicilian ACESTORIDES. 7 river-god Crimisus and of a Trojan woman of the name of Egesta or Segesta (Virg. Aen. i. 195, 550, v. 36, 711, &c.), who according to Servius was sent by her father Hippotes or Ipsostratus to Sicily, that she might not be devoured by the monsters, which infested the territory of Troy, and which had been sent into the land, because the Trojans had refused to reward Poseidon and Apollo for having built the walls of their city. When Egesta arrived in Sicily, the river-god Crimisus in the form of a bear or a dog begot by her a son Acestes, who was afterwards regarded as the hero who had founded the town of Segesta. (Comp. Schol. ad Lycophr. 951, 963.) The tradition of Acestes in Dionysius (i. 52), who calls him Aegestus (A'lyes-ro), is different, for according to him the grandfather of Aegestus quarrelled with Laomedon, who slew him and gave his daughters to some merchants to convey them to a distant land. A noble Trojan however embarked with them, and married one of them in Sicily, where she subsequently gave birth to a son, Aegestus. During the war against Troy Aegestus obtained permission from Priam to return and take part in the contest, and afterwards returned to Sicily, where Aeneas on his arrival was hospitably received by him and Elymus, and built for them the towns of Aegesta and Elyme. The account of Dionysius seems to be nothing but a rationalistic interpretation of the genuine legend. As to the inconsistencies in Virgil's account of Acestes, see Heyne, Excurs. 1, on Aen. v. [L. S.] ACESTODO'RUS ('AcCoeTar o'pos), a Greek historical writer, who is cited by Plutarch (Them. 13), and whose work contained, as it appears, an account of the battle of Salamis among other things. The time at which he lived is unknown. Stephanus (s. v. MEyd'Am wrdAts) speaks of an Acestodorus of Megalopolis, who wrote a work on cities (7repi LroAEwI), but whether this is the same as the above-mentioned writer is not clear, ACESTOR ('Aieco-rwp). A surname of Apollo which characterises him as the god of the healing art, or in general as the averter of evil, like dcirtcs. (Eurip. Androm. 901.) [L. S.] ACESTOR ('Aco-Trcvp), surnamed Sacas (:dKas), on account of his foreign origin, was a tragic poet at Athens, and a contemporary of Aristophanes. He seems to have been either of Thracian or Mysian origin. (Aristoph. Aves, 31; Schol. ad loc.; Vespae, 1216; Schol. ad loc.; Phot. and Suid. s. v. 2dicas: Welcker, Die Griech. Tragoyd. p. 1032.) [R. W.] ACESTOR ('Ace's-wp), a sculptor mentioned by Pausanias (vi. 17. ~ 2) as having executed a statue of Alexibius, a native of Heraea in Arcadia, who had gained a victory in the pentathlon at the Olympic games. He was born at Cnossus, or at any rate exercised his profession there for some time. (Paus. x. 15. ~ 4.) He had a son named Amphion, who was also a sculptor, and had studied under Ptolichus of Corcyra (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 2); so that Acestor must have been a contemporary of the latter, who flourished about 01. 82. (a. c. 452.) [C. P. M.] ACESTO'RIDES ('ArcEo-ropiS?), a Corinthian, was made supreme commander by the Syracusans in B.. c317, and banished Agathocles fromn the city. (Diod. xix. 5.) ACESTO'RIDES wrote four books of mythical stories relating to every city (rwvr Kard r6ltv pvOsccKW ). In these he gave many real historical
Page 8 8 ACHAEUS. accounts, as well as those which were merely mythical, but he entitled them p/lVlKd to avoid calumny and to indicate the pleasant nature of the work. It was compiled from Conon, Apollodorus, Protagoras and others. (Phot. Bibl. cod. 189; Tzetz. Chil. vii. 144.) ACHAEA ('AXala), a surname of Demeter by which she was worshipped at Athens by the Gephyraeans who had emigrated thither from Boeotia. (Herod. v. 61; Plut. Is. et Osir. p. 378, D.) 2. A surname of Minerva worshipped at Luceria in Apulia where the donaria and the arms of Diomedes were preserved in her temple. (Aristot. Mtirab. Narrat. 117.) [L. S.] ACHAEUS ('AXauis), according to nearly all traditions a son of Xuthus and Creusa, and consequently a brother of Ion and grandson of Hellen. The Achaeans regarded him as the author of their race, and derived from him their own name as well as that of Achaia, which was formerly called Aegialus. When his uncle Aeolus in Thessaly, whence he himself had come to Peloponnesus, died, he went thither and made himself master of Phthiotis, which now also received from him the name of Achaia. (Paus. vii. 1. ~ 2; Strab. viii. p. 383; Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3.) Servius (ad Aen. i. 242) alone calls Achaeus a son of Jupiter and Pithia, which is probably miswritten for Phthia. [L. S.] ACHAEUS ('AXato's), son of Andromachus, whose sister Laodice married Seleucus Callinicus, the father of Antiochus the Great. Achaeus himself married Laodice, the daughter of Mithridates, king of Pontus. (Polyb. iv. 51. ~ 4, viii. 22. ~ 11.) He accompanied Seleucus Ceraunus, the son of Callinicus, in his expedition across mount Taurus against Attalus, and after the assassination of Seleucus revenged his death; and though he might easily have assumed the royal power, he remained faithful to the family of Seleucus. Antiochus the Great, the successor of Seleucus, appointed him to the command of all Asia on this side of mount Taurus, B. c. 223. Achaeus recovered for the Syrian empire all the districts which Attalus had gained; but having been falsely accused by Hermeias, the minister of Antiochus, of intending to revolt, he did so in self-defence, assumed the title of king, and ruled over the whole of Asia on this side of the Taurus. As long as Antiochus was engaged in the war with Ptolemy, he could not march against Achaeus; but after a peace had been concluded with Ptolemy, he crossed the Taurus, united his forces with Attalus, deprived Achaeus in one campaign of all his dominions and took Sardis with the exception of the citadel. Achaeus after sustaining a siege of two years in the citadel at last fell into the hands of Antiochus B. c. 214, through the treachery of Bolis, who had been employed by Sosibius, the minister of Ptolemy, to deliver him from his danger, but betrayed him to Antiochus, who ordered him to be put to death immediately. (Polyb. iv. 2. ~ 6, iv. 48, v. 40. ~ 7, 42, 57, vii. 15-18, viii. 17-23.) ACHAEUS ('AXaLos) of Eretria in Euboea, a tragic poet, was born B. c. 484, the year in which Aeschylus gained his first victory, and four years before the birth of Euripides. In B. c. 477, he contended with Sophocles and Euripides, and though he subsequently brought out many dramas, according to some as many as thirty or forty, he mnevertheless only gained the prize once. The ACHELOUS. fragments of Achaeus contain much strange mytho-. logy, and his expressions were often forced and obscure. (Athen. x. p. 451, c.) Still in the satyrical drama he must have possessed considerable merit, for in this department some ancient critics thought him inferior only to Aeschylus. (Diog. Laer. ii. 133.) The titles of seven of his satyrical dramas and of ten of his tragedies are still known. The extant fragments of his pieces have been collected, and edited by Urlichs, Bonn, 1834. (Suidas, s. v.) This Achaeus should not be confounded with a later tragic writer of the same name, who was a native of Syracuse. According to Suidas and Phavorinus he wrote ten, according to Eudocia fourteen tragedies. (Urlichs, Ibid.) [R. W.] ACHAE'MENES ('AXaqetvsy1s). 1. The ancestor of the Persian kings, who founded the family of the Achaemenidae ('AXat/ev1iSaL), which was the noblest family of the Pasargadae, the noblest of the Persian tribes. Achaemenes is said to have been brought up by an eagle. According to a genealogy given by Xerxes, the following was the order of the descent: Achaemenes, Teispes, Cambyses, Cyrus, Teispes, Ariaramnes, Arsames, Hystaspes, Darius, Xerxes. (Herod. i. 125, vii. 11; Aelian, Hist. Anim. xii. 21.) The original seat of this family was Achaemenia in Persis. (Steph. s.v. "AxauLevia.) The Roman poets use the adjective Achaemenius in the sense of Persian. (Hor. Carm. iii. 1. 44, xiii. 8; Ov. Ar. Am. i. 226, Met. iv. 212.) 2. The son of Darius I. was appointed by his brother Xerxes governor of Egypt, B. c. 484. He commanded the Egyptian fleet in the expedition of Xerxes against Greece, and strongly opposed the prudent advice of Demaratus. When Egypt revolted under Inarus the Libyan in B. c. 460, Achaemenes was sent to subdue it, but was defeated and killed in battle by Inarus. (Herod. iii. 12, vii. 7, 97, 236; Diod. xi. 74.) ACHAEME'NIDES or ACHEME'NIDES, a son of Adamastus of Ithaca, and a companion of Ulysses who left him behind in Sicily, when he fled from the Cyclops. Here he was found by Aeneas who took him with him. (Virg. Aen. iii. 613, &c.; Ov. Ex Pont. ii. 2. 25.) [L. S.] ACHA'ICUS,a surnameofL.Mumius. ACHA'ICUS ('Aatico's), a philosopher, who wrote a work on Ethics. His time is unknown. (Diog. Laert. vi. 99; Theodor. Graec. caffct. cur. viii. p. 919, ed. Schulze; Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. p. 496, d.) ACHELO'IS. 1. A surname of the Sirens, the daughters of Achelous and a muse. (Ov. Met. v. 552, xiv. 87; Apollod. i. 7. ~ 10.) 2. A general name for water-nymphs, as in Columella (x. 263), where the companions of the Pegasids are called Acheloides. [L. S.] ACHELO'US ('AXEXos), the god of the river Achelous which was the greatest, and according to tradition, the most ancient among the rivers of Greece. He with 3000 brother-rivers is described as a son of Oceanus and Thetys (Hes. Theog. 340), or of Oceanus and Gaea, or lastly of Helios and Gaea. (Natal. Com. vii. 2.) The origin of the river Achelous is thus described by Servius (ad Virg. Georg. i. 9; Aen. viii. 300): When Achelous on one occasion had lost his daughters, the Sirens, and in his grief invoked his mother Gaea, she received him to her bosom, and on the spot where she received him, she caused the river bear
Page 9 ACHERON. ing his name to gush forth. Other accounts about the origin of the river and its name are given by Stephanus of Byzantium, Strabo (x. p. 450), and Plutarch. (De Flum. 22.) Achelous the god was a competitor with Heracles in the suit for Deianeira, and fought with him for the bride. Achelous was conquered in the contest, but as he possessed the power of assuming various forms, he metamorphosed himself first into a serpent and then into a bull. But in this form too lie was conquered by Heracles, and deprived of one of his horns, which however he recovered by giving up the horn of Amalthea. (Ov. Met. ix. 8, &c.; Apollod. i. 8. ~ 1, ii. 7. ~ 5.) Sophocles (Traclin. 9, &c.) makes Deianeira relate these occurrences in a somewhat different manner. According to Ovid (Met. ix. 87), the Naiads changed the horn which Heracles took from Achelous into the horn of plenty. When Theseus returned home from the Calydonian chase he was invited and hospitably received by Achelous, who related to him in what manner he had created the islands called Echinades. (Ov. iMet. viii. 547, &c.) The numerous wives and descendants of Achelous are spoken of in separate articles. Strabo (x. p. 458) proposes a very ingenious interpretation of the legends about Achelous, all of which according to him arose from the nature of the river itself. It resembled a bull's voice in the noise of the water; its windings and its reaches gave rise to the story about his forming himself into a serpent and about his horns; the formation of islands at the mouth of the river requires no explanation. His conquest by Heracles lastly refers to the embankments by which Heracles confined the river to its bed and thus gained large tracts of land for cultivation, which are expressed by the horn of plenty. (Compare Voss, Mytholog. Briefe, Ixxii.) Others derive the legends about Achelous from Egypt, and describe him as a second Nilus. But however this may be, he was from the earliest times considered to be a great divinity throughout Greece (Hom. II. xxi. 194), and was invoked in prayers, sacrifices, on taking oaths, &c. (Ephorus ap. Macrob. v. 18), and the Dodonean Zeus usually added to each oracle he gave, the command to offer sacrifices to Achelous. (Ephorus, I. c.) This wide extent of the worship of Achelous also accounts for his being regarded as the representative of sweet water in general, that is, as the source of all nourishment. (Virg. Georgy. i. 9, with the note of Voss.) The contest of Achelous with HI-eracles was represented on the throne of Amyclae (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 9), and in the treasury of the Megarians at Olympia there was a statue of him made by Dontas of cedar-wood and gold. (Paus. vi. 19. ~ 9.) On several coins of Acarnania the god is represented as a bull with the head of an old man. (Comp. Philostr. Inag. n. 4.) [L. S.] ACHEME'NIDES. [ACHACEMENIDES.] ACHERON ('AXEpwv). In ancient geography there occur several rivers of this name, all of which were, at least at one time, believed to be connected with the lower world. The river first looked upon in this light was the Acheron in Thesprotia, in Epirus, a country which appeared to the earliest Greeks as the end of the world in the west, and the locality of the river led them to the belief that it was the entrance into the lower world. When subsequently Epirus and the countries beyond the sea becamue better known, the Acheron or the entrance to the lower world was transferred to other ACHILLES. 9 more distant parts, and at last the Acheron was placed in the lower world itself. Thus we find in the Homeric poems (Od. x. 513; comp. Paus. i. 17. ~ 5) the Acheron described as a river of Hades, into which the Pyriphlegeton and Cocytus are said to flow. Virgil (Aen. vi. 297, with the note of Servius) describes it as the principal river of Tartarus, fromn which the Styx and Cocytus sprang. According to later traditions, Acheron had been a son of Helios and Gaea or Demeter, and was changed into the river bearing his name in the lower world, because he had refreshed the Titans with drink during their contest with Zeus. They further state that Ascalaphus was a son of Acheron and Orphne or Gorgyra. (Natal. Com. iii. 1.) In late writers the name Acheron is used in a general sense to designate the whole of the lower world. (Virg. Aen. vii. 312; Cic. post redit. in Senat. 10; C. Nepos, Dion, 10.) The Etruscans too were acquainted with the worship of Acheron (Acheruns) from very early times, as we must infer from their Acheruntici libri, which among various other things treated on the deification of the souls, and on the sacrifices (Acheroanti sacra) by which this was to be effected. (Muller, Etrusker, ii. 27, &c.) The description of the Acheron and the lower world in general in Plato's Phaedo (p. 112) is very peculiar, and not very easy to understand. [L. S.] ACHERU'SIA ('AXEpovoia Aifvy, or 'A)epoVois), a name given by the ancients to several lakes or swamps, which, like the various rivers of the name of Acheron, were at some time believed to be connected zuith the lower world, until at last the Acherusia came to be considered to be in the lower world itself. The lake to which this belief seems to have been first attached was the Acherusia in Thesprotia, through which the river Acheron flowed. (Thuc. i. 46; Strab. vii. p. 324.) Other lakes or swamps of the same name, and believed to be in connexion with the lower world, were near Hermione in Argolis (Paus. ii. 35. ~ 7), near Heraclea in Bithynia (Xen. Anab. vi. 2. ~ 2; Diod. xiv. 31), between Cumae and cape Misenum in Campania (Plin. H. N. iii. 5; Strab. v. p. 243), and lastly in Egypt, near Memphis. (Diod. i. 96.) [L. S.] ACHILLAS ('AtAAXis), one of the guardians of the Egyptian king Ptolemy Dionysus, and commander of the troops, when Pompey fled to Egypt, B. c. 48. He is called by Caesar a man of extraordinary daring, and it was he and L. Septimius who killed Pompey. (Caes. B. C. iii. 104; Liv. Epit. 104; Dion Cass. xlii. 4.) lHe subsequently joined the eunuch Pothinus in resisting Caesar, and having had the command of the whole army entrusted to him by Pothinus, he marched against Alexandria with 20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Caesar, who was at Alexandria, had not sufficient forces to oppose him, and sent ambassadors to treat with him, but these Achillas murdered to remove all hopes of reconciliation. He then marched into Alexandria and obtained possession of the greatest part of the city. Meanwhile, however, Arsinoe, the younger sister of Ptolemy, escaped from Caesar and joined Achillas; but dissensions breaking out between them, she had Achillas put to death by Ganymedes a eunuch, B. c. 47, to whom she then entrusted the command of the forces. (Caes. B. C. iii. 108-112; B. Alex. 4; Dion Cass. xlii. 36-40; Lucan x. 519 -523.) ACHILLES ('AXmAAevs), In the legends about
Page 10 10 ACHILLES. Achilles, as about all the heroes of the Trojan war, the Homeric traditions should be carefully kept apart from the various additions and embellishments with which the gaps of the ancient story have been filled up by later poets and mythographers, not indeed by fabrications of their own, but by adopting those supplementary details, by which oral tradition in the course of centuries had variously altered and developed the original kernel of the story, or those accounts which were peculiar only to certain localities. Homeric story. Achilles was the son of Peleus, king of the Myrmidones in Phthiotis, in Thessaly, and of the Nereid Thetis. (Horn. 11. xx. 206, &c.) From his father's name he is often called TIsjXElqs, H[rlhcAids, or rI-qtAsw (Horn. II. xviii. 316; i. 1; i. 197; Virg. Aen. ii. 263), and from that of his grandfather Aeacus, he derived his name Aeacides (Ahiaciys, II. ii. 860; Virg. Aen. i. 99). He was educated from his tender childhood by Phoenix, who taught him eloquence and the arts of war, and accompanied him to the Trojan war, and to whom the hero always shewed great attachment. (ix. 485, &c.; 438, &c.) In the healing art he was instructed by Cheiron, the centaur. (xi. 832.) His mother Thetis foretold him that his fate was either to gain glory and die early, or to live a long but inglorious life. (ix. 410,&c.) The hero chose the latter, and took part in the Trojan war, from which he knew that he was not to return. In fifty ships, or according to later traditions, in sixty (Hygin. Fab. 97), he led his hosts of Myrmidones, Hellenes, and Achaeans against Troy. (ii. 681, &c., xvi. 168.) Here the swift-footed Achilles was the great bulwark of the Greeks, and the worthy favourite of Athena and Hera. (i. 195, 208.) Previous to his dispute with Agamemnon, he ravaged the country around Troy, and destroyed twelve towns on the coast and eleven in the interior of the country. (ix. 328, &c.) When Agamemnon was obliged to give up Chryseis to her father, he threatened to take away Briseis from Achilles, who surrendered her on the persuasion of Athena, but at the same time refused to take any further part in the war, and shut himself up in his tent. Zeus, on the entreaty of Thetis, promised that victory should be on the side of the Trojans, until the Achaeans should have honoured her son. (i. 26, to the end.) The affairs of the Greeks declined in consequence, and they were at last pressed so hard, that Agamemnon advised them to take to flight. (ix. 17, &c.) But other chiefs opposed this counsel, and an embassy was sent to Achilles, offering him rich presents and the restoration of Briseis (ix. 119, &c.); but in vain. At last, however, he was persuaded by Patroclus, his dearest friend, to allow him to make use of his men, his horses, and his armour. (xvi. 49, &c.) Patroclus was slain, and when this news reached Achilles, he was seized with unspeakable grief. Thetis consoled him, and promised new arms, which were to be made by Hephaestus, and Iris appeared to rouse him from his lamentations, and exhorted him to rescue the body of Patroclus. (xviii. 166, &c.) Achilles now rose, and his thundering voice alone put the Trojans to flight. When his new armour was brought to him, he reconciled himself to Agamemnon, and hurried to the field of battle, disdaining to take any drink or food until the death of his friend should be avenged. (xix. 155, &c.) IIe wound ACHILLES. ed and slew numbers of Trojans (xx. xxi.), and at length met Hector, whom he chased thrice around the walls of the city. He then slew him, tied his body to his chariot, and dragged him to the ships of the Greeks. (xxii.) After this, he burnt the body of Patroclus, together with twelve young captive Trojans, who were sacrificed to appease the spirit of his friend; and subsequently gave up the body of Hector to Priam, who came in person to beg for it. (xxiii. xxiv.) Achilles himself fell in the battle at the Scaean gate, before Troy was taken. His death itself does not occur in the Iliad, but it is alluded to in a few passages. (xxii. 358, &c., xxi. 278, &c.) It is expressly mentioned in the Odyssey (xxiv. 36, &c.), where it is said that his fall-his conqueror is not mentioned-was lamented by gods and men, that his remains together with those of Patroclus were buried in a golden urn which Dionysus had given as a present to Thetis, and were deposited in a place on the coast of the Hellespont, where a mound was raised over them. Achilles is the principal hero of the Iliad, and the poet dwells upon the delineation of his character with love and admiration, feelings in which his readers cannot but sympathise with him. Achilles is the handsomest and bravest of all the Greeks; he is affectionate towards his mother and his friends, formidable in battles, which are his delight; open-hearted and without fear, and at the same time susceptible to the gentle and quiet joys of home. His greatest passion is ambition, and when his sense of honour is hurt, he is unrelenting in his revenge and anger, but withal submits obediently to the will of the gods. Later traditions. These chiefly consist in accounts which fill up the history of his youth and death. His mother wishing to make her son immortal, is said to have concealed him by night in fire, in order to destroy the mortal parts he had inherited from his father, and by day she anointed him with ambrosia. But Peleus one night discovered his child in the fire, and cried out in terror. Thetis left her son and fled, and Peleus entrusted him to Cheiron, who educated and instructed him in the arts of riding, hunting, and playing the phorminx, and also changed his original name, Ligyron, i. e. the "whining," into Achilles. (Pind. Nem. iii. 51, &c.; Orph. Argon. 395; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 813; Stat. Achil. i. 269, &c.; Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 6, &c.) Cheiron fed his pupil with the hearts of lions and the marrow of bears. According to other accounts, Thetis endeavoured to make Achilles immortal by dipping him in the river Styx, and succeeded with the exception of the ankles, by which she held him (Fulgent. Mythol. iii. 7; Stat. Achill. i. 269), while others again state that she put him in boiling water to test his immortality, and that he was found immortal except at the ankles. From his sixth year he fought with lions and bears, and caught stags without dogs or nets. The muse Calliope gave him the power of singing to cheer his friends at banquets. (Philostr. Her. xix. 2.) When he had reached the age of nine, Calchas declared that Troy could not be taken without his aid, and Thetis knowing that this war would be fatal to him, disguised him as a maiden, and introduced him among the daughters of Lycomedes of Scyros, where he was called by the name of Pyrrha on account of his golden locks. But his real character did not remain concealed long, for one of his companions, Dei'dameia, became
Page 11 ACHILLES. mother of a son, Pyrrhus or Neoptolemus, by him. The Greeks at last discovered his place of concealment, and an embassy was sent to Lycomedes, who, though he denied the presence of Achilles, yet allowed the messengers to search his palace. Odysseus discovered the young hero by a stratagem, and Achilles immediately promised his assistance to the Greeks. (Apollod. 1. c.; Hygin. Fab. 96; Stat. Achil. ii. 200.) A different account of his stay in Scyros is given by Plutarch (Thes. 35) and Philostratus. (Her. xix. 3.) Respecting his conduct towards Iphigeneia at Aulis, see AGAMEMNON, IPHIGENEIA. During the war against Troy, Achilles slew Penthesileia, an Amazon, but was deeply moved when he discovered her beauty; and when Thersites ridiculed him for his tenderness of heart, Achilles killed the scoffer by a blow with the fist. (Q. Smyrn. i. 669, &c.; Pans. v. 11. ~2; comp. Soph. Philoct. 445; Lycoph. Cas. 999; Tzetzes, Posthomn. 199.) He also fought with Memnon and Troilus. (Q. Smyrn. ii. 480, &c.; Hygin. Fub. 112; Virg. Aen. i. 474, &c.) The accounts of his death differ very much, though all agree in stating that he did not fall by human hands, or at least not without the interference of the god Apollo. According to some traditions, he was killed by Apollo himself (Soph. Philoct. 334; Q. Smyrn. iii. 62; Hor. Carm. iv. 6. 3, &c.), as he had been foretold. (Hom. II. xxi. 278.) According to Hyginus (Feb. 107), Apollo assumed the appearance of Paris in killing him, while others say that Apollo merely directed the weapon of Paris against Achilles, and thus caused his death, as had been suggested by the dying Hector. (Virg. Aen. vi. 57; Ov. Met. xii. 601, &c.; Hom. II. xxii. 358, &c.) Dictys Cretensis (iii. 29) relates his death thus: Achilles loved Polyxena, a daughter of Priam, and tempted by the promise that he should receive her as his wife, if he would join the Trojans, he went without arms into the temple of Apollo at Thymbra, and was assassinated there by Paris. (Comp. Philostr. LHer. xix. 11; Hygin. Fab. 107 and 110; Dares Phryg. 34; Q. Smyrn. iii. 50; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 307.) His body was rescued by Odysseus and Ajax the Telamonian; his armour was promised by Thetis to the bravest among the Greeks, which gave rise to a contest between the two heroes who had rescued his body. [AJAX.] After his death, Achilles became one of the judges in the lower world, and dwelled in the islands of the blessed, where he was united with Medeia or Iphigeneia. The fabulous island of Leuce in the Euxine was especially sacred to him, and was called Achillea, because, according to some reports, it contained his body. (Mela, ii. 7; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. iv. 49; Paus. iii. 19. ~ 11.) Achilles was worshipped as one of the national heroes of Greece. The Thessalians, at the command of the oracle of Dodona, offered annual sacrifices to him in Troas. (Philostr. Her. xix. 14.) In the ancient gymnasium at Olympia there was a cenotaph, at which certain solemnities were performed before the Olympic games commenced. (Paus. vi. 23. ~ 2.) Sanctuaries of Achilles existed on the road from Arcadia to Sparta (Paus. iii. 20. ~ 8), on cape Sigeum in Troas (Strab. xi. p. 494), and other places. The events of his life were frequently represented in ancient works of art. (Bottiger, Vasencemzilde, iii. p. 144, &c.; Museum Clement. i. 52, v. 17; Villa Borg. i. 9; Mus. Nap. ii. 59.) [L. S.] ACHILLES TATIUS. 11 ACHILLES ('AXiAAEsV), a son of Lyson of Athens, who was believed to have first introduced in his native city the mode of sending persons into exile by ostracism. (Ptolem. Heph. vi. p. 333.) Several other and more credible accounts, however, ascribe this institution with more probability to other persons. [L. S.] ACHILLES TATIUS ('AXLXAAed TdcmoS), or as Suidas and Eudocia call him Achilles Statius, an Alexandrine rhetorician, who was formerly believed to have lived in the second or third century of our aera. But as it is a well-known fact, which is also acknowledged by Photius, that he imitated Heliodorus of Emesa, he must have lived after this writer, and therefore belongs either to the latter half of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century of our aera. Suidas states that he was originally a Pagan, and that subsequently he was converted to Christianity. The truth of this assertion, as far as Achilles Tatius, the author of the romance, is concerned, is not supported by the work of Achilles, which bears no marks of Christian thoughts, while it would not be difficult to prove from it that he was a heathen. This romance is a history of the adventures of two lovers, Cleitophon and Leucippe. It bears the title Tai KaTC Aevinctrsrv' ial KXeitro(7pwi'a, and consists of eight books. Notwithstanding all its defects, it is one of the best love-stories of the Greeks. Cleitophon is represented in it relating to a friend the whole course of the events from beginning to end, a plan which renders the story rather tedious, and makes the narrator appear affected and insipid. Achilles, like his predecessor Heliodorus, disdained having recourse to what is marvellous and improbable in itself, but the accumulation of adventures and of physical as well as moral difficulties, which the lovers have to overcome, before they are happily united, is too great and renders the story improbable, though their arrangement and succession are skilfully managed by the author. Numerous parts of the work however are written without taste and judgment, and do not appear connected with the story by any internal necessity. Besides these, the work has a great many digressions, which, although interesting in themselves and containing curious information, interrupt and impede the progress of the narrative. The work is full of imitations of other writers from the time of Plato to that of Achilles himself, and while he thus trusts to his books and his learning, he appears ignorant of human nature and the affairs of real life. The laws of decency and morality are not always paid due regard to, a defect which is even noticed by Photius. The style of the work, on which the author seems to have bestowed his principal care, is thoroughly rhetorical: there is a perpetual striving after elegance and beauty, after images, puns, and antitheses. These things, however, were just what the age of Achilles required, and that his novel was much read, is attested by the number of MSS. still extant. A part of it was first printed in a Latin translation by Annibal della Croce (Crucejus), Leyden, 1544; a complete translation appeared at Basel in 1554. The first edition of the Greek original appeared at Heidelberg, 1601, 8vo., printed together with similar works of Longus and Parthenius. An edition, with a voluminous though rather careless commentary, was published by Sal
Page 12 12 ACHMET. masius, Leyden, 1640, 8vo. The best and most recent edition is by Fr. Jacobs, Leipzig, 1821, in 2 vols. 8vo. The first volume contains the prolegomena, the text and the Latin translation by Crucejus, and the second the commentary. There is an English translation of the work, by A. H. (Anthony Hodges), Oxford, 1638, 8vo. Suidas ascribes to this same Achilles Tatius, a work on the sphere (repl opailpas), a fragment of which professing to be an introduction to the Phaenomena of Aratus (Eilaywyr ely s EIi 'Apdrov <paivwpieva) is still extant. But as this work is referred to by Firmicus (Matjies. iv. 10), who lived earlier than the time we have assigned to Achilles, the author of the work on the Sphere must have lived before the time of the writer of the romance. The work itself is of no particular value. It is printed in Petavius, Uranologia, Paris, 1630, and Amsterdam, 1703, fol. Suidas also mentions a work of Achilles Tatius on Etymology, and another entitled Miscellaneous 11istories; as both are lost, it is impossible to determine which Achilles was their author. [L. S.] ACHILLEUS assumed the title of emperor under Diocletian and reigned over Egypt for some time. He was at length taken by Diocletian after a siege of eight months in Alexandria, and put to death, A. D. 296. (Eutrop. ix. 14, 15; Aurel. Vict. de Caes. 39.) ACHI'LLIDES, a patronymic, formed from Achilles, and given to his son Pyrrhus. (Ov. Heroid. viii. 3.) [L. S.] ACHIROE ('Axpo'n), or according to Apollodorus (ii. 1. ~ 4) Anchinob, which is perhaps a mistake for AnchiroU, was a daughter of Nilus, and the wife of Belus, by whom she became the mother of Aegyptus and Danaus. According to the scholiast on Lycophron (583 and 1161), Ares begot by her a son, Sithon, and according to Hegesippus (cap. Steph. Byz. s. v. InaNAxfv), also two daughters, Pallenaea and Rhoetea., from whom two towns derived their names. [L. S.] ACHLYS ('AXAXs), according to some ancient cosmogonies, the eternal night, and the first created being which existed even before Chaos. According to Hesiod, she was 'the personification of misery and sadness, and as such she was represented on the shield of Heracles (Scut. Heire. 264, &c.): pale, emaciated, and weeping, with chattering teeth, swollen knees, long nails on her fingers, bloody cheeks, and her shoulders thickly covered with dust. [L. S.] ACHMET, son of Seirim ('AXy1Er vios yeipe'IU), the author of a work on the Interpretation of Dreams, 'OVetpotcptricad, is probably the same person as Abu Bekr Mohammed Ben Sirin, whose work on the same subject is still extant in Arabic in the Royal Library at Paris, (Catal. Cod. Manuscr, Biblioth. Reg. Paris. vol. i. p. 230, cod. Mccx.,) and who was born A. H. 33, (A. D. 653-4,) and died A. H. 110. (A. D. 728-9.) (See Nicoll and Pusey, Catal. Cod. Manuscir. Arab. Bibliotih. Bodl. p. 516.) This conjecture will seem the more probable when it is recollected that the two names Alhmed or Achimet and iMoIamnmed, however unlike each other they may appear in English, consist in Arabic of four letters each, and differ only in the first. There must, however, be some difference between Achmet's work, in the form in which we have it, and that of Ibn Sirin, as the writer of the former (or the translator) appears from internal evi ACIDINUS. dence to have been certainly a Christian. (c. 2; 150, &c.) It exists only in Greek, or rather (if the above conjecture as to its author be correct.) it has only been published in that language. It consists of three hundred and four chapters, and professes to be derived from what has been written on the same subject by the Indians, Persians, and Egyptians. It was translated out of Greek into Latin about the year 1160, by Leo Tuscus, of which work two specimens are to be found in Casp. Barthii Adversaria. (xxxi. 14, ed. Francof. 1624, foll.) It was first published at Frankfort, 1577, 8vo., in a Latin translation, made by Leunclavius, from a very imperfect Greek manuscript, with the title " Apomasaris Apotelesmata, sive de Significatis et Eventis Insomniorum, ex Indorum, Persarum, Aegyptiorumque Disciplina." The word Apomnasares is a corruption of the name of the famous Albumasar, or AbS Ma'shar, and Leunclavius afterwards acknowledged his mistake in attributing the work to him. It was published in Greek and Latin by Rigaltius, and appended to his edition of the Oneirocritica of Artemidorus, Lutet. Paris. 1603, 4to., and some Greek various readings are inserted by Jac. De Rhoer in his Otium Daventriense, p. 338, &c. Daventr. 1762, 8vo. It has also been translated into Italian, French, and German. [W. A. G.] ACHO'LIUS held the office of Mcagister Admissionum in the reign of Valerian. (a. c. 253 -260.) One of his works was entitled Acta, and contained an account of the history of Aurelian. It was in nine books at least. (Vopisc. Aurel. 12.) He also wrote the life of Alexander Severus. (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 14. 48. 68.) ACHOLOE. [HARPYIAE.] ACICHO'RIUS ('AicXW'pios) was one of the leaders of the Gauls, who invaded Thrace and Macedonia in B. c. 280. He and Brennus commanded the division that marched into Paeonia. In the following year, B. c. 279, he accompanied Brennus in his invasion of Greece. (Paus. x. 19. ~ 4, 5, 22. ~ 5, 23. ~ 1, &c.) Some writers suppose that Brennus and Acichorius are the same persons, the former being only a title and the latter the real name. (Schmidt, 1" De fontibus veterum auctorum in enarrandis expelditionibuis a Gallis in Macedoniam susceptis," Berol. 1834.) ACIDA'LIA, a surname of Venus (Virg. Aen. i. 720), which according to Servius was derived from the well Acidalius near Orchomenos, in which. Venus used to bathe with the Graces; others connect the name with the Greek daictls, i. e. cares or troubles. [L. S.] ACIDI'NUS, a family-name of the Manlia gens. Cicero speaks of the Acidini as among the first men of a former age. (De leg. agr. ii. 24.) 1. L. MANLIUS ACIDINUS, praetor urbanus in B. c. 210, was sent by the senate into Sicily to bring back the consul Valerius to Rome to hold the elections. (Liv. xxvi. 23, xxvii. 4.) In B.c. 207 he was with the troops stationed at Narnia to oppose Hasdrubal, and was the first to send to Rome intelligence of the defeat of the latter. (Liv. xxvii. 50.) In B. c. 206 he and L. Cornelius Lentulus had the province of Spain entrusted to them with proconsular power. In the following year he conquered the Ausetani and Ilergetes, who had rebelled against the Romans in consequence of the absence of Scipio. He did not return to Rome till n. c. 199, but was prevented by
Page 13 ACIS. ACONTIUS. 13 the tribune P. Porcius Laeca from entering the 750, &c.) a son of Faunus and Symaethis. lHe city in an ovation, which the senate had granted was beloved by the nymph Galatea, and Polyphehim. (Liv. xxviii. 38, xxix. 1-3, 13, xxxii. 7.) mus the Cyclop, jealous of him, crushed him under 2. L. MANLIUS ACIDINUS FULVIANUS, origin- a huge rock. His blood gushing forth from under ally belonged to the Fulvia gens, but was adopted the rock was changed by the nymph into the into the Manlia gens, probably by the above-men- river Acis or Acinius at the foot of mount Aetna. tioned Acidinus. (Vell. Pat. ii. 8.) He was This story does not occur any where else, and is praetor B. c. 188, and had the province of Hispania perhaps no more than a happy fiction suggested by Citerior allotted to him, where he remained till the manner in which the little river springs forth B. c. 186. In the latter year he defeated the from under a rock. [L. S.] Celtiberi, and had it not been for the arrival of his ACME'NES ('AWc!r^vs), a surname of vertain successor would have reduced the whole people to nymphs worshipped at Elis, where a sacred enclosubjection. He applied for a triumph in conse- sure contained their altar, together with those of quence, but obtained only an ovation. (Liv.xxxviii. other gods. (Paus. v. 15. ~ 4.) [L. S.] 35, xxxix. 21, 29.) In B. c. 183 he was one of ACMO'NIDES, one of the three Cyclopes (Ov. the ambassadors sent into Gallia Transalpina, and Fast. iv. 288), is the same as Pyracmon in Virgil was also appointed one of the triumvirs for found- (Aen. viii. 425), and as Arges in most other acing the Latin colony of Aquileia, which was how- counts of the Cyclopes. [L. S.] ever not founded till B. c. 181. (Liv. xxxix. 54, ACOETES ('AcoirTn), according to Ovid (Met. 55, xl. 34.) He was consul B. c. 179, (Liv. xl. iii. 582, &c.) the son of a poor fisherman in 43,) with his own brother, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, Maeonia, who served as pilot in a ship. After which is the only instance of two brothers hold- landing at the island of Naxos, some of the sailors ing the consulship at the same time. (Fast. brought with them on board a beautiful sleeping Capitol.; Vell. Pat. ii. 8.) At the election of boy, whom they had found in the island and whom Acidinus, M. Scipio declared him to be virunm they wished to take with them; but Acoetes, who bonumn, egregiumqzce civem. (Cic. de Or. ii. 64.) recognised in the boy the god Bacchus, dissuaded 3. L. MANLIUS (AciDINUs), who was quaestor them from it, but in vain. When the ship had in B. c. 168 (Liv. xlv. 13), is probably one of the reached the open sea, the boy awoke, and desired two Manlii Acidini, who are mentioned two years to be carried back to Naxos. The sailors promised before as illustrious youths, and of whom one was to do so, but did not keep their word. Hereupon the son of M. Manlius, the other of L. Manlius. the god showed himself to them in his own majesty: (Liv. xlii. 49.) The latter is probably the same vines began to twine round the vessel, tigers apas the quaestor, and the son of No. 2. peared, and the sailors, seized with madness, jump4. AcIDINUS, a young man who was going to ed into the sea and perished. Acoetes alone was pursue his studies at Athens at the same time as saved and conveyed back to Naxos, where he was young Cicero, B. c. 45. (Cic. ad Alt. xii. 32.) He initiated in the Bacchic mysteries and became a is perhaps the same Acidinus who sent intelligence priest of the god. Hyginus (Fab. 134), whose to Cicero respecting the death of Marcellus. (Cic. story on the whole agrees with that of Ovid, and ad Fam. iv. 12.) all the other writers who mention this adventure ACI'LIA GENS. The family-names of this of Bacchus, call the crew of the ship Tyrrhenian gens are AVIOLA, BALBUS, and GLABRIO, of which pirates, and derive the name of the Tyrrhenian sea the last two were undoubtedly plebeian, as mem- from them. (Comp. Hom. Hymnn. in Bacch.: Apolbers of these families were frequently tribunes of lod. iii. 5. ~ 3; Seneca, Oed. 449.) the plebs, ACOMINATUS. [NICETAS.] ACILIA'NUS, MINU'CIUS, a friend of Pliny ACONTES or ACONTIUS ('Amci'VTrs or the younger, was born at Brixia (Brescia), and 'Ac rOTios), a son of Lycaon, from whom the town was the son of Minucius Macrinus, who was en- of Acontium in Arcadia derived its name. (Apolrolled by Vespasian among those of praetorian lod. iii. 8. ~ 1; Steph. Byz. s. v.'AeCi'nov.) [L. S.] rank. Acilianus was successively quaestor, tri- ACO'NTIUS ('Aco'vm-os), a beautiful youth of bune, and praetor, and at his death left Pliny part the island of Ceos. On one occasion he came to of his property. (Plin. Ep. i. 14, ii. 16.) Delos to celebrate the annual festival of Diana, ACINDY'NUS, GREGO'RIUS (rpjydpios and fell in love with Cydippe, the daughter of a 'AmcivSvsos), a Greek Monk, A. D. 1341, distin- noble Athenian. When he saw her sitting in the guished in the controversy with the Hesychast or temple attending to the sacrifice she was offering, Quietist Monks of Mount Athos. He supported he threw before her an apple upon which he had and succeeded Barlaam in his opposition to their written the words "I swear by the sanctuary of notion that the light which appeared on the Mount Diana to marry Acontius." The nurse took up of the Transfiguration was uncreated. The em- the apple and handed it to Cydippe, who read peror, John Cantacuzenus, took part (A. D. 1347) aloud what was written upon it, and then threw with Palamas, the leader of the Quietists, and ob- the apple away. But the goddess had heard her tained the condemnation of Acindynus by several vow, as Acontius had wished. After the festival councils at Constantineple, at one especially in was over, he went home, distracted by his love, A. D. 1351. Remains of Acindynus are, De but he waited for the result of what had happened Essentia et Operatione DEI adversus imperitiam and took no further steps. After some time, when Gregorii Palamae, 8e. in " Variorum Pontificum Cydippe's father was about to give her in marriage ad Petrum Gnapheum Eutychianum Epistol." p. 77, to another man, she was taken ill just before the Gretser. 4to. Ingolst. 1616, and Carmen Iambi- nuptial solemnities were to begin, and this accident cum de IHaeresibus Palamae, " Graeciae Ortho- was repeated three times. Acontius, informed of doxae Scriptores," by Leo. Allatius, p. 755, vol. i. the occurrence, hastened to Athens, and the Del4to. Rom. 1652. [A. J. C.] phic oracle, which was consulted by the maidens ACIS (Amcis), according to Ovid (Met. xiii. I father, declared that Diana by the repeated illness
Page 14 14 ACRATOPHORUS. ACRON. meant to punish Cydippe for her perjury. The maiden then explained the whole affair to her mother, and the father was at last induced to give his daughter to Acontius. This story is related by Ovid (Heroid. 20, 21; comp. Trist. iii. 10. 73) and Aristaenetus (Epist. x. 10), and is also alluded to in several fragments of ancient poets, especially of Callimachus, who wrote a poem with the title Cydippe. The same story with some modifications is related by Antoninus Liberalis (Metam. 1) of an Athenian Hermocrates and Ctesylla. (Comp. CTESYLLA and Buttmann, Mytholog. ii. p. 115.) [L. S.] A'CORIS ("Acopis), king of Egypt, entered into alliance with Evagoras, king of Cyprus, against their common enemy Artaxerxes, king of Persia, about B. c. 385, and assisted Evagoras with ships and money. On the conclusion of the war with Evagoras, B. c. 376, the Persians directed their forces against Egypt. Acoris collected a large army to oppose them, and engaged many Greek mercenaries, of whom he appointed Chabrias general. Chabrias, however, was recalled by the Athenians on the complaint of Pharnabazus, who was appointed by Artaxerxes to conduct the war. When the Persian army entered Egypt, which was not till B. c. 373, Acoris was already dead. (Diod. xv. 2 -4, 8, 9, 29, 41, 42; Theopom. aop. Phot. cod. 176.) Syncellus (p. 76, a. p. 257, a.) assigns thirteen years to his reign. ACRAEA ('AKcpaia). 1. A daughter of the river-god Asterion near Mycenae, who together with her sisters Euboea and Prosymna acted as nurses to Hera. A hill Acraea opposite the temple of Hera near Mycenae derived its name from her. (Paus. ii. 17. ~ 2.) 2. Acraea and Acraeus are also attributes given to various goddesses and gods whose temples were situated upon hills, such as Zeus, Hera, Aphrodite, Pallas, Artemis, and others. (Paus. i. 1. ~ 3, ii. 24. ~ 1; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 28; Vitruv. i. 7; Spanheim, ad Callim. gHymn in Jov. 82.) [L. S.] ACRAEPHEUS ('Aspaapevs), a son of Apollo, to whom the foundation of the Boeotian town of Acraephia was ascribed. Apollo, who was worshipped in that place, derived from it the surname of Acraephius or Acraephiaeus. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Aicpaola; Paus. ix. 23. ~ 3, 40. ~ 2.) [L. S.] ACRAGAS ('AcpdyYas), a son of Zeus and the Oceanid Asterope, to whom the foundation of the town of Acragas (Agrigentum) in Sicily was ascribed. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AKpdCyav"res.) [L. S.] ACRAGAS, an engraver, or chaser in silver, spoken of by Pliny. (xxxiii. 12. ~ 55.) It is not known either when or where he was born. Pliny says that Acragas, Boethus and Mys were considered but little inferior to Mentor, an artist of great note in the same profession; and that works of all three were in existence in his day, preserved in different temples in the island of Rhodes. Those of Acragas, who was especially famed for his representations of hunting scenes on cups, were in the temple of Bacchus at Rhodes, and consisted of cups with figures of Bacchae and Centaurs graved on them. If the language of Pliny justifies us in inferring that the three artists whom he classes together lived at the same time, that would fix the age of Acragas in the latter part of the fifth century B. c., as Mys was a contemporary of Phidias. [C. P. M.] ACRATO'PHORUS ('AicpaeroJ.pos), a surname of Dionysus, by which he was designated as the giver of unmixed wine, and worshipped at Phigaleia in Arcadia. (Paus. viii. 39. ~ 4.) [L. S.] ACRATO'POTES ('Ascparo'roi'77), the drinker of unmixed wine, was a hero worshipped in Munychia in Attica. (Polemo, ap. Athen. ii. p. 39.) According to Pausanias (i. 2. ~ 4), who calls him simply Acratus, he was one of the divine companions of Dionysus, who was worshipped in Attica. Pausanias saw his image at Athens in the house of Polytion, where it was fixed in the wall. [L. S.] A'CRATUS, a freedman of Nero, who was sent by Nero A. D. 64, into Asia and Achaia to plunder the temples and take away the statues of the gods. (Tac. Ann. xv. 45, xvi. 23; comp. Dion Chrys. Rhod. p. 644, ed. Reiske.) ACRION, a Locrian, was a Pythagorean philosopher. (Cic. de Fin. v. 29.) He is mentioned by Valerius Maximus (viii. 7, ext. 3, from this passage of Cicero) under the name of Arion, which is a false reading, instead of Acrion. ACRISIONEIS, a patronymic of Danae, daughter of Acrisius. (Virg. Aen. vii. 410.) Homer (II. xiv. 319) uses the form 'A1Kpria-wd. [L. S.] ACRISIONIADES, a patronymic of Perseus, grandson of Acrisius. (Ov. Met. v. 70.) [L. S.] ACRI'SIUS ('Acplo-,os), a son of Abas, king of Argos and of Ocaleia. Hle was grandson of Lynceus and great-grandson of Danaus. His twinbrother was Proetus, with whom he is said to have quarrelled even in the womb of his mother. When Abas died and Acrisius had grown up, he expelled Proetus from his inheritance; but, supported by his father-in-law lobates, the Lycian, Proetus returned, and Acrisius was compelled to share his kingdom with his brother by giving up to him Tiryns, while he retained Argos for himself. An oracle had declared that DanaU, the daughter of Acrisius, would give birth to a son, who would kill his grandfather. For this reason he kept Danai shut up in a subterraneous apartment, or in a brazen tower. But here she became mother of Perseus, notwithstanding the precautions of her father, according to some accounts by her uncle Proetus, and according to others by Zeus, who visited her in the form of a shower of gold. Acrisius ordered mother and child to be exposed on the wide sea in a chest; but the chest floated towards the island of Seriphus, where both were rescued by Dictys, the brother of king Polydectes. (Apollod. ii. 2. ~ 1, 4. ~ 1; Paus. ii. 16. ~ 2, 25. ~ 6, iii. 13. ~ 6; Hygin. Fab. 63.) As to the manner in which the oracle was subsequently fulfilled in the case of Acrisius, see PERSEUS. According to the Scholiast on Euripides (Orest. 1087), Acrisius was the founder of the Delphic amphictyony. Strabo (ix. p. 420) believes that this amphictyony existed before the time of Acrisius, and that he was only the first who regulated the affairs of the amphictyons, fixed the towns which were to take part in the council, gave to each its vote, and settled the jurisdiction of the amphictyons. (Comp. Libanius, Orat. vol. iii. 472, ed. Reiske.) [L. S.] ACRON, a king of the Caeninenses, whom Romulus himself slew in battle. He dedicated the arms of Acron to Jupiter Feretrius as Spolia Opima. (See Dict. of Ant. p. 893.) Livy mentions the circumstance without giving the name of the king. (Plut. Romn. 16; Serv. ad. Virg. Aen. vi. 860; Liv. i. 10.) ACRON (CArpcov), an eminent physician of Agrigentum, the son of Xenon. Iis exact date
Page 15 ACROPOLITA. is not known; but, as he is mentioned as being contemporary with Empedocles, who died about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, he must have lived in the fifth century before Christ. From Sicily he went to Athens, and there opened a philosophical school (4cropieTseve). It is said that he was in that city during the great plague (B. c. 430), and that large fires for the purpose of purifying the air were kindled in the streets by his direction, which proved of great service to several of the sick. (Plut. De Is. et Osir. 80; Oribas. Synops. vi. 24, p. 97; Abtius, tetrab. ii. serm. i. 94, p. 223; Paul Aegin. ii. 35, p. 406.) It should however be borne in mind that there is no mention of this in Thucydides (ii. 49, &c.), and, if it is true that Empedocles or Simonides (who died B. c. 467) wrote the epitaph on Acron, it may be doubted whether he was in Athens at the time of the plague. Upon his return to Agrigentum he was anxious to erect a family tomb, and applied to the senate for a spot of ground for that purpose on account of his eminence as a physician. Empedocles however resisted this application as being contrary to the principle of equality, and proposed to inscribe on his tomb the following sarcastic epitaph (rwao'rtc6dv), which it is quite impossible to translate so as to preserve the paronomasia of the original: AsCpov l'Trpov "Arcpwo 'Atcpa-yavrThov 7arpds dicpov KpV'rrTe KICppUios dicpos TeapiTos dvapoera'Tqs. The second line was sometimes read thus: 'AIpordrr's ICopvtSis 7TvUos dIcpos,ICarXei. Some persons attributed the whole epigram to Simonides. (Suid. s. v. "Aicpwv; Eudoc. Violar., ap. Villoison, Anecd. Gr. i. 49; Diog. Liert. viii. 65.) The sect of the Empirici, in order to boast of a greater antiquity than the Dogmatici (founded by Thessalus, the son, and Polybus, the son-in-law of Hippocrates, about B. c. 400), claimed Acron as their founder (Pseudo-Gal. Introd. 4. vol. xiv. p. 683), though they did not really exist before the third century B. c. [PHILINUS; SERAPON.] Pliny falls into this anachronism. (II. N. xxix. 4.) None of Acron's works are now extant, though he wrote several in the Doric dialect on Medical and Physical subjects, of which the titles are preserved by Suidas and Eudocia. [W. A. G.] ACRON, HELE'NIUS, a Roman grammarian, probably of the fifth century A. D., but whose precise date is not known. He wrote notes on Horace, and also, according to some critics, the scholia which we have on Persius. The fragments which remain of the work on Horace, though much mutilated, are valuable, as containing the remarks of the older commentators, Q. Terentius Scaurus and others. They were published first by A. Zarotti, Milan, 1474, and again in 1486, and have often been published since in different editions; perhaps the best is that by Geo. Fabricius, in his ed. of Horace, Basel, 1555, Leipzig, 1571. A writer of the same name, probably the same man, wrote a commentary on Terence, which is lost, but which is referred to by the grammarian Charisius. [A. A.] ACROPOLI'TA, GEORGIUS (rEepyos 'AcpiroXAh-'s), the son of the great logotheta Constantinus Acropolita the elder, belonged to a noble Byzantine family which stood in relationship to the imperial family of the Ducas. (Acropolita, 97.) He was born at Constantinople in 1220 (Ib. 39), but accompanied his father in his sixteenth year to ACROPOLITA. 15 Nicaea, the residence of the Greek emperor John Vatatzes Ducas. There he continued and finished his studies under Theodorus Exapterigus and Nicephorus Blemmida. (Ib. 32.) The emperor employed him afterwards in diplomatic affairs, and Acropolita shewed himself a very discreet and skilful negociator. In 1255 he commanded the Nicaean army in the war between Michael, despot of Epirus, and the emperor Theodore II. the son and successor of John. But he was made prisoner, and was only delivered in 1260 by the mediation of Michael Palaeologus. Previously to this he had been appointed great logotheta, either by John or by Theodore, whom he had instructed in logic. Meanwhile, Michael Palaeologus was proclaimed emperor of Nicaea in 1260, and in 1261 he expulsed the Latins from Constantinople, and became emperor of the whole East; and from this moment Georgius Acropolita becomes known in the history of the eastern empire as one of the greatest diplomatists. After having discharged the function of ambassador at the court of Constantine, king of the Bulgarians, he retired for some years from public affairs, and made the instruction of youth his sole occupation. But he was soon employed in a very important negociation. Michael, afraid of a new Latin invasion, proposed to pope Clemens IV. to reunite the Greek and the Latin Churches; and negociations ensued which were carried on during the reign of five popes, Clemens IV. Gregory X. John XXI. Nicolaus III. and Martin IV. and the happy result of which was almost entirely owing to the skill of Acropolita. As early as 1273 Acropolita was sent to pope Gregory X. and in 1274, at the Council of Lyons, he confirmed by an oath in the emperor's name that that confession of faith which had been previously sent to Constantinople by the pope had been adopted by the Greeks. The reunion of the two churches was afterwards broken off, but not through the fault of Acropolita. In 1282 Acropolita was once more sent to Bulgaria, and shortly after his return he died, in the month of December of the same year, in his 62nd year. Acropolita is the author of several works: the most important of which is a history of the Byzantine empire, under the title Xpovicdv s La o'4voa4u s Trv 4'v ia-uorpois, that is, from the taking of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, down to the year 1261, when Michael Palaeologus delivered the city from the foreign yoke. The MS. of this work was found in the library of Georgius Cantacuzenus at Constantinople, and afterwards brought to Europe. (Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. vii. p. 768.) The first edition of this work, with a Latin translation and notes, was published by Theodorus Douza, Lugd. Batav. 1614, 8vo.; but a more critical one by Leo Allatius, who used a Vatican MS. and divided the text into chapters. It has the title rewpyiov Tro 'AtcpoTroA'Tov Tro E'ydXiov oyo6'rov Xpovicr) ovyypdcipn, Georgii Acropolitae, magni Logotheetae, Historia, &c. Paris, 1651. fol. This edition is reprinted in the " Corpus Byzantinorum Scriptorum," Venice, 1729, vol. xii. This chronicle contains one of the most remarkable periods of Byzantine history, but it is so short that it seems to be only an abridgment of another work of the same author, which is lost. Acropolita perhaps composed it with the view of giving it as a compendium to those young men whose scientific education he superintended, after his return from his first embassy to Bulgaria,
Page 16 16 ACTAEON. The history of Michael Palaeologus by Pachymeres may be considered as a continuation of the work of Acropolita. Besides this work, Acropolita wrote several orations, which he delivered in his capacity as great logotheta, and as director of the negociations with the pope; but these orations have not been published. Fabricius (vol. vii. p. 471) speaks of a MS. which has the title TIepI T Vc d ro KTicOSre KOifLOV e-vriTe Kai epl T V paarhevaviatvrwv /pijcp aXicrews E KwvroiTuvovLeercsews. Georgius, or Gregorius Cyprius, who has written a short encomium of Acropolita, calls him the Plato and the Aristotle of his time. This "encomium" is printed with a Latin translation at the head of the edition of Acropolita by Th. Douza: it contains useful information concerning Acropolita, although it is full of adulation. Further information is contained in Acropolita's history, especially in the latter part of it, and in Pachymeres, iv. 28, vi. 26, 34, seq. [W. P.] ACROREITES ('AlcpipeiTrs), a surname of Dionysus, under which he was worshipped at Sicyon, and which is synonymous with Eriphius, under which name lie was worshipped at Metapontum in southern Italy. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AKpwpeda.) [L. S.] ACRO'TATUS ('AKpo'raeros). 1. The son of Cleomenes II. king of Sparta, incurred the displeasure of a large party at Sparta by opposing the decree, which was to release from infamy all who had fled from the battle, in which Antipater defeated Agis, B. c. 331. He was thus glad to accept the offer of the Agrigentines, when they sent to Sparta for assistance in B. c. 314 against Agathocles of Syracuse. Hie first sailed to Italy, and obtained assistance from Tarentum; but on his arrival at Agrigentum he acted with such cruelty and tyranny that the inhabitants rose against him, and compelled him to leave the city. IHe returned to Sparta, and died before the death of his father, which was in B. c. 309. He left a son, Areus, who succeeded Cleomenes. (Diod. xv. 70, 71; Paus. i. 13. ~ 3, iii. 6. ~ 1, 2; Plut. Agis, 3.) 2. The grandson of the preceding, and the son of Areus I. king of Sparta. He had unlawful intercourse with Chelidonis, the young wife of Cleonymus, who was the uncle of his father Areus; and it was this, together with the disappointment of not obtaining the throne, which led Cleonymus to invite Pyrrhus to Sparta, B. c. 272. Areus was then absent in Crete, and the safety of Sparta was mainly owing to the valour of Acrotatus. He succeeded his father in B. c. 265, but was killed in the same year in battle against Aristodemus, the tyrant of Megalopolis. Pausanias, in speaking of his death, calls him the son of Cleonymus, but he has mistaken him for his grandtather, spoken of above. (Plut. Pyrrei. 26-28; Agis, 3; Paus.iii. 6. ~ 3, viii. 27. ~ 8, 30. ~ 3.) Areus and Acrotatus are accused by Phylarchus (ap. At/hen. iv. p. 142, b.) of having corrupted the simplicity of Spartan manners. ACTAEA ('AKcrata), a daughter of Nereus and Doris. (Hom. II. xviii. 41; Apollod. i. 2. ~ 7; Hygin. Fab. p. 7, ed. Staveren.) [L. S.] ACTAEON ('AKcratwv). 1. Son of Aristaeus and AutonoU, a daughter of Cadmus. He was trained in the art of hunting by the centaur Cheiron, and was afterwards torn to pieces by his own 50 hounds on mount Cithaeron. The names of these hounds are given by Ovid (Met. iii. 206, &c.) and Hyginus. (Fab. 181; comp. Stat. Theb. ii. 203.) ACTISANES. The cause of this misfortune is differently stated: according to some accounts it was because he had seen Artemis while she was bathing in the vale of Gargaphia, on the discovery of which the goddess changed him into a stag, in which form he was torn to pieces by his own dogs. (Ov. Met. iii. 155, &c.; iHygin. Fab. 181; Callim. A. in Pallad. 110.) Others relate that he provoked the anger of the goddess by his boasting that he excelled her in hunting, or by his using for a feast the game which was destined as a sacrifice to her. (Eurip. Bacch. 320; Diod. iv. 81.) A third account stated that he was killed by his dogs at the command of Zeus, because he sued for the hand of Semele. (Acusilaus, ap. Apollod. iii. 4. ~ 4.) Pausanias (ix. 2. ~ 3) saw near Orchomenos the rock on which Actaeon used to rest when he was fatigued by hunting, and from which he had seen Artemis in the bath; but he is of opinion that the whole story arose from the circumstance that Actaeon was destroyed by his dogs in a natural fit of madness. Palaephatus (s. v. Actaeon) gives an absurd and trivial explanation of it. According to the Orchomenian tradition the rock of Actaeon was haunted by his spectre, and the oracle of Delphi commanded the Orchomenians to bury the remains of the hero, which they might happen to find, and fix an iron image of him upon the rock. This image still existed in the time of Pausanias (ix. 38. ~ 4), and the Orchomenians offered annual sacrifices to Actaeon in that place. The manner in which Actaeon and his mother were painted by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi, is described by Pausanias. (x. 30. ~ 2; comp. Muller, Orci/om. p. 348, &c.) 2. A son of Melissus, and grandson of Abron, who had fled from Argos to Corinth for fear of the tyrant Pheidon. Archias, a Corinthian, enamoured with the beauty of Actaeon, endeavoured to carry him off; but in the struggle which ensued between Melissus and Archias, Actaeon was killed. Melissus, brought his complaints forward at the Isthmian games, and praying to the gods for revenge, he threw himself from a rock. Hereupon Corinth was visited by a plague and drought, and the oracle ordered the Corinthians to propitiate Poseidon, and avenge the death of Actaeon. Upon this hint Archias emigrated to Sicily, where he founded the town of Syracuse. (Plut. Acmat. Narr. p. 772; comp. Pans. v. 7. ~ 2; Thucyd. vi. 3; Strab. viii. p. 380.) [L. S.] ACTAEUS ('AKcTaios). A son of Erisichthon, and according to Pausanias (i. 2. ~ 5), the earliest king of Attica. He had three daughters, Agraulos, Herse, and Pandrosus, and was succeeded by Cecrops, who married Agraulos. According to Apollodorus (iii. 14. 1.) on the other hand, Cecrops was the first king of Attica. [L. S.] ACTE, the concubine of Nero, was a freedwoman, and originally a slave purchased from Asia Minor. Nero loved her far more than his wife Octavia, and at one time thought of marrying her; whence he pretended tfiat she was descended from king Attalus. She survived Nero. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 12, 46, xiv. 2; Suet. Ner. 28, 50; Dion Cass. Ixi. 7.) ACTIACUS, a surname of Apollo, derived from Actium, one of the principal places of his worship. (Ov. Met. xiii. 715; Strab. x. p. 451; compare Burmann, ad Propert. p. 434.) [L. S.] ACTI'SANES ('Acrnoecvys), a king of Ethiopia,
Page 17 ACTUARIUS. who conquered Egypt and governed it with justice. He founded the city of Rhinocolura on the confines of Egypt and Syria, and was succeeded by Mendes, an Egyptian. Diodorus says that Actisanes conquered Egypt in the reign of Amasis, for which we ought perhaps to read Ammosis. At all events, Amasis, the contemporary of Cyrus, cannot be meant. (Diod. i. 60; Strab. xvi. p. 759.) ACTIUS. [AT'TUS.] ACTOR. ("AKTwp). 1. A son of Deion and Diomede, the daughter of Xuthus. He was thus a brother of Asteropeia, Aencrtus, Phylacus, and Cephalus, and husband of Aegina, father of Menoetius, and grandfather of Patroclus. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 4, 16, iii. 10. ~ 8; Pind. 01. ix. 75; Hom. II. xi. 785, xvi. 14.) 2. A son of Phorbas and Hlyrmine, and husband of Molione. He was thus a brother of Augeas, and father of Eurytus and Cteatus. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 2; Paus. v. 1. ~ 8, viii. 14. ~ 6.) 3. A companion of Aeneas (Virg. Aen. ix. 500), who is probably the same who in another passage (xii. 94) is called an Auruncan, and of whose conquered lance Turnus made a boast. This story seems to have given rise to the proverbial saying " Actoris spoliums" (Juv. ii. 100), for any poor spoil in general. [L. S.] ACTO'RIDES or ACTO'RION ('AIcrop'6-s or 'Ac'ropict), are patronymic forms of Actor, and are consequently given to descendants of an Actor, such as Patroclus (Ov. Met. xiii 373; Trist. i. 9. 29), Erithus (Ov. Met. v. 79; compare viii. 308, 371), Eurytus, and Cteatus. (Hoem. I. ii. 621, xiii. 185, xi. 750, xxiii. 638.) [L. S.] M. ACTO'RIUS NASO, seems to have written a life of Julius Caesar, or a history of his times, which is quoted by Suetonius. (Jzd. 9, 52.) The time at which he lived is uncertain, but from the way in which he is referred to by Suetonius, he would almost seem to have been a contemporary of Caesar. ACTUA'RIUS ('AWrovdpos), the surname by which an ancient Greek physician, whose real name was Joannes, is commonly known. His father's name was Zacharias; he himself practised at Constantinople, and, as it appears, with some degree of credit, as he was honoured with the title of Actuarits, a dignity frequently conferred at that court upon physicians (Dict.ofAnt.p. 611,b.) Very little is known of the events of his life, and his date is rather uncertain, as some persons reckon him to have lived in the eleventh century, and others bring him down as low as the beginning of the fourteenth. He probably lived towards the end of the thirteenth century, as one of his works is dedicated to his tutor, Joseph Racendytes, who lived in the reign of Andronicus II. Palaeologus, A. D. 1281-1328. One of his school-fellows is supposed to have been Apocauchus, whom he describes (though without naming him) as going upon an embassy to the north. (De MAfeth. AMed. Proef. in i. ii. pp. 139, 169.) One of his works is entitled, Hlepl 'EvepyeiLW seal HaOfwdv Tro 'uyioV Ualvedaros, KalT ' tr car' aurdo Aelroe-" De Actionibus et Affectibus Spiritus Animalis, ejusque Nutritione." This is a psychological and physiological work in two books, in which all his reasoning, says Freind, seems to be founded upon the principles laid down by Aristotie, Galen, and others, with relation to the same subject. The style of this tract is by no means ACTUARIUS. 17 impure, and has a great mixture of the old Attic in it, which is very rarely to be met with in the later Greek writers. A tolerably full abstract of it is given by Barchusen, Hist. Medic. Dial. 14. p. 338, &c. It was first published, Venet. 1547, 8vo. in a Latin translation by Jul. Alexandrinus de Neustain. The first edition of the original was published, Par. 1557, 8vo. edited, without notes or preface, by Jac. Goupyl. A second Greek edition appeared in 1774, 8vo. Lips., under the care of J. F. Fischer. Ideler has also inserted it in the first volume of his Physici et Medici Graeci Minores, Berol. 8vo. 1841; and the first part of J. S. Bernardi Reliquiae Medico-Criticae, ed. Gruner, Jenae, 1795, 8vo. contains some Greek Scholia on the work. Another of his extant works is entitled, Oeparev-rtic) MeOoeos, " De Methodo Medendi," in six books, which have hitherto appeared complete only in a Latin translation, though Dietz had, before his death, collected materials for a Greek edition of this and his other works. (See his preface to Galen De Dissect. MlIusc.) In these books, says Freind, though he chiefly follows Galen, and very often Aetius and Paulus Aegineta without naming him, yet lie makes use of whatever he finds to his purpose both in the old and modern writers, as well barbarians as Greeks; and indeed we find in him several things that are not to be met with elsewhere. The work was written extempore, and designed for the use of Apocauchus during his embassy to the north. (Praef. i. p. 139.) A Latin translation of this work by Corn. H. Mathisius, was first published Venet. 1554, 4to. The first four books appear sometimes to have been considered to form a complete work, of which the first and second have been inserted by Ideler in the second volume of his Phys. et Aled. Gr. /in. Berol. 1842, under the title ITepl AtayvCdo-ssr ilao&P, " De Morborum Dignotione," and from which the Greek extracts in H. Stephens's Diclionari'n Mledicum, Par. 1564, 8vo. are probably taken. The fifth and sixth books have also been taken for a separate work, and were published by themselves, Par. 1539, 8vo. and Basil. 1540, 8vo. in a Latin translation by J. Ruellius, with the title " De Medicamentorum Compositione." An extract from this work is inserted in FernePs collection of writers De Febribus, Venet. 1576, fol. His other extant work is Flepi Oip'aiv, " De Urinis,"in seven books. He has treated of this subject very fully and distinctly, and, though lie goes upon the plan which Theophilus Protospatharius had marked out, yet he has added a great deal of original matter. It is the most complete and systematic work on the subject that remains from antiquity, so much so that, till the chemical improvements of the last hundred years, he had left hardly anything new to be said by the moderns, many of whom, says Freind, transcribed it almost word for word. This work was first published in a Latin translation by Ambrose Leo, which appeared in 1519, Venet. 4to., and has been several times reprinted; the Greek original has been published for the first time in the second volume of Ideler's work quoted above. Two Latin editions of his collected works are said by Choulant (Handbuch der Bilclierkunde fhuir die Aeltere Medicin, Leipzig, 1841), to have been published in the same year, 1556, one at Paris, and the other at Lyons, both in 8vo. His three works are also inserted in the Medicae
Page 18 18 ADA. Artis Principes of H. Stephens, Par. 1567, fol. (Freind's Hist. of Physic; Sprengel, Hist. de la Mid.; Haller, Biblioth. Medic. Pract.; Barchusen, Hist. Medic.) [W. A. G.] ACU'LEO occurs as a surname of C. Furius who was quaestor of L. Scipio, and was condemned of peculatus. (Liv. xxxviii. 55.) Aculeo, however, seems not to have been a regular family-name of the Furia gens, but only a surname given to this person, of which a similar example occurs in the following article. C. ACULEO, a Roman knight, who married the sister of Helvia, the mother of Cicero. He was surpassed by no one in his day in his knowledge of the Roman law, and possessed great acuteness of mind, but was not distinguished for other attainments. He was a friend of L. Licinius Crassus, and was defended by him upon one occasion. The son of Aculeo was C. Visellius Varro; whence it would appear that Aculeo was only a surname given to the father from his acuteness, and that his full name was C. Visellius Varro Aculeo. (Cic. de Or. i. 43, ii. 1, 65; Brut. 76.) ACU'MENUS ('AKcomLEVOds), a physician of Athens, who lived in the fifth century before Christ, and is mentioned as the friend and companion of Socrates. (Plat. Phaedr. init.; Xen. Memor. iii. 13. ~ 2.) He was the father of Eryximachus, who was also a physician, and who is introduced as one of the speakers in Plato's Symposium. (Plat. Protag. p. 315, c.; Symp. p. 176, c.) He is also mentioned in the collection of letters first published by Leo Allatius, Paris, 1637, 4to. with the title Epist. Socrcdis et Socraticorum, and again by Orellius, Lips. 1815. 8vo. ep. 14. p. 31. [W. A. G.] ACUSILA'US ('AtcovrAeaos), of Argos, one of the earlier Greek logographers (Diet. of Ant. p. 575, a.), who probably lived in the latter half of the sixth century B. c. He is called the son of Cabras or Scabras, and is reckoned by some among the Seven Wise Men. Suidas (s. v.) says, that he wrote Genealogies from bronze tablets, which his father was said to have dug up in his own house. Three books of his Genealogies are quoted, which were for the most part only a traislation of IlHesiod into prose. (Clem. Strom. vi. p. 629, a.) Like most of the other logographers, he wrote in the Ionic dialect. Plato is the earliest writer by whom he is mentioned. (Symp. p. 178, b.) The works which bore the name of Acusilails in a later age, were spurious. (s. v. 'EKsTcUOS MLinIe0Lo.s, 'Iaropijoai, vuyypa'<pe.) The fragments of Acusilails have been published by Sturtz, Gerae, 1787; 2nd ed. Lips. 1824; and in the " Museum Criticum," i. p. 216, &c. Camb. 1826. M. ACU'TIUS, tribune of the plebs B. c. 401, was elected by the other tribunes (by co-optation) in violation of the Trebonia lex. (Liv. v. 10; Diet. of Ant. p. 566, a.) ADA ("Ala), the daughter of Hecatomnus, king of Caria, and sister of Mausolus, Artemisia, Idrieus, and Pixodarus. She was married to her brother Idrieus, who succeeded Artemisia in B. c. 351 and died B. c. 344. On the death of her husband she succeeded to the throne of Caria, but was expelled by her brother Pixodarus in B. c. 340; and on the death of the latter in B. c. 335 his sonin-law Orontobates received the satrapy of Caria from the Persian king. When Alexander entered Caria in B. c. 334, Ada, who was in possession of the fortress of Alinda, surrendered this place to ADEIMANTUS. him and begged leave to adopt him as her son. After taking Halicarnassus, Alexander committed the government of Caria to her. (Arrian, Anab. i. 23; Diod. xvi. 42, 74; Strab. xiv. pp. 656, 657; Plut. Alex. 10.) ADAEUS, or ADDAEUS ('Aaetosor'Alaaeos), a Greek epigrammatic poet, a native most probably of Macedonia. The epithet MCKE'Oos 1is appended to his name before the third epigram in the Vat. MS. (Ant1h. Gr. vi. 228); and the subjects of the second, eighth, ninth, and tenth epigrams agree with this account of his origin. He lived in the time of Alexander the Great, to whose death he alludes. (Anth. Gr. vii. 240.) The fifth epigram (Anth. Gr. vii. 305) is inscribed 'A68alov Mtr7vA7vaiov, and there was a Mitylenaean of this name, who wrote two prose wroks IHept 'AyaAiaTro7iroc v and lep1 AiaeOwr6os. (Athen. xiii. p. 606. A, xi. p. 471, F,) The time when he lived cannot be fixed with certainty. Reiske, though on insufficient grounds, believes these two to be the same person. (Anthl. Graec. vi. 228, 258, vii. 51, 238, 240, 305, x. 20; Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 224; Jacobs, xiii. p. 831.) [C. P. M.] ADAMANTEIA. [AMALTHEIA.] ADAMA'NTIUS ('Alaptimrvos), an ancient physician, bearing the title of latrosophiista (ierprcKwv Asdys'wv uoptroris, Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 13), for the meaning of which see Diet. of Ant. p. 507. Little is known of his personal history, except that he was by birth a Jew, and that he was one of those who fled from Alexandria, at the time of the expulsion of the Jews from that city by the Patriarch St. Cyril, A. D. 415. He went to Constantinople, was persuaded to embrace Christianity, apparently by A tticus the Patriarch of that city, and then returned to Alexandria. (Socrates, I, c.) He is the author of a Greek treatise on physiognomy, )vuo-oyvwmLovL1cK, in two books, which is still extant, and which is borrowed in a great measure (as he himself confesses, i. Prooem. p. 314, ed. Franz.) from Polemo's work on the same subject. It is dedicated to Constantius, who is supposed by Fabricius (Biblioth. Graeca, vol. ii. p. 171, xiii. 34, ed. vet.) to be the person who married Placidia, the daughter of Theodosius the Great, and who reigned for seven months in conjunction with the Emperor Hlonorius. It was first published in Greek at Paris, 1540, 8vo., then in Greek and Latin at Basle, 1544, 8vo., and afterwards in Greek, together with Aelian, Polemo and some other writers, at Rome, 1545, 4to.; the last and best edition is that by J. G. Franzius, who has inserted it in his collection of the Scripores Physiognomiae Veteres, Gr. et Lat., Altenb. 1780, 8vo. Another of his works, ipl i 'Avipswv, De Ventis, is quoted by the Scholiast to Ilesiod, and an extract from it is given by Aetius (tetrab. i. serm. 3, c. 163); it is said to be still in existence in manuscript in the Royal Library at Paris. Several of his medical prescriptions are preserved by Oribasius and ARtius. [W. A. G.] ADEIMANTUS ('AWeijjavros). 1. The son of Ocytus, the Corinthian commander in the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Before the battle of Artemisium he threatened to sail away, but was bribed by Themistocles to remain. He opposed Themistocles with great insolence in the council which the commanders held before the battle of Salamis. According to the Athenians he took to flight at the very commencement of the battle, but this
Page 19 ADMETE. was denied by the Corinthians and the other Greeks. (Herod. viii. 5, 56, 61, 94; Plut. Them. 11.) 2. The son of Leucolophides, an Athenian, was one of the commanders with Alcibiades in the expedition against Andros, B. c. 407. (Xen. Hell. i. 4. ~ 21.) He was again appointed one of the Athenian generals after the battle of Arginusae, B. c. 406, and continued in office till the battle of Aegospotami, B. C. 405, where he was one of the commanders, and was taken prisoner. He was the only one of the Athenian prisoners who was not put to death, because he had opposed the decree for cutting off the right hands of the Lacedaemonians who might be taken in the battle. He was accused by many of treachery in this battle, and was afterwards impeached by Conon. (Xen. Hell. i. 7. ~ 1, ii. 1. ~ 30-32; Paus.iv. 17.~ 2, x.9. ~5; Dem. de fals. leg. p. 401.; Lys. c. Ale. pp. 143, 21.) Aristophanes speaks of Adeimantus in the " Frogs " (1513), which was acted in the year of the battle, as one whose death was wished for; and he also calls him, apparently out of jest, the son of Leucolophus, that is, "White Crest." In the "Protagoras" of Plato, Adeimantus is also spoken of as present on that occasion (p. 315, e.). 3. The brother of Plato, who is frequently mentioned by the latter. (Apol. Socr. p. 34, a., de Rep. ii. p. 367, e. p. 548, d. e.) ADGANDE'STRIUS, a chief of the Catti, offered to kill Arminius if the Romans would send him poison for the purpose; but Tiberius declined the offer. (Tac. Ann. ii. 88.) ADHERBAL ('ArdpGas). 1. A Carthaginian commander in the first Punic war, who was placed over Drepana, and completely defeated the Roman consul P. Claudius in a sea-fight off Drepana, B. c. 249. (Polyb. i. 49-52; Diod Eel. xxiv.) 2. A Carthaginian commander under Mago in the second Punic war, who was defeated in a seafight off Carteia, in Spain, by C. Laelius in B.c. 206. (Liv. xxviii. 30.) 3. The son of Micipsa, and grandson of Masinissa, had the kingdom of Numidia left to him by his father in conjunction with his brother Hiempsal and Jugurtha, B. c. 118. After the murder of his brother by Jugurtha, Adherbal fled to Rome and was restored to his share of the kingdom by the Romans in B. c. 117. But Adherbal was again stripped of his dominions by Jugurtha and besieged in Cirta, where he was treacherously killed by Jugurtha in B. c. 112, although he had placed himself under the protection of the Romans. (Sail. Jug. 5, 13, 14, 24, 25, 26; Liv. Ep. 63; Diod. Exc. xxxiv. p. 605. ed. Wess.) ADIA'TORIX ('Ata7ro'pl), son of a tetrarch in Galatia, belonged to Antony's party, and killed all the Romans in Heracleia shortly before the battle of Actium. After this battle he was led as prisoner in the triumph of Augustus, and put to death with his younger son. His elder son, Dyteutus, was subsequently made priest of the celebrated goddess in Comana. (Strab. xii. pp. 543, 558, 559; Cic. ad Famn. ii. 12.) ADME'TE ('A65Yrst). 1, A daugter of Oceanus and Thetys (Hesiod. Theog. 349), whom Hyginus in the preface to his fables calls Admeto and a daughter of Pontus and Thalassa. 2. A daughter of Eurystheus and Antimache or Admete. Heracles was obliged by her father to fetch for her the girdle of Ares, which was worn ADMETUS. 19 by Hippolyte, queen of the Amazons. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 9.) According to Tzetzes (ad Lycophr. 1327), she accompanied Heracles on this expedition. There was a tradition (Athen. xv. p. 447), according to which Admete was originally a priestess of Hera at Argos, but fled with the image of the goddess to Samos. Pirates were engaged by the Argives to fetch the image back, but the enterprise did not succeed, for the ship when laden with the image could not be made to move. The men then took the image back to the coast of Samos and sailed away. When the Samians found it, they tied it to a tree, but Admete purified it and restored it to the temple of Samos. In commemoration of this event the Samians celebrated an annual festival called Tonea. This story seems to be an invention of the Argives, by which they intended to prove that the worship of Hera in their place was older than in Samnos. [L. S.] ADME'TUS ("Acrnros), a son of Pheres, the founder and king of Pherae in Thessaly, and of Periclymene or Clymene. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 2, 9. ~ 14.) He took part in the Calydonian chase and the expedition of the Argonauts. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16; Hygin. Fab. 14. 173.) When he had succeeded his father as king of Pherae, he sued for the hand of Alcestis, the daughter of Pelias, who promised her to him on condition that he should come to her in a chariot drawn by lions and boars. This task Admetus performed by the assistance of Apollo, who served him according to some accounts out of attachment to him (Schol. ad Erip. Alcest. 2; Callim. h. in Apoll. 46, &c.), or according to others because he was obliged to serve a mortal for one year for having slain the Cyclops. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 4.) On the day of his marriage with Alcestis, Admetus neglected to offer a sacrifice to Artemis, and when in the evening he entered the bridal chamber, he found there a number of snakes rolled up in a lump. Apollo, however, reconciled Artemis to him, and at the same time induced the Moirae to grant to Admetus deliverance from death, if at the hour of his death his father, mother, or wife would die for him. Alcestis did so, but Kora, or according to others Heracles, brought her back to the upper world. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 15; compare ALCESTIS.) [L. S.] ADME'TUS ("A3lU'TO), king of the Molossians in the time of Themistocles, who, when supreme at Athens, had opposed him, perhaps not without insult, in some suit to the people. But when flying from the officers who were ordered to seize him as a party to the treason of Pausanias, and driven from Corcyra to Epirus, he found himself upon some emergency, with no hope of refuge but the house of Admetus. Admetus was absent; but Phthia his queen welcomed the stranger, and bade him, as the most solemn form of supplication among the Molossians, take her son, the young prince, and sit with him in his hands upon the hearth. Admetus on his return home assured him of protection; according to another account in Plutarch, he himself, and not Pthia enjoined the form as affording him a pretext for refusal: he, at any rate, shut his ears to all that the Athenian and Lacedaemonian commissioners, who soon afterwards arrived, could say; and sent Themistocles safely to Pydna on his way to the Persian court. (Thucyd. i. 136, 137; Plut. Them. 24.) [A. H. C.] ADME'TUS ("AnTeTros), a Greek epigrammatist, who lived in the early part of the second c2
Page 20 20 ADONIS. century after Christ. One line of his is preserved by Lucian. (Demonax, 44; Brunck, Anal. iii. p. 21.) [C. P. M.] ADO'NIEUS ('ASwEvs). 1. A surname of Bacchus, signifies the Ruler. (Auson. Epigr. xxix. 6.) 2. Adoneus is sometimes used by Latin poets for Adonis. (Plaut. ilMenech. i. 2. 35; Catull. xxix. 9.) [L. S.] ADO'NIS ('Auvits), according to Apollodorus (iii. 14. ~ 3) a son of Cinyras and Medarme, according to Hesiod (ap. Apollod. iii. 14. ~ 4) a son of Phoenix and Alphesiboea, and according to the cyclic poet Panyasis (up. Apollod. 1. c.) a son of Theias, king of Assyria, who begot him by his own daughter Smyrna. (Myrrha.) The ancient story ran thus: Smyrna had neglected the worship of Aphrodite, and was punished by the goddess with an unnatural love for her father. With the assistance of her nurse she contrived to share her father's bed without being known to him. When he discovered the crime he wished to kill her; but she fled, and on being nearly overtaken, prayed to the gods to make her invisible. They were moved to pity and changed her into a tree called o'ev'pva. After the lapse of nine months the tree burst, and Adonis was born. Aphrodite was so much charmed with the beauty of the infant, that she concealed it in a chest which she entrusted to Persephone; but when the latter discovered the treasure she had in her keeping, she refused to give it up. The case was brought before Zeus, who decided the dispute by declaring that during four months of every year Adonis should be left to himself, during four months he should belong to Persephone, and during the remaining four to Aphrodite. Adonis however preferring to live with Aphrodite, also spent with her the four months over which he had controul. Afterwards Adonis died of a wound which he received from a boar during the chase. Thus far the story of Adonis was related by Panyasis. Later writers furnish various alterations and additions to it. According to llyginus (Fab. 58, 164, 251, 271), Smyrna was punished with the love for her father, because her mother Cenchreis had provoked the anger of A1phrodite by extolling the beauty of her daughter above that of the goddess. Smyrna after the discovery of her crime fled into a forest, where she was changed into a tree from which Adonis came forth, when her father split it with his sword. The dispute between Aphrodite and Persephone was according to some accounts settled by Calliope, whom Zeus appointed as mediator between them. (Hygin. Poet. Astron. ii. 7.) Ovid (Met x. 300, &c.) adds the following features: Myrrha's love of her father was excited by the furies; Lucina assisted her when she gave birth to Adonis, and the Naiads anointed him with the tears of his mother, i. e. with the fluid which trickled from the tree. Adonis grew up a most beautiful youth, and Venus loved him and shared with him the pleasures of the chase, though she always cautioned him against the wild beasts. At last lie wounded a boar which killed him in its fury. According to some traditions Ares (Mars), or, according to others, Apollo assumed the form of a boar and thus killed Adonis. (Serv. ad Virg. cl. x. 18; Ptolem. Hephaest. i. p. 306, ed. Gale.) A third story related that Dionysus carried off Adonis. (Phanocles ap. Plut. Syfmpos. ADRASTEIA. iv. 5.) When Aphrodite was informed of her beloved being wounded, she hastened to the spot and sprinkled nectar into his blood, from which immediately flowers sprang up. Various other modifications of the story may be read in Hyginus (Poet. Astron. ii. 7), Theocritus (ilyl. xv.), Bion (Idyll. i.), and in the scholiast on Lyoophron. (839, &c.) From the double marriage of Aphrodite with Ares and Adonis sprang Priapus. (Schol. ad Apollon. RIhod. i. 9, 32.) Besides him Golgos and Beroe are likewise called children of Adonis and Aphrodite. (Schol. ad T/ieocrit. xv. 100; Nonni Dionys. xli. 155.) On his death Adonis was obliged to descend into the lower world, but he was allowed to spend six months out of every year with his beloved Aphrodite in the upper world. (Oiph. limn. 55. 10.) The worship of Adonis, which in later times was spread over nearly all the countries round the Mediterranean, was, as the story itself sufficiently indicates, of Asiatic, or niore especially of Phoenician origin. (Lucian, de dea Sr. c.) Thence it was transferred to Assyria, Egypt, Greece, and even to Italy, though of course with various modifications. In the Homeric poems no trace of it occurs, and the later Greek poets changed the original symbolic account of Adonis into a poetical story. In the Asiatic religions Aphrodite was the fructifying principle of nature, and Adonis appears to have reference to the death of nature in winter and its revival in spring-hence he spends six months in the lower and six in the upper world. His death and his return to life were celebrated in annual festivals ('Acwvia) at Byblos, Alexandria in Egypt, Athens, and other places. [L. S.] ADRANUS ( Apav6s), a Sicilian divinity who was worshipped in all the island, but especially at Adranus, a town near Mount Aetna. (Plut. TiL ml. 12; Diodor. xiv. 37.) Hesychius (s. v. IaAmucol) represents the god as the father of the Palici. According to Aelian (Hist. Anicm. xi. 20), about 1000 sacred dogs were kept near his temple. Some modern critics consider this divinity to be of eastern origin, and connect the name Adranus with the Persian Adar (fire), and rega.d him as the same as the Phoenician Adrlamelech, and as a personification of the sun or of fire in general. (Bochart, Geograph. Sacra, p. 530 ) [L. S.] ADRANTUS, ARDRANTUS or ADRASTUS, a contemporary of Athenaeus, who wrote a commentary in five books upon the work of Theophrastus, entitled reptl 'HOle, to which he added a sixth book upon the Nicomachian Ethics of Aristotle. (Athen. xv. p. 673, e. with Schweighiluser's note.) ADRASTEIA ('Aapo'rsT1a). 1. A Cretan nymph, daughter of Melisseus, to whom Rhea entrusted the infant Zeus to be reared in the Dictaean grotto. In this office Adrasteia was assisted by her sister Ida and the Curetes (Apollod. i. 1. ~ 6; Callimach. hymn. in Jov. 47), whom the scholiast on Callimachus calls her brothers. Apollonius Rhodius (iii. 132, &c.) relates that she gave to the infant Zeus a beautiful globe (orea-pa) to play with, and on some Cretan coins Zeus is represented sitting upon a globe. (Spanh. ad Callim. 1. c.) 2. A surname of Nemesis, which is derived by some writers from Adrastus, who is said to have built the first sanctuary of Nemesis on the river Asopus (Strab. xiii. p. 588), and by otihers from
Page 21 ADRASTUS. ADRIANUS. 21. the verb alapaKiaeLv, according to which it would I fell in this war, was Aegialeus, the son of Adrassignify the goddess whom none can escape. (Valc- tus. After having built a temple of Nemesis in ken. ad Herod. iii. 40.) [L. S.] the neighbourhood of Thebes [ADRASTEIA], he set ADRASTI'NE. [ADRASTUS.] out on his return home. But weighed down by ADRASTUS (CAopaor-os), a son of Talaus, old age and grief at the death of his son he died at king of Argos, and of Lysimache. (Apollod. i. 9. Megara and was buried there. (Paus. i. 43. ~ 1.) ~ 13.) Pausanias (ii. 6. ~ 3) calls his mother After his death he was worshipped in several parts Lysianassa, and Hyginus (Feb. 69) Eurynome. of Greece, as at Megara (Paus. 1. c.), at Sicyon (Comp. Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 423.) During a where his memory was celebrated in tragic chofeud between the most powerful houses in Argos, ruses (Herod. v. 67), and in Attica. (Paus. i. 30. Talaus was slain by Amphiaraus, and Adrastus ~ 4.) The legends about Adrastus and the two being expelled from his dominions fled to Polybus, wars against Thebes have furnished most ample then king of Sicyon. When Polybus died with- materials for the epic as well as tragic poets of out heirs, Adrastus succeeded him on the throne Greece (Paus. ix. 9. ~ 3), and some works of art of Sicyon, and during his reign he is said to have relating to the stories about Adrastus are mentioned instituted the Nemeani games. (Hom. II. ii. 572; in Pausanias. (iii. 18. ~ 7, x. 10. ~ 2.) Pind. Nem. ix. 30, &c.; Herod. v. 67; Paus. ii. From Adrastus the female patronymic Adrastine 6. ~ 3.) Afterwards, however, Adrastus became was formed. (Hom. II. v. 412.) [L. S.] reconciled to Amphiaraus, gave him his sister Eri- ADRASTUS (Aapa--ros),. a son of the Phryphyle in marriage, and returned to his kingdom of gian king Gordius, who had unintentionally killed Argos. During the time he reigned there it hap- his brother, and was in consequence expelled by pened that Tydeus of Calydon and Polynices of his father and deprived of everything He took Thebes, both fugitives from their native countries, refuge as a suppliant at the court of king Croesus, met at Argos near the palace of Adrastus, and who purified him and received him kindly. After came to words and from words to blows. On some time he was sent out as guardian of Atys, hearing the noise, Adrastus hastened to them and the son of Croesus, who was to deliver the counseparated the combatants, in whom he immediately try from a wild boar which lhad made great havoc recognised the two men that had been promised to all around. Adrastus had the misfortune to kill him by an oracle as the future husbands of two prince Atys, while he was aiming at the wild of his daughters; for one bore on his shield beast. Croesus pardoned the unfortunate man, as the figure of a boar, and the other that of a Ihe saw in this accident the will of the gods and lion, and the oracle was, that one of his daughters the fulfilment of a prophecy; but Adrastus could was to marry a boar and the other a lion. Adras- not endure to live longer and killed himself on the tus therefore gave his daughter Delpyle to Tydeus, tomb of Atys. (Herod. i. 35-45.) [L. S.] and Argeia to Polynices, and at the same time ADRASTUS ('A8pacr-os), of Aphrodisias, a promised to lead each of these princes back to his Peripatetic philosopher, who lived in the second own country. Adrastus now prepared for war century after Christ, the author of a treatise on against Thebes, although Amphiaraus foretold that the arrangement of Aristotle's writings and his all who should engage in it should perish, with system of philosophy, quoted by Simplicius (Praethe exception of Adrastus. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 1, iat. in viii. lib. Phys.), and by Achilles Tatius &c.; Hygin. Fab. 69, 70.) (p 82). Some commentaries of his on the Timaeus Thus arose the celebrated war of the " Seven of Plato are also quoted by Porphyry (p. 270, in against Thebes," in which Adrastus was joined by Harmonica Ptolemanei), and a treatise on the Catesix other heroes, viz. Polynices, Tydeus, Amphia- gories of Aristotle by Galen. None of these have raus, Capaneus, Hippomedon, and Parthenopaeus. come down to us; but a work on Harmonics, Trepl Instead of Tydeus and Polynices other legends 'Apsoviuccv, is preserved, in MS., in the Vatican mention Eteoclos and Mecisteus. This war ended Library. [B. J.] as unfortunately as Amphiaraus had predicted, ADRIA'NUS. [HADRIANUS.] and Adrastus alone was saved by the swiftness of ADRIA'NUS ('AWpavo's), a Greek rhetorician his horse Areion, the gift of Heracles. (Hom. II. born at Tyre in Phoenicia, who flourished under xxiii. 346, &c.; Paus. viii. 25. ~ 5; Apollod. iii. the emperors M. Antoninus and Commodus. He 6.) Creon of Thebes refuising to allow the bodies was the pupil of the celebrated Herodes Atticus, of the six heroes to be buried, Adrastus went to and obtained the chair of philosophy at Athens Athens and implored the assistance of the Athe- during the lifetime of his master. His advancenians. Theseus was persuaded to undertake an ment does not seem to have impaired their mutual expedition against Thebes; he took the city and regard; Herodes declared that the unfinished delivered up the bodies of the fallen heroes to speeches of his scholar were " the fragments of a their friends for burial. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 1; colossus," and Adrianus showed his gratitude by a Paus. ix. 9. ~ 1.) funeral oration which he pronounced over the ashes Ten years after this Adrastus persuaded the of his master. Among a people who rivalled one seven sons of the heroes, who hlad fallen in the another in their zeal to do him honour, Adrianus war against Thebes, to make a new attack upon' did not shew much of the discretion of a philosothat city, and Amphiaraus now declared that the pher. His first lecture cosnmmenced with the modest gods approved of the undertaking, and promised encomium on himself '-Au'v 4ic 4oiuvitcrs yptspU/u.ra, success. (Paus. ix. 9. ~ 2; Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 2.) while in the magnificence of his dress and equipage This war is celebrated in ancient story as the war he affected the style of the hierophant of philosoof the Epigoni ('Erlryovos). Thebes was taken and phy. A story may be seen in Philostratus of his razed to the ground, after the greater part of its trial and acquittal for the murder of a begging inhabitants had left the city on the advice of sophist who had insulted him: Adrianus had reTiresias. (Apollod. iii. 7. 2-4; Herod. v. 61; torted by styling such insults ICjy/ ra ' K Iopew, but Strab. vii. p. 325.) The only Argive hero that I his pupils were not content with weapons of
Page 22 22 AEACIDES. AEACUS. ridicule. The visit of M. Antoninus to Athens made him acquainted with Adrianus, whom he invited to Rome and honoured with his friendship: the emperor even condescended to set the thesis of a declamation for him. After the death of Antoninus he became the private secretary of Commodus. His death took place at Rome in the eightieth year of his age, not later than A. D. 192, if it be true that Commodus (who was assassinated at the end of this year) sent him a letter on his death-bed, which he is represented as kissing with devout earnestness in his last moments. (Philostr. Vit. Adrian.; Suidas, s. v. 'Apitavo's.) Of the works attributed to him by Suidas three declamations only are extant. These have been edited by Leo Allatius in the Excerpta Varia Graecorum Soplhistariom ac Rhctoricorum, Romae, 1641, and by Walz in the first volume of the Rhetores Graeci, 1832. [B. J.] ADRIA'NUS ('Aptavos), a Greek poet, who wrote an epic poem on the history of Alexander the Great, which was called 'AAehavapitds. Of this poem the seventh book is mentioned (Steph. Byz. s. V. 2deita), but we possess only a fragment consisting of one line. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Arrpala.) Suidas (s. v. 'A"iav4s) mentions among other poems of Arrianus one called 'AXAeavSplds, and there can be no doubt that this is the work of Adrianus, which he by mistake attributes to his Arrianus. (Meineke, in the A bhandl. der Berlin. Akademie, 1832, p. 124.) [L. S.] ADRIA/NUS ('AMptavos) flourished, according to Archbishop Usher, A. D. 433. There is extant of his, in Greek, Isagoge Sacrarzum Literarum, recommended by Photius (No. 2) to beginners, edited by Day. Hoeschel, 4to. Aug. Vindel. 1602, and among the Critici Sacri. fol. Lond. 1660. [A.J. C.] ADU'SIUS ('Aotodunos), according to the account of Xenophon in the Cyropaedeia, was sent by Cyrus with an army into Caria, to put an end to the feuds which existed in the country. He afterwards assisted Hystaspes in subduing Phrygia, and was made satrap of Caria, as the inhabitants had requested. (vii. 4. ~ 1, &c., viii. 6. ~ 7.) AEA. [GAEA.] AEA, a huntress who was metamorphosed by the gods into the fabulous island bearing the same name, in order to rescue her from the pursuit of Phasis, the river-god. (Val. Flacc. i. 742, v. 426.) [L. S.] AE'ACES (AldI Ks). 1. The father of Syloson and Polycrates. (Herod. iii. 39, 139, vi. 13.) 2. The son of Syloson, and the grandson of the preceding, was tyrant of Samos, but was deprived of his tyranny by Aristagoras, when the lonians revolted from the Persians, B. c. 500. He then fled to the Persians, and induced the Samians to abandon the other lonians in the sea-fight between the Persians and lonians. After this battle, in which the latter were defeated, he was restored to the tyranny of Samos by the Persians, B. c. 494. (Herod. iv. 138, vi. 13, 14, 25.) AEA'CIDES (AlaKisis), a patronymic from Acacus, and given to various of his descendants, as Peleus (Ov. Met. xi. 227, &c., xii. 365; Hom. II. xvi. 15), Telamon (Ov. Met. viii. 4; Apollon. i. 1330), Phocus (Ov. Met. vii. 668, 798), the sons of Aeacus; Achilles, the grandson of Aeacus (Hom. II. xi. 805; Virg. Aen. i. 99); and Pyrrhus, the great-grandson of Aeacus. (Virg. Aen. iii. 296.) [L. S.] AEA CIDES (Ailatc1ss), the son of Arymbas, king of Epirus, succeeded to the throne on the death of his cousin Alexander, who was slain in Italy. (Liv. viii. 24.) Aeacides married Phthia, the daughter of Menon of Pharsalus, by whom he had the celebrated Pyrrhus and two daughters, Deidameia and Tro'as. In B. c. 317 he assisted Polysperchon in restoring Olympias and the young Alexander, who was then only five years old, to Macedonia. In the following year he marched to the assistance of Olympias, who was hard pressed by Cassander; but the Epirots disliked the service, rose against Aeacides, and drove him from the kingdom. Pyrrhus, who was then only two years old, was with difficulty saved from destruction by some faithful servants. But becoming tired of the Macedonian rule, the Epirots recalled Aeacides in B. c. 313; Cassander immediately sent an army against him under Philip, who conquered him the same year in two battles, in the last of which he was killed. (Paus. i. 11; Diod. xix. 11, 36, 74; Plut. Pyrrh. i. 2.) AE'ACUS (A''aicos), a son of Zeus and Aegina, a daughter of the river-god Asopus. He was born in the island of Oenone or Oenopia, whither Aegina had been carried by Zeus to secure her from the anger of her parents, and whence this island was afterwards called Aegina. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 6; Hygin. Fab. 52; Pans. ii. 29. ~ 2; comp. Nonn. Dionys. vi. 212; Ov. Met. vi. 113, vii. 472, &c.) According to some accounts Aeacus was a son of Zeus and Europa. Some traditions related that at the time when Aeacus was born, Aegina was not yet inhabited, and that Zeus changed the ants (/tu'pjices) of the island into men (Myrmidones) over whom Aeacus ruled, or that he made men grow up out of the earth. (Hes. Frgnm. 67, ed.Ghttling; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 6; Paus. 1. c.) Ovid (Met. vii. 520; comp. Hygin. Fab. 52; Strab. viii. p. 375), on the other hand, supposes that the island was not uninhabited at the time of the birth of Aeacus, and states that, in the reign of Aeacus, Hera, jealous of Aegina, ravaged the island bearing the name of the latter by sending a plague or a fearful dragon into it, by which nearly all its inhabitants were carried off, and that Zeus restored the population by changing the ants into men. These legends, as Miuller justly remarks (4Aeginetice), are nothing but a mythical account of the colonisation of Aegina, which seems to have been originally inhabited by Pelasgians, and afterwards received colonists from Phthiotis, the seat of the Myrmidones, and from Phlius on the Asopus. Aeacus while he reigned in Aegina was renowned in all Greece for his justice and piety, and was frequently called upon to settle disputes not only among men, but even among the gods themselves. (Pind. Isth. viii. 48, &c.; Paus. i. 39. ~ 5.) He was such a favourite with the latter, that, when Greece was visited by a drought in consequence of a murder which had been committed (Diod. iv. 60, 61; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 6), the oracle of Delphi declared that the calamity would not cease unless Aeacus prayed to the gods that it might; which he accordingly did, and it ceased in consequence. Aeacus himself shewed his gratitude by erecting a temple to Zeus Panhellenius on mount Panhellenion (Paus. ii. 30. ~ 4), and the Aeginetans afterwards built a sanctuary in their island called Aeaceum, which was a square place enclosed by
Page 23 AEDESIA. walls of white marble. Aeacus was believed in later times to be buried under the altar in this sacred enclosure. (Paus. ii. 29. ~ 6.) A legend preserved in Pindar (01. viii. 39, &c.) relates that Apollo and Poseidon took Aeacus as their assistant in building the walls of Troy. When the work was completed, three dragons rushed against the wall, and while the two of them which attacked those parts of the wall built by the gods fell down dead, the third forced its way into the city through the part built by Aeacus. Hereupon Apollo prophesied that Troy would fall through the hands of the Aeacids. Aeacus was also believed by the Aeginetans to have surrounded their island with high cliffs to protect it against pirates. (Paus. ii. 29. ~ 5.) Several other incidents connected with the story of Aeacus are mentioned by Ovid. (Met. vii. 506, &c., ix. 435, &c.) By Endeis Aeacus had two sons, Telamon and Peleus, and by Psamathe a son, Phocus, whom he preferred to the two others, who contrived to kill Phocus during a contest, and then fled from their native island. [PELEUS; TELAMON.] After his death Aeacus became one of the three judges in Hades (Ov. Met. xiii. 25; Hor. Carm. ii. 13. 22), and according to Plato (Gorg. p. 523; compare Apolog. p. 41; Isocrat. Evag. 5) especially for the shades of Europeans. In works of art he was represented bearing a sceptre and the keys of Hades. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 6; Pind. Isthn. viii. 47, &c.) Aeacus had sanctuaries both at Athens and in Aegina (Paus. ii. 29. ~ 6; Hesych. s. v.; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. xiii. 155), and the Aeginetans regarded him as the tutelary deity of their island. (Pind. Nem. viii. 22.) [L. S.] AEAEA (A'ata). 1. A surname of Medeia, derived from Aea, the country where her father Ae'tes ruled. (Apollon. Rhod. iii. 1135.) 2. A surname of Circe, the sister of Aeetes. (Hornm. Od. ix. 32; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 559; Virg. Aen. iii. 386.) Her son Telegonus is likewise mentioned with this surname. (Acaeus, Propert. ii. 23. ~ 42.) 3. A surname of Calypso, who was believed to have inhabited a small island of the name of Aeaea in the straits between Italy and Sicily. (Pomp. Mela, ii. 7; Propert. iii. 10. 31.) [L. S.] AEA'NTIDES (Alavria s). 1. The tyrant of Lampsacus, to whom Hippias gave his daughter Archedice in marriage. (Thuc. vi. 59.) 2. A tragic poet of Alexandria, mentioned as one of the seven poets who formed the Tragic Pleiad. He lived in the time of the second Ptolemy. (Schol. ad IHephaest. p. 32, 93, ed. Paw., AEBU'TIA GENS, contained two families, the names of which are CARus and ELVA. The former was plebeian, the latter patrician; but the gens was originally patrician. Cornicen does not seem to have been a family-name, but only a surname given to Postumus Aebutius Elva, who was consul in B. c. 442. This gens was distinguished in the early ages, but from the time of the abovementioned Aebutius Elva, no patrician member of it held any curule office till the praetorship of M. Aebutius Elva in B. c. 176. It is doubtful to which of the family P. Aebutius belonged, who disclosed to the consul the existence of the Bacchanalia at Rome, and was rewarded by the senate in consequence, B. c. 186. (Liv. xxxix. 9, 11, 19.) AEDE'SIA(Als~la),a female philosopher of the AEDON. 23 new Platonic school, lived in the fifth century after Christ at Alexandria. She was a relation of Syrianus and the wife of Hermeias, and was equally celebrated for her beauty and her virtues. After the death of her husband, she devoted herself to relieving the wants of the distressed and the education of her children. She accompanied the latter to Athens, where they went to study philosophy, and was received with great distinction by all the philosophers there, and especially by Proclus, to whom she had been betrothed by Syrianus, when she was quite young. She lived to a considerable age, and her funeral oration was pronounced by Damascius, who was then a young man, in hexameter verses. The names of her sons were Ammonius and Heliodorus. (Suidas, s. v.; Damascius, ap. Phot. cod. 242, p. 341, b. ed. Bekker.) AEDE'SIUS (A1i8e-os), a Cappadocian, called a Platonic or perhaps more correctly an Eclectic philosopher, who lived in the fourth century, the friend and most distinguished disciple of lamblichus. After the death of his master the school of Syria was dispersed, and Aedesius fearing the real or fancied hostility of the Christian emperor Constantine to philosophy, took refuge in divination. An oracle in hexameter verse represented a pastoral life as his only retreat, but his disciples, perhaps calming his fears by a metaphorical interpretation, compelled him to resume his instructions. He settled at Pergamus, where he numbered among his pupils the emperor Julian. After the accession of the latter to the imperial purple he invited Aedesius to continue his instructions, but the declining strength of the sage being unequal to the task, two of his most learned disciples, Chrysanthes and Eusebius, were by his own desire appointed to supply his place. (Eunap. Vit. Aedes.) [B. J.] AEDON ('Ac /,v). 1. A daughter of Pandareus of Ephesus. According to Homer (Od. xix. 517, &c.) she was the wife of Zethus, king of Thebes, and the mother of Itylus. Envious of Niobe, the wife of her brother Amphion, who had six sons and six daughters, she formed the plan of killing the eldest of Niobe's sons, but by mistake slew her own son Itylus. Zeus relieved her grief by changing her into a nightingale, whose melancholy tunes are represented by the poet as AUdon's lamentations about her child. (Compare Pherecydes, Fragm. p. 138, ed. Sturz; Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 5.) According to a later tradition preserved in Antoninus Liberalis (c. 11), Aedon was the wife of Polytechnus, an artist of Colophon, and boasted that she lived more happily with him than Hera with Zeus. Hera to revenge herself ordered Eris to induce A'don to enter upon a contest with her husband. Polytechnus was then making a chair, and Aedon a piece of embroidery, and they agreed that whoever should finish the work first should receive from the other a female slave as the prize. When Ae'don had conquered her husband, he went to her father, and pretending that his wife wished, to see her sister Chelidonis, he took her with him. On his way home he ravished her, dressed her in slave's attire, enjoined her to observe the strictest silence, and gave her to his wife as the promised prize. After some time Chelidonis, believing herself unobserved, lamented her own fate, but she was overheard by Aedon, and the two sisters conspired against Polytechnus and killed his son Itys, whom they placed before him in a dish. A'don fled with Chelidonis to her
Page 24 24 AEGA. father, who, when Polytechnus came in pursait of his wife, had him bound, smeared- with honey, and thus exposed him to the insects. Aedon now took pity upon the sufferings of her husband, and when her relations were on the point of killing her for this weakness, Zeus changed Polytechnus into a pelican, the brother of Aedon into a whoop, her father into a sea-eagle, Chelidonis into a swallow, and Aedon herself into a nightingale. This mythus seems to have originated in mere etymologies, and is of the same class as that about Philomele and Procne. [L. S.] AEE'TES or AEE'TA (AlfrTs), a son of Helios and Perseis. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 1; Hes. Theog. 957.) According to others his mother's name was Persa (Hygin. Praef p. 14, ed. Staveren), or Antiope. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. xiii. 52.) He was a brother of Circe, Pasiphae, and Perses. (Hygin. 1. c.; Apollod. 1. c.; Hom. Od. x. 136, &c.; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 19.) He was married to Idyia, a daughter of Oceanus, by whom he had two daughters, Medeia and Chalciope, and one son, Absyrtus (Hesiod. Theog. 960.; Apollod. i. 9, 23.). He was king of Colchis at the time when Phrixus brought thither the golden fleece. At one time he was expelled from his kingdom by his brother Perses, but was restored by his daughter Medeia. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 28.) Compare ABSYRTUS, ARGONAUTAE, JASON, and MEDEIA. [L. S.] AEE'TIS, AEE'TIAS, and AEETI'NE, are patronymic forms from AeStes, and are used by Roman poets to designate his daughter Medeia. (Ov. Met. vii. 9, 296, Ileroid. vi. 103; Val. Flacc. viii. 233.) [L. S.] AEGA (A'iy-), according to Hyginus (Poet. Astr. ii. 13) a daughter of Olenus, who was a descendant of Hephaestus. Aega and her sister Helice nursed the infant Zeus in Crete, and the former was afterwards changed by the god into the constellation called Capella. According to other traditions mentioned by Hyginus, Aega was a daughter of Melisseus, king of Crete, and was chosen to suckle the infant Zeus; but as she was found unable to do it, the service was performed by the goat Amalthea. According to others, again, Aega was a daughter of Helios and of such dazzling brightness, that the Titans in their attack upon Olympus became frightened and requested their mother Gaea to conceal her in the earth. She was accordingly confined in a cave in Crete, where she became the nurse of Zeus. In the fight with the Titans Zeus was commanded by an oracle to cover himself with her skin (aegis). He obeyed the command and raised Aega among the stars. Similar, though somewhat different accounts, were given by Euemerus and others. (Eratosth. Calast. 13; Antonin. Lib. 36; Lactant. Instit. i. 22. ~ 19.) It is clear that in some of these stories Aegia is regarded as a nymph, and in others as a goat, though the two ideas are not kept clearly distinct from each other. Her name is either connected with aOc, which signifies a goat, or with ai, a gale of wind; and this circumstance has led some critics to coinsider the myth about her as made up of two distinct ones, one being of an astronomical nature and derived from the constellation Capella, the rise of which brings storms and tempests (Arat. Phasen. 150), and the other referring to the goat which was believed to have suckled the infant Zeus in Crete. (Compare Buttssann in Ideler's U)rspringy ndtl Bedtciung der Stierncuaien, p. 309; Bdttiger, AEGERIA. Aumaltheia, i. p. 16, &c.; Creuzor, Symbol. iv. p. 458 &c.) [L. S.] AEGAEON (AI'yaiwv), a son of Uranus by Gaea. Aegaeon and his brothers Gyges and Cottus are known under the name of the Uranids (lies. Theog. 502, &c.), and are described as lihuge monsters with a hundred arms (IceaTrdyYXipes) and fifty heads. (Apollod. i. 1. ~ 1; lies Theog 149, &c.) Most writers mention the third Uranid under the name of Briareus instead of Aegaeon, which is explained in a passage of Homer (II. i. 403, &c.), who says that men called him Aegaeon, but the gods Briareus. On one occasion when the Olympian gods were about to put Zeus in chains, Thetis called in the assistance of Aegaeon, who compelled the gods to desist from their intention. (Hom. II. i. 398, &c.) According to Hesiod (Theog. 154, &c. 617, &c.), Aegaeon and his brothers were hated by Uranus from the time of their birth, in consequence of which they were concealed in the depth of the earth, where they remained until the Titans began their war against Zeus. On the advice of Gaea Zeus delivered the Uranids from their prison, that they might assist him. The huindred-armed giants conqsuered the Titans by hurling at them three hundred rocks at once, and secured the victory to Zeus, who thrust the Titans into Tartarus and placed the Hecatoncheires at its gates, or, according to others, in the depth of the ocean to guard them. (Hes. Thleog. 617, &c. 815, &(.) According to a legend in Pausanias (ii. 1. ~ 6, ii. 4. ~ 7), Briareus was chosen as arbitrator in the dispute between Poseidon and Helios, and adjudged the Isthmus to the former and the Acrocorinthus to the latter. The Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 1165) represents Aegaeon as a son of Gaea and Pontus and as living as a marine god in the Aegean sea. Ovid (Met. ii. 10) and Philostratus ( Vit. Apollon. iv. 6) likewise regard himin as a marine god, while Virgil (Aen. x. 565) reckons him among the giants who stormed Olympus, and Callimachas (1/spnsn. in Del. 141, &c.), regarding him in the same light, places him under mount Aetna. The Scholiast on Theocritus (Idyll. i. 65) calls Briareus one of the Cyclops. The opinion which regards Aegaeon and his brothers as only personifications of the extraordinary powers of nature, such as are manifested in the violent commotions of the earth, as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and the like, seems to explain best the various accounts about them. [L. S.] AEGAEUS (Aiyeos), a surname of Poseidon, derived from the town of Aegae in Euboea, near which he had a magnificent temple upon a hill. (Strab. ix. p. 405; Virg. Aen. iii. 74, where Servius erroneously derives the name from the Aegean sea.) [L. S.] AEGEIDES (Aiyseiys), a patronymic from Aegeus, ansd especially used to designate Theseus. (H-on. II. i. 265; Ov. Ileroid. iv. 59, ii. 67; compare AEGEUS.) [L. S.I AEGE'RIA or EGE'RIA, one of the Camenae in Roman mythology, from whom, according to the legends of early Roman story, Numa received his instructions respecting the forms of worship which he introduced. (Liv. i. 19; Val. Max. i. 2. ~ I.) The grove in which the king had his interviews with the goddess, and in which a well gushlsed forth from a dark recess, was dedicated by himn to the Camenae. (Liv i. 21.) The Roman legenids, however, point out two distinct places
Page 25 AEGEUS. AEGIDIUS. 25 sacred to Aegeria, one near Aricia (Virg. Aen. vii. Fab. 26.) Aegeus was one of the eponymic 761, &c.; Ovid, Fast. iii. 263, &c.; Strab. v. heroes of Attica; and one of the Attic tribes p. 239; Plut. Nzun. 4; Lactant. i. 22. ~ 1), and (Aegeis) derived its name from him. (Paus. i. 5. the other near the city of Rome at the Porta ~ 2.) His grave, called the heroum of Aegeus, was Capena, in the valley now called Caparella, where believed to be at Athens (Paus. i. 22. ~ 5), and the sacred shield had fallen from heaven, and Pausanias mentions two statues of him, one at where Numa was likewise believed to have had Athens and the other at Delphi, the latter of which interviews with his beloved Camena. (Plut. Num. had been made of the tithes of the booty taken 13; Juv. iii.12.) Ovid (Met. xv. 431, &c.; by the Athenians at Marathon. (Paus. i. 5. ~ 2, compare Strab. /. c.) relates that, after the death x. 10. ~ 1.) of Numa, Aegeria fled into the shady grove in the 2. The eponymic hero of the phyle called the vale of Aricia, and there disturbed by her lamen- Aegeidae at Sparta, was a son of Oeolycus, and tations the worship of Diana which had been grandson of Theras, the founder of the colony in brought thither from Tauris by Orestes, or, ac- Thera. (Herod. iv. 149.) All the Aegeids were cording to others, by Hippolytus. Virgil (Aen. believed to be Cadmeans, who formed a settlement vii. 761) makes Hippolytus and Aegeria the at Sparta previous to the Dorian conquest. There parents of Virbius, who was undoubtedly a native is only this difference in the accounts, that, acItalian hero. This is one of the most remarkable cording to some, Aegeus was the leader of the instances of the manner in which the worship of a Cadmean colonists at Sparta, while, according to Greek divinity or hero was engrafted upon and Herodotus, they received their name of Aegeids combined with a purely Italian worship. Aegeria from the later Aegeus, the son of Oeolycus. (Pind. was regarded as a prophetic divinity, and also as 'Pth. v. 101; Isih. vii. 18, &c., with the Schol.) the giver of life, whence she was invoked by There was at Sparta a heroum of Aegeus. (Paus. pregnant women. (Festus, s. v. Egeriae; compare iii. 15. ~ 6; compare iv. 7. ~ 3.) [L. S.] Wagner, Commedtatio de IEeriae fonte et 7specu AEGIALE or AEGIALEIA (AyiayLrl or eiusque situ, Marburg, 1824; Hartung, Die Relig. Al'ylhlea), a daughter of Adrastus and Amder Rm-ir, ii. p. 203, &c. and 213, &c.) [L. S.] phithea, or of Aegialeus the son of Adrastus, AEGIESUS. [ACESTES.] whence she bears the surname of Adrastine. (Hom. AEGE US (AlirVs). 1. According to some II. v. 412; Apollod. i. 8. ~ 6, 9. ~ 13.) She was accounts a son of Pandion II. king of Athens, and married to Diomedes, who, on his return from of Pylia, while others call himn a son of Scyrius or Troy, found her living in adultery with Cometes. Phemius, and state that he was only an adopted (Eustath, ad II. v. p. 566.) The hero attributed son of Pandion. (Paus. i. 5. ~ 3, &c.; Schol. ad this misfortune to the anger of Aphrodite, whom Lycoplr. 494; A1pollod. iii. 15. ~ 5.) Pandion he had wounded in the war against Troy, but had been expelled from his kingdom by the when Aegiale went so far as to threaten his life, Metionids, but Aegeus in conjunction with his he fled to Italy. (Schol. ad Lycophr. 610; Ov. brothe.s, Pallas, Nysus, and Lycus restored him, Mliet. xiv. 476, &c.) According to Dictys Cretensis and Aegeus being the eldest of the brothers suc- (vi. 2), Aegiale, like Clytemnestra, had been ceeded Pandion. Aegeus first married Meta, a seduced to her criminal conduct by a treacherous daughter of Hoples, and then Chalciope, the report, that Diomedes was returning with a Trojan daughter of Rhexenor, neither of whom bore him woman who lived with him as his wife, and on his any children. (Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 6,&c.) He ascrib- arrival at Argos Aegiale expelled him. In Ovid ed this misfortune to the anger of Aphrodite, and (Ibis, 349) she is described as the type of a bad in order to conciliate her introduced her worship wife. [L.S.] at Athens. (Paus. i. 14. ~ 6.) Afterwards he begot AEGI'ALEUS (Ali'yTatevs). 1. A son of Theseus by Aethra at Troezen. (Plut. Thes. 3; Adrastus and Amphithea or Demoanassa. (Apollod. Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 7; Hygin. Fab. 37.) When i. 9. ~ 13; Hygin. Fab. 71.) He was the only Theseus had grown up to manhood, and was in- one among the Epigones that fell in the war formed of his descent, he went to Athens and de- against Thebes. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 3; Paus. ix. 5. ~7; feated the fifty sons of his uncle Pallas, who compare ADRASTUS.) He was worshipped as a claiming the kingly dignity of Athens, had made hero at Pegae in Megaris, and it was believed war upon Aegeus and deposed him, and also that his body had been conveyed thither from wished to exclude Theseus from the succession. Thebes and been buried there, (Paus. i. 44. ~ 7.) (Plut. Thes. 13.) Aegeus was restored, but died 2. A son of Inachus and the Oceanid Melia, soon after. His death is related in the following from whom the part of Peloponnesus aftermanner: When Theseus went to Crete to deliver wards called Achaia derived its name of Aegialeia. Athens from the tribute it had to pay to Minos, (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 1.) According to a Sicyonian he promised his father that on his return he would tradition he was an autochthon, brother of Phorohoist white sails as a signal of his safety. On his neus and first king of Sicyon, to whom the approach to the coast of Attica he forgot his foundation of the town of Aegialeia was ascribed. promise, and his father, who was watching on a (Paus. ii. 5. ~ 5, vii. 1. ~ 1.) rock on the.seacoast, on perceiving the black sail, 3. A son of Aeites. [AusYaiTus.] [L. S.] thought that his son had perished and threw him- AEGI'DIUS, a Roman commander in Gaul self into the sea, which according to some tradi- under Majorianus. (A. D. 457-461.) After the tions received from this event the name of the death of the latter, he maintained an independent Aegaean sea. (Plut. Thes. 22; Diod. iv. 61; sovereignty in Gaul, and was elected by the Franks Pads. i. 22. ~ 5; Hygin. Fab.,43; Serv. ad Aen. iii. as their king, after they had banished CLilderic. "74.) Medeia, who was believed to have spent Four years afterwards, Childeric was restored; but some time at Athens on her retu-rn from Corinth Aegidius did not oppose his return, and he retained to Colchis, is said to have become mother of a son, his influence in Gaul till his death. (Gregor. TuMedus, by Aegeus. (Apolloid i 9. ~ 28; Hysgin. on. ii. 12.)
Page 26 26 AEGINETA. AEGIDU CHOS or AEGI'OCHOS (AIlyrovXos or AlyioXos), a surname of Zeus, as the bearer of the Aegis with which he strikes terror into the impious and his enemies. (Hor. II. i. 202, ii. 157, 375, &c.; Pind. Isth. iv. 99; Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 13.) Others derive the surname from af' and dX7, and take it as an allusion to Zeus being fed by a goat. (Spanh. ad Callim. hymn. in Jov. 49.) [L.S.] AE'GIMUS, or AEGI'MIUS (A'yleos, or Aiy1jtuos), one of the most ancient of the Greek physicians, who is said by Galen (De Direr. Pu/s. i. 2, iv. 2. 11. vol. viii. pp. 498, 716, 752) to have been the first person who wrote a treatise on the pulse. He was a native of Velia in Lucania, and is supposed to have lived before the time of Hippocrates, that is, in the fifth century before Christ. His work was entitled Ilepi IIaAPv, De Palpitationibus, (a name which alone sufficiently indicates its antiquity,) and is not now in existence. Callimachus (ap. Athen. xiv. p. 643, e.) mentions an author named Aegimius, who wrote a work on the art of making cheesecakes (rhaicovvToTroliKOv o vyypalpa), and Pliny mentions a person of the same name (H. N. vii. 49), who was said to have lived two hundred years; but whether these are the same or different individuals is quite uncertain [W. A. G.] AEGI'MIUS (Aly-ltos), the mythical ancestor of the Doric race, who is described as their king and lawgiver at the time when they were yet inhabiting the northern parts of Thessaly. (Pind. Pyth. i. 124, v. 96.) When involved in a war with the Lapithae, he called Heracles to his assistance, and promised him the third part of his territory, if he delivered him of his enemies. The Lapithae were conquered, but Heracles did not take for himself the territory promised to him by Aegimius, and left it in trust to the king who was to preserve it for the sons of Heracles. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 7; Diod. iv. 37.) Aegimius had two sons, Dymas and Pamphylus, who migrated to Peloponnesus and were regarded as the ancestors of two branches of the Doric race (Dymanes and Panmphylians), while the third branch derived its name from Hyllus (Hylleans), the son of Heracles, who had been adopted by Aegimius. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 3; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. i. 121.) Respecting the connexion between Aegimius and Heracles, see Miller, Dor. i. 35, &c. There existed in antiquity an epic poem called " Aegimius," of which a few fragments are still extant, and which is sometimes ascribed to Hesiod and sometimes to Cercops of Miletus. (Athen. xi. p. 503; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Agav'rs.) The main subject of this poem appears to have been the war of Aegimius and Heracles against the Lapithae. (Groddeck, Biblioth. der alt. Lit. und Kunst, ii. 84, &c.; Miller, Dor. i. 33, &c.; Welcker, Der Epische Cycls, p. 266, &c. The fragments are collected in Diintzer, Die Fragm. d. episch. Poes. der Griech. bis zzer Zeit Alexand. p. 56, &c.) [L. S.] AEGI'NA. [AEACUS.] AEGINAEA (Alyivaa), a surname of Artemis, under which she was worshipped at Sparta. (Paus. iii. 14. ~ 3.) It means either the huntress of chamois, or the wielder of the javelin (ai'yava). [L.S.] AEGINE'TA, a modeller (fictor) mentioned by Pliny. (H. Nhr xxxv. 11. s. 40.) Scholars are now pretty well agreed, that Winckelmann was mistaken in supposing that the word Aeginetae in the passage of Piiny denoted merely the country AEGISTHUS. of some artist, whose real name, for some reason or other, was not given. His brother Pasias, a painter of some distinction, was a pupil of Erigonus, who had been colour-grinder to the artist Nealces. We learn from Plutarch (Arat. 13), that Nealces was a friend of Aratus of Sicyon, who was elected praetor of the Achaean league B. c. 243. We shall not be far wrong therefore in assuming, that Aegineta and his brother flourished about 01. CXL. B. c. 220. (K. 0. Muller, Arch. der Kunst. p. 151.) [C. P. M.] AEGINETA PAULUS. [PAULUs AEGINETA.] AEGIOCHUS. [AEGIDUCHUS.] AE'GIPAN (AlyTrav), that is, Goat-Pan, was according to some statements a being distinct from Pan, while others regard him as identical with Pan. His story appears to be altogether of late origin. According to Hyginus (Fab. 155) he was the son of Zeus and a goat, or of Zeus and Aega, the wife of Pan, and was transferred to the stars. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 13. ~ 28.) Others again make Aegipan the father of Pan, and state that he as well as his son was represented as half goat and half fish. (Eratosth. Catast. 27.) When Zeus in his contest with the Titans was deprived of the sinews of his hands and feet, Hermes and Aegipan secretly restored them to him and fitted them in their proper places. (Apollod. i. 6. ~ 3; Hygin. Poet. Astr...c.) According to a Roman tradition mentioned by Plutarch (Parallel. 22), Aegipan had sprung from the incestuous intercourse of Valeria of Tusculum and her father Valerius, and was considered only a different name for Silvanus. (Comp. PAN, and Voss, lMythol. Briefe, i. p. 80, &c.) [L. S.] AEGISTHUS (A'yaBeos), a son of Thyestes, who unwittingly begot him by his own daughter Pelopia. Immediately after his birth he was exposed.by his mother, but was found and saved by shepherds and suckled by a goat, whence his name Aegisthus (from a'i'; Hygin. Fab. 87, 88; Aelian, V. H. xii. 42). Subsequently he was searched after and found by Atreus, the brother of Thyestes, who had him educated as his own child, so that every body believed Aegisthus to be his son. In the night in which Pelopia had shared the bed of her father, she had taken from him his sword which she afterwards gave to Aegisthus. This sword became the means by which the incestuous intercourse between her and her father was discovered, whereupon she put an end to her own life. Atreus in his enmity towards his brother sent Aegisthus to kill him; but the sword which Aegisthus carried was the cause of the recognition between Thyestes and his son, and the latter returned and slew his uncle Atreus, while he was offering a sacrifice on the sea-coast. Aegisthus and his father now took possession of their lawful inheritance from which they had been expelled by Atreus. (Hygin. 1. c. and 252.) Homer appears to know nothing of all these tragic occurrences, and we learn from him only that, after the death of Thyestes, Aegisthus ruled as king at Mycenae and took no part in the Trojan expedition. (Od. iv. 518, &c.) While Agamemnon, the son of Atreus, was absent on his expedition against Troy, Aegisthus seduced Clytemnestra, the wife of Agamemnon, and was so wicked as to offer up thanks to the gods for the success with which his criminal exertions were crowned. (Horn. Od. iii. 263, &c.) In order not
Page 27 AEGUS. to be surprised by the return of Agamemnon, he sent out spies, and when Agamemnon came, Aegisthus invited him to a repast at which he had him treacherously murdered. (Hoem. Od. iv. 524, &c.; Paus. ii. 16. ~ 5.) After this event Aegisthus reigned seven years longer over Mycenae, until in the eighth Orestes, the son of Agamemnon, returned home and avenged the death of his father by putting the adulterer to death. (Hom. Od. i. 28, &c.; compare AGAMEMNON, CLYTEMNESTRA, ORESTES.) [L. S.] AEGLE (Ai7yXtn). 1. The most beautiful of the Naiads, daughter of Zeus and Neaera (Virg. Eclog. vi. 20), by whom Helios begot the Charites. (Paus. ix. 35. ~ 1.) 2. A sister of Phaeton, and daughter of Helios and Clymene. (Hygin. Fab 154, 156.) In her grief at the death of her brother she and her sisters were changed into poplars. 3. One of the Hesperides. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 11; Serv. ad Aen. iv. 484; comp. HESPERIDES.) 4. A nymph, daughter of Panopeus, who was beloved by Theseus, and for whom he forsook Ariadne. (Plut. Thes. 20; Athen. xiii. p. 557.) [L. S.] AEGLE (AYyAq), one of the daughters of Aesculapius (Plin. IH. N. xxxv. 40. ~ 31) by Lampetia, the daughter of the Sun, according to Hermippus (ap. Schol. in Aristopkh. Plut. 701), or by Epione, according to Suidas. (s. v. 'Hiriv.) She is said to have derived her name Aegle, " Brightness," or " Splendour," either from the beauty of the human body when in good health, or from the honour paid to the medical profession. (J. H. Meibom. Comment. in Hippocr. " Jusjur." Lugd. Bat. 1643, 4to. c. 6. ~ 7, p. 55.) [W.A.G.] AEGLE'IS (AIyATqis), a daughter of Hyacinthus who had emigrated from Lacedaemon to Athens. During the siege of Athens by Minos, in the reign of Aegeus, she together with her sisters Antheis, Lytaea, and Orthaea, were sacrificed on the tomb of Geraestus the Cyclop, for the purpose of averting a pestilence then raging at Athens. (Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 8.) [L. S.] AEGLES (Af'yA7ls), a Samian athlete, who was dumb, recovered his voice when he made an effort on one occasion to express his indignation at an attempt to impose upon him in a public contest. (Gell. v. 9; Val. Max. i. 8, ext. 4.) AEGLE'TES (AiyATvs), that is, the radiant god, a surname of Apollo. (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1730; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 26; Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.] AEGO'BOLUS (Al-yoed\os), the goat-killer, a surname of Dionysus, at Potniae in Boeotia. (Paus. ix. 8. ~ 1.) [L. S.] AEGO'CERUS (Alyoicepwos), a surname of Pan, descriptive of his figure with the horns of a goat, but is more commonly the name given to one of the signs of the Zodiac. (Lucan, ix. 536; Lucret. v. 614; C. Caes. Germ. inArat. 213.) [L. S.] AEGO'PHAGUS (Aiyo pdcyos), the goat-eater, a surname of Hera, under which she was worshipped by the Lacedaemonians. (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 7; Hesych. and Etym. M. s. v.) [L. S.] AEGUS and ROSCILLUS, two chiefs of the Allobroges, who had served Caesar with great fidelity in the Gallic war, and were treated by him with great distinction. They accompanied him in his campaigns against Pompey, but having been reproved by Caesar on account of depriving the cavalry of its pay and appropriating the booty to themselves, they deserted to Pompey in Greece. AELIA GENS. 27 (Caes. Bell. Civ. iii. 59, 60.) Aegus was afterwards killed in an engagement between the cavalry of Caesar and Pompey. (iii. 84.) AEGYPTUS (ATyvrTos), a son of Belus and Anchinoe or Achiroe, and twin-brother of Danaus. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 4; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 382, 1155.) Euripides represented Cepheus and Phineus likewise as brothers of Aegyptus. Belus assigned to Danaus the sovereignty of Libya, and to Aegyptus he gave Arabia. The latter also subdued the country of the Melampodes, which lie called Aegypt after his own name. Aegyptus by his several wives had fifty sons, and it so happened that his brother Danaus had just as many daughters. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5; Hygin. Fab. 170.) Danaus had reason to fear the sons of his brother, and fled with his daughters to Argos in Peloponnesus. Thither he was followed by the sons of Aegyptus, who demanded his daughters for their wives and promised faithful alliance. Danaus complied with their request, and distributed his daughters among them, but to each of them he gave a dagger, with which they were to kill their husbands in the bridal night. All the sons of Aegyptus were thus murdered with the exception. of Lynceus, who was saved by Hypermnestra. The Danaids buried the heads of their murdered husbands in Lerna, and their bodies outside the town, and were afterwards purified of their crime by Athena and Hermes at the command of Zeus. Pausanias (ii. 24. ~ 3), who saw the monument under which the heads of the sons of Aegyptus were believed to be buried, says that it stood on the way to Larissa, the citadel of Argos, and that their bodies were buried at Lerna. In Hyginus (Fab. 168) the story is somewhat different. According to him, Aegyptus formed the plan of murdering Danaus and his daughters in order to gain possession of his dominions. When Danaus was informed of this he fled with his daughters to Argos. Aegyptus then sent out his sons in pursuit of the fugitives, and enjoined them not to return unless they had slain Danaus. The sons of Aegyptus laid siege to Argos, and when Danaus saw that further resistance was useless, he put an end to the hostilities by giving to each of the besiegers one of his daughters. The murder of the sons of Aegyptus then took place in the bridal night. There was a tradition at Patrae in Achaia, according to which Aegyptus himself came to Greece, and died at AroU with grief for the fate of his sons. The temple of Serapis at Patrae contained a monument of Aegyptus. (Paus. vii. 21. ~ 6.) [L. S.] AEIMNESTUS ('AeAV-t-ros), a Spartan, who killed Mardonius in the battle of Plataea, B. c. 479, and afterwards fell himself in the Messenian war. (Herod. ix. 64.) The Spartan who killed Mardonius, Plutarch (Arist. 19) calls Arimnestus ('Apip(tv'oaros). AE'LIA GENS, plebeian, of which the familynames and surnames are CATUS, GALLUS, GRACILIS, LAMIA, LIGUR, PAETUS, STAIENUS, STILO, TUBERO. Onl coins this gens is also written Aild, but Allia seems to be a distinct gens. The only family-names and surnames of the Aelia gens upon coins are Bala, Lamia, P'aetus, and S(&amus. Of Bala nothing is known. Sejants is the name of the favorite of Tiberius, who was adopted by one of the Aelii. [SEJANUS.] I The first member of this gens, who obtained the consulship, was P. Aelius Paetus, in B. c. 337.
Page 28 28 AELIANUS. Under the empire the Aelian name became still more celebrated. It was the name of the emperor Hadrian, and consequently of the Antonines, whom he adopted. It is doubtful to which family P. Aelius belonged who was one of the first plebeian quaestors. B. c. 409. (Liv. iv. 54.) AELIA'NUS was together with Amandus the leader of an insurrection of Gallic peasants, called Bagaudae, in the reign of Diocletian. It was put down by the Caesar Maximianus Hercilius. (Eutrop. ix. 13; Aurel. Vict. de Cao. 39. AELIA'NUS, CASPE'PIUS, prefect of the Praetorian guards under Domitian and Nerva. He excited an insurrection of the guards against Nerva, in order to obtain the punishment of some obnoxious persons, but was killed by Trajan with his accomplices. (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 3, 5.) AELIA'NUS, CLAU'DIUS (KAndltos AlM/av6s), was born according to Suidas (s. v. Albiavo's) at Praeneste in Italy, and lived at Rome. He calls himself a Roman ( V. H. xii. 25), as possessing the rights of Roman citizenship. He was particularly fond of the Greeks and of Greek literature and oratory. (V. H. ix. 32, xii. 25.) He studied under Pausanias the rhetorician, and imitated the eloquence of Nicostratus and the style of Dion Chrysostom; but especially admired Herodes Atticus more than all. He taught rhetoric at Rome in the time of Hadrian, and hence was called 4d copzTo-ns. So complete was the command he acquired over the Greek language that he could speak as well as a native Athenian, and hence was called d p eAiyAwrros or peid(pooyyos. (Philost. Vit. Soph. ii. 31.) That rhetoric, however, was not his forte may easily be believed from the style of his works; and he appears to have given up teaching for writing. Suidas calls him 'ApXiepevs (Pontifex). He lived to above sixty years of age, and had no children. He did not marry, because he would not have any. There are two considerable works of his remaining: one a collection of miscellaneous history (nouciA) 'Io-ropia) in fourteen books, commonly called his " Varia Historia," and the other a work on the peculiarities of animals (lHep? ZMwv iSldirrros) in seventeen books, commonly called his "De Animalium Natura." The former work contains short narrations and anecdotes, historical, biographical, antiquarian, &c., selected from various authors, generally without their names being given, and on a great variety of subjects. Its chief value arises from its containing many passages from works of older authors which are now lost. It is to be regretted that in selecting from Thucydides, Herodotus, and other writers, he has sometimes given himself the trouble of altering their language. But he tells us he liked to have his own way and to follow his own taste, and so he would seem to have altered for the mere sake of putting something different. The latter work is of the same kind, scrappy and gossiping. It is partly collected from older writers, and partly the result of his own observations both in Italy and abroad. According to Philostratus (in Vit.) he was scarcely ever out of Italy; but he tells us himself that he travelled as far as Aegypt; and that he saw at Alexandria an ox with five feet. (De Anim. xi. 40; comp. xi. 11.) This book would appear to have become a popular and standard work on zoology, since in the fourteenth century Manuel Philes, a Byzantine poet, founded upon it a poem on animals. At the AELIANUS. end of the work is a concluding chapter (eriAhoyos), where he states the general principles on which he has composed his work:-that he has spent great labour, care, and thought in writing it;-that he has preferred the pursuit of knowledge to the parsuit of wealth; and that, for his part, he found much more pleasure in observing the habits of the lion, the panther, and the fox, in listening to the song of the nightingale, and in studying the migrations of cranes, than in mere heaping up riches and being numbered among the great: - that throughout his work he has sought to adhere to the truth, Nothing can be imagined more deficient in arrangement than this work: he goes from one subject to another without the least link of association; as (e. g.) from elephants (xi. 15) to dragons (xi. 16), from the liver of mice (ii. 56) to the uses of oxen (ii. 57). But this absence of arrangement, treating things roud'Aa 7rTO1K iAWS, he says, is intentional; he adopted this plan to give variety to the work, and to avoid tedium to the reader. His style, which he commends to the indulgence of critics, though free from any great fault, has no particular merit. The similarity of plan in the two works, with other internal evidences, seems to shew that they were both written by the same Aelian, and not, as Voss and Valckenaer conjecture, by two different persons. In both works he seems desirous to inculcate moral and religious principles (see. II. vii. 44; De Anim. vi. 2, vii. 10, 11, ix. 7, and Epilog.); and he wrote some treatises expressly on philosophical and religious subjects, especially one on Providence (TIEl UIpovoias) in three books (Suidas, s. v. 'Afaeavieoros), and one on the Divine Manifestations (lSEPI OsiWn 'EVepyEtsI'), directed against the Epicureans, whom he alludes to elsewhere. (De Anim. vii. 44.) There are also attributed to Aelian twenty letters on husbandry and such-like matters ('Aypolcucal 'E7rtoToAlo), which are by feigned characters, are written in a rhetorical unreal style, and are of no value. The first edition of all his works was by Conrad Gesner, 1556, fol., containing also the works of Heraclides, Polemo, Adamantius and Melampus. The "' Varia Historia" was first edited by Camillus Peruscus, Rome, 1545, 4to.; the principal editions since are by Perizonius, Leyden, 1701, 8vo., by Gronovius, Leyden, 1731, 2 vols. 4to., and by Kiihn, Leipzig, 1780, 2 vols. 8vo. The De Animalium Natura was edited by Gronovius, Lond. 1744, 2 vols. 4to., and by J. G. Schneider, Leipzig, 1784, 2 vols. 8vo. The last edition is that by Fr. Jacobs, Jena, 1832, 2 vols. 8vo. This contains the valuable materials which Schneider had collected and left for a new edition. The Letters were published apart from the other works by Aldus Manutius in his " Collectio Epistolatumn Graecarum," Venice, 1499, 4to. The Varia Historia has been translated into Latin by C. Gesner, and into English by A. Fleming, Lond. 1576, and by Stanley, 1665; this last has been reprinted more than once. The De Animaliam Natura has been translated into Latin by Peter Gillius (a Frenchman) and by Conrad Gesner. It does not appear to have been translated into English. There has also been attributed to Aelian a work called KaTrsyopia TOV TFvnia0os, an attack on an effeminate man, probably meant for Elagabalus. (Suidas, s. v. "Apper.) [A. A.]
Page 29 AELIANUS. AELIA'NUS, LU'CIUS, one of the thirty tyrants (A. D. 259-268) under the Roman empire. He assumed the purple in Gaul after the death of Postumus, and was killed by his own soldiers, because he would not allow them to plunder Moguntiacum. Trebellius Pollio and others call him Lollianus; Eckhel (Doctr. Nusm. vii. p. 448) thinks, that his true name was Laelianus; but there seems most authority in favour of L. Aelianus. (Eutrop. ix. 7; Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyr. 4; Aurel. Vict. de Caes. 33, Epit. 32.) AELIA'NUS ME'CCIUS ('Aichavos M' cKtos), an ancient physician, who must have lived in the second century after Christ, as he is mentioned by Galen (De Theriaca ad Pamphil. init. vol. xiv. p. 299) as the oldest of his tutors. His father is supposed to have also been a physician, as Aelianus is said by Galen (De Dissect. Muscul. c. 1. p. 2. ed. Dietz) to have made an epitome of his father's anatomical writings. Galen speaks of that part of his work which treated of the Dissection of the Muscles as being held in some repute in his time (ibid.), and he always mentions his tutor with respect. (ibid. c. 7, 22, pp. 11, 57.) During the prevalence of an epidemic in Italy, Aelianus is said by Galon (De Theriaca ad Pamplil. ibid.) to have used the Theriaca (Dict. of Ant. art. Theriaca) with great success, both as a means of cure and also as a preservative against the disease. He must have been a person of some celebrity, as this same anecdote is mentioned by the Arabic Historian Abui 'l-Faraj (Histor. Compend. Dynast. p. 77), with exactly the same circumstances except that he makes the epidemic to have broken out at Antioch instead of in Italy. None of his works (as far as the writer is aware) are now extant. [W. A. G.] AELIA'NUS, PLAUTIUS, offered up the prayer as pontifex, when the first stone of the new Capitol was laid in A. D. 71. (Tac. Hist. iv. 53.) We learn from an inscription (Gruter, p.453; Orelli, n. 750), that his full name was Ti. Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, that he held many important military commands, and that he was twice consul. His first consulship was in A. D. 47; the date of his second is unknown. AELIA'NUS TA'CTICUS (AlAavo's TaccrIKOs) was most probably a Greek, but not the same as Claudius Aelianus. He lived in Rome and wrote a work in fifty-three chapters on the Military Tactics of the Greeks (flep1 27paTrj-yUcciS TdeWVc 'EAAn'neccy), which he dedicated to the emperor Hadrian. He also gives a brief account of the constitution of a Roman army at that time. The work arose, he says (Dedic.), from a conversation he had with the emperor Nerva at Frontinus's house at Formiae. He promises a work on Naval Tactics also; but this, if it was written, is lost. The first edition of the Tactics (a very bad one) was published in 1532; the next, much better, was by Franciscus Robortellus, Venice, 1552, 4to., which contains a new Latin version by the editor, and is illustrated with many cuts. The best edition is that printed by Elzevir at Leyden, 1613. It is usually found bound up with Leo's Tactica [LEO]. It was translated into Latin first by Theodorus of Thessalonica. This translation was published at Rome, 1487, together with Vegetius, Frontinus, and Modestus. It is printed also in Roborteilus's edition, which therefore contains two Latin ver AEMILIA. 29 sions. It has been translated into English by Capt. John Bingham, Lond. 1616, fol., and by Lord Dillon, 1814, 4to. [A. A.] AE'LIUS ARISTI'DES. [ARISTIDES.] AE'LIUS ASCLEPI'ADES. [ASCLEPIADES.] AE'LIUS DIONY'SIUS. [DIONYSIUS.] AE'LIUS DONA'TUS. [DONATUS.] AE'LIUS LAMPRI'DIUS. [LAMPRIDIUS.] AE'LIUS MARCIA'NUS. [MaRCIANUS.] AE'LIUS MAURUS. [MAuRus.] AE'LIUS PROMO'TUS (AYAtos iHpoiuros), an ancient physician of Alexandria, of whose personal history no particulars are known, and whose date is uncertain. He is supposed by Villoison (Anecd. Graec. vol. ii. p. 179. note 1) to have lived after the time of Pompey the Great, that is, in the first century before Christ; by others he is considered to be much more ancient; and by Choulant (Handbuch der Biicherkunde filr die Aeltere Medicin, Ed. 2. Leipzig, 1840, 8vo.), on the other hand, he is placed as late as the second half of the first century after Christ. He is most probably the same person who is quoted by Galen (De Compos. Aledicam. secund. Locos, iv. 7, vol. xii. p. 730) simply by the name of Aelius. lHe wrote several Greek medical works, which are still to be found in manuscript in different libraries in Europe, but of which none (as far as the writer is aware) have ever been published, though Khhn intended his works to have been included in his collection of Greek medical writers. Some extracts from one of his works entitled Avvaccepod, 1 AMedicinalium Formularum Colleclio, are inserted by C. G. KhCen in his Additam. ad Elenlch. Med. Vet. a J. A. Fabricio in " Bil. Gr." ' Ehib., and by Bona in his Tractatus de Scorbuto, Verona, 1781, 4to. Two other of his works are quoted or mentioned by Hieron. Mercurialis in his UVariae Lectiones, iii. 4, and his work De Veeneis et iMorbis Venen2osis, i. 16, ii. 2; and also by Schneider in his Prefaces to Nicander's Theriaca, p. xi., and Aleiphlarmaca, p. xix. [W. A. G.] AELLO. [HARPYIAE.] AELLOPUS ('AeAA1rTovs), a surname of Iris, the messenger of the gods, by which she is described as swift-footed like a storm-wind. Homer uses the form a'denA ros. (II. viii. 409.) [L. S.] AELURUS. [TIMaOTHEUS AELURUS ] AEMI'LIA. 1. A vestal virgin, who, when the sacred fire was extinguished on one occasion, prayed to the goddess for her assistance, and miraculously rekindled it by throwing a piece of her garment upon the extinct embers. (Dionys. ii. 68; Val. Max. i. 1.~7.) 2. The third daughter of L. Aemilius Paullus, who fell in the battle of Cannae, was the wife of Scipio Africanus I. and the mother of the celebrated Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi. She was of a mild disposition, and long survived her husband. IHer property, which was large, was inherited by her grandson by adoption, Scipio Africanus II., who gave it to his own mother Papiria, who had been divorced by his own father L. Aemilius. " Avvaaapov is a word used by the later Greek writers, and is explained by Du Cange (Gloss. IMed. et Infim. Graecit.) to mean vis, virtus. It is however frequently used in the sense given to it in the text. See Leo, Conspect. Medic. iv. 1, 11. ap, Ermerin. Anecd. Med. Grace. pp. 153, 157.
Page 30 30 AEMILIANUS. (Polyb. xxxii. 12; Diod. Exc. xxxi.; Val. Max. vi. 7. ~ 1; Plut. Aem. 2; Liv. xxxviii. 57.) 3. The third daughter of L. Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus was a little girl when her father was appointed consul a second time to conduct the war against Perseus. Upon returning home after his election he found her in tears, and upon inquiring the reason she told him that Perseus had died, which was the name of her dog; whereupon he exclaimed " I accept the omen," and regarded it as a pledge of his success in the war. (Cic. de Div. i. 46, ii. 40; Plut. Aem. 10.) 4. Aemilia Lepida. [LEPIDA.] 5. A vestal virgin, who was put to death B. c. 114 for having committed incest upon several occasions. She induced two of the other vestal virgins, Marcia and Licinia, to commit the same crime, but these two were acquitted by the pontifices, when Aemilia was condemned, but were subsequently condemned by the praetor L. Cassius. (Plut. Quaest. Rom. p. 284; Liv. Epit. 63; Orosius, v. 15; Ascon. in Cic. Mil. p. 46, ed. Orelli.) AEMI'LIA GENS, originally written AIMILIA, one of the most ancient patrician houses at Rome. Its origin is referred to the time of Numa, and it is said to have been descended from Mamercus, who received the name of Aemilius on account of the persuasiveness of his language (3s' ai.vialav o'yov). This Mamercus is represented by some as the son of Pythagoras, and by others as the son of Numa, while a third account traces his origin to Ascanius, who had two sons, Julius and Aemylos. (Plut. Aemil. 2, Num. 8, 21; Festus, s. v. Aemil.) Amulius is also mentioned as one of the ancestors of the Aemilii. (Sil. Ital. viii. 297.) It seems pretty clear that the Aemilii were of Sabine origin; and Festus derives the name Mamercus from the Oscan, Mamers in that language being the same as Mars. The Sabines spoke Oscan. Since then the Aemilii were supposed to have come to Rome in the time of Numa, and Numa was said to have been intimate with Pythagoras, we can see the origin of the legend which makes the ancestor of the house the son of Pythagoras. The first member of the house who obtained the consulship was L. Aemilius Mamercus, in B. c. 484. The family-names of this gens are: BARBULA, BUCA, LEPIDUS, MAMERCUS Or MAMERCINUS, PAPUS, PAULLUS, REGILLUS, SCAURUs. Of these names Buca, Lepidus, Paullus, and Scaurus are the only ones that occur on coins. AEMILIA'NUS. 1. The son of L. Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus, was adopted by P. Cornelius Scipio, the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, and was thus called P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus. [SCIPIo.] 2. The governor of Pannonia and Moesia in the reign of Gallus. He is also called Aemilius; and on coins we find as his praenomen both Marcus and Caius. On one coin he is called C. Julius Aemilianus; but there is some doubt about the genuineness of the word Julius. (Eckhel,vii. p. 372.) He was born in Mauritania about A. D. 206. He defeated the barbarians who had invaded his province, and chased them as far as the Danube, A.D. 253. He distributed among his soldiers the booty he had gained, and was saluted emperor by them. He then marched into Italy, but Gallus, who had advanced to meet him, was slain at Interamna to AENEAS. gether with his son Volusianus by his own soldiers. Aemilianus was acknowledged by the senate, but was slain after a reign of three or four months by his soldiers near Spoletum, on the approach of Valerianus. According to other accounts he died a natural death. (Zosimus, i. 28, 29; Zonaras, xii. 21, 22; Eutrop. ix. 5; Aurel. Vict. de Caes. 31, Epit. 31.) 3. One of the thirty tyrants (A. D. 259-268) was compelled by the troops in Egypt to assume the purple. IHe took the surname of Alexander or Alexandrinus. Gallienus sent Theodotus against him, by whom he was taken and sent prisoner to Gallienus. Aemilianus was strangled in prison. (Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyr. 22, Gallien. 4, 5.) AEMILIA'NUS (who is also called Aemnilius) lived in the fifth century after Christ, and is known as a physician, confessor, and martyr. In the reign of the Vandal King Hunneric (A. D. 477-484), during the Arian persecution in Africa, he was most cruelly put to death. The Romish church celebrates his memory on the sixth of December, the Greek church on the seventh. (iMacrtyrol. Rom. ed. Baron.; Victor Vitensis, De Persecut. Vandal. v. 1, with Ruinart's notes, Paris. 8vo. 1694; Bzovius, Nomenclator Sanctorumi Professione Medicoram.) [W. A. G.] AEMILIA'NUS (ArnAulavos), a native of the town of Nicaea, and an epigrammatic poet. Nothing further is known about him. Three of his epigrams have been preserved. (Anthol. Graec. vii. 623, ix. 218, 756.) [C. P. M.] AEMI'LIUS ASPER. [ASPER.] AEMILIUS MACER. [MACER.] AEMI'LIUS MAGNUS ARBO'RIUS. [ARBORIUS.] AEMI'LIUS PACENSIS. [PACENSIS.] AEMI'LIUS PAPINIA'NUS. [PAPINIANUS.] AEMI'LIUS PARTHENIA'NUS. [PARTHENIANUS.] AEMI'LIUS PROBUS. [NEPOS, CORNELIUS.] AEMPLIUS SURA. [SURA.] AENE'ADES (AlbeidSES), a patronymic from Aeneas, and applied as a surname to those who were believed to be descended from him, such as Ascanius, Augustus, and the Romans in general. (Virg. Aen. ix. 653; Ov. Ew Pont. i. 35; Met. xv. 682, 695.) [L. S.] AENE'AS (AlveIas). Homereic Story. Aeneas was the son of Anchises and Aphrodite, and born on mount Ida. On his father's side he was a great-grandson of Tros, and thus nearly related to the royal house of Troy, as Priam himself was a grandson of Tros. (Hom. II. xx. 215, &c., ii. 820, v. 247, &c.; Hes. Theog. 1007, &c.) He was educated from his infancy at Dardanus, in the house of Alcathous, the husband of his sister. (II.
Page 31 AENEAS. AENEAS. 31 xiii. 463, &c.) At the beginning of the war of traditions as well as in the earlier ones. (Hygin. the Greeks against Troy he did not take any part Fab. 115; Philostr. 1. c.) According to some acin it, and the poet intimates that there existed an counts Aeneas was not present when Troy was ill feeling between him and Priam, who did not taken, as he had been sent by Priam on an expepay sufficient honour to Aeneas. (II. xiii. 460, &c., dition to Phrygia, while according to others he xx. 181.) This probably arose from a decree of was requested by Aphrodite, just before the fall of destiny, according to which Aeneas and his de- the city, to leave it, and accordingly went to mount scendants were to rule over Troy, since the house Ida, carrying his father on his shoulders. (Dion. of Priam had drawn upon itself the hatred of Hal. i. 48.) A third account makes him hold out Cronion. (II. xx. 307.) One day when Aeneas at Troy to the last, and when all hopes disappeared, was tending his flocks on mount Ida, he was Aeneas with his Dardanians and the warriors of attacked by Achilles, who took his cattle and put Ophrynium withdrew to the citadel of Pergamus, him to flight. But he was rescued by the gods. where the most costly treasures of the Trojans This event, however, and the admonition of Apollo, were kept. Here he repelled the enemy and reroused his spirit, and he led his Dardanians against ceived the fugitive Trojans, until he could hold out the Greeks. (II. xx. 89, &c., 190, &c., ii. 819, &c.) no longer. He then sent the people ahead to Henceforth he and Hector are the great bulwarks mount Ida, and followed them with his warriors, of the Trojans against the Greeks, and Aeneas ap- the images of the gods, his father, his wife, and peats beloved and honoured by gods and men. (II. his children, hoping that he would be able to xi. 58, xvi. 619, v. 180, 467, vi. 77, &c.) He is maintain himself on the heights of mount Ida. But among the Trojans what Achilles is among the being threatened with an attack by the Greeks, he Greeks. Both are sons of immortal mothers, both entered into negotiations with them, in consequence are at feud with the kings, and both possess horses of which he surrendered his position and was of divine origin. (II. v. 265, &c.) Achilles him- allowed to depart in safety with his friends and self, to whom Hector owns his inferiority, thinks treasures. (Dionys. i. 46, &c.; Aelian, V. 1I. Aeneas a worthy competitor. (II. xx. 175.) The iii. 22; Hygin. Fab. 254.) Others again related place which Aeneas occupies among the Trojans is that he was led by his hatred of Paris to betray well expressed in Philostratus (Her. 13), who says Ilion to the Greeks, and was allowed to depart that the Greeks called Hector the hand, and Aeneas free and safe in consequence. (Dionys. I.e.) Livy the soul of the Trojans. Respecting the brave and (i. 1) states, that Aeneas and Antenor were the noble manner in which he protects the body of his only Trojans against whom the Greeks did not friend Pandarus, see II. v. 299. On one occasion make use of their right of conquest, on account of he was engaged in a contest with Diomedes, who an ancient connexion of hospitality existing behurled a mighty stone at him and broke his hip. tween them, or because Aeneas had always advised Aeneas fell to the ground, and Aphrodite hastened his countrymen to restore Helen to Menelaus. to his assistance (II. v. 305), and when she too (Comp. Strab. 1. c.) was wounded, Apollo carried him from the field of The farther part of the story of Aeneas, after battle to his temple, where he was cured by Leto leaving mount Ida with his friends and the images and Artemis. (II. v. 345, &c.) In the attack of of the gods, especially that of Pallas (Palladium, the Trojans upon the wall of the Greeks, Aeneas Paus. ii. 23. ~ 5) presents as many variations as commanded the fourth host of the Trojans. (II. that relating to the taking of Troy. All accounts, xii. 98.) He avenged the death of Alcathous by however, agree in stating that he left the coasts of slaying Oenomaus and Aphareus, and hastened to Asia and crossed over into Europe. According to the assistance of Hector, who was thrown on the some he went across the Hellespont to the peninground by Ajax. The last feat Homer mentions sula of Pallene and died there; according to others is his fight with Achilles. On this as on all other he proceeded from Thrace to the Arcadian Orchooccasions, a god interposed and saved him, and this menos and settled there. (Strab. 1. c.; Paus. viii. time it was by Poseidon, who although in general 12. ~ 5; Dionys. Hal. i. 49.) By far the greater hostile towards the Trojans, yet rescued Aeneas, number of later writers, however, anxious to put that the decrees of destiny might be fulfilled, and him in connexion with the history of Latium and Aeneas and his offspring might one day rule over to make him the ancestorial hero of the Romans, Troy. (II. xx. 178, &c., 305, &c.) Thus far only state that he went to Italy, though some assert is the story of Aeneas to be gathered from the that the Aeneas who came to Italy was not the Homeric poems, and far from alluding to Aeneas son of Anchises and Aphrodite, and others that having emigrated after the capture of Troy, and after his arrival in Italy he returned to Troy, having founded a new kingdom in a foreign land, leaving his son Ascanius behind him. (Lycophr. the poet distinctly intimates that he conceives 1226, &c.; Dionys. i. 53; Liv. i. 1.) A deAeneas and his descendants as reigning at Troy scription of the wanderings of Aeneas before he after the extinction of the house of Priam. (Comp. reached the coast of Latium, and of the various Strab. xiii. p. 608.) towns and temples he was believed to have foundLater Stories. According to the Homeric hymn ed during his wanderings, is given by Dionysius on Aphrodite (257, &c.), Aeneas was brought up (i. 50, &c.), whose account is on the whole the by the nymphs of mount Ida, and was not taken same as that followed by Virgil in his Aeneid, to his father Anchises, until he had reached his although the latter makes various embellishments fifth year, and then he was, according to the wish and additions, some of which, as his landing at of the goddess, given out as the son of a nymph. Carthage and meeting with Dido, are irreconcilable Xenophon (De Venat. 1. ~ 15) says, that he was with chronology. From Pallene (Thrace), where instructed by 'Cheiron, the usual teacher of the Aeneas stayed the winter after the taking of Troy, heroes. According to the " Cypria," he even took and founded the-town of Aeneia on the Thermaic "part in carrying off Helen. His bravery in the gulf (Liv. xl. 4), he sailed with his companions to war against the Greeks is mentioned in the later Delos, Cythera (where he founded a temple of
Page 32 32 AENEAS. Aphrodite), Boiae in Laconia (where he built Etis and Apihrodisias, Paus. iii. 22. ~ 9), Zacynthus (temple of Aphrodite), Lencas, Actium, Ambracia, and to Dodona, where he met the Trojan Helenus. From Epirus he sailed across the Ionian sea to Italy, where he landed at the lapygian promontory. Hence he crossed over to Sicily, where he met the Trojans, Elymus and Aegestus (Acestes), and built the towns of Elyme and Aegesta. From Sicily he sailed back to Italy, landed in the port of Palinurus, came to the island of Leucasia, and at last to the coast of Latium. Various signs pointed out this place as the end of his wanderings, and he and his Trojans accordingly settled in Latium. The place where they had landed was called Troy. Latinus, king of the Aborigines, when informed of the arrival of the strangers, prepared for war, but afterwards concluded an alliance with them, gave up to them a part of his dominions, and with their assistance conquered the Rutuiians, with whom he was then at war. Aeneas founded the town of Lavinium, called after Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, whom he married. A new war then followed between Latinus and Turnus, in which both chiefs fell, whereupon Aeneas became sole ruler of the Aborigines and Trojans, and both nations united into one. Soon after this, however, Aeneas fell in a battle with the Rutulians, who were assisted by Mozentius, king of the Etruscans. As his body was not found after the battle, it was believed that it had been carried up to heaven, or that he had perished in the river Numicius. The Latins erected a monument to him, with the inscription To the father and native god. (Jovi Indiyeti, Liv. i. 2; Dionys. i. 64; Strab. v. p. 229, xiii. p 595; Ov. Met. xiii. 623, &c., xiv. 75, &c., xv. 438, &c.; Conon, Narrat. 46; Plut. Rom. 3.) Two other accounts somewhat different from those mentioned above are preserved in Servius (ad Aen. ix. 264, from the work of Abas on Troy), and in Tzetzes (ad JLygophr. 1252). Dionysius places the landing of Aeneas in Italy and the building of Lavinium about the end of the second year after the taking of Troy, and the death of Aeneas in the seventh year. Virgil on the other hand represents Aeneas landing in Italy seven years after the fall of Troy, and comprises all the events in Italy from the landing to the death of Turnus within the space of twenty days. The story about the descent of the Romans from the Trojans through Aeneas was generally received and believed at Rome at an early period, and probably arose from the fact, that the inhabitants of Latium and all the places which Aeneas was said to have founded, lay in countries inhabited by people who were all of the same stockPelasgians: hence also the worship of the Idaean Aphrodite in all places the foundation of which is ascribed to Aeneas. Aeneas himself, therefore, such as he appears in his wanderings and final settlement in Latium, is nothing else but the personified idea of one common origin. In this character he was worshipped in the various places which traced their origin to him. (Liv. xl. 4.) Aeneas was frequently represented in statues and paintings by ancient artists. (Paus. ii. 21. ~ 2, v. 22. ~ 2; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. ~ 36.) On gems and coins he is usually represented as carrying his father on his shoulder, and leading his son Ascanius by the hand. AENEAS. Respecting the inconsistencies in the legends about Aeneas and the mode of solving them, see Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 179, &c. Respecting the colonies he is said to have founded, Fiedler, DeE rroribusAeneae adPhoenicum colonias pertinentibus, Wesel, 1827, 4to. About the worship and religious character of Aeneas, see Uschold, Geschichte des Trojanischen Krieges, Stuttgard, 1836, p. 302, &c.; Hartung, Geschichte der lcei/i. der Romer, i. p. 83, &c.; and above all R. H. Klausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, especially book i. p. 34, &c. [L. S.] AENE'AS (Ainlas) GAZAEUS, so called from his birth-place, flourished A. D. 487. He was at first a Platonist and a Sophist, being a disciple of the philosoper Hierocles (as appears from his Theophrastus, Galland. p. 629) and a friend of Procopius (as we know from his Epistles). His date thus ascertained is confirmed by his stating, that he had heard speak some of the Confessors whose tongues HIunneric had cut out, A. D. 484. (Ibid. p. 663, c.) When a Christian, he composed a dialogue, On the Immortality of the Soul and the Resurrection of the Body, called Theophrastis from one of the interlocutors. This appeared first in a Latin version by Ambrosius Camaldulensis, 8vo., Ven. 1513, and 4to, Basil. 1516. The original Greek, with the Latin version of Wolf, fol. Tigur. 1559; with the Latin version and notes of C. Barthius, 4to. Lips. 1655 (see Fabricius, de Veriat. Relig. Christ. Syllabus, p. 107, Hamb. 1725); also in Gallandi's Bibliolheca Patrum, vol. x. p. 629, Ven. 1766; and with the notes of Boissonade, 8vo. Par. 1836. In Ebert's Dictionary is the following reference: Wernsdorf Pr. de Aenea Gaz., Numb. 1817, 4to. In the Aldine Collection cf Epistles by Greek Authors there are 25 by Aeneas, Gr. 4to., Ven. 1499. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. vol. i. pp. 676-690. Some of the letters of Aeneas may be found in the Encyclopaedia Philologica of Joannes Patusa, Gr. 8vo., Ven. 1710, vol. i. [A. J. C.] AENE'AS SI'LVIUS, son of Silvius, and grandson of Ascanius. He is the third in the list of the mythical kings of Alba in Latium, and the Silvii regarded him as the founder of their house. (Liv. i. 3.) Dionysius (i. 71) ascribes to him a reign of 31 years. (Comp. Virg. Aen. vi. 709.) Ovid (Met. xiv. 6 10, &c.) does not mention him among the Alban kings. [L. S ] AENE'AS (Alveias), surnamed TACTICUS (4 TaTcKrKds), a Greek writer, whose precise date is not known. Xenophon (Iell. vii. 3. ~ 1) mentions an Aeneas of Stymphalus, who about the time of the battle of Mantineia (362, B. c.) distinguished himself by his bravery and skill as general of the Arcadians. Casaubon supposes this Aeneas to be the same, and the supposition is confirmed by a passage (Comment. Poliorc. 27) where he speaks familiarly of an Arcadian provincialism. But, however this may be, the general character of this work, the names he mentions, and the historical notices which occur, with other internal evidence, all point to about this period. He wrote a large work on the whole art of war, arrparnylKad s,Ai2, or rEpl r Tv O'rpa-vryli OiV VLrovIparan (Polyb. x. 40; Suidas, s. v. Alv-ias), consisting of several parts. Of these only one is preserved, called rawc'KLKOv T Kat roALopK1jT'rTKv v 7ir6,v ja IrTEp rovi rrTCS Xp4' roAhtopKOiVhsevov dsv'TXEtV, commonly called Commentarius Poliorceticus. The object of the book
Page 33 AENESIDEMUS. is to shew how a siege should be resisted, the various kinds of instruments to be used, manoeuvres to be practised, ways of sending letters without being detected, and without even the bearers knowing about it (c. 31, a very curious one), &c. It contains a good deal of information on many points in archaeology, and is especially valuable as containing a large stock of words and technical terms connected with warfare, denoting instruments, &c., which are not to be found in any other work. From the same circumstance, many passages are difficult. The book was first discovered by Simler in the Vatican library. It was edited first by Isaac Casaubon with a Latin version and notes, and appended to his edition of Polybius. (Paris, 1609.) It was republished by Gronovius in his Polybius, vol. iii. Amsterdam, 1670, and by Ernesti, Leipzig, 1763. The last edition is that of J. C. Orelli, Leipzig, 1818, with Casaubon's version and notes and an original commentary, published as a supplement to Schweighaeuser's Polybius. Besides the Vatican MS. there are three at Paris, on which Casaubon founded his edition, and one in the Laurentian library at Florence. This last is, according to Orelli (Praef. p. 6), the oldest of all. The work contains many very corrupt and mutilated passages. An epitome of the whole book, not of the fragment now remaining, was made by Cineas, a Thessalian, who was sent to Rome by Pyrrhus, 279,.B. c. (Aelian, Tact. 1.) This abridgment is referred to by Cicero (ad Fam. ix. 25). [A. A.] AENE'IUS or AENE'SIUS (AivutIos or Aiv'jo-ios), a surname of Zeus, under which he was worshipped in the island of Cephalenia, where he had a temple on mount Aenos. (Hes. ap. Schiol. ad Apeollon. Rhod. ii. 297.) [L. S.] AENESIDE'MUS (Aivm'sadiejpos), the son of Pataicus, and one of the body-guards of Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela, was the son of Theron, the ruler of Agrigentum, in the time of the Persian war. (Herod. vii. 154, 165.) ETHERON.] AENESIDE'MUS (Aivroijymos), a celebrated sceptic, born at Cnossus, in Crete, according to Diogenes Laertius (ix. 116), but at Aegae, according to Photius (Cod. 212), probably lived a little later than Cicero. He was a pupil of Heracleides and received from him the chair of philosophy, which had been handed down for above three hundred years from Pyrrhon, the founder of the sect. For a full account of the sceptical system see PYRRHON. As Aenesidemus differed on many points from the ordinary sceptic, it will be convenient before proceeding to his particular opinions, to give a short account of the system itself. The sceptic began and ended in universal doubt. He was equally removed from the academic who denied, as from the dogmatic philosopher who affirmed; indeed, he attempted to confound both in one, and refute them by the same arguments. (Sext. Emp. i. 1.) Truth, he said, was not to be desired for its own sake, but for the sake of a certain repose of mind (dtrapaia) which followed on it, an end which the sceptic best attained in another way, by suspending his judgment (ei-roxsi), and allowing himself literally to rest in doubt. (i. 4.) With this view he must travel over the whole range of moral, metaphysical, and physical science. His method is the comparison of opposites, and his sole aim to prove that nothing can be proved, or what he termed, AENESIDEMUS. 33 the mlooOi'veia of things. In common life he may act upon <pacvJmeiva with the rest of men: nature, law, and custom are allowed to have their influence; only when impelled to any vehement effort we are to remember that, here too, there is much to be said on both sides, and are not to lose our peace of mind by grasping at a shadow. The famous iKsa 'rpoTro of the sceptics were a number of heads of argument intended to overthrow truth in whatever form it might appear. [PranHoN.] The opposite appearances of the moral and natural world (Sext. Emp. i. 14), the fallibility of intellect and sense, and the illusions produced upon them by intervals of time and space and by every change of position, were the first arguments by which they assailed the reality of things. We cannot explain what man is, we cannot explain what the senses are: still less do we know the way in which they are acted upon by the mind (ii. 4-7): beginning with oVidEv dpiSwo, we must end with oeVmEv Pf AA5ov. We are not certain whether material objects. are anything but ideas in the mind: at any rate the different qualities which we perceive in them may be wholly dependent on the percipient being; or, supposing them to contain quality as well as substance, it may be one quality varying with the perceptive power of the different senses. (ii. 14.) Having thus confounded the world without and the world within, it was a natural transition for the sceptic to confound physical and metaphysical arguments. The reasonings of natural philosophy were overthrown by metaphysical subtleties, and metaphysics made to look absurd by illustrations only applicable to material things. The acknowledged imperfection of language was also pressed into the service; words, they said, were ever varying in their signification, so that the ideas of which they were the signs must be alike variable. The leading idea of the whole system was, that all truth involved either a vicious circle or a petitio principii, for, even in the simplest truths, something must be assumed to make the reasoning applicable. The truth of the senses was known to us from the intellect, but the intellect operated through the senses, so that our knowledge of the nature of either depends upon the other. There was, however, a deeper side to this philosophy. Everything we know, confessedly, runs up into something we do not know: of the true nature of cause and effect we are ignorant, and hence to the favourite method, dirro i rov els arespov icidAewiv, or arguing backward from cause to cause, the very imperfection of human faculties prevents our giving an answer. We must know what we believe; and how can we be sure of secondary causes, if the first cause be wholly beyond us? To judge, however, from the sketch of Sextus Empiricus (Pyrrh. Hyp.), it was not this side of their system which the sceptics chiefly urged: for the most part, it must be confessed, that they contented themselves with dialectic subtleties, which were at once too absurd for refutation, and impossible to refute. The causes of scepticism are more fully given under the article PYRRHON. One of the most remarkable of its features was its connexion with the later philosophy of the Ionian school. From the failure of their attempts to explain the phenomena of the visible world, the Ionian philosophers were insensibly led on to deny the order and harmony of
Page 34 34 AENESIDEMUS. creation: they saw nothing but a perpetual and ever-changing chaos, acted upon, or rather selfacting, by an inherent power of motion, of which the nature was only known by its effects. This was the doctrine of Heracleitus, that "the world was a fire ever kindling and going out, which made all things and was all things." It was this link of connexion between the sceptical and Ionian schools which Aenesidemus attempted to restore. The doctrine of Heracleitus, although it spoke of a subtle fire, really meant nothing more than a principle of change; and although it might seem absurd to "a strict sceptic like Sextus Empiricus to affirm even "a principle of change, it involved no real inconsistency with the sceptical system. We are left to conjecture as to the way in which Aenesidemus arrived at his conclusions: the following account of them seems probable. It will be seen, from what has been said, that the sceptical system had destroyed everything but sensation. But sensation is the effect of change, the principle of motion working internally. It was very natural then that the sceptic, proceeding from the only dpxyr which remained to him, should suggest an explanation of the outward world, derived from that of which alone he was certain, his own internal sensations. The mere suggestion of a probable cause might seem inconsistent with the distinction which the sceptics drew between their own absolute uncertainty and the probability spoken of by the Academics: indeed, it was inconsistent with their metaphysical paradoxes to draw conclusions at all: if so, we must be content to allow that Aenesidemus (as Sextus Empiricus implies) got a little beyond the dark region of scepticism into the light of probability. Other scattered opinions of Aenesidemus have been preserved to us, some of which seem to lead to the same conclusion. Time, he said, was T6d Iv and v'O rpwTov aGeocja (Pyr. Hyp. iii. 17), probably in allusion to the doctrine of the Stoics, that all really existing substances were c;vara: in other words, he meant to say that time was a really existing thing, and not merely a condition of thought. This was connected with the principle of change, which was inseparable from a notion of time: if the one had a real existence (and upon its existence the whole system depended), the other must likewise have a real existence. In another place, adapting his language to that of Heracleitus, he said that "time was air" (Sext. Emp. adv. Logicos, iv. 233.), probably meaning to illustrate it by the imperceptible nature of air, in the same way that the motion of the world was said to work by a subtle and invisible fire. All things, according to his doctrine, were but (aLvo/.'seva which were brought out and adapted to our perceptions by their mutual opposition: metaphorically they might be said to shine forth in the light of Heracleitus's fire. He did not, indeed, explain how this union of opposites made them sensible to the faculties of man: probably he would rather have supported his view by the impossibility of the mind conceiving of anything otherwise than in a state of motion, or, as he would have expressed it, in a state of mutual opposition. But <paivmo'jva are of two kinds, Mi'a and Kowvd (Sext. Emp. adv. Log. ii. 8), the perceptions of individuals, and those common to mankind. Here again Aenesidemus seems to lose sight of the sceptical system, which (in speculation at least) admitted no degrees of truth, doubt, or AEOLIDES. probability. The same remark applies to his distinction of K imd rt' s into CLETaaraTKi] and ETrasEa?7 -T7Rf, simple motion and change. He seems also to have opposed the perplexity which the sceptics endeavoured to bring about between matter and mind; for he asserted that thought was independent of the body, and "that the sentient power looked out through the crannies of the senses." (Adv. Log. i. 349.) Lastly, his vigorous mind was above the paltry confusion of physical and metaphysical distinctions; for he declared, after Heracleitus, "that a part was the same with the whole and yet different from it." The grand peculiarity of his system was the attempt to unite scepticism with the earlier philosophy, to raise a positive foundation for it by accounting from the nature of things for the never-ceasing changes both in the material and spiritual world. Sextus Empiricus has preserved his argument against our knowledge of causes, as well as a table of eight methods by which all a priori reasonings may be confuted, as all arguments whatever may be by the 8eca TrpOroi. I. Either the cause given is unseen, and not proven by things seen, as if a person were to explain the motions of the planets by the music of the spheres. II. Or if the cause be seen, it cannot be shewn to exclude other hypotheses: we must not only prove the cause, but dispose of every other cause. III. A regular effect may be attributed to an irregular cause; as if one were to explain the motions of the heavenly bodies by a sudden impulse. I V. Men argue from things seen to things unseen, assuming that they are governed by the same laws. V. Causes only mean opinions of causes, which are inconsistent with phenomena and with other opinions. VI. Equally probable causes are accepted or rejected as they agree with this or that preconceived notion. VII. These causes are at variance with phenomena as well as with abstract principles. VIII. Principles must be uncertain, because the facts from whichthey proceed are uncertain. (Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 17, ed. Fabr.) It is to be regretted that nothing is known of the personal history of Aenesidemus. A list of his works and a sketch of their contents have been preserved by Photius. (Cod. 212.) He was the author of three books of Tlvppwv'eat 'Tarorv7rWdcis, and is mentioned as a recent teacher of philosophy by Aristocles. (Apztd Euseb. Praeparat. Evang. xiv. 18.) It is to Aenesidemus that Sextus Empiricus was indebted for a considerable part of his work. [B. J.] AENE'TE (Alvir-4), a daughter of Eusorus, and wife of Aeneas, by whom she had a son, Cyzicus, the founder of the town of this name. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 950; Orph. Argon. 502, where she is called Aenippe.) [L. S.] AE'NICUS (AYYLos), a Greek poet of the old comedy, whose play AAvreta is referred to by Suidas. (s. v. Alvhos.) He seems to be the same as Eunicus mentioned by Pollux. (x. 100.) AENI'DES, a patronymic from Aeneas, which is applied by Valerius Flaccus (iii. 4) to the inhabitants of Cyzicus, whose town was believed to have been founded by Cyzicus, the son of Aeneas. [L. S.] AEO'LIDES (AIloAia-s), a patronymic given to the sons of Aeolus, as Athamas (Ov. MIet. iv. 511), Magnes (Paus. vi. 21. ~ 7), Macareus (Ov. Met. ix. 506), Misenus (Virg. Aen. vi. 164),
Page 35 AEOLUS. Sisyphus (Ov. Met. xiii. 26; Hom. II. vi. 154), Cretheus (Hom. Od. xi. 237), locastus (Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 732); and to his grandsons, as Cephalus (Ov. Met. vi. 621), Odysseus (Virg. Aen. vi. 529), and Phryxus. (Val. Flace. i. 286.) Aeolis is the patronymic of the female descendants of Aeolus, and is given to his daughters Canace and Alcyone. (Ov. Met. xi. 573; Heroid. xi. 5.) [L. S.] AE'OLUS (A'ohos). In the mythical history of Greece there are three personages of this name, who are spoken of by ancient writers as connected with one another, but this connexion is so confused, that it is impossible to gain a clear view of them. (Muller, Orclhom. p. 138, &c.) We shall follow Diodorus, who distinguishes between the three, although in other passages he confounds them, 1. A son of Hellen and the nymph Orsei's, and a brother of Dorus and Xuthus. He is described as the ruler of Thessaly, and regarded as the founder of the Aeolic branch of the Greefk nation. He married Enarete, the daughter of Deimachus, by whom he had seven sons and five daughters, and according to some writers still more. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iv. 190.) According to Miiller's supposition, the most ancient and genuine story knew only of four sons of Aeolus, viz. Sisyphus, Athamas, Cretheus, and Salmoneus, as the representatives of the four main branches of the Aeolic race. The great extent of country which this race occupied, and the desire of each part of it to trace its origin to some descendant of Aeolus, probably gave rise to the varying accounts about the number of his children. According to Hyginus (Fab. 238, 242) Aeolus had one son of the name of Macareus, who, after having committed incest with his sister Canace, put an end to his own life. According to Ovid (Heraoid. 11) Aeolus threw the fruit of this love to the dogs, and sent his daughter a sword by which she was to kill herself. (Comp. Plut. Parallel. p. 312.) 2. Diodorus (iv. 67) says, that the second Aeolus was the great-grandson of the first Aeolus, being the son of Hippotes and Melanippe, and the grandson of Mimas the son of Aeolus. Arne, the daughter of this second Aeolus, afterwards became mother of a third Aeolus. (Comp. Paus. ix. 40. ~ 3.) In another passage (v. 7) Diodorus represents the third Aeolus as a son of Hippotes. 3. According to some accounts a son of Hippotes, or, according to others, of Poseidon and Arne, the daughter of the second Aeolus. His story, which probably refers to the emigration of a branch of the Aeolians to the west, is thus related: Arne declared to her father that she was with child by Poseidon, but her father disbelieving her statemeat, gave her to a stranger of Metapontum in Italy, who took her to his native town. Here she became mother of two sons, Boeotus and Aeolus (iii.), who were adopted by the man of Metapontum in accordance with an oracle. When they had grown up to manhood, they took possession of the sovereignty of Metapontum by force. But when a dispute afterwards arose between their mother Arne and their foster-mother Autolyte, the two brothers slew the latter and fled with their mother from Metapontum. Aeolus went to some islands in the Tyrrhenian sea, which received from him the name of the Aeolian islands, and according to some accounts built the town of Lipara. (Diod. iv. 67, v. 7.) Here he reigned as a just AEPYTUS. 35 and pious king, behaved kindly to the natives, and taught them the use of sails in navigation, and foretold them from signs which lihe observed in the fire the nature of the winds that were to rise. Hence, says Diodorus, Aeolus is described in mythology as the ruler over the winds, and it was this Aeolus to whom Odysseus came during his wanderings. A different account of the matter is given by Hyginus. (Fab. 186.) In these accounts Aeolus, the father of the Aeolian race, is placed in relationship with Aeolus the ruler and god of the winds. The groundwork on which this connexion has been formed by later poets and mythographers, is found in Homer. (Od. x. 2, &c.) In Homer, however, Aeolus, the son of Hippotes, is neither the god nor the father of the winds, but merely the happy ruler of the Aeolian island, whom Cronion had made the Trapiis of the winds, which he might soothe or excite according to his pleasure. (Od. x. 21, &c.) This statement of Homer and the etymology of the name of Aeolus from adiEw were the cause, that in later times Aeolus was regarded as the god and king of the winds, which he kept enclosed in a mountain. It is therefore to him that Juno applies when she wishes to destroy the fleet of the Trojans. (Virg. Aen. i. 78.) The Aeolian island of Homer was in the time of Pausanias believed to be Lipara (Panus. x. 11. ~ 3), and this or Strongyle was accordingly regarded in later times as the place in which the god of the winds dwelled. (Virg. Aen. viii. 416, i. 52; Strab. vi. p. 276.) Other accounts place the residence of Aeolus in Thrace (Apollon. Rhod. i. 954, iv. 765; Callim. IHymn. in Del. 26), or in the neighbourhood of Rhegium in Italy. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 732; comp. Diod. v. 8.) The following passages of later poets also shew how universally Aeolus had gradually come to be regarded as a god: Ov. Met. i. 264, xi. 748 xiv. 223; Val. Flacc. i. 575; Quint. Smyrn. xiv. 475. Whether he was represented by the ancients in works of art is not certain, but we now possess no representation of him. [L. S.] AE'PYTUS (Africos). 1. One of the mythical kings of Arcadia. He was the son of Eilatus (Pind. 01. vi. 54), and originally ruled over Phaesana on the Alpheius in Arcadia. When Cleitor, the son of Azan, died without leaving any issue, Aepytus succeeded him and became king of the Arcadians, a part of whose country was called after him Aepytis. (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 4, 34. ~ 3.) He is said to have been killed during the chase on mount Sepia by the bite of a venomous snake. (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 4, 16. ~ 2.) His tomb there was still shewn in the time of Pausanias, and he was anxious to see it, because it was mentioned in Homer. (Il. ii. 604.) 2. The youngest son of Cresphontes the Heraclid, king of Messenia, and of Merope, the daughter of the Arcadian king Cypselus. Cresphontes and his other sons were murdered during an insurrection, and Aepytus alone, who was educated in the house of his grandfather Cypselus, escaped the danger. The throne of Cresphontes was in the meantime occupied by the Heraclid Polyphontes, who also forced Merope to become his wife. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 5.) When Aepytus had grown to manhood, he was enabled by the aid of Holcas, his father-in-law, to return to his kingdom, punish the murderers of his father,. and put Polyphontes to death. He left a son, Glaucus, and it n2
Page 36 36 AEROPUS. was from him that subsequently the kings of Messenia were called Aepytids instead of the more general name Heraclids. (Paus. iv. 3. ~ 3, &c., viii. 5. ~ 5; Hygin. Fab. 137, 184.) 3. A son of Hippothous, and king of Arcadia. He was a great-grandson of the Aepytus mentioned first. He was reigning at the time when Orestes, in consequence of an oracle, left Mycenae and settled in Arcadia. There was at Mantineia a sanctuary, which down to the latest time no mortal was ever allowed to enter. Aepytus disregarding the sacred custom crossed the threshold, but was immediately struck with blindness, and died soon after. He was succeeded by his son Cypselus. (Paus. viii. 5. ~ 3.) [L. S.] AE'RIUS ('Aepios), Heretic, the intimate friend of Eustathius of Sebaste in Armenia, A. D. 360, was living when St. Epiphanius wrote his Book against Heresies, A. D. 374-6. After living together an ascetic life, Eustathius was raised to the episcopate, and by him Aerius was ordained priest and set over the Hospital (rwcoxxorpoPeLov) of Pontus. (St. Epiph. adv. Haer. 75. ~ 1.) But nothing could allay the envy of Aerius at the elevation of his companion. Caresses and threats were in vain, and at last he left Eustathius, and publicly accused him of covetousness. He assembled a troop of men and women, who with him professed the renunciation of all worldly goods (caroraeia). Denied entrance into the towns, they roamed about the fields, and lodged in the open air or in caves, exposed to the inclemency of the seasons. Aerius superadded to the irreligion of Arius the following errors: 1. The denial of a difference of order between a bishop and a priest. 2. The rejection of prayer and alms for the dead. 3. The refusal to observe Easter and stated fasts, on the ground of such observances being Jewish. St. Epiphanius refutes these errors. (1. c.) There were remains of his followers in the time of St. Augustine. (Adv. Haer. ~ 53, vol. viii. p. 18, which was written A. D. 428.) [A. J. C.] AE'ROPE ('Aps7T7), a daughter of Crateus, king of Crete, and granddaughter of Minos. Her father, who had received an oracle that he should lose his life by one of his children, gave her and her sister, Clymene, to Nauplius, who was to sell them in a foreign land. Another sister, Apemone, and her brother, Aethemenes, who had heard of the oracle, had left Crete and gone to Rhodes. Aerope afterwards married Pleisthenes, the son of Atreus, and became by him the mother of Agamemnon and Menelaus. (Apollod. iii. 2. ~ 1, &c.; Serv. ad Aen. i. 458; Dictys Cret. i. 1.) After the death of Pleisthenes Aerope married Atreus, and her two sons, who were educated by Atreus, were generally believed to be his sons. Aerope, however, became faithless to Atreus, being seduced by Thyestes. (Eurip. Orest. 5, &c., Helen. 397; Hygin. Fab. 87; Schol. ad Homr. 11. ii. 249; Serv. ad Aen. xi. 262.) [L. S.] AE'ROPUS ('Alposros). 1. The brother of Perdiccas, who was the first king of Macedonia of the family of Temenus. (Herod. viii. 137.) 2. I. King of Macedonia, the son of Philip I., the great-grandson of Perdiccas, the first king, and the father of Alcetas. (Herod. viii. 139.) 3. II. King of Macedonia, guardian of Orestes, the son of Archelaus, reigned nearly six years from B. c. 399. The first four years of this time he reigned jointly with Orestes, and the remainder AESCHINES. alone. He was succeeded by his son Pausanias. (Diod. xiv. 37, 84; Dexippus, ap. Syncell. p. 263, a.; comp. Polyaen. ii. 1. ~ 17.) AE'SACUS (A'o-amcos), a son of Priam and Arisbe, the daughter of Merops, from whom Aesacus learned the art of interpreting dreams. When Hecuba during her pregnancy with Paris dreamt that she was giving birth to a burning piece of wood which spread conflagration through the whole city, Aesacus explained this to mean, that she would give birth to a son who would be the ruin of the city, and accordingly recommended the exposure of the child after its birth. [PARIS.] Aesacus himself was married to Asterope, the daughter of the river-god Cebren, who died early, and while he was lamenting her death he was changed into a bird. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5.) Ovid (Met. xi. 750) relates his story differently. According to him, Aesacus was the son of Alexirho;, the daughter of the river Granicus. He lived far from his father's court in the solitude of mountainforests. Hesperia, however, the daughter of Cebren, kindled love in his heart, and on one occasion while he was pursuing her, she was stung by a viper and died. Aesacus in his grief threw himself into the sea and was changed by Thetis into an aquatic bird. [L. S.] AE'SARA (Aldpa), of Lucania, a female Pythagorean philosopher, said to be a daughter of Pythagoras, wiote a work "about Human Nature," of which a fragment is preserved by Stobaeus. (Eel. i. p. 847, ed. Heeren.) Some editors attribute this fragment to Aresas, one of the successors of Pythagoras, but Bentley prefers reading Aesara. She is also mentioned in the life of Pythagoras (ap. Phot. Cod. 249, p. 438, b. ed. Bekker), where Bentley reads Ala-dpa instead of 2a'pa. (Dissertation upon Phalaris, p. 277.) AE'SCHINES (Aloivmfs), the orator, was born in Attica in the demus of Cothocidae, in B. c. 389, as is clear from his speech against Timarchus (p. 78), which was delivered in B. c. 345, and in which he himself says that he was then in his fortyfifth year. Hle was the son of Tromes and Glaucothea, and if we listen to the account of Demosthenes, his political antagonist, his father was not a free citizen of Athens, but had been a slave in the house of Elpias, a schoolmaster. After the return of the Athenian exiles under Thrasybulus, Tromes himself kept a small school, and Aeschines in his youth assisted his father and performed such services as were unworthy of a free Athenian youth. Demosthenes further states, that Aeschines, in order to conceal the low condition of his father, changed his name Tromes into Atrometus, and that he afterwards usurped the rights of an Athenian citizen. (Dem. De Coron. pp. 313, 320, 270.) The mother of Aeschines is described as originally a dancer and a prostitute, who even after her marriage with Tromes continued to carry on unlawful practices in her house, and made money by initiating low and superstitious persons into a sort of private mysteries. She is said to have been generally known at Athens under the nickname Empusa. According to Aeschines himself, on the other hand, his father Atrometus was descended from an honourable family, and was in some way even connected with the noble priestly family of the Eteobutadae. He was originally an athlete, but lost his property during the time of the Peloponnesian war, and was afterwards driven
Page 37 AESCHINES. AESCHINES. 37 from his country under the tyranny of the Thirty. Athens. Temenides, who was sent with him, He then served in the Athenian armies in Asia bore witness to his courage and bravery, and the and spent the remainder of his life at Athens, at Athenians honoured him with a crown. (Aesch. first in reduced circumstances. (Aesch. De jals. Defals Leg. p. 51.) Leg. pp. 38, 47.) His mother, too, was a free Two years before this campaign, the last in Athenian citizen, and the daughter of Glaucias of which he took part, he had come forward at Athens Acharne. Which of these accounts is true, can- as a public speaker (Aesch. Epist. 12), and the not be decided, but there seems to be no doubt military fame which he had now acquired estabthat Demosthenes is guilty of exaggeration in his lished his reputation. His former occupation as a account of the parents of Aeschines and his early scribe to Aristophon and Eubulus had made him youth. acquainted with the laws and constitution of Aeschines had two brothers, one of whom, Phi- Athens, while his acting on the stage had been a lochares, was older than himself, and the other, useful preparation for public speaking. During Aphobetus, was the youngest of the three. Phi- the first period of his public career, he was, like lochares was at one time one of the ten Athenian all other Athenians, zealously engaged in directing generals, an office which was conferred upon him the attention of his fellow-citizens to the growing for three successive years; Aphobetus followed power of Philip, and exhorted them to check it in the calling of a scribe, but had once been sent on its growth. After the fall of Olynthus in B. c. an embassy to the king of Persia and was after- 348, Eubulus prevailed on the Athenians to send wards connected with the administration of the an embassy to Peloponnesus with the object of public revenue of Athens. (Aesch. De fals. Leg. uniting the Greeks against the common enemy, p. 48.) All these things seem to contain strong and Aeschines was sent to Arcadia. Here Aesevidence that the family of Aeschines, although chines spoke at Megalopolis against Hieronymus, poor, must have been of some respectability. Re- an emissary of Philip, but without success; and specting his early youth nothing can be said with from this moment Aeschines, as well as all his certainty, except that he assisted his father in his fellow-citizens, gave up the hope of effecting anyschool, and that afterwards, being of a strong and thing by the united forces of Greece. (Dem. De athletic constitution, he was employed in the fals. Leg. pp. 344, 438; Aesch. Defils. Leg. p. 38.) gymnasia for money, to contend with other young When therefore Philip, in a. c. 347, gave the men in their exercises. (Dem. De Coron. p. 313; Athenians to understand that he was inclined to Plut. Vit. x oralt. Aesch. p. 840.) It is a favourite make peace with them, Philocrates urged the necustom of late writers to place great orators, philo- cessity of sending an embassy to Philip to treat on sophers, poets, &c., in the relation of teacher and the subject. Ten men, and among them Aeschines scholar to one another, and accordingly Aeschines and Demosthenes, were accordingly sent to Philip, is represented as a disciple of Socrates, Plato, and who received them with the utmost politeness, and Isocrates. If these statements, which are even Aeschines, when it was his turn to speak, recontradicted by the ancients themselves, were minded the king of the rights which Athens had true, Aeschines would not have omitted to men- to his friendship and alliance. The king promised tion it in the many opportunities he had. The to send forthwith ambassadors to Athens to negodistinguished orator and statesman Aristophon en- tiate the terms of peace. After the return of the gaged Aeschines as a scribe, and in the same Athenian ambassadors they were each rewarded capacity he afterwards served Eubulus, a man of with a wreath of olive, on the proposal of Demosgreat influence with the democratical party, with thenes, for the manner in which they had diswhom he formed an intimate friendship, and to charged their duties. Aeschines from this moment whose political principles he remained faithful to forward was inflexible in his opinion, that nothing the end of his life. That he served two years as but peace with Philip could avert utter ruin from 7reptlroAos, from his eighteenth to his twentieth his country. That this was perfectly in accordance year, as all young men at Athens did, Aeschines with what Philip wished is clear, but there is no (De fals. Leg. p. 50) expressly states, and this reason for supposing, that Aeschines had been period of his military training must probably be bribed into this opinion, or that he urged the placed before the time that he acted as a scribe to necessity of peace with a view to ruin his country. Aristophon; for we find that, after leaving the (Aesch. in Ctesiph. p. 62.) Antipater and two service of Eubulus, he tried his fortune as an actor, other Macedonian ambassadors arrived at Athens for which he was provided by nature with a strong soon after the return of the Athenian ones, and and sonorous voice. He acted the parts of vrpra- after various debates Demosthenes urgently advised 'yvrcOromrE, but was unsuccessful, and on one occa- the people to conclude the peace, and speedily to sion, when he was performing in the character send other ambassadors to Philip to receive his of Oenomaus, was hissed off the stage. (Dem. oath to it. The only difference between Aeschines De Coron. p. 288.) After this he left the stage and Demosthenes was, that the former would have and engaged in military services, in which, accord- concluded the peace even without providing for ing to his own account (De fals. Leg. p. 50), lie the Athenian allies, which was happily prevented gained great distinction. (Comp. Dem. De fEds. by Demosthenes. Five Athenian ambassadors, Leg. p. 375.) After several less important engage- and among them Aeschines but not Demosthenes ments in other parts of Greece, he distinguished (De Coron. p. 235), set out for Macedonia the himself in B. c. 362 in tile battle of Mantineia; more speedily, as Philip was making war upon and afterwards in B. c. 358, he also took part in Cersobleptes, a Thracian prince and ally of Athens. the expedition of the Athenians against Euboea, They went to Pella to wait for the arrival of and fought in the battle of Tamynae, and on this Philip from Thrace, and were kept there for a conoccasion he gained such laurels, that he was praised siderable time, for Philip did not come until he by the generals on the spot, and, after the victory had completely subdued Cersobleptes. At last, was gained, was sent to carry the news of it to however, he swore to the peace, from which the
Page 38 38 AESCHINES. Phocians were expressly excluded. Philip honoured the Athenian ambassadors with rich presents, promised to restore all Athenian prisoners without ransom, and wrote a polite letter to the people of Athens apologizing for having detained their ambassadors so long. (Dem. De fals. Leg. pp. 394, 405.) Hyperides and Timarchus, the former of whom was a friend of Demosthenes, brought forward an accusation against the ambassadors, charging them with high treason against the republic, because they were bribed by the king. Timarchus accused Aeschines, and Hyperides Philocrates. But Aeschines evaded the danger by bringing forward a counter-accusation against Timarchus (B. c. 345), and by shewing that the moral conduct of his accuser was such that he had no right to speak before the people. The speech In which Aeschines attacked Timarchus is still extant, and its effect was, that Timarchus was obliged to drop his accusation, and Aeschines gained a brilliant triumph. The operations of Philip after this peace, and his march towards Thermopylae, made the Athenians very uneasy, and Aeschines, though he assured the people that the king had no hostile intentions towards Athens and only intended to chastise Thebes, was again requested to go as ambassador to Philip and insure his abiding by the terms of his peace. But he deferred going on the pretext that he was ill. (Dem. Defals. Leg. p. 337.) On his return he pretended that the king had secretly confided to him that he would undertake nothing against either Phocis or Athens. Demosthenes saw through the king's plans as well as the treachery of Aeschines, and how just his apprehensions were became evident soon after the return of Aeschines, when Philip announced to the Athenians that he had taken possession of Phocis. The people of Athens, however, were silenced and lulled into security by the repeated assurances of the king and the venal orators who advocated his cause at Athens. In B. c. 346, Aeschines was sent as irrvAydpas to the assembly of the amphictyons at Pylae which was convoked by Philip, and at which he received greater honours than he could ever have expected. At this time Aeschines and Demosthenes were at the head of the two parties, into which not only Athens, but all Greece was divided, and their political enmity created and nourished personal hatred. This enmity came to a head in the year B. c. 343, when Demosthenes charged Aeschines with having been bribed and having betrayed the interests of his country during the second embassy to Philip. This charge of Demosthenes (Treps racpa'peo-delas) was not spoken, but published as a memorial, and Aeschines answered it in a similar memorial on the embassy (TrepI rpapaerpeoselas), which was likewise published (Dem. De fals. Leg. p. 337), and in the composition of which he is said to have been assisted by his friend Eubulus. The result of these mutual attacks is unknown, but there is no doubt that it gave a severe shock to the popularity of Aeschines. At the time he wrote his memorial we gain a glimpse into his private life. Some years before that occurrence he had married a daughter of Philodemus, a man of high respectability in his tribe of Paeania, and in 343 he was father of three little children. (Aesch. Defids. Leg. p. 52.) It was probably in B. c. 342, that Antiphon, who had been exiled and lived in Macedonia, AESCHINES. secretly returned to the Peiraeeus with the intention of setting fire to the Athenian ships of war. Demosthenes discovered him, and had him arrested. Aeschines denounced the conduct of Demosthenes as a violation of the democratical constitution. Antiphon was sentenced to death; and although no disclosure of any kind could be extorted from him, still it seems to have been believed in many quarters that Aeschines had been his accomplice. Hence the honourable office of oa-vicos to the sanctuary in Delos, which had just been given him, was taken from him and bestowed upon Hyperides. (Demosth. De Coron. p. 271.) In B. c. 340 Aeschines was again present at Delphi as Athenian irvAwyopas, and caused the second sacred war against Amphissa in Locris for having taken into cultivation some sacred lands. Philip entrusted with the supreme command by the amphictyons, marched into Locris with an army of 30,000 men, ravaged the country, and established himself in it. When in 338 he advanced southward as far as Elatea, all Greece was in consternation. Demosthenes alone persevered, and roused his countrymen to a last and desperate struggle. The battle of Chaeroneia in this same year decided the fate of Greece. The misfortune of that day gave a handle to the enemies of Demosthenes for attacking him; but notwithstanding the bribes which Aeschines received from Antipater for this purpose, the pure and unstained patriotism of Demosthenes was so generally recognised, that he received the honourable charge of delivering the funeral oration over those who had fallen at Chaeroneia. Ctesiphon proposed that Demosthenes should be rewarded for the services he had done to his country, with a golden crown in the theatre at the great Dionysia. Aeschines availed himself of the illegal form in which this reward was proposed to be given, to bring a charge against Ctesiphon on that ground. But he did not prosecute the matter till eight years later, that is, in B.c. 330, when after the death of Philip, and the victories of Alexander, political affairs had assumed a different aspect in Greece. After having commenced the prosecution of Ctesiphon, he is said to have gone for some time to Macedonia. What induced him to drop the prosecution of Ctesiphon, and to take it up again eight years afterwards, are questions which can only be answered by conjectures. The speech in which he accused Ctesiphon in B. c. 330, and which is still extant, is so skilfully managed, that if he had succeeded he would have totally destroyed all the political influence and authority of Demosthenes. The latter answered Aeschines in his celebrated oration on the crown (7repl o'v(edaov). Even before Demosthenes had finished his speech, Aeschines acknowledged himself conquered, and withdrew from the court and his country. When the matter was put to the votes, not even a fifth of them was in favour of Aeschines. Aeschines went to Asia Minor. The statement of Plutarch, that Demosthenes provided him with the means of accomplishing his journey, is surely a fable. He spent several years in Ionia and Caria, occupying himself with teaching rhetoric, and anxiously waiting for the return of Alexander to Europe. When in B. c. 324 the report of the death of Alexander reached him, he left Asia and went to Rhodes, where he established a school of eloquence, which subsequently became very celebrated, and occupies a middle position between the
Page 39 AESCHINES. grave manliness of the Attic orators, and the effeminate luxuriance of the so-called Asiatic school of oratory. On one occasion he read to his audience in Rhodes his speech against Ctesiphon, and when some of his hearers expressed their astonishment at his having been defeated notwithstanding his brilliant oration, he replied, " You would cease to be astonished, if you had heard Demosthenes." (Cic. De Orat. iii. 56; Plin. H. N. vii. 30; Plin. Epist. ii. 3; Quinctil. xi. 3. ~ 6.) From Rhodes he went to Samos, where he died in B. c. 314. The conduct of Aeschines has been censured by the writers of all ages; and for this many reasons may be mentioned. In the first place, and above all, it was his misfortune to be constantly placed in juxtaposition or opposition to the spotless glory of Demosthenes, and this must have made him appear more guilty in the eyes of those who saw through his actions, while in later times the contrast between the greatest orators of the time was frequently made the theme of rhetorical declamation, in which one of the two was praised or blamed at the cost of the other, and less with regard to truth than to effect. Respecting the last period of his life we scarcely possess any other source of information than the accounts of late sophists and declamations. Another point to be considered in forming a just estimate of the character of Aeschines is, that he had no advantages of education, and that he owed his greatness to none but himself. His occupations during the early part of his life were such as necessarily engendered in him the low desire of gain and wealth; and had he overcome these passions, he would have been equal to Demosthenes. There is, however, not the slightest ground for believing, that Aeschines recommended peace with Macedonia at first from any other motive than the desire of promoting the good of his country. Demosthenes himself acted in the same spirit at that time, for the craftiness of Philip deceived both of them. But while Demosthenes altered his policy on discovering the secret intentions of the king, Aeschines continued to advocate the principles of peace. But there is nothing to justify the belief that Aeschines intended to ruin his country, and it is much more probable that the crafty king made such an impression upon him, that he firmly believed he was doing right, and was thus unconsciously led on to become a traitor to his country. But no ancient writer except Demosthenes charges him with having received bribes from the Macedonians for the purpose of betraying his country. He appears to have been carried away by the favour of the king and the people, who delighted in hearing from him what they themselves wished, and, perhaps also, by the opposition of Demosthenes himself. Aeschines spoke on various occasions, but he published only three of his orations, namely, against Timarchus, on the Embassy, and against Ctesiphon. As an orator, he was inferior to none but Demosthenes. He was endowed by nature with extraordinary oratorical powers, of which his orations afford abundant proofs. The facility and felicity of his diction, the boldness and the vigour of his descriptions, carry away the reader now, as they must have carried away his audience. The ancients, as Photius (Cod. 61) remarks, designated these three orations as the Graces, and the nine letters which were extant <in the time of Photius, AESCHINES. 39 as the Muses. Besides the three orations, we now possess twelve letters which are ascribed to Aeschines, which however are in all probability not more genuine than the so-called epistles of Phalaris, and are undoubtedly the work of late sophists. The principal sources of information concerning Aeschines are: 1. The orations of Demosthenes on the Embassy, and on the Crown, and the orations of Aeschines on the Embassy and against Ctesiphon. These four orations were translated into Latin by Cicero; but the translation is lost, and we now possess only an essay which Cicero wrote as an introduction to them: "De optimo genere Oratorum." 2. The life in Plutarch's Vitae decenm Oratorum. 3. The life of Aeschines by Philostratus. 4. The life of Aeschines by Libanius. 5. Apollonius' Exegesis. The last two works are printed in Reiske's edition, p. 10, foell. The best modern essay on Aeschines is that by Passow in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopiidie, ii. p. 73, &c. There is also a work by E. Stechow, De Aeschinis Oratoris Vita, Berlin, 1841, 4to., which is an attempt to clear the character of Aeschines from all the reproaches that have been attached to it; but the essay is written in exceedingly bad Latin, and the attempt is a most complete failure. The first edition of the orations of Aeschines is that of Aldus Manutius in his Collectio Rhetoruma Graecorum, Venice, 1513, fol. An edition with a Latin translation, which also contains the letters ascribed to Aeschines, is that of H. Wolf, Basel. 1572, fol. The next important edition is that by Taylor, which contains the notes of Wolf, Taylor, and Markland, and appeared at Cambridge in 1748-56 in his collection of the Attic orators. In Reiske's edition of the Attic orators Aeschines occupies the third volume, Lips. 1771, 8vo. The best editions are those of I. Bekker, vol. iii. of his Oratores Attici, Oxford, 1822, 8vo., for which thirteen new MSS. were collated, and of F. H. Bremi, Zurich, 1823, 2 vols. 8vo. The 'oration against Demosthenes has been translated into English by Portal and Leland. [L. S.] AE'SCHINES (AoXimv-s), an Athenian philosopher and rhetorician, son of a sausage-seller, or, according to other accounts, of Lysanias (Diog. Laert. ii. 60; Suidas, s. v. 'AWXI',Ps), and a disciple, although by some of his contemporaries held an unworthy one, of Socrates. From the account of Laertius, he appears to have been the familiar friend of his great master, who said that " the sausageseller's son only knew how to honour him." The same writer has preserved a tradition that it was Aeschines, and not Crito, who offered to assist Socrates in his escape from prison. The greater part of his life was spent in abject poverty, which gave rise to the advice of Socrates to him, "to borrow money of himself, by diminishing his daily wants." After the death of his master, according to the charge of Lysias apud Athen. xiii. p. 611, e. f.), he kept a perfumer's shop with borrowed money, and presently becoming bankrupt, was obliged to leave Athens. Whether from necessity or inclination, he followed the fashion of the day, and retired to the Syracusan court, where the friendship of Aristippus might console him for the contempt of Plato. He remained there until the expulsion of the younger Dionysius, and on his return, finding it useless to attempt a rivalry with his great contemporaries, he gave private lectures. One of the charges which his opponents
Page 40 40 AESCHRION. delighted to repeat, and which by association of ideas constituted him a sophist in the eyes of Plato and his followers, was that of receiving money for his instructions. Another story was invented that these dialogues were really the work of Socrates; and Aristippus, either from joke or malice, publicly charged Aeschines with the theft while he was reading them at Megara. Plato is related by Hegesander (apud Athen. xi. p. 507, c.) to have stolen from him his solitary pupil Xenocrates. The three dialogues, Iept i dpesr, el tlbaKtrov, 'Epvlas 'repI whAosirov, 'A(foXos 'repi OavaTrov, which have come down to us under the name of Aeschines are not genuine remains: it is even doubted whether they are the same works which the ancients acknowledged as spurious. They have been edited by Fischer, the third edition of which (8vo. Lips. 1786) contains the criticisms of Wolf, and forms part of a volume of spurious Platonic dialogues (Simonis Socratici ut videtur dialogi quatuor) by Bdckh, Heidel. 1810. The genuine dialogues, from the slight mention made of them by Demetrius Phalereus, seem to have been full of Socratic irony. Hermogenes, rIepl 'Ise(~v, considers Aeschines as superior to Xenophon in elegance and purity of style. A long and amusing passage is quoted by Cicero from him. (De Invent. i. 31; Diogenes Laertius, ii. 60-64, and the authorities collected by Fischer.) [B. J.] AE'SCHINES (A1'Xiv1s), of MILETUS, a contemporary of Cicero, and a distinguished orator in the Asiatic style of eloquence. He is said by Diogenes Laertius to have written on Politics. He died in exile on account of having spoken too freely to Pompey. (Cic. Brut. 95; Diog. Laert. ii. 64; Strab. xiv. p. 635; Sen. Controv. i. 8.) AE'SCHINES (AlvoiWvs), ofNEAPOLIS, a Peripatetic philosopher, who was at the head of the Academy at Athens, together with Charmades and Clitomachus about B. c. 109. (Cic. de Orat. i. 11.) Diogenes Laertins (ii. 64) says, that he was a pupil of Melanthus the Rhodian. AE'SCHINES (AloXivns), an ancient physician, who lived in the latter half of the fourth century after Christ. He was born in the island of Chios, and settled at Athens, where he appears to have practised with very little success, but acquired great fame by a happy cure of Eunapius Sardianus, who on his voyage to Athens (as he tells us himself, in vita Proaeres. p. 76, ed. Boisson) had been seized with a fever of a very violent kind, which yielded only to treatment of a peculiar nature. An Athenian physician of this name is quoted by Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 10), of whom it is only known, that he must have lived some time before the middle of the first century after Christ. [WX. A. G.] AE'SCHRION, of Syracuse, whose wife Pippa "was one of the mistresses of Verres, is frequently mentioned by Cicero in the Verrine Orations. (ii. 14, v. 12, 31.) HIe assisted Verres in robbing the Syracusans (ii. 21), and obtained the fanning of the tithes of the Herbitenses for the purpose of plundering them. (iii. 33.) AE'SCHRION (Aloaxpiwv), an iambic poet, a native of Samos. He is mentioned by Athenaeus (vii. p. 296,f. viii. p. 335, c.), who has preserved some choliambic verses of his, in which he defends the Samian Philaenis against Polycrates, the Athenian rhetorician and sophist. Some of his verses are also quoted by Tzetzes (ad Lycophr. 638). There AESCHYLUS. was an epic poet of the same name, who was a native of Mitylene and a pupil of Aristotle, and who is said to have accompanied Alexander on some of his expeditions. He is mentioned by Suidas (s. v.) and Tzetzes (Chil. viii. 406). As he was also a writer of iambics and choliambics, many scholars have supposed him to be identical with the Samian Aeschrion, and to have been called a Mitylenaean in consequence of having resided for some time in that city. (Schneidewin, Delectus Poetarum iambic. et melicorum Graec.; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. xiii. 834.) [C. P. M.] AE'SCHRION, a Greek writer on agriculture, of whom nothing more is known. (Varr. de Re Rust. i. 1.) AE'SCHRION ('Atrypcwv), a native of Pergamus, and a physician in the second century after Christ. He was one of Galen's tutors, who says that he belonged to the sect of the Empirici, and that he had a great knowledge of Pharmacy and Materia Medica. Aeschrion was the inventor of a celebrated superstitious remedy for the bite of a mad dog, which is mentioned with approbation by Galen and Oribasius (Synops. iii. p. 55), and of which the most important ingredient was powdered crawfish. These he directs to be caught at a time when the sun and moon were in a particular relative position, and to be baked alive. (Gal. De Simpl. IMedic. Facult. xi. 34, vol. xii. p. 356; C. G. Kiihni Additam. ad Elench. Med. Vet. a J. A. Fabric. in "Bibl. Gr." exhibit.) [W. A. G.] AESCHY'LIDES (AiloXvXIMn), wrote a work on agriculture, entitled Pewptyucd, which was at least in three books. (Athen. xiv. p. 650, d; Aelian,.de Anim. xvi. 32.) AE'SCHYLUS (AlxdXo-s) was born at Eleusis in Attica in B. c. 525, so that he was thirty-five years of age at the time of the battle of Marathon, and contemporary with Simonides and Pindar. His father Euphorion was probably connected with the worship of Demeter, from which Aeschylus may naturally be supposed to have received his first religious impressions. He was himself, according to some authorities, initiated in the mysteries, with reference to which, and to his birthplace Eleusis, Aristophanes (Ran. 884) makes him pray to the Eleusinian goddess. Pausanias (i. 21. ~ 2) relates an anecdote of him, which, if true, shews that he was struck in very early youth with the exhibitions of the drama. According to this story, " When he was a boy he was set to watch grapes in the country, and there fell asleep. In his slumbers Dionysus appeared to him, and ordered him to apply himself to tragedy. At daybreak he made the attempt, and succeeded very easily." Such a dream as this could hardly have resulted from anything but the impression produced by tragic exhibitions upon a warm imagination. At the age of 25 (B. c. 499), he made his first appearance as a competitor for the prize of tragedy, against Choerilus and Pratinas, without however being successful. Sixteen years afterward (B. c. 484), Aeschylus gained his first victory. The titles of the pieces which he then brought out are not known, but his competitors were most probably Pratinas and Phrynichus or Choerilus. Eight years afterwards he gained the prize with the trilogy of which the Persae, the earliest of his extant dramas, was one piece. The whole number of victories attributed to Aeschylus amounted to thirteen, most of which were gained by him in the
Page 41 AESCHYLUS. interval of sixteen years, between B.C. 484, the year of his first tragic victory, and the close of the Persian war by Cimon's double victory at the Eurymedon, B. c. 470. (Bode, Gesch. der Hellen. Dichtkunst, iii. p. 212.) The year B. c. 468 was the date of a remarkable event in the poet's life. In that year he was defeated in a tragic contest by his younger rival Sophocles, and if we may believe Plutarch (Cim. 8), his mortification at this indignity, as he conceived it, was so great, that he quitted Athens in disgust the very same year, and went to the court of Hiero (Paus. i. 2. ~ 3), king of Syracuse, where he found Simonides the lyric poet, who as well as himself was by that prince most hospitably received, Of the fact of his having visited Sicily at the time alluded to, there can be no doubt; but whether the motive alleged by Plutarch for his doing so was the only one, or a real one, is a question of considerable difficulty, though of little practical moment. It may be, as has been plausibly maintained by some authors, that Aeschylus, whose family and personal honours were connected with the glories of Marathon, and the heroes of the Persian war, did not sympathise with the spirit of aggrandisement by which the councils of his country were then actuated, nor approve of its policy in the struggle for the supremacy over Greece. The contemporaries of his earlier years, Miltiades, Aristeides, and Themistocles, whose achievements in the service of their country were identified with those of himself and his family, had been succeeded by Cimon: and the aristocratical principles which Aeschylus supported were gradually being supplanted and overborne by the advance of democracy. From all this, Aeschylus might have felt that he was outliving his principles, and have felt it the more keenly, from Cimon, the hero of the day, having been one of the judges who awarded the tragic prize to Sophocles in preference to himself. (Plut. 1. c.) On this supposition, Athens could not have been an agreeable residence to a person like Aeschylus, and therefore he might have been disposed to leave it; but still it is more than probable that his defeat by Sophocles materially influenced his determinations, and was at any rate the proximate cause of his removing to Sicily. It has been further conjectured that the charge of dTa'Eeta or impiety which was brought against Aeschylus for an alleged publication of the mysteries of Ceres (Aristot. Eth. iii. 1), but possibly from political motives, was in some measure connected with his retirement from his native country. If this were really the case, it follows, that the play or plays which gave the supposed offence to the Athenians, must have been published before B. c. 468, and therefore that the trilogy of the Oresteia could have had no connexion with it. Shortly before the arrival of Aeschylus at the court of Hiero, that prince had built the town of Aetna, at the bottom of the mountain of that name, and on the site of the ancient Catana: in connexion with this event, Aeschylus is said to have composed his play of the Women of Aetna (a. c. 471, or 472), in which he predicted and prayed for the prosperity of the new city. At the request of Hiero, he also reproduced the play of the Persae, with the trilogy of which he had been victorious in the dramatic contests at Athens. (a. c. 472.) Now we know that the trilogy of the Seven against Thebes was represented soon after the " Persians:" it follows AESCHYLUS. 41 therefore that the former trilogy must have been first represented not later than B. C. 470. (Welcker, Trilogie, p. 520; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 1053.) Aristeides, who died in B. c. 468, was living at the time. (Plut. Arist. 3.) Besides " The Women of Aetna," Aeschylus also composed other pieces in Sicily, in which are said to have occurred Sicilian words and expressions not intelligible to the Athenians. (Athen. ix. p. 402, b.) From the number of such words and expressions, which have been noticed in the later extant plays of Aeschylus, it has been inferred that he spent a considerable time in Sicily, on this his first visit. We must not however omit to mention, that, according to some accounts, Aeschylus also visited Sicily about B. c. 488, previous to what we have considered his first visit. (Bode, Id. iii. p. 215.) The occasion of this retirement is said to have been the victory gained over him by Simonides, to whom the Athenians adjudged the prize for the best elegy on those who fell at Marathon. This tradition, however, is not supported by strong independent testimony, and accordingly its truth has been much questioned. Suidas indeed states that Aeschylus had visited Sicily even before this, when he was only twentyfive years of age (a. c. 499), immediately after his first contest with Pratinas, on which occasion the crowd of spectators was so great as to cause the fall of the wooden planks ('Kpiea) or temporary scaffolding, on which they were accommodated with seats. In B. c. 467, his friend and patron king Hiero died; and in B. c. 458, it appears that Aeschylus was again at Athens from the fact that the trilogy of the Oresteia was produced in that year. The conjecture of Biickh, that this might have been a second representation in the absence of the poet, is not supported by any probable reasons, for we have no intimation that the Oresteia ever had been acted before. (Hermann, Opusc. ii. p. 137.) In the same or the following year (B. c. 457), Aeschylus again visited Sicily for the last time, and the reason assigned for this his second or as others conceive his fourth visit to this island, is both probable and sufficient. The fact is, that in his play of the Eumenides, the third and last of the three plays which made up the Orestean trilogy, Aeschylus proved himself a decided supporter of the ancient dignities and power of that " watchful guardian " of Athens, the aristocratical court of the Areiopagus, in opposition to Pericles and his democratical coadjutors. With this trilogy Aeschylus was indeed successful as a poet, but not as a politician: it did not produce the effects he had wished and intended, and he found that he had striven in vain against the opinions and views of a generation to which he did not belong. Accordingly it has been conjectured that either from disappointment or fear of the consequences, or perhaps from both these causes, he again quitted Athens, and retired once more to Sicily. But another reason, which if founded on truth, perhaps operated in conjunction with the former, has been assigned for his last sojourn in Sicily. This rests on a statement made more or less distinctly by various authors, to the effect that Aeschylus was accused of impiety before the court of the Areiopagus, and that he would have been condemned but for the interposition of his brother Ameinias, who had distinguished himself at the battle of Salamis. (Aelian, V. H. v. 19.) According to some authors
Page 42 4 AESCHYLUS. this accusation was preferred against him, for having in some of his plays either divulged or profanely spoken of the mysteries of Ceres. According to others, the charge originated from his having introduced on the stage the dread goddesses, the Eumenides, which he had done in such a way as not only to do violence to popular prejudice, but also to excite the greatest alarm among the spectators. Now, the Eumenides contains nothing which can be considered as a publication of the mysteries of Ceres, and therefore we are inclined to think that his political enemies availed themselves of the unpopularity he had incurred by his " Chorus of Furies," to get up against him a charge of impiety, which they supported not only by what was objectionable in the Eumenides, but also in other plays not now extant. At any rate, from the number of authorities all confirming this conclusion, there can be no doubt that towards the end of his life Aeschylus incurred the serious displeasure of a strong party at Athens, and that after the exhibition of the Orestean trilogy he retired to Gela in Sicily, where he died B. c. 456, in the 69th year of his age, and three years after the representation of the Eumenides. On the manner of his death the ancient writers are unanimous. (Suidas, s. v. XEXwvSoivsuYv.) An eagle, say they, mistaking the poet's bald head for a stone, let a tortoise fall upon it to break the shell, and so fulfilled an oracle, according to which Aeschylus was fated to die by a blow from heaven. The inhabitants of Gela shewed their regard for his character, by public solemnities in his honour, by erecting a noble monument to him, and inscribing it with an epitaph written by himself. (Paus. i. 14.~ 4; Athen. xiv. 627. d. Vit. Anon.) In it Gela is mentioned as the place of his burial, and the field of Marathon as the place of his most glorious achievements; but no mention is made of his poetry, the only subject of commemoration in the later epigrams written in his honour. At Athens also his name and memory were holden in especial reverence, and the prophecy in which he (Athen. viii. 347, e. f.) is said to have predicted his own posthumous fame, when he was first defeated by Sophocles, was amply fulfilled. His pieces were frequently reproduced on the stage; and by a special decree of the people, a chorus was provided at the expense of the state for any one who might wish to exhibit his tragedies a second time. (Aristoph. Achar. 102; Aeschyl. vita.) Hence Aristophanes (Ran. 892) makes Aeschylus say of himself, that his poetry did not die with him; and even after his death, he may be said to have gained many victories over his successors in Attic tragedy. (Hermann, Opusc. ii. p. 158.) The plays thus exhibited for the first time may either have been those which Aeschylus had not produced himself, or such as had been represented in Sicily, and not at Athens, during his lifetime. The individuals who exhibited his dramatic remains on the Attic stage were his sons Euphorion and Bion: the former of whom was, in B. c. 431, victorious with a tetralogy over Sophocles and Euripides (Argum. Eurip. Med.), and in addition to this is said to have gained four victories with dramatic pieces of his father's never before represented. (Blomfield, ad Argums. Aganm. p. 20.) Philocles also, the son of a sister of Aeschylus, was victorious over the King Oedipus of Sophocles, probably with a tragedy of his uncle's. (Argum. Soph. Oed. AESCHYLUS. Tyr.) From and by means of these persons arose what was called the Tragic School of Aeschylus, which continued for the space of 125 years. We have hitherto spoken of Aeschylus as a poet only; but it must not be forgotten that he was also highly renowned as a warrior. His first achievements as a soldier were in the battle of Marathon, in which his brother Cynaegeirus and himself so highly distinguished themselves, that their exploits were commemorated with a descriptive painting in the theatre of Athens, which was thought to be much older than the statue there erected in honour of Aeschylus. (Paus. i. 21. ~ 2.) The epitaph which he wrote on himself, proves that he considered his share in that battle as the most glorious achievement of his life, though he was also engaged at Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataea. (Paus. i. 14. ~ 4.) All his family, indeed, were distinguished for bravery. His younger brother Ameinias (Herod. viii. 84; Diod. xi. 25) was noted as having commenced the attack on the Persian ships at Salamis, and at Marathon no one was so perseveringly brave as Cynaegeirus. (Herod. vi. 114.) Hence we may not unreasonably suppose, that the gratitude of the Athenians for such services contributed somewhat to a due appreciation of the poet's merits, and to the tragic victory which he gained soon after the battle of Marathon (a. c. 484) and before that of Salamis. Nor can we wonder at the peculiar vividness and spirit with which he portrays the " pomp and circumstance" of war, as in the Persae, and the " Seven against Thebes," describing its incidents and actions as one who had really been an actor in scenes such as he paints. The style of Aeschylus is bold, energetic, and sublime, full of gorgeous imagery, and magnificent expressions such as became the elevated characters of his dramas, and the ideas he wished to express. (Aristoph. Ran. 934.) This sublimity of diction was however sometimes carried to an extreme, which made his language turgid and inflated, so that as Quintilian (x. 1) says of him, " he is grandiloquent to a fault." In the turn of his expressions, the poetical predominates over the syntactical. He was peculiarly fond of metaphorical phrases and strange compounds, and obsolete language, so that. he was much more epic in his language than either Sophocles or Euripides, and excelled in displaying strong feelings and impulses, and describing the awful and the terrible, rather than in exhibiting the workings of the human mind under the influence of complicated and various motives. But notwithstanding the general elevation of his style, the subordinate characters in his plays, as the watchman in the Agamemnon, and the nurse of Orestes in the Choephoroe, are made to use language fitting their station, and less removed from that of common life. The characters of Aeschylus, like his diction, are sublime and majestic,-they were gods and heroes of colossal magnitude, whose imposing aspect could be endured by the heroes of Marathon and Salamis, but was too awful for the contemplation of the next generation, who complained that Aeschylus' language was not human. (Aristoph. Ran. 1056.) Hence the general impressions produced by the poetry of Aeschylus were rather of a religious than of a moral nature: his personages being both in action and suffering, superhuman, and therefore not always fitted to teach practical
Page 43 AESCHYLUS. AESCHYLUS. 43 lessons. 11, produces indeed a sort of religious awe, and dread of the irresistible power of the gods, to which man is represented as being entirely subject; but on the other hand humanity often appears as the sport of an irrevocable destiny, or the victim of a struggle between superior beings. Still Aeschylus sometimes discloses a providential order of compensation and retribution, while he always teaches the duty of resignation and submission to the will of the gods, and the futility and fatal consequences of all opposition to it. See Quarterly Review, No. 112, p. 315. With respect to the construction of his plays, it has been often remarked, that they have little or no plot, and are therefore wanting in dramatic interest: this deficiency however may strike us more than it otherwise would in consequence of most of his extant plays being only parts, or acts of a more complicated drama. Still we cannot help being impressed with the belief, that he was more capable of sketching a vast outline, than of filling up its parts, however bold and vigorous are the sketches by which he portrays and groups his characters. His object, indeed, according to Aristophanes, in such plays as the Persae, and the Seven against Thebes, which are more epical than dramatical, was rather to animate his countrymen to deeds of glory and warlike achievement, and to inspire them with generous and elevated sentiments, by a vivid exhibition of noble deeds and characters, than to charm or startle by the incidents of an elaborate plot. (Ran. 1000.) The religious views and tenets of Aeschylus, so far as they appear in his writings, were Homeric. Like Homer, he represents Zeus as the supreme Ruler of the Universe, the source and centre of all things. To him all the other divinities are subject, and from him all their powers and authority are derived. Even Fate itself is sometimes identical with his will, and the result of his decrees. He only of all the beings in heaven and earth is free to act as he pleases. (Prom. 40.) In Philosophical sentiments, there was a tradition that Aeschylus was a Pythagorean (Cic. Tus. Disp. ii. 10); but of this his writings do not furnish any conclusive proof, though there certainly was some similarity between him and Pythagoras in the purity and elevation of their sentiments. The most correct and lively description of the character and dramatic merits of Aeschylus, and of the estimation in which he was held by his contemporaries and immediate successors, is given by Aristophanes in his "Frogs." He is there depicted as proud and impatient, and his style and genius such as we have described it. Aristophanes was evidently a very great admirer of him, and sympathised in no common degree with his political and moral sentiments. He considered Aeschylus as without a rival and utterly unapproachable as a tragic poet; and represents even Sophocles himself as readily yielding to and admitting his superior claims to the tragic throne. But few if any of the ancient critics seem to have altogether coincided with Aristophanes in his estimation of Aeschylus, though they give him credit for his excellences. Thus Dionysius (De Poei. Vet. ii. 9) praises the originality of his ideas and of his expressions, and the beauty of his imagery, and the propriety and dignity of his characters. Longinus (15) speaks of his elevated creations and imagery, but condemns soume of his expressions as harsh and overstrained; and Quintilian (x. 1) expresses himself much to the same effect. The expression attributed to Sophocles, that Aeschylus did what was right without knowing it (Athen. x. p. 428, f,), in other words, that he was an unconscious genius, working without any knowledge of or regard to the artistical laws of his profession, is worthy of note. So also is the observation of Schlegel (Lecture iv.), that " Generally considered, thie tragedies of Aeschylus are an example amongst many, that in art, as in nature, gigantic productions precede those of regulated symmetry, which then dwindle away into delicacy and insignificance; and that poetry in her first manifestation always approaches nearest to the awfulness of religion, whatever shape the latter may assume among the various races of men." Aeschylus himself used to say of his dramas, that they were fragments of the great banquet of Homer's table. (Athen. viii. p. 347, e.) The alterations made by Aeschylus in the composition and dramatic representation of Tragedy were so great, that lie was considered by the Athenians as the father of it, just as Homer was of Epic poetry and Herodotus of History. (Philostr. Vit. 4poll. vi. 11.) As the ancients themselves remarked, it was a greater advance from the elementary productions of Thespis, Choerilus, and Phrynichus, to the stately tragedy of Aeschylus, than from the latter to the perfect and refined forms of Sophocles. It was the advance from infancy if not to maturity, at least to a youthful and vigorous manhood. Even the improvements and alterations introduced by his successors were the natural results and suggestions of those of Aeschylus. The first and principal alteration which he made was the introduction of a second actor (aSevrpayWaYrO-Trs, Aristot. Poet. 4. ~ 16), and the consequent formation of the dialogue properly so called, and the limitation of the choral parts. So great was the effect of this change that Aristotle denotes it by saying, that he made the dialogue, the principal part of the play (7dv 6o'yov rpcraTOywviot'riv rapEopcKEUae/V), instead of the choral part, which was now become subsidiary and secondary. This innovation was of course adopted by his contemporaries, just as Aeschylus himself (e. g. in the Choephoroe 665-716) followed the example of Soplhocles, in subsequently introducing a third actor. The characters in his plays were sometimes represented by Aeschylus himself. (Athen. i. p. 39.) In the early part of his career he was supported by an actor named Cleandrus, and afterwards by Myniscus of Chalchis. (Vita apud Robert. p. 161.) The dialogue between the two principal characters in the plays of Aeschylus was generally kept up in a strictly symmetrical form, each thought or sentiment of the two speakers being expressed in one or two unbroken lines: e. g. as the dialogue between Kratos and Hephaestus at the beginning of the Prometheus. In the sainme way, in the Seven against Thebes, Eteocles always expresses himself in three lines between the reflections of the chorus. This arrangement, differing as it does from the forms of ordinary conversation, gives to the dialogue of Aeschylus an elevated and stately character, which bespeaks the conversation of gods and heroes. But the improvements of Aeschylus were not limited to the composition of tragedy: he added the resources of art in its exhibition. Thus, he is said to have availed himself of the skill of Aga
Page 44 44 AESCHYLUS. tharcus, who painted for him the first scenes which had ever been drawn according to the principles of linear perspective. (Vitruv. Praef. lib. vii.) He also furnished his actors with more suitable and magnificent dresses, with significant and various masks, and with the thick-soled cothurnus, to raise their statue to the height of heroes. He moreover bestowed so much attention on the choral dances, that he is said to have invented various figures himself, and to have instructed the choristers in them without the aid of the regular ballet-masters. (Athen. i. p. 21.) So great was Aeschylus' skill as a teacher in this respect, that Telestes, one of his choristers, was able to express by dance alone the various incidents of the play of the Seven against Thebes. (Athen. 1. c.) The removal of all deeds of bloodshed and murder from the public view, in conformity with the rule of Horace (A.P. 185), is also said to have been a practice introduced by Aeschylus. (Philos. Vit. Apol. vi. 11.) With him also arose the usage of representing at the same time a trilogy of plays connected in subject, so that each formed one act, as it were, of a great whole, which might be compared with some of Shakespeare's historical plays. Even before the time of Aeschylus, it had been customary to contend for the prize of tragedy with three plays exhibited at the same time, but it was reserved for him to shew how each of three tragedies might be complete in itself, and independent of the rest, and nevertheless form a part of a harmonious and connected whole. The only example still extant of such a trilogy is the Oresteia, as it was called. A Satyrical play commonly followed each tragic trilogy, and it is recorded that Aeschylus was no less a master of the ludicrous than of the serious drama. (Paus. ii. 13. ~ 5.) Aeschylus is said to have written seventy tragedies. Of these only seven are extant, namely, the "Persians," the "Seven against Thebes," the "Suppliants," the "Prometheus," the "Agamemnon," the "Choephoroe," and "Eumenidles;" the last three forming, as already remarked, the trilogy of the "Oresteia." The "Persians" was acted in B. c. 472, and the "Seven against Thebes" a year afterwards. The "Oresteia" was represented in B.c. 458; the "Suppliants" and the "Prometheus" were brought out some time between the "Seven against Thebes" and the "Oresteia." It has been supposed from some allusions in the " Suppliants," that this play was acted in B. c. 461, when Athens was allied with Argos. The first edition of Aeschylus was printed at Venice, 1518, 8vo.; but parts of the Agamemnon and the Choephoroe are not printed in this edition, and those which are given, are made up into one play. Of the subsequent editions the best was by Stanley, Lond. 1663, fo. with the Scholia and a commentary, reedited by Butler. The best recent editions are by Wellauer, Lips. 1823, W. Dindorf, Lips. 1827, and Scholefield, Camb. 1830. There are numerous editions of various plays, of which those most worthy of mention are by Blomfield, MiUller, Klausen, and Peile. The principal English translations are by Potter, Harford, and Medwin. (Petersen, De A eschyli Vita et Fabulis, Havniae, 1814; Welcker, Die Aeschyl. Trilogie Prometheus, Darmstadt, 1824, Nacktrag zur Trilogie, Frankf. 1826, and Die Grieck. Tragodien, Bonn, 1840; Klausen, T/eologumena Aesclhyli Tragici, Berol. 1829.) [R. W.] AESCULAPIUS. AE'SCHYLUS (Aio-Xv'Ao), of ALEXANDRIA, an epic poet, who must have lived previous to the end of the second century of our aera, and whom Athenaeus calls a well-informed man. One of his poems bore the title " Amphitryon," and another " Messeniaca." A fragment of the former is preserved in Athenaeus. (xiii. p. 599.) According to Zenobius (v. 85), he had also written a work on proverbs. (rlepl IIapoiJuLCv; compare Schneidewin, Praefat. Paroemiogr. p. xi.) [L. S.] AE'SCHYLUS of CNIDus, a contemporary of Cicero, and one of the most celebrated rhetoricians in Asia Minor. (Cic. Brat. 91, 95.) AE'SCHYLUS (Alo'-XAos), of RHODES, was appointed by Alexander the Great one of the inspectors of the governors of that country after its conquest in B. c. 332. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 5; comp. Curt. iv. 8.) He is not spoken of again till B. c. 319, when he is mentioned as conveying in four ships six hundred talents of silver from Cilicia to Macedonia, which were detained at Ephesus by Antigonus, in order to pay his foreign mercenaries. (Diod. xviii. 52.) AESCULA'PIUS ('Aocxqr16ds), the god of the medical art. In the Homeric poems Aesculapius does not appear to be considered as a divinity, but merely as a human being, which is indicated by the adjective dAfmivwv, which is never given to a god. No allusion is made to his descent, and he is merely mentioned as the ir?-JTp di/xAviwv, and the father of Machaon and Podaleirius. (11. ii. 731, iv. 194, xi. 518.) From the fact that Homer (Od. iv. 232) calls all those who practise the healing art descendants of Paeeon, and that Podaleirius and Machaon are called the sons of Aesculapius, it has been inferred, that Aesculapius and Paecon are the same being, and consequently a divinity. But wherever Homer mentions the healing god, it is always Paeeon, and never Aesculapius; and as in the poet's opinion all physicians were descended from Pae'on, he probably considered Aesculapius in the same light. This supposition is corroborated by the fact, that in later times Paeeon was identified with Apollo, and that Aesculapius is universally described as a descendant of Apollo. The two sons of Aesculapius in the Iliad, were the physicians in the Greek army, and are described as ruling over Tricca, Ithome, and Oechalia. (11. ii. 729.) According to Eustathius (ad Hom. p. 330), Lapithes was a son of Apollo and Stilbe, and Aesculapius was a descendant of Lapithes. This tradition seems to be based on the same groundwork as the more common one, that Aesculapius was a son of Apollo and Coronis, the daughter of Phlegyas, who is a descendant of Lapithes. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3; Pind. Pyth. iii. 14, with the Schol.) The common story then goes on as follows. When Coronis was with child by Apollo, she became enamoured with Ischys, an Arcadian, and Apollo informed of this by a raven, which he had set to watch her, or, according to Pindar, by his own prophetic powers, sent his sister Artemis to kill Coronis. Artemis accordingly destroyed Coronis in her own house at Lacereia in Thessaly, on the shore of lake Baebia. (Comp. Hom. Hymumn. 27. 3.) According to Ovid (Met. ii. 605, &c.) and Hyginus (Poet. Astr. ii. 40), it was Apollo himself who killed Coronis and Ischys. VV hen the body of Coronis was to be burnt, Apollo, or, according to others (Paus. ii. 26. ~ 5), Hermes,
Page 45 AESCULAPIUS. saved the child (Aesculapius) from the flames, and carried it to Cheiron, who instructed the boy in the art of healing and in hunting. (Pind. Pyth. iii. 1, &c.; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3; Paus. 1. c.) According to other traditions Aesculapius was born at Tricca in Thessaly (Strab. xiv. p. 647), and others again related that Coronis gave birth to him during an expedition of her father Phlegyas into Peloponnesus, in the territory of Epidaurus, and that she exposed him on mount Tittheion, which was before called Myrtion. Here he was fed by a goat and watched by a dog, until at last he was found by Aresthanas, a shepherd, who saw the boy surrounded by a lustre like that of lightning. (See a different account in Paus. viii. 25. ~ 6.) From this dazzling splendour, or from his having been rescued from the flames, he was called by the Dorians aiyharip. The truth of the tradition that Aesculapius was born in the territory of Epidaurus, and was not the son of Arsinod, daughter of Leucippus and born in Messenia, was attested by an oracle which was consulted to decide the lquestion. (Paus. ii. 26. ~ 6, iv. 3. ~ 2; Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 22, where three different Aesculapiuses are made out of the different local traditions about him.) After Aesculapius had grown up, reports spread over all countries, that he not only cured all the sick, but called the dead to life again. About the manner in which he acquired this latter power, there were two traditions in ancient times. According to the one (Apollod. 1. c.), he had received from Athena the blood which had flowed from the veins of Gorgo, and the blood which had flowed from the veins of the right side of her body possessed the power of restoring the dead to life. According to the other tradition, Aesculapius on one occasion was shut up in the house of Glaucus, whom he was to cure, and while he was standing absorbed in thought, there came a serpent which twined round the staff, and which he killed. Another serpent then came carrying in its mouth a herb with which it recalled to life the one that had been killed, and Aesculapius henceforth made use of the same herb with the same effect upon men. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 14.) Several persons, whom Aesculapius was believed to have restored to life, are mentioned by the Scholiast on Pindar (Pyth. iii. 96) and by Apollodorus. (1. c.) When he was exercising this art upon Glaucus, Zeus killed Aesculapius with a flash of lightning, as he feared lest men might gradually contrive to escape death altogether (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 4), or, according to others, because Pluto had complained of Aesculapius diminishing the number of the dead too much. (Diod. iv. 71; comp. Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 102.) But, on the request of Apollo, Zeus placed Aesculapius among the stars. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 14.) Aesculapius is also said to have taken part in the expedition of the Argonauts and in the Calydonian hunt. He was married to Epione, and besides the two sons spoken of by Homer, we also find mention of the following children of his: Janiscus, Alexenor, Aratus, Hygieia, Aegle, laso, and Panaceia (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 14; Paus. ii. 10. ~ 3, i. 34. ~ 2), most of whom are only personifications of the powers ascribed to their father. These are the legends about one of the most interesting and important divinities of antiquity. Various hypotheses have been brought forward to explain the origin of his worship in Greece; and, AESCULAPIUS. 45 while some consider Aesculapius to have been originally a real personage, whom tradition had connected with various marvellous stories, others have explained all the legends about him as mere personifications of certain ideas. The serpent, the perpetual symbol of Aesculapius, has given rise to the opinion, that the worship was derived from Egypt, and that Aesculapius was identical with the serpent Cnuph worshipped in Egypt, or with the Phoenician Esmun. (Euseb. Praep. Evang. i. 10; comp. Paus. vii. 23. ~ 6.) But it does not seem necessary to have recourse to foreign countries in order to explain the worship of this god. His story is undoubtedly a combination of real events with the results of thoughts or ideas, which, as in so many instances in Greek mythology, are, like the former, considered as facts. The kernel, out of which the whole myth has grown, is perhaps the account we read in Homer; but gradually the sphere in which Aesculapius acted was so extended, that he became the representative or the personification of the healing powers of nature, which are naturally enough described as the son (the effects) of Helios,-Apollo, or the Sun. Aesculapius was worshipped all over Greece, and many towns, as we have seen, claimed the honour of his birth. His temples were usually built in healthy places, on hills outside the town, and near wells which were believed to have healing powers. These temples were not only places of worship, but were frequented by great numbers of sick persons, and may therefore be compared to modern hospitals. (Plut. Quaest. Rom. p. 286, D.) The principal seat of his worship in Greece was Epidaurus, where he had a temple surrounded with an extensive grove, within which no one was allowed to die, and no woman to give birth to a child. His sanctuary contained a magnificent statue of ivory and gold, the work ofThrasymedes, in which he was represented as a handsome and manly figure, resembling that of Zeus. (Paus. ii. 26 and 27.) He was seated on a throne, holding in one hand a staff, and with the other resting upon the head of a dragon (serpent), and by his side lay a dog. (Paus. ii. 27. ~ 2.) Serpents were everywhere connected with the worship of Aesculapius, probably because they were a symbol of prudence and renovation, and were believed to have the power of discovering herbs of wondrous powers, as is indicated in the story about Aesculapius and the serpents in the house of Glaucus. Serpents were further believed to be guardians of wells with salutary powers. For these reasons a peculiar kind of tame serpents, in which Epidaurus abounded, were not only kept in his temple (Paus. ii. 28. ~ 1), but the god himself frequently appeared in the form of a serpent. (Paus. iii. 23. ~ 4; Val. Max. i. 8. ~ 2; Liv. Epit. 11; compare the account of Alexander Pseudomantis in Lucian.) Besides the temple of Epidaurus, whence the worship of the god was transplanted to various other parts of the ancient world, we may mention those of Tricca (Strab. ix. p. 437), Celaenae (xiii. p. 603), between Dyme and Patrae (viii. p. 386), near Cyllene (viii. p. 337), in the island of Cos (xiii. p. 657; Paus. iii. 23. ~ 4), at Gerenia (Strab. viii. p. 360), near Caus in Arcadia (Steph. Byz. s. v.), at Sicyon (Paus. ii. 10. ~ 2), at Athens (i. 21. ~ 7), near Patrae (vii. 21. ~ 6), at Titane in the territory of Sicyon (vii. 23. ~ 6), at Thelpusa (viii. 25. ~ 3), in Messene (iv. 31. ~ 8), at Phlius (ii. 13.
Page 46 46 AESON. ~ 3), Argos (ii. 23. ~ 4), Aegium (ii. 23. ~ 5), Pellene (vii. 27. ~ 5), Asopus (iii. 22. ~ 7), Pergamum (iii. 26. ~ 7), Lebene in Crete, Smyrna, Balagrae (ii. 26. ~ 7), Ambracia (Liv. xxxviii. 5), at Rome and other places. At Rome the worship of Aesculapius was introduced from Epidaurus at the command of the 'Delphic oracle or of the Sibylline books, in B. c. 293, for the purpose of averting a pestilence. Respecting the miraculous manner in which this was effected see Valerius Maximus (i. 8. ~ 2), and Ovid. (Met. xv. 620, &c.; comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 408, &c.; Liv. x. 47, xxix. 11; Suet. Claud. 25.) The sick, who visited the temples of Aesculapius, had usually to spend one or more nights in his sanctuary (iaesiEEtY, incusbare, Paus. ii. 27 ~ 2), during which they observed certain rules prescribed by the priests. The god then usually revealed the remedies for the disease in a dream. (Aristoph. Plut. 662, &c.; Cic. De Div. ii. 59; Philostr. Vita Apollon. i. 7; Jambl. De Myst. iii. 2.) It was in allusion to this incubatio that many temples of Aesculapius contained statues representing Sleep and Dream. (Paus. ii. 10. ~ 2.) Those whom the god cured of their disease offered a sacrifice to him, generally a cock (Plat. Phaed. p. 118) or a goat (Paus. x. 32. ~ 8; Serv. ad Viryg. Georg. ii. 380), and hung up in his temple a tablet recording the name of the sick, the disease, and the manner in which the cure had been effected. The temples of Epidaurus, Tricca, and Cos, were full of such votive tablets, and several of them are still extant. (Paus. ii. 27. ~ 3; Strahb. viii. p. 374; comp. Dict. of Ant. p. 673.) Respecting the festivals celebrated in honour of Aesculapins see Diet. of Ant. p. 103, &c. The various surnames given to the god partly describe him as the healing or saving god, and are partly derived from the places in which he was worshipped. Some of his statues are described by Pausanias. (ii. 10. ~ 3, x. 32. ~ 8.) Besides the attributes mentioned in the description of his statue at Epidaurus, he is sometimes represented holding in one hand a phial, and in the other a staff; sometimes also a boy is represented standing by his side, who is the genius of recovery, and is called Telesphorus, Euamnerion, or Acesius. (Paus. ii. 11. ~ 7.) We still possess a considerable number of marble statues and busts of Aesculapius, as well as many representations on coins and gems. (Bottiger, Amalthea, i. p. 282; ii. p. 361; Hirt. Mythol. Bilderb. i. p. 84; Muller, H1'andb. der Arcislol. p. 597, &c. 710.) There were in antiquity two works which went under the name of Aesculapius, which, however, were no more genuine than the works ascribed to Orpheus. (Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. i. p. 55, &c.) The descendants of Aesculapius were called by the patronymic name Asclepiadae. ('Aor/Acxr7ilSa.) Those writers, who consider Aesculapius as a real personage, must regard the Asclepiadae as his real descendants, to whom he transmitted his medical knowledge, and whose principal seats were Cos and Cnidus. (Plat. de Re Publ. iii. p. 405, &c.) But the Asclepiadae were also regarded as.an order or caste of priests, and for a long period the practice of medicine was intimately connected with religion. The knowledge of medicine was regarded as a sacred secret, which was transmitted from father to son in the families of the Asclepia AESOPUS. dae, and we still possess the oath which every one was obliged to take when lie was put in possession of the medical secrets. (Galen, Analt. ii. p. 128; Aristid. Orat. i. p. 80; comp. K. Sprengel, Gesch. der Medicin. vol. i.) [L. S.] AESERNI'NUS. [MARCELLUS.] AE'SION (Aloiwv), an Athenian orator, was a contemporary of Demosthenes, with whom he was educated. (Suidas, s. v. AicULoao0viIs.) To what party he belonged during the Macedonian time is uncertain. When he was asked what he thought of the orators of his time, he said, tlhat when ihe heard the other orators, he admired their beautiful and sublime conversations with the people, but that the speeches of Demosthenes, when read, excelled all others by their skilful construction and their power. (Hermippus, ap. Plit. Dem. 10.) Aristotle (Rhet. iii. 10) mentions a beautiful expression of Aesion. [L. S.] AESON (Aiswv), a son of Cretheus, the founder of Iolcus, and of Tyro, the daughter of Salmoneus. He was excluded by his step-brother Pelias from his share in the kingdom of Thessaly. He was father of Jason and Promachus, but the name of his wife is differently stated, as Polymede, Alcimede, Amphinome, Polypheme, Polymele, Arne, and Scarphe. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ II and ~ 16; Hom. Od. xi. 258; Tzetz. ad Lycopnr. 872; Diod. iv. 50; Schol. ad Apollon. i. 45; Schol. ad lHom. Od. xii. 70.) Pelias endeavoured to secure the throne to himself by sending Jason awav with the Argonauts, but when one day he was surprised and frightened by the news of the return of the Argonauts, he attempted to get rid of Aeson by force, but the latter put an end to his own life. (Apollod. i..9.. 27.) According to an account in Diodorus (iv. 50), Pelias compelled Aeson to kill himself by drinking ox's blood, for he had received intelligence that Jason and his companions had perished in their expedition. According to Ovid (Met. vii. 163, 250, &c.), Aeson survived the return of the Argonauts, and was made young again by Medeia. Jason as the son of Aeson is called Aesonides. (Orph. Arg. 55.) [L. S.] AESO'NIDES. [AESON.] AESO'PUS (A'l'awcros), a writer of Fables, a species of composition which has been defined " analogical narratives, intended to convey some moral lesson, in which irrational animals or objects are introduced as speaking." (Philolog. Museums, i. p. 280.) Of his works none are extant, and of his life scarcely anything is known. He appears to have lived about B.c. 570, for Herodotus (ii. 134) mentions a woman named Rhodopis as a fellowslave of Aesop's, and says that she lived in the time of Amasis king of Egypt, who began to reign u. c. 569. Plutarch makes him contemporary with Solon (Sept. Sap. Cosnv. p. 152, c.), and Laertius (i. 72) says, that he flourished about the 52th Olympiad. The only apparent authority against this date is that of Suidas (s. v. A'lco'ros); but the passage is plainly corrupt, and if we adopt the correction of Clinton, it gives about B. c. 620 for the date of his birth; his death is placed B. c. 564, but may have occurred a little later. (See Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. i. pp. 213, 237, 239.) Suidas tells us that Samos, Sardis, Mesernbria in Thrace, and Coticeum in Phrygia dispute the honour of having given him birth. We are told that he was originally a slave, and the reason of his first writing fables is given by Phaedrus. (iii.
Page 47 AESOPUS. Prolog. 33, &c.) Among his masters were two Samians, Xanthus and ladmon, from the latter of whom he received his freedom. Upon this he visited Croesus (where we are told that he reproved Solon for discourtesy to the king), and afterwards Peisistratus at Athens. Plutarch (de sera Num. Vind. p. 556) tells us, that he was sent to Delphi by Croesus, to distribute among the citizens four minae a piece. But in consequence of some dispute arising on the subject, he refused to give any money at all, upon which the enraged Delphians threw him from a precipice. Plagues were sent upon them from the gods for the offence, and they proclaimed their willingness to give a compensation for his death to any one who could claim it. At length ladmon, the grandson of his old master, received the compensation, since no nearer connexion could be found. (Herod. ii. 134.) There seems no reason to doubt this story about the compensation, and we have now stated all the circumstances of Aesop's life which rest on any authority. But there are a vast variety of anecdotes and adventures in which lie bears the principal part, in a life of him prefixed to a book of Fables purporting to be his, and collected by Maximus Planudes, a monk of the 14th century. This life represents Aesop as a perfect monster of ugliness and deformity; a notion for which there is no authority whatever. For he is mentioned in passages of classical authors, where an allusion to such personal peculiarities would have been most natural, without the slightest trace of any such allusion. He appears for instance in Plutarch's Convivium, where though there are many jokes on his former condition as a slave, there are none on his appearance, and we need not imagine that the ancients would be restrained from such jokes by any feelings of delicacy, since the nose of Socrates furnishes ample matter for raillery in the Symposium of Plato. Besides, the Athenians caused Lysippus to erect a statue in his honour, which had it been sculptured in accordance with the above description, would have been the reverse of ornamental. The notices however which we possess of Aesop are so scattered and of such doubtful authority, that there have not been wanting persons to deny his existence altogether. " In poetical philosophy," says Vico in his Scienza Nuova, " Aesop will be found not to be any particular and actually existing man, but the abstraction of a class of men, or a poetical character representative of the companions and attendants of the heroes, such as certainly existed in the time of the seven Sages of Greece." This however is an excess of scepticism into which it would be most unreasonable to plunge: whether Aesop left any written works at all, is a question which affords considerable room for doubt, and to which Bentley inclines to give a negative. Thus Aristophanes ( Vesp. 1259) represents Philocleon as learning his Fables in conversation and not out of a book, and Socrates who turned them into poetry versified those that "lie knew, and could most readily remember." (Plat. Phaed. p. 61, b; Bentley, Dissertation on the Fables of Aesop, p. 136.) However this may be, it is certain that fables, bearing Aesop's name, were popular at Athens in its most intellectual age. We find them frequently noticed by Aristophanes. One of the pleasures of a dicast (Vesp. 566) was, that among the candidates for his protection and vote some endeavoured AESOPUS. 47 to win his favour by repeating to him fables, and some Aio'rirov 71 'yEAoov. Two specimens of these yEgola or drolleries may be read in the Vespae, 1401, &c., and in the Aves, 651, &c. The latter however is said by the Scholiast to be the composition of Archilochus, and it is probable that many anecdotes and jests were attributed to Aesop, as the most popular of all authors of the kind, which really were not his. This is favourable to Bentley's theory, that his fables were not collected in a written form, which also derives additional probability from the fact that there is a variation in the manner in which ancient authors quote Aesop, even though they are manifestly referring to the same fable. Thus Aristotle (De Part.'Anim. iii. 2) cites from him a complaint of Momus, " that the bull's horns were not placed about his shoulders, where he might make the strongest push, but in the tenderest part, his head," whilst Lucian (Nigr. 32) makes the fault to be " that his horns were not placed straight before his eyes." A written collection would have prevented such a diversity. Besides the drolleries above mentioned, there were probably fables of a graver description, since, as we have seen, Socrates condescended to turn them into verse, of which a specimen has been preserved by Diogenes Laertius. Again, Plato, though he excluded Homer's poems from his imaginary Republic, praises the writings of Aesop. By him they are called iioioL (Phaed. pp. 60, 61), though an able writer in the Philological Museum (i. p. 281) thinks that the more ancient name for such fictions was anvos, a word explained by Buttmann (Lexilogus, p. 60, Eng. transl.), " a speech full of meaning, or cunningly imagined" (Horn. Od. xiv. 508), whence Ulysses is called iroAva,os in reference to the particular sort of speeches which mark his character. In Hesiod (Op. et Dies, 200), it has passed into the sense of a moral fable. The alvoi or Av^Ooi of Aesop were certainly in prose:-they are called by Aristophanes Ao'yo, and their author (Herod. ii. 134) is A'icorwroS d AoyoiV os, A6yos being the peculiar word for Prose, as -"rs? was for verse, and includ. ing both fable and history, though afterwards restricted to oratory, when that became a separate branch of composition. Following the example of Socrates, Demetrius Phalereus (B. c. 320) turned Aesop's fables into poetry, and collected them into a book': and after him an author, whose name is unknown, published them in Elegiacs, of which some fragments are preserved by Suidas. But the only Greek versifier of Aesop, of whose writings any whole fables are preserved is Babrius, an author of no mean powers, and who may well take his place amongst Fabulists with Phaedrus and La Fontaine. His version is in Choliambics, i. e. lame, halting iambics (XcoAos, ealeos), verses which follow in all respects the laws of the Iambic Trimeter till the sixth foot, which is either a spondee or trochee, the fifth being properly an iambus. This version was made a little before the age of Augustus, and consisted of ten Books, of which a few scattered fables only are preserved. Of the Latin writers of Aesopean fables, Phaedrus is the most celebrated. The fables now extant in prose, bearing the name of Aesop, are unquestionably spurious. Of these there are three principal collections, the one con
Page 48 48 AESOPUS. taining 136 fables, published first A. D. 1610, from MSS. at Heidelberg. This is so clumsy a forgery, that it mentions the orator Demades, who lived 200 years after Aesop, and contains a whole sentence from the book of Job (yyvxvol ydp ij7AOupv of travres, yvugvol o'v dreAevuog'OeCa). Some of the passages Bentley has shewn to be fragments of Choliambic verses, and has made it tolerably certain that they were stolen from Babrius. The other collection was made by the above mentioned monk of Constantinople, Maximus Planudes. These contain at least one Hebraism (Bod&v 'v irf tKapOia: compare e. g. Eccles. xi. 1, elsrov dv 7?j KcapSia go), and among them are words entirely modern, as $o0vraLis a bird, $osvivpov a beast, and also traces of the Choliambics of Babrius. The third collection was found in a MS. at Florence, and published in 1809. Its date is about a century before the time of Planudes, and it contains the life which was prefixed to his collection, and commonly supposed to be his own. Bentley's dissertation on Aesop is appended to those on Phalaris. The genuineness of the existing forgeries was stoutly maintained by his Oxford antagonists (Preface to Aesopicarum Fabularum Delectus, Oxford 1628); but there is no one in our day who disputes his decision. It remains to notice briefly the theory which assigns to Aesop's fables an oriental origin. Among the writers of Arabia, one of the most famous is Lukman, whom some traditions make contemporary with David, others the son of a sister or aunt of Job, while again he has been represented as an ancient king or chief of the tribe of Ad. " Lukman's wisdom" is proverbial among the Arabs, and joined with Joseph's beauty and David's melody. [See the Thousand and One Nights (Lane's translation), Story of Prince Kamer-ez-Zeman and Princess Budoor, and Note 59 to chapter x.] The Persian accounts of this Lukman represent him as an ugly black slave, and it seems probable that the author of the Life engrafted this and other circumstances in the Oriental traditions of Lukman upon the classical tales respecting Aesop. The fables ascribed to Aesop have in many respects an eastern character, alluding to Asiatic customs, and introducing panthers, peacocks, and monkeys among their dramatis personm. All this makes it likely that the fables attributed both to Lukman and Aesop are derived from the same Indo-Persian source. The principal editions of Aesop's Fables are, 1. The collection formed by Planudes with a Latin translation, published at Milan by Buono Accorso at the end of the 15th century. 2. Another edition of the same collection, with some additional fables from a MS. in the Bibliotheque du Roi at Paris, by Robert Stephanus, 1546. 3. The edition of Nevelet, 1610, which added to these the Heidelberg collection, published at Frankfort on the Main. These have been followed by editions of all or some of the Fables, by Hudson at Oxford (1718), Iauptmann at Leipzig (1741), Heusinger at Leipzig (1756), Ernesti at the same place (1781), and G. H. Schaefer again at Leipzig (1810, 1818, 1820). Francesco de Furia added to the above the new fables from the Florentine MS., and his edition was reprinted by Coray at Paris (1810). All the fables have been put together and published, 231 in number, by J. G. Schneider, at Breslau, in 1810. [G. E. L. C.] AESOPUS. AESO'PUS, a Greek historian, who wrote a life of Alexander the Great. The original is lost, but there is a Latin translation of it by Julius Valerius [VALERIUS], of which Franciscus Juretus had, he says (ad Symmach. Ep. x. 54), a manuscript. It was first published, however, by A. Mai from a MS. in the Ambrosian library, Milan, 1817, 4to., reprinted Frankfort, 1818, 8vo. The title is "6 Itinerarium ad Constantinum Augustum, etc.: accedunt Julii Valerii Res gestae Alexandri Macedonis," etc. The time when Aesopus lived is uncertain, and even his existence has been doubted. (Barth, Adversar. ii. 10.) Mai, in the preface to his edition, contended that the work was written before 389, A. D., because the temple of Serapis at Alexandria, which was destroyed by order of Theodosius, is spoken of in the translation (Jul. Valer. i. 31) as still standing. But serious objections to this inference have been raised by Letronno (Journ. des Savans, 1818, p. 617), who refers it to the seventh or eighth century, which the weight of internal evidence would rather point to. The book is full of the most extravagant stories and glaring mistakes, and is a work of no credit. [A. A.] AESO'PUS, CLAU'DIUS or CLO'DIUS, the most celebrated tragic actor at Rome in the Ciceronian period, probably a freedman of the Clodia gens. Horace (Ep. ii. 1. 82) and other authors put him on a level with Roscius. (Fronto, p. 44, ed. Niebuhr.) Each was preeminent in his own department; Roscius in comedy, being, with respect to action and delivery (pronuntiatio), more rapid (citatior, Quintil. Inst. Or. xi. 3. ~111); Aesopus in tragedy, being more weighty (gravcior, Quintil. I.c.). Aesopus took great pains to perfect himself in his art by various methods. He diligently studied the exhibition of character in real life; and when any important trial was going on, especially, for example, when Hortensius was to plead, he was constantly in attendance, that he might watch and be able to represent the more truthfully the feelings which were actually displayed on such occasions. (Val. Max. viii. 10. ~ 2.) He never, it is said, put on the mask for the character he had to perform in, without first looking at it attentively from a distance for some time, that so in performing he might preserve his voice and action in perfect keeping with the appearance he would have. (Fronto, de Eloq. 5. 1, p. 37.) Perhaps this anecdote may confirm the opinion (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Persona), that masks had only lately been introduced in the regular drama at Rome, and were not always used even for leading characters; for, according to Cicero (de Div. i. 37), Aesopus excelled in power of face and fire of expression (tantu i ardorem vultuum atque motuumr), which of course would not have been visible if he had performed only with a mask. From the whole passage in Cicero and from the anecdotes recorded of him, his acting would seem to have been characterised chiefly by strong emphasis and vehemence. On the whole, Cicero calls him summus artifex, and says he was fitted to act a leading part no less in real life than on the stage. (Pro Sext. 56.) It does not appear that he ever performed in comedy. Valerius Maximus (viii. 10. ~ 2) calls Aesopus and Roscius both "ludicrae artis peritissimos viros,' but this may merely denote the theatrical art in general, including tragedy as well as comedy. (Comp. ludicrae tibiae, Plin. H. N.xvi. 36.) Fronto calls him (p. 87) Trapicus Ae
Page 49 AESYMNETES. sopus. Froni Cicero's remark, however, (de Of.: i. 114), it would seem that the character of Ajax was rather too traija for him. (Comp. Tusc. Quaest. ii. 17, iv. 25.) Like Roscius, Aesopus enjoyed the intimacy of the great actor, who calls him noster Aesopus (ad Fams. vii. 1), noster familiaris (ad Qu. Frat. i. 2, 4); and they seem to have sought, from one another's society, improvement, each in his respective art. During his exile, Cicero received many valuable marks of Aesopus's friendship. On one occasion, in particular, having to perform the part of Telamon, banished from his country, in one of Accies's plays, the tragedian, by his manner and skilful emphasis, and an occasional change of a word, added to the evident reality of his feelings, and succeeded in leading the audience to apply the whole to the case of Cicero, and so did him more essential service than any direct defence of himself could have done. The whole house applauded. (Pro Seat. 56.) On another occasion, instead of "Brins iqui libertatem civium stabiliverat," he substituted Tdllies, and the audience gave utterance to their enthusiasm by encoring the passage " a thousand times" (millies revocatumn est, Pro Seat. 58). The time of his death or his age cannot be fixed with certainty; buit at the dedication of the theatre of Pompey (a. c. 55), he would seem to have been elderly, for he was understood previously to have retired from the stage, and we do not hear of his being particularly delicate: yet, from the passage, ill-health or age would appear to have been the reason of his retiring. On that occasion, however, in honour of the festival, he appeared again; but just as he was coming to one of the most emphatic parts, the Leginning of an oath, Si sciens fulo, etc., his voice failed him, and lie could not go through with the speech. He was evidently unabile to proceed, so that aney one would readily have excused him n a thing which, as the passage in Cicero implies (ad Fam. vii. 1), a ornoman audience would not do for ordinary performers. Aesopus, though far from frugal (Piin. If. A. x. 72), realized, like Roscius, an immense fortune by his profession. Ile left about 200,000 sesterces to his son Clodius, who proved a foolish spendthrift. (Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 2.) It is said, for instance, that he dissolved in vinegar and drank a pearl worth about ~8000, which he took from the ear-ring of Caecilia Metella (Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 239; Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 2; Macrob. Sat. ii. 10; Plin. II. N. ix. 59), a favourite feat of the extravagant monomania in Rome. (Compare Suet. C.liq. 37; Macrob. Sat. ii. 13.) The connexion of Cicero's son-in-law Dolabella with the same lady no doubt increased the distress which Cicero felt at the dissolute proceedings of the son of his old friend. (Ad Att. xi. 13.) [A. A.] AESYMNE'TES (Alvev-pir-uns), a surname of Dionysus, which signifies the Lord, or Ruler, and under which he was worshipped at AroS in Achaia. The story about the introduction of his worship there is as follows: There was at Troy an ancient image of Dionysus, the work of Ileplihaestus, which Zeus had once given as a present to Dardanus. It was kept in a chest, and Cassandra, or, according to others, Aeneas, left this chest behind when she quitted the city, because she knew that it would do injury to him who possessed it. When the Greeks divided the spoils of Troy among themselves, this chest fell to the share of the Thessalian AETHER. - 49 Eurypylus, who on opening it suddenly fell into a state of madness. The oracle of Delphi, when consulted about his recovery, answered, " Where thou shalt see men performing a strange sacrifice, there shalt thou dedicate the chest, and there shalt thou settle." l When Eurypylus camse to Aroei in Achaia, it was just the season at which its inhabitants offered every year to Artemis Triclaria a human sacrifice, consisting of the fairest youth and the fairest maiden of the place. This sacrifice was offered as an atonement for a crimne which had once been committed in the temple of the goddess. But an oracle had declared to them, that they should be released from the necessity of making this sacrifice, if a foreign divinity should be brought to them by a foreign king. This oracle was now fulfilled. Eurypylus on seeing the victims led to the altar was cured of his madness and. perceived that this was the place pointed out to him by the oracle; and the Arodans also, on seeing the god in the chest, remembered the old prophecy, stopped the sacrifice, and instituted a festival of Dionysus Aesymnetes, for this was the name of the god in the chest. Nine men and nine women were appointed to attend to his worship. During one night of this festival a priest carried the chest outside the town, and all the children of the place, adorned, as forimerly the victims used to be, with garlands of corn-ears, went down to the banks of the river Meilichius, which had before been called Ameilichlius, hullng up their garlands, purified thesmselves, and then put on other garlands of ivy, after which they returned to the sanctuary of Dionysus Aesyninetes. (Paus. vii. 19 and 20 ) This tradition, though otherwise very obscure, evidently points to a tisme when hunman sacrifices were abolished at Aroe by the introduction of a new worship. At Patrae in Achaia there was likewise a temple dedicated to Dionysus Aesymnetes. (Paus. vii. s21. ~ 12.) [L.S.] AETIlA'LIDES (A!iaA1itis), a son of Ileirmcs and IEupolemeian a daughter of Myrmidon. He was the herald of the Argonauts, and had received from his father the faculty of re0imembering everything, even in Hades. He was further allowed to reside alternately in the upper and ini the lover world. As his soul could not forget anything even after death, it remembered that from the body of Aethalides it had successively migrated into those of Euphorbus, Hermotimius, Pyrrhus, and at last into that of Pythagoras, in whom it still retained the recollection of its former migrations. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 54, 640, &c.; Orph. Argon. 131; Hygin. Fab. 14; Diog. Laert. viii. 1. ~ 4, &c.; Val. Flace. i.437.) [L. S.] AETHER (Alt-Op), a personified idea of the mythical cosmogonies. According to that of Hyginus (Fab. Pref. p. 1, ed. Staveren), he was, together with Night, Day, and Erebus, begotten by Chaos and Caligo (Darkness). According to that of Hesiod (Theog. 124), Aether was the son of Erebus and his sister Night, and a brother of Day. (Comp. Phornut. De Nat. Deor. 16.) The children of Aether and Day were Land, Heaven, and Sea, and from his connexion with the Earth there sprang all the vices which destroy the human race, and also the Giants and Titans. (Hygin. Fah. Pref p. 2, &c.) These accounts shew that, in the Greek cosmogonies, Aether was considered as one of the elementary substances out of which the Universe was formed. In the Orphic hynius
Page 50 50 AETHICUS. (4) Aether appears as the soul of the world, from which all life emanates, an idea which was also adopted by some of the early philosophers of Greece. In later times Aether was regarded as the wide space of Heaven, the residence of the gods, and Zeus as the Lord of the Aether, or Aether itself personified. (Pacuv. ap. Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 36, 40; Lucret. v. 499; Virg. Aen. xii. 140, Georg. ii. 325.) [L. S.] AETHE'RIE. [HELIADES.] AE'THICUS, HISTER or ISTER, a Roman writer of the fourth century, a native of Istria according to his surname, or, according to Rabanus Maurus, of Scythia, the author of a geographical work, called Aethici Cosmographia. We learn from the preface that a measurement of the whole Roman world was ordered by Julius Caesar to be made by the most able men, that this measurement was begun in the consulship of Julius Caesar and M. Antonius, i. e. B. c. 44; that three Greeks were appointed for the purpose, Zenodoxus, Theodotus, and Polyclitus; that Zenodoxus measured all the eastern part, which occupied him twenty-one years, five months, and nine days, on to the third consulship of Augustus and Crassus; that Theodotus measured the northern part, which occupied him twenty-nine years, eight months, and ten days, on to the tenth consulship of Augustus; and that Polyclitus measured the southern part, which occupied him thirty-two years, one month, and ten days; that thus the whole (Roman) world was gone over by the measurers within thirty-two (?) years; and that a report of all it contained was laid before the senate. So it stands in the edd.; but the numbers are evidently much corrupted: the contradictoriness of Polyclitus's share taking more than 32 years, and the whole measurement being made in less than (intra) 32 years is obvious. It is to be observed that, in this introductory statement, no mention is made of the western part (which in the work itself comes next to the eastern), except in the Vatican MS., where the eastern part is given to Nicodomus, and the western to Didymus. A census of all the people in the Roman subjection was held under Augustus. (Suidas, s. v. Aivyovo-ros.) By two late writers (Cassiodorus, Var. iii. 52, by an emendation of Huschke, p. 6, iber den zur Zeit der Geburt Jesu Christi gehaltenen Census, Breslau, 1840; and Isidorus, Orig.v. 36. ~ 4), this numbering of the people is spoken of as connected with the measurement of the land. This work in fact consists of two separate pieces. The first begins with a short introduction, the substance of which has been given, and then proceeds with an account of the measurement of the Roman world under four heads, Orientalis, Occidentalis, Septentrionalis, Meridiana pars. Then come series of lists of names, arranged under heads, Maria, Insulae, Montes, Provinciae, Oppida, Flumina, and Gentes. These are bare lists, excepting that the rivers have an account of their rise, course, and length annexed. This is the end of the first part, the Expositio. The second part is called Alia totius orbis Descriptio, and consists of four divisions: (1.) Asiae Provinciae situs cum limitibus et populis suis; (2.) Europae situs, &c.; (3.) Africae situs, &c.; (4.) Insulae Nostri Maris. This part, the Descriptio, occurs with slight variations in Orosius, i. 2. In Aethicus what looks like the original commencement, Majores nostri, &c., is tacked on AETIHIOPS. to the preceding part, the Expositio, by the words Hano quadripartitam totius terrae continentiam Id qui dimensi sunt. From this it would appear that Aethicus borrowed it from Orosius. The work abounds in errors. Sometimes the same name occurs in different lists; as, for example, Cyprus and Rhodes both in the north and in the east; Corsica both in the west and in the south; or a country is put as a town, as Arabia; Noricum is put among the islands. Mistakes of this kind would easily be made in copying lists, especially if in double columns. But from other reasons and from quotations given by Dicuil, a writer of the 9th century, from the Cosmographia, differing from the text as we have it, the whole appears to be very corrupt. The whole is a very meagre production, but presents a few valuable points. Many successful emendations have been made by Salmasius in his Exercitationes Philologicae, and there is a very valuable essay on the whole subject by Ritschl in the Rheinisches IMuseumw (1842), i. 4. The sources of the Cosmographia appear to have been the measurements above described, other official lists and documents, and also, in all probability, Agrippa's Commentarii, which are constantly referred to by Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. iv. v. vi.) as an authority, and his Chart of the World, which was founded on his Commentarii. (Plin. Hist. Nat. iii. 2.) Cassiodorus (de instit. divin. 25) describes a cosmographical work by Julius Honorius Crator in terms which suit exactly the work of Aethicus; and Salmasius regards Julius Honorius as the real author of this work, to which opinion Ritschl seems to lean, reading Ethnicus instead of Aethicus, and considering it as a mere appellative. In some MSS. the appellatives Sophista and Philosophus are found. One of the oldest MSS., if not the oldest, is the Vatican one. This is the only one which speaks of the west in the introduction. But it is carelessly written: consulibus (e. g.) is several times put for consulatum. Suis is found as a contraction (?) for suprascriptis. The introduction is very different in this and in the other MSS. The first edition of the Cosmographia was by Simler, Basel, 1575, together with the Itinerarium Antonini. There is an edition by Henry Stephens, 1577, with Simler's notes, which also contains Dionysius, Pomponius Mela, and Solinus. The last edition is by Gronovius, in his edition of Pomponius Mela, Leyden, 1722. [A. A.] AETHILLA (Af6tAAa or A'6vAAa), a daughter of Laomedon and sister of Priam, Astyoche, and Medesicaste. After the fall of Troy she became the prisoner of Protesilaus, who took her, together with other captives, with him on his voyage home. He landed at Scione in Thrace in order to take in fresh water, While Protesilaus had gone inland, Aethilla persuaded her fellow-prisoners to set fire to the ships. This was done and all remained on the spot and founded the town of Scione. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 921, 1075; Conon, Narrat. 13; compare P. Mela, ii. 2. ~ 150; Steph. Byz. s. v. KsWiV.) [L. S.] AE'THIOPS (ALOos), the Glowing or theBlack. 1. A surname of Zeus, under which he was worshipped in the island of Chios. (Lycophron, Cass. 537, with the note of Tzetzes.) 2. A son of Hephaestus, from whom Aethiopia
Page 51 AETHUSA. was believed to have derived its name. (Plin. H. N. vi. 35; Nat. Com. ii. 6.) [L. S.] AE'THLIUS ('ACOXios), the first king of Elis. (Paus. v. 1. ~ 2.) He was a son of Zeus and Protogeneia, the daughter of Deucalion (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 2; Hygin. Fab. 155), and was married to Calyce, by whom he begot Endymion. According to some accounts Endymion was himself a son of Zeus and first king of Elis. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 5.) Other traditions again made Aethlius a son of Aeolus, who was called by the name of Zeus. (Paus. v. 8. ~ 1.) [L. S.] AE'THLIUS ('AAOXlos), the author of a work entitled " Samian Annals" ("ipot 2p i tor), the fifth book of which is quoted by Athenaeus, although he expresses a doubt about the genuineness of the work. (xiv. p. 650, d. 653, f.) Aethlius is also referred to by Clemens Alexandrinus (Protr. p. 30, a), Eustathius (ad Od. vii. 120, p. 1573), and in the Etymologicum Magnum (s. v. vPivrao), where the name is written Athlius. AETHRA (AYOpa). 1. A daughter of king Pittheus of Troezen. Bellerophon sued for her hand, but was banished from Corinth before the nuptials took place. (Paus. ii. 31. ~ 12.) She was surprised on one occasion by Poseidon in the island of Sphaeria, whither she had gone, in consequence of a dream, for the purpose of offering a sacrifice on the tomb of Sphaerus. Aethra therefore dedicated in the island a temple to Athena Apaturia (the Deceitful), and called the island Hiera instead of Sphaeria, and also introduced among the maidens of Troezen the custom of dedicating their girdles to Athena Apaturia on the day of their marriage. (Paus. ii. 33. ~ 11.) At a later time she became the mother of Theseus by Aegeus. (Plut. Thes. 3; Hygin. Fab. 14.) In the night in which this took place, Poseidon also was believed to have been with her. (Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 7; Iygin. Fab. 37.) According to Plutarch (Thes. 6) her father spread this report merely that Theseus might be regarded as the son of Poseidon, who was much revered at Troezen. This opinion, however, is nothing else but an attempt to strip the genuine story of its marvels. After this event she appears living in Attica, from whence she was carried off to Lacedaemon by Castor and Polydeuces, and became a slave of Helen, with whom she was taken to Troy. (Plut. Thes. 34; Horn. II. iii. 144.) At the taking of Troy she came to the camp of the Greeks, where she was recognised by her grandsons, and Demophon, one of them, asked Agamemnon to procure her liberation. Agamemnon accordingly sent a messenger to Helen to request her to give up Aethra. This was granted, and Aethra became free again. (Paus. x. 25. ~ 3; Dict. Cret. v. 13.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 243) she afterwards put an end to her own life from grief at the death of her sons. The history of her bondage to Helen was represented on the celebrated chest of Cypselus (Paus. iv. 19. ~ 1; Dion Chrysost. Orat. 11), and in a painting by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi. (Paus. x. 25. ~2.) 2. A daughter of Oceanus, by whom Atlas begot the twelve Hyades, and a son, Hyas. (Ov. Fast. v. 171; Hygin. Fab. 192.) [L. S.] A ETHU'SA (AOovaa), a daughter of Poseidon and Alcyone, who was beloved by Apollo, and bore to him Eleuther. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~; Paus. ix. 20. ~ 2.) [L. S.] AETIUS. 51 AETHYIA (A2Ovia), a surname of Athens, under which she was worshipped in Megaria. (Paus. i. 5. ~ 3; 41. ~ 6; Lycophr. Cass. 359.) The word a'[Ovia signifies a diver, and figuratively a ship, so that the name must have reference to the goddess teaching the art of ship-building or navigation. (Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 1. c.) [L. S.] AE'TION. [CYPSELUS.] AE'TION ('AerTwv). 1. A Greek sculptor of Amphipolis, mentioned by Callimachus (Anth. Gr. ix. 336) and Theocritus (Epigr. vii.), from whom we learn that at the request of Nicias, a famous physician of Miletus, he executed a statue of Aesculapius in cedar wood. He flourished about the middle of the third century B. c. There was an engraver of the same name; but when he lived is not known. (K. O. Miiller, Arch. der Kunst, p. 151.) 2. A celebrated painter, spoken of by Lucian (De Merced. Cond. 42, Herod. or A ition, 4, &c., Inag. 7), who gives a description of one of his pictures, representing the marriage of Alexander and Roxana. This painting excited such admiration when exhibited at the Olympic games, that Proxenidas, one of the judges, gave the artist his daughter in marriage. Aition seems to have excelled particularly in the art of mixing and laying on his colours. It has commonly been supposed that he lived in the time of Alexander the Great; but the words of Lucian (Herod. 4) shew clearly that he must have lived about the time of Hadrian and the Antonines. (K. 0. Miller, Arch. der Kunst. p. 240; Kugler, KunsigeschicLe, p. 320.) [C. P. M.] AE'TIUS, a Roman general, who with his rival Boniface, has justly been called by Procopius the last of the Romans. He was born at Dorostana in Moesia (Jornandes, de reb. Get. 34), and his father Gaudentius, a Scythian in the employ of the empire, having been killed in a mutiny, he was early given as a hostage to Alaric, and under him learnt the arts of barbarian war. (Philostorgius, xii. 12.) After an ineffectual support of the usurper John with an army of 60,000 men (A. D. 424), he became the general of the Roman forces under Placidia, at that time guardian of her son, the emperor Valentinian III. In order to supplant in her favour his rival Boniface, by treacherous accusations of each to the other, Aetius occasioned his revolt and the loss of Africa (Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 3, 4); the empress, however, discovered the fraud, and Ae'tius, after having met Boniface at Ravenna, and killed him in single combat [BONIFACIUs], was himself compelled to retire in disgrace to the Hunnish army which in 424 he had settled in Pannonia. (Prosper. and Marcellinus, in anno 432.) Restored with their help to Italy, he became patrician and sole director of the armies of the western empire. (Jornandes, de reb. Get. 34.) In this capacity, through his long acquaintance with the barbarian settlers, and chiefly with the Huns and Attila himself, in whose court his son Carpilio was brought up, he checked the tide of barbarian invasion, and maintained the Roman power in peace for seventeen years (433-450) in Italy, Spain, Britain, and Gaul, in which last country especially he established his influence by means of his Hun and Alan allies and by his treaty with Theodoric the Visigoth. (Sidon. Apoll. Paneg. Avit. 300.) And when in 450 this peace was broken by the invasion of Attila, Aetius in concert with E2
Page 52 52 AETIUS. AETIUS. Theodoric arrested it first by the timely relief of servant, and instructed him; but he Was dismissed Orleans and then by the victory of Chalons in disgrace on publicly disputing against his (Greg. Turon. ii. 7; Jornandes, de seb. Get. master's interpretation of the Scripture. The 36), and was only prevented from following up his Arian Bishop of the city, named Athanasius, resuccesses in Italy by want of support both from ceived him and read with him the Gospels. AfterValentinian and his barbarian allies. (Idatius wards he read the Epistles with Antonius, a priest and Isidorus, in anno 450.) [ATTILA.] The of Tarsus till the promotion of the latter to the greatness of his position as the sole stay of Episcopate, when he returned to Antioch anud the empire, and as the sole link between Chris- studied the Prophets with the priest Leontius. tendom and the pagan barbarians, may well have His obtrusive irreligion obliged him again to quit given rise to the belief, whether founded or not, Antioch, and he took refuge in Cilicia (before A. D. that he designed the imperial throne for himself 348), where he was defeated in argument by some and a barbarian throne for his son Carpilio (Sid. of the grossest (Borborian) Gnostics. He returnApoll. Paneg. Avit. 204), and accordingly in ed to Antioch, but soon left it for Alexandria, 454, he was murdered by Valentinian himself in being led thither by the fame of the Manichee an access of jealousy and suspicion (Procop. Bell. Aphthonius, against whom he recovered the fame Vand. i. 4), and with him (to use the words of the for disputation which he had lately lost. He now contemporary chronicler Marcellinus, in anno 454), resumed the study of medicine under Sopolis and "cecidit Hesperium Imperium, nec potuit relevari." practised gratuitously, earning money by following His physical and moral activity well fitted him his former trade by night (Phil. iii. 15) or living for the life of a soldier (Gregor. Turon. ii. 8), and upon others. (Theodoret, Ilist. Eccl. ii. 23.) Hiu though destitute of any high principle, he belongs chief employment, however, was an irreverent apto the class of men like Augustus and Cromwell, plication of logical figures and geometrical diawhose early crimes are obscured by the usefulness grams to the Nature of the Word of God. (S. and glory of later life, and in whom a great and Epiphan. adv. IHaeres. ~ 2, and comp. ~ 6, p. 920.) trying position really calls out new and unknown He returned to Antioch on the elevation of his excellences, former master Leontius to that See, A. D. 348, and (Renatus Frigeridus, in Gregor. Turon. ii. 8.; was by him ordained Deacon (S. Ath. ~ 38, transl. Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 3, 4; Jornandes, de Reb. p. 136), though he declined the ordinary duties of Get. 34, 36; Gibbon, Decline and Fall. c. 33, 35; the Diaconate and accepted that of teaching, A. D. Herbert's Attila, p. 322.) [A. P. S.] 350. (Phil. iii. 17.) The Catholic laymen, AE'TIUS ('Aerios), surnamed the A theit, from Diodorus and Flavian, protested against this orhis denial of the God of Revelation (St. Athanas. dination, and Leontius was obliged to depose him. de S/nod. ~:6, p. 83, of the translation, Oxf. 1842; (Thdt. ii. 19.) His dispute with Basil of AnSocr. Hirt. Eccl. ii. 35; Sozom. Hist. Eccl. iv. 29), cyra, A. D. 351 (fin.), is the first indication of the was born in Coele Syria (Philostorg. Hlist. Eccl. future schism in the Arian heresy. (Phil. iii. 15.) iii. 1-5; St. Basil, adv. EuowIn. i. p. 10) at Antioch Basil incensed Gallus (who became Caesar, March, (Soc. ii. 35;* Suidas, s. v. 'Airros), and became A. D. 351) against Aetius, and Leontius' intercesthe founder of the Anomoean (d{vopoiov) form of sion only saved the latter from death. Soon the Arian heresy. HIe was left fatherless and in Theophilus Blemmys introduced him to Gallus (S. poverty when a child, and became the slave of a Gr. p. 294), who made him his friend, and often vine-dresser's wife (St. Gregory Nazianz. c. Eunom. sent him to his brother Julian when in danger of p. 292, c,, D; but see Not. Valesii ad Philost. iii. apostacy. (Phil. iii. 17.) There is a letter from 15), then a travelling tinker (S. Gr. ibid.) or a Gallus extant, congratulating Julian on his adgoldsmith. (Phil. ibid.) Conviction in a fraud or hesion to Christianity, as he had heard from ambition led him to abandon this life, and he ap- Aitius. (Post. Epist. Juliani, p. 158, ed. Boisson. plied himself to medicine under a quack, and soon Mogunt. 1828.) Aetius was implicated in the set up for himself at Antioch. (Soc. iii. 15.) murder of Domitian and Montius (see Gibbon, From the schools of medicine being Arian, he ac- c. 19), A. D. 354 (S. Gr. p. 294, B), but his quired a leaning towards heresy. He frequented insignificance saved him from the vengeance of the disputatious meetings of the physicians (S. Gr. Constantius. However, he quitted Antioch for p. 293, D) and made such progress in Eristicism, Alexandria, where St. Athanasius was maintainthat he became a paid advocate for such as wished ing Christianity against Arianism, and in A. D. 355 their own theories exhibited most advantageously. acted as Deacon under George of Cappadocia, the On his mother's death he studied under Paulinus violent interloper into the See of St. Athanasius. II., Arian Bishop of Antioch, A. D. 331; but his (St. Ep. 76. ~ 1; Thdt. ii. 24.) Here Eunomius powers of disputation having exasperated 'ome in- became his pupil (Phil. iii. 20) and amanuensis. fluential persons about Eulalius, the successor of (Soc. ii. 35.) He is said by Philostorgius (iii. 19) Paulinus, he was obliged to quit Antioch for to have refused ordination to the Episcopate, beAnazarbas, where he resumed the trade of a gold- cause Serras and Secundus, who made the offer, smith, A. D. 331. (Phil. iii. 15.) Here a profes- had mixed with the Catholics; in A. D. 358, when sor of grammar noticed him, employed him as a Eudoxius became bishop of Antioch (Thdt. ii. 23), he returned to that city, but popular feeling pre* After the first reference, the references in this vented Eudoxius from allowing him to act as Deacon. article are thus abbreviated: - St. Athanasius, The Aetian (Eunomian, see Amius) schism now de Synodis [S. Ath.]; St. Basil, adv. Eunomianos begins to develop itself. The bold irreligion of [S. Bas.]; St. Gregory Nazianzen adv. Eunomian. Aetius leads a section of Arians (whom we may call [S. Gr.] The Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, here Anti-Adtians) to accuse him to Constantius Theodoret, and Philostorgius, the Arian panegyrist (Soz. iv. 13); they allege also his connexion with of AQtius [Soc., Soz., Thdt., Phil.]; S. Epiphanius, Gallus, and press the emperor to summon a general adv. Haereses [S. Ep.]. Council for the settlement of the Theological
Page 53 -AETIUS. question. The Aetian interest with Eusebius (Soz, i. 16), the powerful Eunuch, divides the intended council, but notwithstanding, the Aetians are defeated at Seleucia, A. D. 359, and, dissolving the council, hasten to Constantius, at Constantinople, to secure his protection against their opponents. (S. Ath. transl. pp. 73, 77, 88, 163, 164.) The Anti-Aetians (who are in fact the more respectable Semi-Arians, see ARms) follow, and charge their opponents with maintaining a Diference in Substance (Erepoov'erov) in the Trinity, producing a paper to that effect. A new schism ensues among the Aetians, and Aetius is abandoned by his friends (called Eusebians or Acacians, see ARIUS) and banished (S. Bas. i. 4), after protesting against his companions, who, holding the same principle with himself (viz. that the Son was a creature, Kricrja), refused to acknowledge the necessary inference (viz. that He is of untlike substance to the Father, dv6yoiov). (Thdt. ii. 23; Soz. iv. 23; S. Greg. p. 301, D.; Phil. iv. 12.) His late friends would not let him remain at Mopsuestia, where he was kindly received by Auxentius, the Bishop there: Acacius procures his banishment to Amblada in Pisidia (Phil. v. 1), where he composed his 300 blasphemies, captious inferences from the symbol of his irreligion, viz. that Ingenerateness (dyeav-iola) is the essence (osthia) of Deity; which are refuted (those at least which St. Epiphanius had seen) in S. Ep. adv. Haei. 76. He there calls his opponents Chronites, i.e. Temporals, with an apparent allusion to their courtly obsequiousness. (Praefat. up.. S Ep.; comp. c. 4.) On Constantius's death, Julian recalled the various exiled bishops, as well as Aetius, whom he invited to his court (Ep. Juliani, 31, p. 52, ed. Boisson.), giving him, too, a farm in Lesbos. (Phil. ix. 4.) Euzoius, heretical Bishop of Antioch, took off the ecclesiastical condemnation from Aetius (Phil. vii. 5), and he was made Bishop at Constantinople. (S. Ep. 76. p. 992, c.) lie spreads his heresy by fixing a bishop of his own irreligion at Constantinople (Phil. viii. 2) and by missionaries, till the death of Jovian, A. D. 364. Valens, however, took part with Eudoxius, the Acacian Bishop of Constantinople, and Aetius retired to Lesbos, where he narrowly escaped death at the hands of the governor, placed there by Procopius in his revolt against Valens, A. D. 365, 366. (See Gibbon. ch. 19.) Again he took refuge in Constantinople, but was driven thence by his former friends. In vain he applied for protection to Eudoxius, now at Marcianople with Valens; and in A. D. 367 (Phil. ix. 7) he died, it seems, at Constantinople, unpitied by any but the equally irreligious Eunomius, who buried him. (Phil. ix. 6.) The doctrinal errors of Aetius are stated historically in the article on Aarus. From the Manichees he seems to have learned his licentious morals, which appeared in the most shocking Solifidianism, and which he grounded on a Gnostic interpretation of St. John, xvii. 3. He denied, like most other heretics, the necessity of fasting and self-mortification. (S. Ep. adv. Haer. 76. ~ 4.) At some time or other he was a disciple of Eusebius of Sebaste. (S. Bas. Ep st. 223 [79] and 244 [82].) Socrates (ii. 35) speaks of several letters from him to Constantine and others. His Treatise is to be found ap. S. Epiphan. adv. Haner. 76, p. 924, ed. Petav. Colon. 1682. [A. J. C.] AETIUS. 53 AETIUS ('AcTIos, AZtius), a Greek medical writer, whose name is commonly but incorrectly spelt Aetius. Historians are not agreed about his exact date. He is placed by some writers as early as the fourth century after Christ; but it is plain from his own work that he did not write till the very end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth, as he refers (tetrab. iii. serm,. i. 24, p. 464) not only to St. Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, who died A. D. 444, but also (tetrab. ii. serm. iii. 110, p. 357) to Petrus Archiater, who was physician to Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, and therefore must have lived still later; he is himself quoted by Alexander Trallianus (xii. 8, p. 346), who lived probably in the middle of the sixth century. He was a native of Amida, a city of Mesopotamia (Photius, cod. 221) and studied at Alexandria, which was the most famous medical school of the age. He was probably a Christian, which may account perhaps for his being confounded with another person of the same name, a famous Arian of Antioch, who lived in the time of the Emperor Julian. In some manuscripts he has the title of KOcsJiS i4cKiov, conzes obsequii, which means the chief officer in attendance on the emperor (see Du Cange, Gloss. Med. et Inf. Latin.); this title, according to Photius (1. c.), he attained at Constantinople, where lhe was practising medi-. cine. Aetius seems to be the first Greek medical writer among the Christians who gives any specimen of the spells and charms so much in vogue with the Egyptians, such as that of St. Blaise (tetrab. ii. serm. iv. 50, p. 404) in removing a bone which sticks in the throat, and another in relation to a Fistula. (tetrab. iv. serm. iii. 14, p. 762.) The division of his work BLG'ia 'IaTrpKck 'EKKaLiefca, " Sixteen Books on Medicine," into four tetrabibli (TrTpcdaifAom) was not made by himself, but (as Fabricius observes) was the invention of some modern translator, as his way of quoting his own work is according to the numerical series of the books. Although his work does not contain much original matter, it is nevertheless one of the most valuable medical remains of antiquity, as being a very judicious compilation from the writings of many authors whose works have been long since lost. The whole of it has never appeared in the original Greek; one half was published at Venice, 1534, fol. " in aed. Aldi," with the title " Aetii Amideni Librorum Medicinalium tomus primus; primi scilicet Libri Octo nune primum in lucem editi, Graece:" the second volunme never appeared. Some chapters of the ninth book were published in Greek and Latin, by J. E. Hebenstreit, Lips. 4to. 1757, under the title " Tentamen Philologicum Medicum super Aetii Amideni Synopsis Medicorum Veterum," &c.; and again in the same year, "Antii Amideni AVEK'rcOTW..... Specimen alterum." Another chapter of the same book was edited in Greek and Latin by J. Magnus a Tengstrim, Aboae, 1817, 4to., with the title " Commentationum in Aetii Amideni Medici 'AvcKoran Specimen Primum," etc. Another extract, also from the ninth book, is inserted by Mustoxydes and Schinas in their " vuAAoy?) 'EAM')vaci&v 'AvseKdCrTe?," Venet. 1816, 8vo. The. twenty-fifth chapter of the ninth book was edited in Greek and Latin by J. C. Horn, Lips. 1654, 4to.; and the chapter (tetrab. i. serm. iii. 164) " De Significationibus Stellarum," is inserted in Greek and Latin by Petavius, in his " Uranolo^
Page 54 54 AETOLUS. gion," p. 421, ed. Paris. Six books (namely, from the eighth to the thirteenth, inclusive), were published at Basel, 1533, fol., translated into Latin by Janus Cornarius, with the title " Aetii Antiocheni Medici de cognoscendis et curandis Morbis Sermones Sex jam primum in lucem editi," etc. In 1535, the remaining ten books were translated and published at Basel, by J. B. Montanus, in two volumes, so that the three volumes form together a complete and uniform edition of the work. In 1534, 4to., a complete Latin translation was published at Venice by the Juntas. In 1542, Cornarius completed and published a translation of the "whole work (Basil. fol.); which was reprinted at Basel, 1549, 8vo.; Venice, 1543, 1544, 8vo.; Lyons, 1549, fol.; and in H. Stephens's " Medicae Artis Principes," Paris. 1567, fol. Two useful works on Aetius deserve to be mentioned; one by C. Oroscius (Horozco), entitled " Annotationes in Interpretes Aetii," Basil. 1540, 4to.; the other an academical dissertion by C. Weigel, entitled " Aetianarum Exercitationum Specimen," Lips. 1791, 4to. (See Freind's Hist. of Phsic, from whose work many of the preceding remarks have been taken; Cagnati Variae Observat. iv. 18; Haller, Biblioth. Medic. Pract. vol. i. p. 200; Sprengel, Hist. de la i Mdecine; Choulant, Handbuch der Bicherkunde fiur die Aeltere Medicin.) [W. A. G.] AE'TIUS, SICA'MIUS (wducl os 'AiE'os), sometimes called A tits Sicanius or Siculus, the author of a treatise IeIpl MEa'7XooAXids, De Melancholia, which is commonly printed among the works of Galen. (Vol. xix. p. 699, &c.) His date is uncertain, but, if he be not the same person as Agtius of Amida, he must have lived after him, as his treatise corresponds exactly with part of the latter's great medical work (tetrab. ii. sernm. ii. 9 -11, p. 250, &c.): it is compiled from Galen, Rufus, Posidonius, and Marcellus. [W. A. G.] AETNA (Ai'trv?), a Sicilian nymph, and according to Alcimus (ap. Schol. Tlheocrit. i. 65), a daughter of Uranus and Gaea, or of Briareus. Simonides said that she had acted as arbitrator between Hephaestus and Demeter respecting the possession of Sicily. By Zeus or Hephaestus she became the mother of the Palici. (Serv. ad Aen. ix. 584.) Mount Aetna in Sicily was believed to have derived its name from her, and under it Zeus buried Typhon, Enceladus, or Briareus. The mountain itself was believed to be the place in which Hephaestus and the Cyclops made the thunderbolts for Zeus. (Eurip. Cycl. 296; Propert. iii. 15. 21; Cic. De Divinat. ii. 19.) [L. S.] AETNAEUS (Al-rvaos), an epithet given to several gods and mythical beings connected with Mount Aetna, such as Zeus, of whom there was a statue on mount Aetna, and to whom a festival was celebrated there, called Aetnaea (Schol. ad Pind. 01. vi. 162), Hephaestus, who had his workshop in the mountain, and a temple near it (Aelian. Hist. An. xi. 3; Spanheim, ad Callim. hymn. in Dian. 56), and the Cyclops. (Virg. Aen. viii. 440, xi. 263, iii. 768; Ov. Ex Pont. ii. 2. 115.) [L. S.] AETO'LE (AioTwA4), a surname of Artemis, by which she was worshipped at Naupactus. In her temple in that town there was a statue of white marble representing her in the attitude of throwing a javelin. (Paus. x. 38. ~ 6.) [L. S.] AETO'LUS (Alr/\6s.). 3. A son of Endymion and the nymph Neis, or Iphianassa. (Apollod. i. 7. AFRANIA. ~ 6.) According to Pausanias (v. i. ~ 2), his mother was called Asterodia, Chromia, or Hyperippe. He was married to Pronoi, by whom he had two sons, Pleuron and Calydon. His brothers were Paeon, Epeius, and others. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Ndaos; Conon. Narrat. 14; Schol. ad Pind. 01. i. 28.) His father compelled him and his two brothers Paeon and Epeius to decide by a contest at Olympia as to which of them was to succeed him in his kingdom of Elis. Epeius gained the victory, and occupied the throne after his father, and on his demise he was succeeded by Aetolus. During the funeral games which were celebrated in honour of Azan, he ran with his chariot over Apis, the son of Jason or Salmoneus, and killed him, whereupon he was expelled by the sons of Apis. (Apollod. 1. c.; Paus. v. 1. ~ 6; Strab. viii. p. 357.) After leaving Peloponnesus, he went to the country of the Curetes, between the Achelous and the Corinthian gulf, where he slew Dorus, Laodocu&, and Polypoetes, the sons of Helios and Phthia, and gave to the country the name of Aetolia. (Apollod. Paus. 11. cc.) This story is only a mythical account of the colonisation of Aetolia. (Strab. x. p. 463.) 2. A son of Oxylus and Pieria, and brother of Lalas. He died at a tender age, and his parents were enjoined by an oracle to bury him neither within nor without the town of Elis. They accordingly buried him under the gate at which the road to Olympia commenced. The gymnasiarch of Elis used to offer an annual sacrifice on his tomb as late as the time of Pausanias. (v. 4. ~ 2.) [L. S.] AFER, DOMI'TIUS, of Nemausus (Nismes) in Gaul, was praetor A. D. 25, and gained the favour of Tiberius by accusing Claudia Pulchra, the consobrina of Agrippina, in A. D. 26. (Tac. Ann. iv. 52.) From this time he became one of the most celebrated orators in Rome, but sacrificed his character by conducting accusations for the government. In the following year,. A. D. 27, he is again mentioned by Tacitus as the accuser of Varus Quintilius, the son of Claudia Pulchra. (Ann. iv. 66.) In consequence of the accusation of Claudia Pulchra, and of some offence which he had given to Caligula, he was accused by the emperor in the senate, but by concealing his own skill in speaking, and pretending to be overpowered by the eloquence of Caligula, he not only escaped the danger, but was made consul suffectus in A. D. 39. (Dion Cass. lix. 19, 20.) In his old age Afer lost much of his reputation by continuing to speak in public, when his powers were exhausted. (Quintil. xii. 11. ~ 3; Tac. Ann. iv. 52.) He died in the reign of Nero, A. D. 60 (Tac. Ann. xiv. 19), in consequence of a surfeit, according to Hieronymus in the Chronicon of Eusebius. Quintilian, when a young man, heard Domitius Afer (comp. Plin. Ep. ii. 14), and frequently speaks of him as the most distinguished orator of his age. He says that Domitius Afer and Julius Africanus were the best orators he had heard, and that he prefers the former to the latter. (x. 1. ~ t118.) Quintilian refers to a work of his "On Testimony" (v. 7. ~ 7), to one entitled "Dicta" (vi. 3. ~ 42), and to some of his orations, of which those on behalf of Domitilla, or Cloantilla, and Volusenus Catulus seem to have been the most celebrated. (viii. 5. ~ 16, ix. 2. ~ 20, 3. ~ 66, 4. ~ 31, x. 1. ~ 24, &c.) Respecting the will of Domitius Afer, see Plin. Ep. viii. 18. AFRA'NIA, CAIA or GAIA, the wife of the
Page 55 AFRANIUS. senator Licinius Buccio, a very litigious woman, who always pleaded her own causes before the praetor, and thus gave occasion to the publishing of the edict, which forbade all women to postulate. She was perhaps the sister of L. Afranius, consul in B. c. 60. She died B. c. 48. (Val. Max. viii. 3. ~ 1; Dig. 3. tit.. s1. ~ 5.) AFRA'NIA GENS, plebeian, is first mentioned in the second century B. c. The only cognomen of this gens, which occurs under the republic, is STELL10: those names which have no cognomen are given under AFRANIUS. Some persons of this name evidently did not belong to the Afrania Gens. On coins we find only S. Afranius and M. Afranius, of whom nothing is known. (Eckhel, v. p. 132, &c.) AFRA'NIUS. 1. L. AFRANIUS, a Roman comic poet, who lived at the beginning of the first century B. c. His comedies described Roman scenes and manners (Comoediae togatae), and the subjects were mostly taken from the life of the lower classes. (Comoediae tabernariae.) They were frequently polluted with disgraceful amours, which, according to Quintilian, were only a representation of the conduct of Afranius. (x. 1. ~ 100.) Hle depicted, however, Roman life with such accuracy, that he is classed with Menander, from whom indeed he borrowed largely. (Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 57; Macrob. Sat. vi. 1; Cic. de Fin. i. 3.) He imitated the style of C. Titius, and his language is praised by Cicero. (Brut. 45.) His comedies are spoken of in the highest terms by the ancient writers, and under the empire they not only continued to be read, but were even acted, of which an example occurs in the time of Nero. (Vell. Pat. i. 17, ii. 19; Gell. xiii. 8; Suet. Ner. 11.) They seem to have been well known even at the latter end of the fourth century. (Auson. Epigr. 71.) Afranius must have written a great many comedies, as the names and fragments of between twenty and thirty are still preserved. These fragments have been published by Bothe, Poet. Lat. Scenic. Fragmenta, and by Neukirch, Defabula togata Roman. 2. L. AFRANIUs, appears to have been of obscure origin, as he is called by Cicero in contempt "the son of Aulus," as a person of whom nobody had heard. (Cic. ad Att. i. 16, 20.) He was first brought into notice by Pompey, and was always his warm friend and partizan. In B. c. 77 he was one of Pompey's legates in the war against Sertorius in Spain, and also served Pompey in the same capacity in the Mithridatic war. (Plut. Sert. 19. Pomp. 34, 36, 39; Dion Cass. xxxvii. 5.) On Pompey's return to Rome, he was anxious to obtain the consulship for Afranius, that he might the more easily carry his own plans into effect; and, notwithstanding the opposition of a powerful party, he obtained the election of Afranius by influence and bribery. During his consulship, however, (B. c. 60), Afranius did not do much for Pompey (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 49), but probably more from want of experience in political affairs than from any want of inclination. In B. c. 59 Afranius had the province of Cisalpine Gaul (comp. Cic. ad Att. i. 19), and it may have been owing to some advantages he had gained over the Gauls, that lie obtained the triumph, of which Cicero speaks in his oration against Piso. (c. 24.) When Pompey obtained the provinces of the two Spains in his second consulship (a. c. 55), he sent Afranius and Petreius to govern Spain AFRICANUS. 55 in his name, while he himself remained in Rome. (Vell. Pat. ii. 48.) On the breaking out of the civil war, B. c. 49, Afranius was still in Spain with three legions, and after uniting his forces with those of Petreius, he had to oppose Caesar in the same year, who had crossed over into Spain as soon as he had obtained possession of Italy. After a short campaign, in which Afranius and Petreius gained some advantages at first, they were reduced to such straits, that they were obliged to sue for the mercy of Caesar. This was granted, on condition that their troops should be disbanded, and that they should not serve against him again. (Caes. B. C. i. 38-86; Appian, B. C. ii. 42. 43; Dion Cass. xli. 20-23; Plut. Pomp. 65, Caes. 36.) Afranius, however, did not keep his word; he immediately joined Pompey at Dyrrhacium, where he was accused by some of the aristocracy, though certainly without justice, of treachery in Spain. After the battle of Dyrrhacium, Afranius recommended an immediate return to Italy, especially as Pompey was master of the sea; but this advice was overruled, and the battle of Pharsalia followed, B. c. 48, in which Afranius had the charge of the camp. (Appian, B. C. ii. 65, 76; Plut. Pomp. 66; Dion Cass. xli. 52; Vell. Pat. ii. 52.) As Afranius was one of those who could not hope for pardon, he fled to Africa, and joined the Pompeian army under Cato and Scipio. (Dion Cass. xlii. 10.) After the defeat of the Pompeians at the battle of Thapsus, B. c. 46, at which he was present, he attempted to fly into Mauritania with Faustus Sulla and about 1500 horsemen, but was taken prisoner by P. Sittius, and killed a few days afterwards, according to some accounts, in a sedition of the soldiers, and according to others, by the command of Caesar. (Hirt. Bell. Afric. 95; Suet. Caes. 75; Dion Cass. xliii. 12; Florus, iv. 2. ~ 90; Liv. Epit. 114; Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 78.) Afranius seems to have had some talent for war, but little for civil affairs. Dion Cassius says "that he was a better dancer than a statesman" (xxxvii. 49), and Cicero speaks of him with the greatest contempt during his consulship (ad. Att. i. 18, 20), though at a later time, when Afranius was opposed to Caesar, he calls him summus duv. (Phil. xiii. 14.) 3. L. Afranius, son of the preceding, negotiated with Caesar in Spain through Sulpicius for his own and his father's preservation. He afterwards went as a hostage to Caesar. (Caes. B. C. i. 74. 84.) 4. AFRANIUS POTITUS. [POTITUS.] 5. AFRANIUS BURRUS. [BuRRus.] 6. AFRANIUS QUINCTIANUS. [QUINCTIANUS.] 7. AFRANIUS DEXTER. [DEXTER.] 8. T. AFRANIUS or T. AFRENIUS, not a Roman, was one of the leaders of the Italian confederates in the Marsic war, B. c. 90. In conjunction with Judacilius and P. Ventidius he defeated the legate Pompeius Strabo, and pursued him into Firmum, before which, however, he was defeated in his turn, and was killed in the battle. (Appian, B. G, i. 40, 47; Florus, iii. 18.) AFRICA'NUS. [Scirio.] AFRICA'NUS ('Aopputavds), a writer on vesi rinary surgery, whose date is not certainly known, but who may very probably be the same person as Sex. Julius Africanus, whose work entitled Kec-ro contained information upon medical subjects. [AFRICANus, SEX. JULIUS.] His remains were published in the Collection of writers on Veterinary
Page 56 56 AFRICANUS. Medicine, first in a Latin translation by J. Ruellius, Par. 1530, fol., and afterwards in Greek, Bas. 1537, 4to. edited by Grynaeus. [W. A. G.] AFRICA'NUS, SEX. CAECI'LIUS, a classical Roman jurisconsult, who lived under Autoninus Pius. He was probably a pupil of Salvius Julianus, the celebrated reformer of the Edict under Hadrian. [JULIANUS, SALVIUS.] He consulted Julian on legal subjects (Dig. 25. tit. 3. s. 3. ~ 4), and there is a controverted passage in the Digest (Africanus libro vicesimo Epistolranum apud Julianuma quaeri, &c. Dig. 30. tit. i. s. 39), which has been explained in various ways; either that lie published a legal correspondence which passed between him and Julianus, or that he commented upon the epistolaiy opinions given by Julianus in answer to the letters of clients, or that he wrote a commentary upon Julianus in the form of letters. On the other hand, Julianus "ex Sexto" is quoted by Gaius (ii. 218), which shews that Julianus annotated Sextus, the formula "ex Sexto" being synonymous with "ad Sextum." (Neuber, die jurist. Klassiker, 8. 9.) Who was Sextus but Africanus? Africanus was the author of " Libri IX Quaestionum," from which many pure extracts are made in the Digest, as may be seen in Hommel's "Palingenesia Pandectarum," where the extracts from each jurist are brought together, and those that are taken from Africanus occupy 26 out of about 1800 pages. From his remains, thus preserved in the Digest, it is evident that he was intimately acquainted with the opinions of Julianus, who is the person alluded to when, without any expressed nominative, he uses the words ait, caistinmait, ncgavit, putavit, inquit, respondit, placet, notat. This is proved by Cujas from a comparison of some Greek scholia on the Basilica with parallel extracts from Africanus in the Digest. Paullus and Ulpian have done Africanus the honour of citing his authority. He was fond of antiquarian lore (Dig. 7. tit. 7. s. 1, pr. where the true reading is S. Caecilius, not S. Aelius), and his "Libri IX Quaestionum," from the conciseness of the style, the great subtlety of the reasoning, and the knottiness of the points discussed, so puzzled the old glossators, that when they came to an extract from Africanus, they were wont to exclaim Africani lex, id est difficilis. (Heinecc. Hist. Jur. Rom. ~ cccvi. n.) Mascovius (de Sectis Jur. 4. ~ 3) supposes that Africanus belonged to the legal sect of the Sabiniani [CAPITO], and as our author was a steady follower of Salvius Julianus,, who was a Sabinian (Gaius, ii. 217, 218), this supposition may be regarded as established. In the time of Antoninus Pius, the distinction of. schools or sects had not yet worn out. Among the writers of the lives of ancient lawyers (Pancirollus, Jo. Bertrandus, Grotius, &c.) much dispute has arisen as to the time when Africanus wrote, in consequence of a corrupt or erroneous passage in Laminpridius (Lamp. Alex. Sev. 68), which would make him a friend of Severus Alexander and a disciple of Papinian. Cujas ingeniously and satisfactorily disposes of this anachronism by referring to the internal evidence of an extract from Africanus (Dig. 30. tit. 1. s. 109), which assumes the validity of a legal maxim that was no longer in force when Papinian wrote. For reasons which it would be tedious to detail, we hold, contrary to the opinion of MInage (Amoen. Jur. c. 23), that our Sextus Caecilius Africanus is AFRICANUS. identical with the jurist sometimes mentioned in the Digest by the name Caecilius or S. Caecilius, and also with that S. Caecilius whose dispute with Favorinus forms an amusing and interesting chapter in the Noctes Atticae. (Gell. xx. 1.) Gellius perhaps draws to some extent upon his own invention, but, at all events, the lawyer's defence of the XII Tables against the attacks of the philosopher is "ben trovato." There is something humorously cruel in the concluding stroke of the conversation, in the pedantic way in which our jurisconsult vindicates the decemviral law against debtors-partis secatdo, &c.-by the example of Metius Fufetius, and the harsh sentiment of Virgil: "At tu dictis, Albane, maneres." The remains of Africanus have been admirably expounded by Cujas (ad Africanum tractatus IX. in Cujac. Opp. vol. 1), and have also been annotated by Scipio Gentili. (Scip. Gentilis, Diss. I-IX ad Africanuo, 4to. Altdorf. 1602-7.) (Stranchius, Vitae aliquot veterum jurisconsultorumn, 8vo. Jen. 1723; 1. Zimmern, Romi. Rechitsgeschichte, ~ 94.) [J. T. G.] AFRICA'NUS, JUT'LIUS, a celebrated orator in the reign of Nero, seems to have been the son of Julius Africanus. of the Gallic state of the Santoni, who was condemned by Tiberius, A. D. 32. (Tac. Ann. vi. 7.) Quintilian, who had heard Julius Africanus, speaks of him and Domitius Afer as the best orators of their time. The eloquence of Africanus was chiefly characterised by vehemence and energy. (Quintil. x. 1. ~ 118, xii. 10. ~ 11, comp. viii. 5. ~ 15; Dial. de Orat. 15.) Pliny mentions a grandson of this Julius Africanus, who was also an advocate and was opposed to him upon one occasion. (Ep. vii. 6.) He was consul suffectus in A. D. 108. AFRICA'NUS, SEX. JU'LIUS, a Christian writer at the beginning of the third century, is called by Suidas a Libyan (s. v. 'A^ppiKav6s), but passed the greater part of his life at Emmaus in Palestine, where, according to some, he was born. (Jerome, de Vir. Ill. 63.) When Emmaus was destroyed by fire, Africanus was sent to Elagabalus to solicit its restoration, in which mission he succeeded: the new town was called Nicopolis. (A. D. 221, Eusebius, Chron. sub anno; Syncellus, p. 359, b.) Africanus subsequently went to Alexandria to hear the philosopher Heraclas, who was afterwards bishop of Alexandria. The later Syrian writers state, that he was subsequently made bishop. He was one of the most learned of the early Christian writers. Socrates (Hist. Eccl. ii. 35) classes him with Origen and Clement; and it appears from his letter on the History of Susanna, that he was acquainted with Hebrew. The chief work of Africanus was a Chronicon in five books (irErVvdaiA1ov XpovoAoyIc6dv), from the creation of the world, which he placed in 5499 B. c. to A. D. 221, the fourth year of the reign of Elagabalus. This work is lost, but a considerable part of it is extracted by Eusebius in his " Chronicon," and many fragments of it are also preserved by Georgius Syncellus, Cedrenus, and in the Paschale Chronicon. (See Ideler, Hiandbuchl d. Chronol. vol. ii. p. 456, &c.) The fragments of this work are given by Gallandi (Bibl. Pat.), and RIouth (Reliquiae Sacrae). Africanus wrote a letter to Origen impugning the authority of the book of Susanna, to which
Page 57 . AGAMEDE. ' AGAMEMNON. 57 Origen replied. This letter is extant, and has been published, together with Origen's answer, by Wetstein, Basle, 1674, 4to. It is also contained in De la Rue's edition of Origen. Africanus also "wrote a letter to Aristeides on the genealogies of Christ in Matthew and Luke (Phot. Bibl. 34; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 23), of which some extracts are given by Eusebius. (i. 7.) There is another work attributed to Africanus, entitled Kea-roi, that is, embroidered girdles, so called from the celebrated Keero's of Aphrodite. Some modern writers suppose this work to have been written by some one else, but it can scarcely be d )ubted that it was written by the same Africanus, since it is expressly mentioned among his other writings by Photius (1. c.), Suidas (1. c.), Syncellus (1. c.), and Eusebius. (vi. 23.) The number of books of which it consisted, is stated variously. Suidas mentions twenty-four, Photius fourteen, and Syncellus nine. It treated of a vast variety of subjects-medicine, agriculture, natural history, the military art, &c., and seems to have been a kind of common-place book, in which the author entered the results of his reading Some of the books are said to exist still in manuscript. (Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. pp. 240, &c.) Some extracts from them are published by Thevenot in the " Mathematici Veteres," Paris, 1693, fo., and also in the Geoponica of Cassianus Bassus. (Needham, Prolegom. ad Geopon.) The part relating to the military art was translated into French by Guichard in the third volume of " Mimoires crit. et hist. sur plusieurs Points d'Antiquites militaires," Berl. 1774. Compare Dureau de la Malle, " Poliorcetique des Anciens," Paris, 1819, 8vo. AFRICA'NUS, T. SE'XTIUS, a Roman of noble rank, was deterred by Agrippina from marrying Silana. In A. D. 62, he took the census in the provinces of Gaul, together with Q. Volusius and Trebellius Maximus. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19, xiv. 46.) His name occurs in a fragment of the Fratres Arvales. (Gruter, p. 119.) There was a T. Sextius Africanus consul with Trajan in A. D. 112, who was probably a descendant of the one mentioned above. AGA'CLYTUS ('AyacAvTds), the author of a "work about Olympia (Trepi 'OAhvriaas), which is referred to by Suidas and Photius. (s. v. K4EAhLAGA'LLIAS. [AGALLIC.] AGALLIS ('Ayaxhis) of Corcyra, a female grammarian, who wrote upon Homer. (Athen. i. p. 14, d.) Some have supposed from two passages in Suidas (s. v. 'AvdyaAALs and 'OpXYo-r), that we ought to read Anagallis in this passage of Athenaeus. The scholiast upon Homer and Eustathius (ad II. xviii. 491) mention a grammarian of the name of Agallias, a pupil of Aristophanes the grammarian, also a Corcyraean and a commentator upon Homer, who may be the same as Agallis or perhaps her father. AGAME'DE ('A-yawd8). 1. A daughter of Augeias and wife of Mulius, who, according to Homer (II. xi. 739), was acquainted with the healing powers of all the plants that grow upon the earth. Hyginus (Fab. 157) makes her the mother of Belus, Actor, and Dictys, by Poseidon. 2. A daughter of Macaria, from whom Agamede, a place in Lesbos, was believed to have derived its tame. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AayapAq.) [L. S.] "AGAME'DES ('Ayac3as), a son of Stymphalus and great-grandson of Arcas. (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 5, 5. ~ 3.) HIe was father of Cercyon by Epicaste, who also brought to him a step-son, Trophonius, who was by some believed to be a son of Apollo. According to others, Agamedes was a son of Apollo and Epicaste, or of Zeus and locaste, and father of Trophonius. The most common story however is, that he was a son of Erginus, king of Orchomenus, and brother of Trophonius. These two brothers are said to have distinguished themselves as architects, especially in building temples and palaces. Among others, they built a temple of Apollo at Delphi, and a treasury of Hyrieus, king of Ilyria in Boeotia. (Paus. ix. 37. ~ 3; Strab. ix. p. 421.) The scholiast on Aristophanes (Nub. 508) gives a somewhat different account from Charax, and makes them build the treasury for king Augeias. The story about this treasury in Pausanias bears a great resemblance to that which H-erodotus (ii. 121) relates of the treasury of the Egyptian king Rhampsinitus. In the construction of the treasury of Hyrieus, Agamedes and Trophonius contrived to place one stone in such a manner, that it could be taken away outside, and thus formed an entrance to the treasury, without any body perceiving it. Agamedes and Trophonius now constantly robbed the treasury; and the king, seeing that locks and seals were uninjured while his treasures were constantly decreasing, set traps to catch the thief. Agamedes was thus ensnared, and Trophonius cut off his head to avert the discovery. After this, Trophonius was immediately swallowed up by the earth. On this spot there was afterwards, in the grove of Lebadeia, the so-called cave of Agamedes with a column by the side of it. Here also was the oracle of Trophonius, and those who consulted it first offered a ram to Agamedes and invoked him. (Paus. ix. 39. ~ 4; compare Diet. of Ant. p. 673.) A tradition mentioned by Cicero (Tusc. Quaest. i. 47; comp. Plut. De consol. ad Apollon. 14), states that Agamedes and Trophonius, after having built the temple of Apollo at Delphi, prayed to the god to grant them in reward for their labour what was best for men. The god promised to do so on a certain day, and when the day came, the two brothers died. The question as to whether the story about the Egyptian treasury is derived from Greece, or whether the Greek story was an importation from Egypt, has been answered by modern scholars in both ways; but Miller (Orch/om. p. 94, &c.) has rendered it very probable that the tradition took its rise among the Minyans, was transferred from them to Augeias, and was known in Greece long before the reign of Psamnmitichus, during which the intercourse between the two countries was opened. [L. S.] AGAMEMNON ('Ayaug'Jcov). 1. A son of Pleisthenes and grandson of Atreus, king of Mycenae, in whose house Agamemnon and Menelaus were educated after the death of their father. (Apollod. iii. 2. ~ 2; Schol. ad Eurip. Or. 5; Schol. ad Iliad. ii. 249.) Homer and several other writers call him a son of Atreus, grandson of Pelops, and great-grandson of Tantalus. (Hom. II. xi. 131; Eurip. Ielen. 396; Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 147; Hygin. Fab. 97.) His mother was, according to most accounts, Aerope; but some call Eriphyle the wife of Pleisthenes and the mother of Agamemnon. Besides his brother Menelaus, he had a sister, who is called Anaxibia, Cyndragora, or Astyocheia. (Schol. Eurip. Or. 5;.. Hygin. Fab. 17.) Aga
Page 58 is8 AGAMEMNON. memnon and Menelaus were brought up together with Aegisthus, the son of Thyestes, in the house of Atreus. When they had grown to manhood, Atreus sent Agamemnon and Menelaus to seek Thyestes. They found him at Delphi, and carried him to Atreus, who threw him into a dungeon. Aegisthus was afterwards commanded to kill him, but, recognising his father in him, he abstained from the cruel deed, slew Atreus, and after having expelled Agamemnon and Menelaus, he and his father occupied the kingdom of Mycenae. [AEGIsTHUS.] The two brothers wandered about for a time, and at last came to Sparta, where Agamemnon married Clytemnestra, the daughter of Tyndareus, by whom he became the father of Iphianassa (Iphigeneia), Chrysothemis, Laodice (Electra), and Orestes. (Hom. II. ix. 145, with the note of Eustath.; Lucret. i. 86.) The manner in which Agamemnon came to the kingdom of Mycenae, is differently related. From Homer (II. ii. 108; comp. Paus. ix. 40. ~ 6), it appears as if he had peaceably succeeded Thyestes, while, according to others (Aeschyl. Again. 1605), he expelled Thyestes, and usurped his throne. After he had become king of Mycenae, he rendered Sicyon and its king subject to himself (Paus. ii. 6. ~ 4), and became the most powerful prince in Greece. A catalogue of his dominions is given in the Iliad. (ii. 569, &c.; comp. Strab. viii. p. 377; Thucyd. i. 9.) When Homer (II. ii. 108) attributes to Agamemnon the sovereignty over all Argos, the name Argos here signifies Peloponnessus, or the greater part of it, for the city of Argos was governed by Diomedes. (1. ii. 559, &c.) Strabo (. c.) has also shewn that the name Argos is sometimes used by the tragic poets as synonymous with Mycenae. When Helen, the wife of Menelaus, was carried off by Paris, the son of Priam, Agamemnon and Menelaus called upon all the Greek chiefs for assistance against Troy. (Odyss. xxiv. 115.) The chiefs met at Argos in the palace of Diomedes, where Agamemnon was chosen their chief commander, either in consequence of his superior power (Eustath, ad II. ii. 108; Thucyd. i. 9), or because he had gained the favour of the assembled chiefs by giving them rich presents. (Dictys, Cret. i. 15, 16.) After two years of preparation, the Greek army and fleet assembled in the port of Aulis in Boeotia. Agamemnon had previously consulted the oracle about the issue of the enterprise, and the answer given was, that Troy should fall at the time when the most distinguished among the Greeks should quarrel. (Od. viii. 80.) A similar prophecy was derived from a marvellous occurrence which happened while the Greeks were assembled at Aulis. Once when a sacrifice was offered under the boughs of a tree, a dragon crawled forth from under it, and devoured a nest on the tree containing eight young birds and their mother. Calchas interpreted the sign to indicate that the Greeks would have to fight against Troy for nine years, but that in the tenth the city would fall. (II. ii. 303, &c.) An account of a different miracle portending the same thing is given by Aeschylus. S(Again. 110, &c.) Another interesting incident happened while the Greeks were assembled at Aulis. Agamemnon, it is said, killed a stag which was sacred to Artemis, and in addition provoked the anger of the goddess by irreverent words. She in return visited the Greek army with a pestilence, and produced a perfect calm, so that the AGAMEMNON. Greeks were unable to leave the port. When the seers declared that the anger of the goddess could not be soothed unless Iphigeneia, the daughter of Agamemnon, were offered to her as an atoning sacrifice, Diomedes and Odysseus were sent to fetch her to the camp under the pretext that she was to be married to Achilles. She came; but at the moment when she was to be sacrificed, she was carried off by Artemis herself (according to others by Achilles) to Tauris, and another victim was substituted in her place. (Hygin. Fab. 98; Eurip. Iphig. Aul. 90, Iphig. Taur. 15; Sophocl. Elect. 565; Pind. Pyth. xi. 35; Ov. Met. xii. 31; Dict. Cret. i. 19; Schol. ad Lycophr. 183; Antonin. Lib. 27.) After this the calm ceased, and the army sailed to the coast of Troy. Agamemnon alone had one hundred ships, independent of sixty which he had lent to the Arcadians. (II. ii. 576, 612.) In the tenth year of the siege of Troy-for it is in this year that the Iliad opens-we find Agamemnon involved in a quarrel with Achilles respecting the possession of Briseis, whom Achilles was obliged to give up to Agamemnon. Achilles withdrew from the field of battle, and the Greeks were visited by successive disasters. [ACHILLES.] Zeus sent a dream to Agamemnon to persuade him to lead the Greeks to battle against the Trojans. (II. ii. 8, &c.) The king, in order to try the Greeks, commanded them to return home, with which they readily complied, until their courage was revived by Odysseus, who persuaded them to prepare for battle. (II. ii. 55, &c.) After a single combat between Paris and Menelaus, a battle followed, in which Agamemnon killed several of the Trojans. When Hector challenged the bravest of the Greeks, Agamemnon offered to fight with him, but in his stead Ajax was chosen by lot. Soon after this another battle took place, in which the Greeks were worsted (II. viii.), and Agamemnon in despondence advised the Greeks to take to flight and return home. (11. ix. 10.) But he was opposed by the other heroes. An attempt to conciliate Achilles failed, and Agamemnon assembled the chiefs in the night to deliberate about the measures to be adopted. (II. x. 1, &c.) Odysseus and Diomedes were then sent out as spies, and on the day following the contest with the Trojans was renewed. Agamemnon himself was again one of the bravest, and slew many enemies with his own hand. At last, however, he was wounded by Coon and obliged to withdraw to his tent. (II. xi. 250, &c.) Hector now advanced victoriously, and Agamemnon again advised the Greeks to save themselves by flight. (II. xiv. 75, &c.) But Odysseus and Diomedes again resisted him, and the latter prevailed upon him to return to the battle which was going on near the ships. Poseidon also appeared to Agamemnon in the figure of an aged man, and inspired him with new courage. (II. xiv. 125, &c.) The pressing danger of the Greeks at last induced Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, to take an energetic part in the battle, and his fall roused Achilles to new activity, and led to his reconciliation with Agamemnon. In the games at the funeral pyre of Patroclus, Agamemnon gained the first prize in throwing the spear. (II. xxiii. 890, &c.) Agamemnon, although the chief commander of the Greeks, is not the hero of the Iliad, and in chivalrous spirit, bravery, and character, altogether
Page 59 AGAMEMNON. AGAPETUS. 59 inferior to Achilles. But he nevertheless rises marked that several Latin poets mention a bastard above all the Greeks by his dignity, power, and son of Agamemnon, of the name of Halesus, to majesty (II. iii. 166, &c.), and his eyes and head whom the foundation of the town of Falisci or are likened to those of Zeus, his girdle to that of Alesium is ascribed. (Ov. Fast. iv. 73; Amor. Ares, and his breast to that of Poseidon. (II. ii. iii. 13. 31; comp. Serv. ad Aen. vii. 695; Sil. 477, &c.) Agamemnon is among the Greek Ital. viii. 476.) heroes what Zeus is among the gods of Olympus. 2. A surname of Zeus, under which he was This idea appears to have guided the Greek artists, worshipped at Sparta. (Lycophr. 335, with the for in several representations of Agamemnon still Schol.; Eustath. ad II. ii. 25.) Eustathius thinks extant there is a remarkable resemblance to the that the god derived this name from the resemrepresentations of Zeus. The emblem of his power blance between him and Agamemnon; while and majesty in Homer is a sceptre, the work of others believe that it is a mere epithet signifying Hephaestus, which Zeus had once given to Hermes, the Eternal, from dydv and jievwv. [L. S.] and Hermes to Pelops, from whom it descended AGAMEMNO'NIDES ('Ayaes/favov1's), a to Agamemnon. (II. ii. 100, &c.; comp. Paus. ix. patronymic form from Agamemnon, which is used 40. ~ 6.) His armour is described in the Iliad. to designate his son Orestes. (Hornm. Od. i. 30; (xi. 19, &c.) Juv. viii. 215.) [L. S.] The remaining part of the story of Agamemnon AGAN1'CE or AGLAONICE ('AyaviKq or is related in the Odyssey, and by several later 'A/yAaovcWr?), daughter of Hegetor, a Thessalian, writers. At the taking of Troy he received Cas- who by her knowledge of Astronomy could foretell sandra, the daughter of Priam, as his prize (Od. when the moon would disappear, and imposed xi. 421; Diet. Cret. v. 13), by whom, according upon credulous women, by saying that she could to a tradition in Pausanias (ii. 16. ~5), he had two draw down the moon. (Plut. de Of. Cunjug. p. 145, sons, Teledamus and Pelops. On his return home de Defect. Orac. p. 417.) [L. S.] he was twice driven out of his course by storms, AGANIPPE ('Ay aviTrir). 1. A nymph of but at last landed in Argolis, in the dominion of the well of the same name at the foot of Mount Aegisthus, who had seduced Clytemnestra during Helicon, in Boeotia, which was considered sacred the absence of her husband. He invited Agamem- to the Muses, and believed to have the power of non on his arrival to a repast, and had him and his inspiring those who drank of it. The nymph is companions treacherously murdered during the called a daughter of the river-god Permessus. feast (Od. iii. 263) [AEGISTHUS], and Clytemnes- (Paus. ix. 29. ~ 3; Virg. Eclog. x. 12.) The tra on the same occasion murdered Cassandra. Muses are sometimes called Aganippides. (Od. xi. 400, &c. 422, xxiv. 96, &c.) Odysseus 2. The wife of Acrisius, and according to some met the shade of Agamemnon in the lower world. accounts the mother of Dana6, although the latter (Od. xi. 387, xxiv. 20.) Menelaus erected a is more commonly called a daughter of Eurydice. monument in honour of his brother on the river (Hygin. Fab. 63; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. Aegyptus. (Od. iv. 584.) Pausanias (ii. 16. ~ 1091.) [L. S.] 5) states, that in his time a monument of Agamem- AGANIPPIS, is used by Ovid (Fast. v. 7) as non was still extant at Mycenae. The tragic an epithet of Hippocrene; its meaning however is poets have variously modified the story of the not quite clear. It is derived from Agnippe, the murder of Agamemnon. Aeschylus (Agam. 1492, well or nymph, and as Aganippides is used to de&c.) makes Clytemnestra alone murder Agamem- signate the Muses, Aganippis Hippocrene may non: she threw a net over him while he was in mean nothing but " Hippocrene, sacred to the the bath, and slew him with three strokes. Her Muses." [L. S.] motive is partly her jealousy of Cassandra, and AGAPE'NOR ('Ayar'ivwp), a son of Ancaeus, partly her adulterous life with Aegisthus. Ac- and grandson of Lycurgus. He was king of the cording to Tzetzes (ad Lycophr. 1099), Aegisthus Arcadians, and received sixty ships from Agacommitted the murder with the assistance of Cly- memnon, in which he led his Arcadians to Troy. temnestra. Euripides (Or. 26) mentions a gar- (Hornm. II. ii. 609, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 97.) He ment which Clytemnestra threw over him instead also occurs among the suitors of Helen. (Hygin. of a net, and both Sophocles (Elect. 530) and Eu- Fab. 81; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8.) On his return ripides represent the sacrifice of Iphigeneia as the from Troy he was cast by a storm on the coast of cause for which she murdered him. After the Cyprus, where he founded the town of Paphus, death of Agamemnrion and Cassandra, their two and in it the famous temple of Aphrodite. (Paus. sons were murdered upon their tomb by Aegisthus. viii. 5. ~ 2, &c.) He also occurs in the story of (Paus. ii. 16. ~ 5.) According to Pindar (Pyth. HARMONIA. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 5, &c. [L. S.] xi. 48) the murder of Agamemnon took place at AGAPE'TUS ('AamTrnros). 1. Metropolitan Amyclae, in Laconica, and Pausanias (1. c.) states Bishop of Rhodes, A. D. 457. When the Emthat the inhabitants of this place disputed with peror Leo wrote to him for the opinion of his those of Mycenae the possession of the tomb of suffragans and himself on the council of Chalcedon, Cassandra. (Comp. Paus. iii. 19. ~ 5.) In later he defended it against Timotheus Aelurus, in a times statues of Agamemnon were erected in several letter still extant in a Latin translation, Conciparts of Greece, and he was worshipped as a hero liorum Nova Collectio a Mansi, vol. vii. p. 580. at Amyclae and Olympia. (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 5, v. 2. St., born at Rome, was Archdeacon and 25. ~ 5.) He was represented on the pedestal of raised to the Holy See A. D. 535. He was no the celebrated Rhamnusian Nemesis (i. 33. ~ 7), sooner consecrated than he took off the anathemas and his fight with Coon on the chest of Cypselus. pronounced by Pope Boniface II. against his de(v. 19. ~ 1.) He was painted in the Lesche of ceased rival Dioscorus on a false charge of Simony. Delphi, by Polygnotus. (x. 25. ~ 2; corn- He received an appeal from the Catholics of Conpare Plin. H. N. xxxv. 36. ~ 5; Quintil. ii. 13. stantinople when Anthimus, the Monophysite, ~ 13; Val. Max. viii. 11. ~ 6.) It should be re- was made their Bishop by Theodora. [ANTHI
Page 60 60 AGARISTA. idus.] The fear 6f an invasion of Italy by Justinian led the Goth Theodatus to oblige St. Agapetus to go himself to Constantinople, in hope that Justinian might be diverted from his purpose. (See Breviarium S. Liberali, ap. Mansi, Concilia, vol. ix. p. 695.) As to this last object he could make no impression on the emperor, but he succeeded in persuading him to depose Anthimus, and when Mennas was chosen to succeed him, Agapetus laid his own hands upon him. The Council and the Synodal (interpreted into Greek) sent by Agapetus relating to these affairs may be found ap. Mansi, vol. viii. pp. 869, 921. Complaints were sent him from various quarters against the Monophysite Acephali; but he died suddenly A. D. 536, April 22, and they were read in a Council held on 2nd May, by Mennas. (Mansi, ibid. p. 874.) There are two letters from St. Agapetus to Justinian in reply to a letter from the emperor, in the latter of which he refuses to acknowledge the Orders of the Arians; and there are two others: 1. To the Bishops of Africa, on the same subject; 2. To Reparatus, Bishop of Carthage, in answer to a letter of congratulation on his elevation to the Pontificate. (Mansi, Concilia, viii. pp. 846-850.) 3. Deacon of the Church of St. Sophia, A. D. 527. There are two other Agapeti mentioned in a Council held by Mennas at this time at Constantinople, who were Archimandrites, or Abbots. Agapetus was tutor to Justinian, and, on the accession of the latter to the empire, addressed to him Admonitions on lie Duty of a Prince, in 72 Sections, the initial letters of ivhich form the dedication (EscOwes Kces(aaiwv 7rapaLverTiKwv oy-e8riaEOsFra). The repute in which this work was held appears from its common title, viz. the Royal Sections (oxi'r8 8SacrXthKa). It was published, with a Latin version, by Zach.. Callierg. 8vo., Ven. 1509, afterwards by J. Brunon, 8vo., Lips. 1669, Grobel, 8vo., Lips. 1733, and in Gallandi's Bibliotheca, vol. xi. p. 255, &c., Ven. 1766, after the edition of Bandurius (Benedictine). It was translated into French by Louis XIII., 8vo. Par. 1612, and by Th. Paynell into English, 12mo., Lond. 1550. [A. J. C.] AGAPE'TUS ('AyairrdTos), an ancient Greek physician, whose remedy for the gout is mentioned with approbation by Alexander Trallianus (xi. p. 303) and Paulus Aegineta. (iii. 78, p. 497, vii. 11, p. 661.) He probably lived between the third and sixth centuries after Christ, or certainly not later, as Alexander Trallianus, by whom he is quoted, is supposed to have flourished about the beginning of the sixth century. [W. A. G.] AGA'PIUS ('Aya7rLos), an ancient physician of Alexandria, who taught and practised medicine at Byzantium with great success and reputation, and acquired immense riches. Of his late it can only be determined, that he must have lived before the end of the fifth century after Christ, as Damascius (from whom Photius, i/ibioth. cod. 242, and Suidas have taken their account of him) lived about that time. [W. A. G.] AGARISTA ('Ayapto-r?). 1. The daughter of Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, whom her father promised to give in marriage to the best of the Greeks. Suitors came to Sicyon from all parts of Greece, and among others Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, from Athens. After they had been detained at Sicyon for a whole year, during which AGATHAGETUS. time Cleisthenes made trial of them in various ways, he gave Agariste to Megacles. From this marriage came the Cleisthenes who divided the Athenians into ten tribes, and Hippocrates. (Herod. vi. 126-130; comp. Athen. vi. p. 273, b. c., xii. 541, b. c.) 2. The daughter of the above-mentioned Hippocrates, and the grand-daughter of the abovementioned Agariste, married Xanthippus and became the mother of Pericles. (Herod. vi. 130; Plut. Pericl. 3.) AGA'SIAS ('Ayaoias), a Stymphalian of Arcadia (Xen. Anab. iv. 1. ~ 27), is frequently mentioned by Xenophon as a brave and active officer in the army of the Ten Thousand. (Anab. iv. 7. ~ 11. v. 2. ~ 15, &c.) He was wounded while fighting against Asidates. (Anab. viii. 8. ~ 19.) AGA'STAS ('Ayel as), son of Dositheus, a distinguished sculptor of Ephesus. One of the productions of his chisel, the statue known by the name of the Borghese gladiator, is still preserved in the gallery of the Louvre. This statue, as well as the Apollo Belvidere, was discovered among the ruins of a palace of the Roman emperors on the site of the ancient Antium (Capo d'A nzo). From the attitude of the figure it is clear, that the statue represents not a gladiator, but a warrior contending with a mounted combatant. Thiersch conjectures that it was intended to represent Achilles fighting with Penthesilea. The only record that we have of this artist is the inscription on the pedestal of the statue; nor are there any data for ascertaining the age in which he lived, except the style of art displayed in the work itself, which competent judges think cannot have been produced earlier than the fourth century, B. c. It is not quite clear whether the Agasias, who is mentioned as the father of Heraclides, was the same as the author of the Borghese statue, or a different person. There was another sculptor of the same name, also an Ephesian, the son of Menophilus. He is mentioned in a Greek inscription, from which it appears thait he exercised his art in Delos while that island was under the Roman sway; probably somewhere about 100, B. c. (Thiersch, Epoc/ne d. bild. Kunst, p. 130; Miiller, Arch. d. Kunst, p. 155.) [C. P. M.] AGASICLES, AGESICLES or HEGESICLES ('AyacArc, 'A, 'Ay-rsscA\s, 'HyfouacAejs), a king of Sparta, the thirteenth of the line of Procles. He was contemporary with the Agid Leon, and succeeded his father Archidamus I., probably about B. c. 590 or 600. During his reign the Lacedaemonians carried on an unsuccessful war against Tegea, but prospered in their other wars. (Herod. i. 65; Paus. iii. 7, ~ 6, 3. ~. 5.) [C. P. M.] AGA'STHENES ('A-yao-ev-s), a son of Augeias, whom he succeeded in the kingdom of Elis. He had a son, Polyxenus, who occurs among the suitors of Helen. (Horn. II. ii. 624; Paus. v. 3. ~ 4; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8.) [L. S.] AGATHA'NGELUS, the son of Callistratus wrote the life of Gregory of Armenia in Greek, which is printed in the Ada Sanctorum, vol. viii. p. 320. There are manuscripts of it in the public libraries both of Paris and Florence. The time at which Agathangelus lived is unknown. (Fabric. BIbl. Graec. vol. x. p. 232, xi. p. 554.) IAGATHAGE'TUS ('A7adyysros), a IRhodian,
Page 61 AGATHARCHIDES. who recommended his state to espouse the side of the Romans at the beginning <f the war between Iome and Perseus, B. c. 171. (Polyb. xxvii. 6. ~ 3, xxviii. 2. ~ 3.) AGATHA'RCHIDES ('AyeaapXiLss), or AGATHARCHUS ('AydOapXos), a Greek grammarian, born at Cnidos. He was brought up by a man of the name of Cinnaeus; was, as Strabo (xvi. p. 779) informs us, attached to the Peripatetic school of philosophy, and wrote several historical and geographical works. In his youth he held the situation of secretary and reader to Heraclides Lembus, who (according to Suidas) lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. This king died B. c. 146. He himself informs us (in his work on the Erythraean Sea), that he was subsequently guardian to one of the kings of Egypt during his minority. This was no doubt one of the two sons of Ptolemy Physcon. Dodwell endeavours to shew that it was the younger son, Alexander, and objects to Soter, that he reigned conjointly with his mother. This, however, was the case with Alexander likewise. Wesseling and Clinton think the elder brother to be the one meant, as Soter II. was more likely to have been a minor on his accession in B. c. 117, than Alexander in B. c. 107, ten years after their father's death. Moreover Dodwell's date would leave too short an interval between the publication of Agatharchides's work on the Erythraean Sea (about B. c. 113), and the work of Artemidorus. An enumeration of the works of Agatharchides is given by Photius (Cod. 213). He wrote a work on Asia, in 10 books, and one on Europe, in 49 books; a geographical work on the Erythraean Sea, in 5 books, of the first and fifth books of which Photius gives an abstract; an epitome of the last mentioned work; a treatise on the Troglodytae, in 5 books; an epitome of the "Adla of Antimachus; an epitome of the works of those who had written repi r's a vvarywyo& s OavjLarctv dvi4aLv; an historical work, from the 12th and 30th books of which Athenaeus quotes (xii. p. 527, b. vi. p. 251, f.); and a treatise on the intercourse of friends. The first three of these only had been read by Photius. Agatharchides composed his work on the Erythraean Sea, as he tells us himself, in his old age (p. 14, ed. Huds.), in the reign probably of Ptolemy Soter II. It appears to have contained a great deal of valuable matter. In the first book was a discussion respecting the origin of the name. In the fifth he described the mode of life amongst the Sabaeans in Arabia, and the Ichthyophagi, or fish-eaters, the way in which elephants were caught by the elephant-eaters, and the mode of working the gold mines in the mountains of Egypt, near the Red Sea. His account of the Ichthyophagi and of the mode of working the gold mines, has been copied by Diodorus. (iii. 12-18.) Amongst other extraordinary animals he mentions the camelopard, which was found in the country of the Troglodytae, and the rhinoceros. Agatharchides wrote in the Attic dialect. His style, according to Photius, was dignified and perspicuous, and abounded in sententious passages, which inspired a favourable opinion of his judgment. In the composition of his speeches he was an imitator of Thucydides, whom he equalled in dignity and excelled in clearness. His rhetorical talents also are highly praised by Photius. He AGATHARCHUS. 61 was acquiair d with the language of the Aethiopians (de Rubr. M. p. 46), and appears to have been the first who discovered the true cause of the yearly inundations of the Nile. (Diod. i. 41.) An Agatharchides, of Samos, is mentioned by Plutarch, as the author of a work on Persia, and one Wipl hiAwv. Fabricius, however, conjectures that the true reading is Agathyrsides, not Agatharchides. (Dodwell in Hudson's Geogr. Script. Gr. Minores; Clinton, Fasti lell. iii p. 535.) [C.P.M.] There is a curious observation by Agatharchides preserved by Plutarch (Sysmpos. viii. 9. ~ 3), of the species of worm called Filaria Mledinensis, or Guinea Worm, which is the earliest account of it that is to be met with. See Justus Weihe, De Filar. Mledin. Comment., Berol. 1832, 8vo., and especially the very learned work by G. H. Welschius, De Vena Medinensi, 4'c., August. Vindel. 1674, 4to. [W. A. G.] AGATHARCHUS ('AydeOapxos), a Syracusan, who was placed by the Syracusans over a fleet of twelve ships in a. c. 413, to visit their allies and harass the Athenians. He was afterwards, in the same year, one of the Syracusan commanders in the decisive battle fought in the harbour of Syracuse. (Thuc. vii. 25, 70; Diod. xiii. 13.) AGATHARCHUS ('A-yciOapxos), an Athenian artist, said by Vitruvius (Praef: ad lib. vii.) to have invented scene-painting, and to have painted a scene (scenam fecit) for a tragedy which Aeschylus exhibited. As this appears to contradict Aristotle's assertion (Poat. 4. ~ 16), that scene-painting was introduced by Sophocles, some scholars understand Vitruvius to mean merely, that Agatharchus constructed a stage. (Compare Hor. Ep. ad Pis. 279: et modicis instravit pulpiia lignis.) But the context shews clearly that perspective painting must be meant, for Vitruvius goes on to say, that Democritus and Anaxagoras, carrying out the principles laid down in the treatise of Agatharchus, wrote on tha same subject, shewing how, in drawing, the lines ought to be made to correspond, according to a natural proportion, to the figure which would be traced out on an imaginary intervening plane by a pencil of rays proceeding from the eye, as a fixed point of sight, to the several points of the object viewed. It was probably not till towards the end of Aeschylus's career that scene-painting was introduced, and not till the time of Sophocles that it was generally made use of; which may account for what Aristotle says. There was another Greek painter of the name of Agatharchus, who was a native of the island of Samos, and the son of Eudemus. He was a contemporary of Alcibiades and Zeuxis. We have no definite accounts respecting his performances, but he does not appear to have been an artist of much merit: he prided himself chiefly on the ease and rapidity with which he finished his works. (Pluti Pericl. 13.) Plutarch (Alcib. 16) and Andocides at greater length (in Alcib. p. 31. 15) tell an anecdote of Alcibiades having inveigled Agatharchus to his house and kept him there for more than three months in strict durance, compelling him to adorn it with his pencil. The speech of Andocides above referred to seems to have been delivered after the destruction of Melos (n. c. 416) and before the expedition to Sicily (a. c. 415); so that from the above data the age of Agatharchus may be accurately fixed. Some scholars (as Bentley, Bdttiger, and Mcyer) have supposed him to be the same as
Page 62 B62 AGATHIAS. the contemporary of Aeschylus, who, however, must have preceded him by a good half century. (Muller, Arch. d. Kunst, p. 88.) [C. P. M.] AGATHE'MERUS ('AyaO5fLepos), the son of Orthon, and the author of a small geographical work in two books, entitled rr-s yewypaplas sirorUvTrdiwrs d EnE7rLTOi (" A Sketch of Geography in epitome"), addressed to his pupil Philon. His age cannot be fixed with much certainty, but he is supposed to have lived about the beginning of the third century after Christ. He lived after Ptolemy, whom he often quotes, and before the foundation of Constantinople on the site of Byzantium in A. D. 328, as he mentions only the old city Byzantium. (ii. 14.) Wendelin has attempted to shew that he wrote in the beginning of the third century, from the statement he gives of the distance of the tropic from the equator; but Dodwell, who thinks he lived nearer the time of Ptolemy, contends that the calculation cannot be depended on. From his speaking of Albion v 7' orparo7rea t'psvraL, it has been thought that he wrote not very long after the erection of the wall of Severus. This is probably true, but the language is scarcely definite enough to establish the point. His work consists chiefly of extracts from Ptolemy and other earlier writers. From a comparison with Pliny, it appears that Artemidorus, of whose work a sort of compendium is contained in the first book, was one of his main authorities. He gives a short account of the various forms assigned to the earth by earlier writers, treats of the divisions of the earth, seas, and islands, the winds, and the length and shortness of the days, and then lays down the most important distances on the inhabited part of the earth, reckoned in stadia. The surname Agathemerus frequently occurs in inscriptions. (Dodwell in Hudson's Geograph. Scriptores Gr. Minores; Ukert, Geogr. der Griecken: u. Romer, pt. i. div. 1. p. 236.) [C. P. M.] AGATHE'MERUS, CLAUDIUS (Kaul3tos "Aya04eupos), an ancient Greek physician, who lived in the first century after Christ. He was born at Lacedaemon, and was a pupil of the philosopher Cornutus, in whose house he became acquainted with the poet Persius about A. D. 50. (Pseudo-Sueton. vita Persii.) In the old editions of Suetonius he is called Agaternus, a mistake which was first corrected by Reinesius (Syntagma Inscript. Antiq. p. 610), from the epitaph upon him and his wife, Myrtale, which is preserved in the Marmora Oxoniensia and the Greek Anthology, voL iii. p. 381. ~ 224, ed. Tauchn. The apparent anomaly of a Roman praenomen being given to a Greek, may be accounted for by the fact which we learn from Suetonius (Tiber. 6), that the Spartans were the hereditary clients of the Claudia Gens. (C. G. Kiuhn, Additam, ad Elench. MIedic. Vet. a J. A. Fabricio, in "Bibliolh. Graeca" exhibit.) [W. A. G.] AGA'THIAS ('Aya0eas), the son of Mamnonius, a rhetorician, was born, as it seems, in 536 or 537 A. D. (Iist. ii. 16, and Vita A,atiiae in ed. Bonn. p. xiv.), at Myrina, a town at the mouth of the river Pythicus in Aeolia (Agathiac Prooemiunm, p. 9, ed. Bonn.; p. 5, Par.; p. 7, Ven.), and received his education in Alexandria, where he studied literature. In 554 he went to Constantinople (Hist. ii. 16), where his father-then most probably resided, and studied for several years the Roman law. (Epigr. 4.) He afterward exercised AGATHIAS. with great success the profession of an advocate, though only for the sake of a livelihood, his favourite occupation being the study of ancient poetry (Hist. iii. 1); and he paid particular attention to history. His profession of a lawyer was the cause of his surname SXoAacTrucds (Suidas,s. v. 'AyaOias), which word signified an advocate in the time of Agathias. Niebuhr (Vita Agath. in ed. Bonn. p. xv.) believes, that he died during the reign of Tiberius Thrax, a short time before the death of this emperor and the accession of Mauritius in 582, at the age of only 44 or 45 years. Agathias, who was a Christian (Epigr. 3, 5, and especially 4), enjoyed during his life the esteem of several great and distinguished men of his time, such as Theodorus the decurio, Paulus Silentiarius, Eutychianus the younger, and Macedonius the exconsul. He shewed them his gratitude by dedicating to them several of his literary productions, and he paid particular homage to Paulus Silentiarius, the son of Cyrus Florus, who was descended from an old and illustrious family. (Hist. v. 9.) Agathias is the author of the following works: 1. Aaumraad, a collection of small love poems, divided into nine books; the poems are written in hexametres. Nothing is extant of this collection, which the author calls a juvenile essay. (Agath. Prooemnium, p. 6, ed. Bonn.; p. 4, Par.; p. 6, Ven.) 2. KvKicos, an anthology containing poems of early writers and of several of his contemporaries, chiefly of such as were his protectors, among whom were Paulus Silentiarius and Macedonius. This collection was divided into seven books, but nothing of it is extant except the introduction, which was written by Agathias himself. However, 108 epigrams, which were in circulation either before he collected his KdhcAos, or which he composed at a later period, have come down to us. The last seven and several others of these epigrams are generally attributed to other writers, such as Paulus Silentiarius, &c. The epigrams are contained in the Anthologia Graeca (iv. p. 3, ed. Jacobs), and in the editions of the historical work of Agathias. Joseph Scaliger; Janus Douza, and Bonaventura Vulcanius, have translated the greater part of them into Latin. The epigrams were written and published after the Aaiptamcd. 3. 'AyaOov u 2XOhaO.r-Ko MvpLvaiov 'IoTropiwv E. " Agathiae Scholastici Myrinensis Historiarum Libri V." This is his principa, work. It contains the history from 553-558 a,., a short period, but remarkable for the important events with which it is filled up. The first book contains the conquest of Italy by Narses over the Goths, and the first contests between the Greeks and the Franks; the second book contains the continuation of these contests, the description of the great earthquake of 554, and the beginning of the war between the Greeks and the Persians; the third and the fourth books contain the continuation of this war until the first peace in 536; the fifth book relates the second gieat earthquake of 557, the rebuilding of St. Sophia by Justinian, the plague, the exploits of Belisarius over the Huns and other barbarians in 558, and it finishes abruptly with the 25th chapter. Agathias, after having related that he had abandoned his poetical occupation for more serious studies (Prooemium, ed. Bonn. pp. 6, 7; Par. p. 4; Ven. p. 6), tells us that several distinguished men had suggested to him the idea of writing the history
Page 63 AGATHINUS. AGATHOCLES. of his time, and he adds, that he had undertaken the task especially on the advice of Eutychianus. (Ib.) However, he calls Eutychianus the ornamnent of the family of the Flori, a family to which Eutychianus did not belong at all. It is therefore probable that, instead of Eutychianus, we must read Paulus Silentiarius: Niebuhr is of this opinion. (Ib. not. 19.) Agathias is not a great historian; he wants historical and geographical knowledge, principally with regard to Italy, though he knows the East better. He seldom penetrates into the real causes of those great events which form the subjects of his book: his history is the work of a man of business, who adorns his style with poetical reminiscences. But he is honest and impartial, and in all those things which he is able to understand he shews himself a man of good sense. His style is often bombastic; he praises himself; in his Greek the Ionic dialect prevails, but it is the Ionic of his time, degenerated from its classical purity into a sort of mixture of all the other Greek dialects. Nothwithstanding these deficiences the work of Agathias is of high value, because it contains a great number of important facts concerning one of the most eventful periods of Roman history. Editions: 'AyaOiov 2XoAarTiKovc 7repl T7is BacriAeias 'lovorrTivavov, 'rdljot E., ed. Bonaventura Vulcanius, with a Latin translation, Lugduni, 1594. The Parisian edition, which is contained in the t" Corpus Script. Byzant." was published in 1660; it contains many errors and conjectural innovations, which have been reprinted and augmented by the editors of the Venetian edition. Another edition was published at Basel (in 1576?). A Latin translation by Christophorus Persona was separately published at Rome, 151 6, fol., and afterwards at Augsburg, 1519, 4to.; at Basel, 1 531, fol., and at Leyden, 1594, 8vo. The best edition is that of Niebuhr, Bonn. 1828, 8vo., which forms the third volume of the " Corpus Scriptorum IIHistoriae Byzantinae." It contains the Latin translation and the notes of Bonaventura Vulcanius. The Epigramns form an appendix of this edition of Niebuhr, who has carefully corrected the errors, and removed the innovations of the Parisian edition. [W. P.] AGATHI'NUS ('AydOwvos), an eminent ancient Greek physician, the founder of a new medical sect, to which he gave the name of Episynthetici. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. EPISYNTHETICI.) He was born at Sparta and must have lived in the -first century after Christ, as he was the pupil of Athenaeus, and the tutor of Archigenes. (Galen. Definit. Med. c. 14. vol. xix. p. 353; Suidas, s. v. 'APXYievTs; Eudoc. Violar. ap. Villoison, Anecd. Gr. vol. i. p. 65.) He is said to have been once seized with an attack of delirium, brought on by want of sleep, from which he was delivered by his.pupil Archigenes, who ordered his head to be fomented with a great quantity of warm oil. (Aetius, tetr. i. serm. iii. 172, p. 156.) He is frequently quoted by Galen, who mentions him among the Pneumatici. (De Dignosc. Puls. i. 3, vol. viii. p. 787.) None of his writings are now extant, but a few fragments are contained in Matthaei's Collection, entitled XXI Veterum et Clarorums Medicorum Graecorums Varia. Opuscula, Mosquae, 1808, 4to. See also Palladius, Comment. in Ilppocr. " De Morb. Popul. lib. vi." ap. Dietz, Scholia in Hippocr. et Galen. vol. ii. p. 56. The particular opinions of his sect are not exactly known, but they were probably nearly the same as those of the Eclectici. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. ECLECTICI.) (See J. C. Osterhausen, Histor. Sectae Pneumantic. Med. Altorf. 1791, 8vo.; C. G. Kuihn, Additam. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a J. A. Fabricio in " Biblioth. Graece" exhibit.) [W. A. G.] AGATHOCLE'A ('AyaK0hcXeia), a mistress of the profligate Ptolemy Philopator, King of Egypt, and sister of his no less profligate minister Agathocles. She and her brother, who both exercised the most unbounded influence over the king, were introduced to him by their ambitious and avaricious mother, Oenanthe. After Ptolemy had put to death his wife and sister Eurydice, Agathoclea became his favourite. On the death of Ptolemy (B. c. 205), Agathoclea and her friends kept the event secret, that they might have an opportunity of plundering the royal treasury. They also formed a conspiracy for setting Agathocles on the throne. He managed for some time, in conjunction with Sosibius, to act as guardian to the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes. At last the Egyptians and the Macedonians of Alexandria, exasperated at his outrages, rose against him, and Tlepolemus placed himself at their head. They surrounded the palace in the night, and forced their way in. Agathocles and his sister implored in the most abject manner that their lives might be spared, but in vain. The former was killed by his friends, that he might not be exposed to a more cruel fate. Agathoclea with her sisters, and Oenanthe, who had taken refuge in a temple, were dragged forth, and in a state of nakedness exposed to the fury of the multitude, who literally tore them limb from limb. All their relations and those who had had any share in the murder of Eurydice were likewise put to death. (Polyb. v. 63, xiv. 11, xv. 25-34; Justin, xxx. 1, 2; Athen. vi. p. 251, xiii. p. 576; Pint. Cleoon. 33.) There was another Agathoclea, the daughter of a man named Aristomenes, who was by birth an Acarnanian, and rose to great power in Egypt. (Polyb. 1. c.) [C. P. M.] AGA'THOCLES ('AyaOoKcXAs), a Sicilian of such remarkable ability and energy, that he raised himself from the station of a potter to that of tyrant of Syracuse and king of Sicily. He flourished in the latter part of the fourth and the beginning of the third century, B. c., so that the period of his dominion is contemporary with that of the second and third Samnite wars, during which time his power must have been to Rome a cause of painful interest; yet so entire is the loss of all Roman history of that epoch, that he is not once mentioned in the 9th and 10th books of Livy, though we know that he had Samnites and Etruscans in his service, that assistance was asked from him by the Tarentines (Strab. vi. p. 280), and that he actually landed in Italy. (See Arnold's Rome, c. xxxv.) The events of his life are detailed by Diodorus and Justin. Of these the first has taken his account from Timaeus of Tauromenium, a historian whom Agathocles banished from Sicily, and whose love for censuring others was so great, that he was nicknamed Epitimsaeis (fault-finder). (Athen. vi. p. 272.) His natural propensity was not likely to be softened when he was describing the author of his exile; and Diodorus himself does not hesitate to accuse him of having calumniated Agathocles very grossly. (Fraym. lib. xxi.) Polybius too charges him with wilfully perverting the truth (xi. 15), so
Page 64 64 AGATHOCLES. that the accdunt which he has left must be received with much suspicion. Marvellous stories are related of the early years of Agathocles. Born at Thermae, a town of Sicily subject to Carthage, he is said to have been exposed when an infant, by his father, Carcinus of Rhegium, in consequence of a succession of troublesome dreams, portending that he would be a source of much evil to Sicily. His mother, however, secretly preserved his life, and at seven years old he was restored to his father, who had long repented of his conduct to the child. By him he was taken to Syracuse and brought up as a potter. In his youth he led a life of extravagance and debauchery, but was remarkable for strength and personal beauty, qualities which recommended him to Damas, a noble Syracusan, under whose auspices he was made first a soldier, then a chiliarch, and afterwards a military tribune. On the death of Damas, he married his rich widow, and so became one of the wealthiest citizens in Syracuse. His ambitious schemes then developed themselves, and he was driven into exile. After several changes of fortune, he collected an army which overawed both the Syracusans and Carthaginians, and was restored under an oath that he would not interfere with the democracy, which oath he kept by murdering 4000 and banishing 6000 citizens. He was immediately declared sovereign of Syracuse, under the title of Autocrator., But Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general in Sicily, kept the field successfully against him, after the whole of Sicily, which was not under the dominion of Carthage, had submitted to him. In the battle of Himera, the army of Agathocles was defeated with great slaughter, and immediately after, Syracuse itself was closely besieged. At this juncture, he formed the bold design of averting the ruin which threatened him, by carrying the war into Africa. To obtain money for this purpose, he offered to let those who dreaded the miseries of a protracted siege depart from Syracuse, and then sent a body of armed men to plunder and murder those who accepted his offer. He kept his design a profound secret, eluded the Carthaginian fleet, which was blockading the harbour, and though closely pursued by them for six days and nights, landed his men in safety on the shores of Africa. Advancing then into the midst of his army, arrayed in a splendid robe, and with a crown on his head, he announced that he had vowed, as a thank-offering for his escape, to sacrifice his ships to Demeter and the Kora, goddesses of Sicily. Thereupon, he burnt them all, and so left his soldiers no hope of safety except in conquest.. His successes were most brilliant and rapid. Of the two Suffetes of Carthage, the one, Bomilca"r, aimed at the tyranny, and opposed the invaders with little vigour; while the other, Hanno, fell in battle. He constantly defeated the troops of Carthage, and had almost encamped under its walls, when the detection and crucifixion of Bomilcar infused new life into the war. Agathocles too was summoned from Africa by the affairs of Sicily, where the Agrigentines had suddenly invited their fellow-countrymen to shake off his yoke, and left his army under his son Archagathus, who was unable to prevent a mutiny. Agathocles returned, but was defeated; and, fearing a new outbreak on the part of his troops, fled from his camp with Archagathus, who, however, lost his way and was taken. Agathocles escaped; but in revenge for AGATHOCLES. this desertion, the soldiers murdered his sons, and then made peace with Carthage. New troubles awaited him in Sicily, where Deinocrates, a Syracusan exile, was at the head of a large army against him. But he made a treaty with the Carthaginians, defeated the exiles, received Deinocrates into favour, and then had no difficulty in reducing the revolted cities of Sicily, of which island he had some time before assumed the title of king. He afterwards crossed the Ionian. sea, and defended Corcyra against Cassander. (Diod. xxi. Fragm.) He plundered the Lipari isles, and also carried his arms into Italy, in order to attack the Bruttii. But his designs were interrupted by severe illness accompanied by great anxiety of mind, in consequence of family distresses. His grandson Archagathus murdered his son Agathocles, for the sake of succeeding to the crown, and the old kin' feared that the rest of his family would share h11 fate. Accordingly, he resolved to send his wi. Texena and her two children to Egypt, her nativ. country; they wept at the thoughts of his dying thus uncared for and alone, and he at seeing them depart as exiles from the dominion which he had won for them. They left him, and his death followed almost immediately. For this touching narrative, Timaeus and Diodorus after him substituted a monstrous and incredible story of his being poisoned by Maeno, an associate of Archagathus. The poison, we are told, was concealed in the quil with which he cleaned his teeth, and reduced hinm to so frightful a condition, that he was placed on the funeral pile and burnt while yet living, being unable to give any signs that he was not dead. There is no doubt that Agathocles was a man who did not hesitate to plunge into any excesses of cruelty and treachery to further his own purposes. IHe persuaded Ophellas, king of Cyrene, to enter into an alliance with him against Carthage, and then murdered him at a banquet, and seized the command of his army. He invited the principal Syracusans to a festival, plied them with wine, mixed freely with them, discovered their secret feelings, and killed 500 who seemed opposed to his views. So that while we reject the fictions of Timaeus, we can as little understand the statement of Polybius, that though he used bloody means to acquire his power, he afterwards became most mild and gentle. To his great abilities we have the testimony of Scipio Africanus, who when asked what men were in his opinion at once the boldest warriors and wisest statesmen, replied, Agathocles and Dionysius. (Polyb. xv. 35.) He appears also to have possessed remarkable powers of wit and repartee, to have been a most agreeable companion, and to have lived in Syracuse in a security generally unknown to the Greek tyrants, unattended in public by guards, and trusting entirely either to the popularity or terror of his name. As to the chronology of his life, his landing in Africa was in the archonship of Hlieromnemon at Athens, and accompanied by an eclipse of the sun, i.e. Aug. 15, B. c. 310. (Clinton, Fast. Iell.) He quitted it at the end of B. c. 307, died B. c. 289, after a reign of 28 years, aged 72 according to Diodorus, though Lucian (Macrob. 10), gives his. age 95. Wesseling and Clinton prefer the statement of Diodorus. The Italian mercenaries whom Agathocles left, were the Mamertini who after his death seized Messana, and occasioned the first Punic war. [0. E. L. C.]
Page 65 AGATHOCLES. AGATHON. 65 AGA'THOCLES ('Aya0eoscAs). 1. The fa- AGATHODAEMON ('Aya Oolaiwv or AyaeOd ther of Lysimachus, was a Thessalian Penest, but EOds), the "Good God," a divinity in honour of obtained the favour of Philip through flattery, and whom the Greeks drank a cup of unmixed wine at was raised by him to high rank. (Theopompus, the end of every repast. A temple dedicated to ap. Athen. vi. p. 259, f., &c.; Arrian, Anab. vi. him was situated on the road from Megalopolis to 28. Ind. 18.) Maenalus in Arcadia. Pausanias (viii. 36. ~ 3) 2. The son of Lysimachus by an Odrysian conjectures that the name is a mere epithet of Zeus, woman, whom Polyaenus (vi. 12) calls Macris. (Comp. Lobeck, ad Phrynich. p. 603.) [L. S.] Agathocles was sent by his father against the AGATHODAEMON ('Aya0oaeljwvY), a native Getae, about B. c. 292, but was defeated and taken of Alexandria. All that is known of him is, that prisoner. He was kindly treated by Dromichaetis, he was the designer of some maps to accompany the king of the Getae, and sent back to his father Ptolemy's Geography. Copies of these maps are with presents; but Lysimachus, notwithstanding, found appended to several M-SS. of Ptolemy. One marched against the Getae, and was taken prisoner of these is at Vienna, another at Venice. At the himself. He too was also released by Dromichae- end of each of these MSS. is the following notice: tis, who received in consequence the daughter of 'EIc CT&V KAvilov TroAEqaiLove wypapncclv GSiLysimachus in marriage. According to some au- CAiwv oKc' n)v'r' o2KcoueiYv raaceav 'A-yaOoealcwv thors it was only Agathocles, and according to 'AAeWavSpetds VTrehrW0a-e (Agath. of Alexandria others only Lysimachus, who was taken prisoner. delineated the whole inhabited world according to,Diod. Ecxe. xxi. p. 559, ed. Wess.; Paus. i. 9. the eight books on Geography of Cl. Ptolemeaus). S' 7; Strab. vii. pp. 302, 305; Plut. Denzmetr. c. 39, The Vienna MS. of Ptolemy is one of the most de ser. numl. vind. p. 555, d.) In B. c. 287, Aga- beautiful extant. The maps attached to it, 27 in thocles was sent by his father against Demetrius number, comprising 1 general map, 10 maps of Poliorcetes, who had marched into Asia to de- Europe, 4 of Africa, and 12 of Asia, are coloured, prive Lysimachus of Lydia and Caria. In this the water being green, the mountains red or dark expedition he was successful; he defeated Lysi- yellow, and the land white. The climates, paralmachus and drove him out of his father's pro- lels, and the hours of the longest day, are marked vinces. (Plut. Demetr. c. 46.) Agathocles was on the East margin of the maps, and the meridians destined to be the successor of Lysimachus, and on the North and South. We have no evidence iwas popular among his subjects; but his step- as to when Agathodaemon lived, as the only notice Smother, Arsinoe, prejudiced the mind of his father preserved respecting him is that quoted above. against him; and after an unsuccessful attempt to There was a grammarian of the same name, to poison him, Lysimachus cast him into prison, whom some extant letters of Isidore of Pelusium where he was murdered (B. c. 284) by Ptolemaeus are addressed. Some have thought him to be the Ceraunus, who was a fugitive at the court of Lysi- Agathodaemon in question. Heeren, however, machus. His widow Lysandra fled with his chil- considers the delineator of the maps to have been dren, and Alexander, his brother, to Seleucus in a contemporary of Ptolemy, who (viii. 1, 2) menAsia, who made war upon Lysimachus in conse- tions certain maps or tables (7rivatces), which agree quience. (Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 124, pp. 225, in number and arrangement with those of Aga226, ed. Bekker; Paus. i. 10; Justin, xvii. 1.) thodaemon in the MSS. AGA'THOCLES ('A-ya0oNcXAs), a Greek histo- Various errors having in the course of time crept rian, who wrote the history of Cyzicus (7repl into the copies of the maps of Agathodaemon, Kv[iKcov). He is called by Atbenaeus both a Nicolaus Donis, a Benedictine monk, who flouBabylonian (i. p. 30, a. ix. p. 375, a) and a Cyzi- rished about A. D. 1470, restored and corrected can. (xiv. p. 649, f.) He may originally have them, substituting Latin for Greek names. His come from Babylon, and have settled at Cyzicus. maps are appended to the Ebnerian MS. of The first and third books are referred to by Athe- Ptolemy. They are the same in number and naeus. (ix. p. 375, f., xii. p. 515, a.) The time at nearly the same in order with those of Agathowhich Agathocles lived is unknown, and his work daemon. (Heeren, Commentatio de Fontibus Geois now lost; but it seems to have been extensively graph. Plolessmaei T7ablareumque iis annexarum; read in antiquity, as it is referred to by Cicero (de Raidel, Commentatio critico-literaria de 01. Ptolemsaei Div. i. 24), Pliny (Hist. Nat. Elenchus of books Geographics ejusque codicibuls, p. 7.) [C. P. M.] iv. v. vi), and other ancient writers. Agathocles A'GATHON ('Aya'Bwc), the. son of the Macealso spoke of the origin of Rome. (Festus, s. v. donian Philotas, and the brother of Parmeniosn Romain; Solinus, Polyh. 1.) The scholiast on and Asander, was given as a hostage to Antigonus Apollonius (iv. 761) cites Memoirs (dTroAYs'jqsara) in B. c. 313, by his brother Asander, who was by an Agathocles, who is usually supposed to be satrap of Caria, but was taken back again by. the same as the above-mentioned one. (Compare Asander in a few days. (Diod. xix. 75.) Agathlon Schol. adHes. Theog. 485; Steph.Byz. s.v. Be'le-cos; had a son, named Asander, who is mentioned in a EIymol. M. s. v. A/e'rc.) Greek inscription. (Buickh, Corp. Inser. 105.) There are several other writers of the same A'GATHON ('Ayatcihw), an Athenian tragic name. 1. Agathocles of Atrax, who wrote a work poet, was born about B. c. 447, and sprung from a on fishing (ai'Aevairca, Suidas, s. v. Kil\iAos). 2. Of rich and respectable family. He was consequently Chios, who wrote a work on agriculture. (Varro contemporary with Socrates and Alcibiades and and Colum. de Re Rust. i. 1; Plin. H. N. xxii. 44.) the other distinguished characters of their age, 3. Of Miletus, who wrote a work on rivers. (Plht. with many of whom he was on terms of intimate de Fluv. p. 1153, c.) 4. Of Samos, who wrote a acquaintance. Amongst these was his friend work on the constitution of Pessinus. (Plut. Ibid. Euripides. He was remarkable for the handsomep. 1159, a.) ness of his person and his various accomplishments. AGA'THOCLES, brother of Agathoclen. [AGA- (Plat. P-Potag. p. 156, b.) He gained his first THOCLEA.] victory at tle Lenaean festival in a. c. 416, whlen
Page 66 66 AGATHON. he was a little above thirty years of age: in honour of which Plato represents the Symposium, or banquet, to have been given, which he has made the occasion of his dialogue so called. The scene is laid at Agathon's house, and amongst the interlocutors are, Apollodorus, Socrates, Aristophanes, Diotima, and Alcibiades. Plato was then fourteen years of age, and a spectator at the tragic contest, in which Agathon was victorious. (Athen. v. p. 217, a.) When Agathon was about forty years of age (a. c. 407), he visited the court of Archelaus, the king of Macedonia (Aelian, V. H. xiii. 4), where his old friend Euripides was also a guest at the same time. From the expression in the Ranae (83), that he was gone is AeaKaopwv evwxiav, nothing certain can be determined as to the time of his death. The phrase admits of two meanings, either that he was then residing at the court of Archelaus, or that he was dead. The former, however, is the more probable interpretation. (Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. ii. p. xxxii.) He is generally supposed to have died about B. c. 400, at the age of fortyseven. (Bode, Geschichte der dram. Dichtkunst, i. p. 553.) The poetic merits of Agathon were considerable, but his compositions were more remarkable for elegance and flowery ornaments than force, vigour, or sublimity. They abounded in antithesis and metaphor, " with cheerful thoughts and kindly images," (Aelian, V. H. xiv. 13,) and he is said to have imitated in verse the prose of Gorgias the philosopher. The language which Plato puts into his mouth in the Symposium, is of the same character, full of harmonious words and softly flowing periods: an ihalov u'iOga 4'oqnri l'Eovros. The style of his verses, and especially of his lyrical compositions, is represented by Aristophanes in his Thesmophoriazusae (191) as affected and effeminate, corresponding with his personal appearance and manner. In that play (acted B. c. 409), where he appears as the friend of Euripides, he is ridiculed for his effeminacy, both in manners and actions, being brought on the stage in female dress. In the Ranae, acted five years afterwards, Aristophanes speaks highly of him as a poet and a man, calling him an dyaOds aroir 'rs Kcal woOewds vrois ( l(ots. In the Thesmophoriazusae (29) also, he calls him 'AydOwv 6d K eud0. In some respects, Agathon was instrumental in causing the decline of tragedy at Athens. He was the first tragic poet, according to Aristotle (Poet. 18. ~ 22), who commenced the practice of inserting choruses between the acts, the subject-matter of which was unconnected with the story of the drama, and which were therefore called ig&o'At a, or intercalary, as being merely lyrical or musical interludes. The same critic (Poet. 18. ~ 17) also blames him for selecting too extensive subjects for his tragedies. Agathon also wrote pieces, the story and characters of which were the creations of pure fiction. One of these was called the " Flower" ("AvOos, Arist. PoEt. 9. ~ 7); its subject-matter was neither mythical nor historical, and therefore probably "neither seriously affecting, nor terrible." (Schlegel, Dram. Lit. i. p. 189.) We cannot but regret the loss of this work, which must have been amusing and original. The titles of four only of his tragedies are known with certainty: they are, the Thyestes, the Telephus, the- Aerope, and the Alcmaeon. A fifth, which is ascribed to him, is of doubtful authority. It is probable that Aristophanes has given us extracts from somne of Agathon's plays in the AGAVE. Thesmophoriazusae, v. 100-130. The opiniol that Agathon also wrote comedies, or that there was a comic writer of this name, has been refuted by Bentley, in his Dissertation upon the Epistles of Euripides, p. 417. (Ritschl, Commentatio de Agatlhonis vita, Arte et Tragoediaruma reliquiis, Halae, 1829, 8vo.) [R. W.] A'GATHON ('Aya'yOwv), of Samos, who wrote a work upon Scythia and another upon Rivers. (Plut. de Fluv. p. 1156, e. 1159, a; Stobaeus, Serm. tit. 100. 10, ed. Gaisford.) AG'ATHON ('AydOwv), at first Reader, afterwards Librarian, at Constantinople. In A. D. 680, during his Readership, he was Notary or Reporter at the 6th General Council, which condemned the Monothelite heresy. He sent copies of the acts, written by himself, to the five Patriarchates. He wrote, A. D. 712, a short treatise, still extant in Greek, on the attempts of Philippicus Bardanes (711-713) to revive the Monothelite error, Conciliorum Nova Collectio a Mansi, vol. xii. p. 189. [A. J. C.] AGATHO'STHENES ('AyaOoo-atv7s), a Greek historian or philosopher of uncertain date, who is referred to by Tzetzes (ad Lycophr. 704, 1021. Olil. vii. 645) as his authority in matters connected with geography. There is mention of a work of Agathosthenes called " Asiatica Carmina" (Germanicus, in 'Arat. Phaen. 24), where Gale (Votae in Parthen. p. 125, &c.) wished to read the name Aglaosthenes; for Aglaosthenes or Aglosthenes, who is by some considered to be the same as Agathosthenes, wrote a work on the history of Naxos, of which nothing is extant, but which was much used by ancient writers. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 16; Eratosth. Catast. ii. 27; Pollux. ix. 83; Athen. iii. p. 78; Plin. H. N. iv. 22.) [L. S.] AGATHO'TYCHUS ('AyaeorvXos), an ancient veterinary surgeon, whose date and history are unknown, but who probably lived in the fourth or fifth century after Christ. Some fragments of his writings are to be found in the collection of works on this subject first published in a Latin translation by Jo. Ruellius, Veterinariae Medicinae Li6bri duo, Paris. 1530, fol., and afterwards in Greek by Grynaeus, Basil. 1537, 4to. [W. A. G.] AGATHYLLUS ('A-yaOAXos), of Arcadia, a Greek elegiac poet, who is quoted by Dionysius in reference to the history of Aeneas and the foundation of Rome. Some of his verses are preserved by Dionysius. (i. 49, 72.) AGATHYRNUS ('A'ydOvpvos), a son of Aeolus, regarded as the founder of Agathyrnum in Sicily. (Diod. v. 8.) [L. S.] AGA'VE ('Ayaui'). 1. A daughter of Cadmus, and wife of the Spartan Echion, by whom she became the mother of Pentheus, who succeeded his grandfather Cadmus as king of Thebes. Agave was the sister of Autonog, Ino, and Semele (Apollod. iii. 4. ~ 2), and when Semele, during her pregnancy with Dionysus, was destroyed by the sight of the splendour of Zeus, her sisters spread the report that she had only endeavoured to conceal her guilt, by pretending that Zeus was the father of her child, and that her destruction was a just punishment for her falsehood. This calumny was afterwards most severely avenged upon Agave. For, after Dionysus, the son of Semele, had traversed the world, he came to Thebes and compelled the women to celebrate his Dionysiac festivals on mount Cithaeron. Penthous wishing to prevent
Page 67 AGELADAS. or stop these riotous proceedings, went himself to mount Cithaeron, but was torn to pieces there by his own mother Agave, who in her frenzy believed him to be a wild beast. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 2; Ov. lMet. iii. 725; comp. PENTHEUS.) Hyginus (Fab. "240, 254) makes Agave, after this deed, go to Illyria and marry king Lycotherses, whom however she afterwards killed in order to gain his kingdom for her father Cadmus. This account is manifestly transplaced by Hyginus, and must have belonged to an earlier part of the story of Agave. 2. [NEREIDAE.] [L. S.] AGDISTIS ('Ayio'-is), a mythical being connected with the Phrygian worship of Attes or Atys. Pausanias (vii. 17. ~ 5) relates the following story about Agdistis. On one occasion Zeus unwittingly begot by the Earth a superhuman being which was at once man and woman, and was called Agdistis. The gods dreaded it and unmanned it, and from its severed aoSioa there grew up an almond-tree. Once when the daughter of the river-god Sangarius was gathering the fruit of this tree, she put some almonds into her bosom; but here the almonds disappeared, and she became the mother of Attes, who was of such extraordinary beauty, that when he had grown up Agdistis fell in love with him. His relatives, however, destined him to become the husband of the daughter of the king of Pessinus, whither he went accordingly. But at the moment when the hymeneal song had commenced, Agdistis appeared, and Attes was seized by a fit of madness, in which he unmanned himself; the king who had given him his daughter did the same. Agdistis now repented her deed, and obtained from Zeus the promise that the body of Attes should not become decomposed or disappear. This is, says Pausanias, the most popular account of an otherwise mysterious affair, which is probably part of a symbolical worship of the creative powers of nature. A hill of the name of Agdistis in Phrygia, at the foot of which Attes was believed to be buried, is mentioned by Pausanias. (i. 4. ~ 5.) According to Hesychius (s. v.) and Strabo (xii. p. 567; comp. x. p. 469), Agdistis is the same as Cybele, who was worshipped at Pessinus under that name. A story somewhat different is given by Arnobius. (Adv. Gent. ix. 5. ~ 4; comp. Minuc. Felix, 21.) [L. S.] AGE'LADAS ('AyeAdhas), a native of Argos (Pausan. vi. 8. ~ 4, vii. 24. ~ 2, x. 10. ~ 3), preeminently distinguished as a statuary. His fame is enhanced by his having been the instructor of the three great masters, Phidias (Suidas, s. v.; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 504; Tzetzes, Chiliad. vii. 154, viii. 191-for the names 'EAdaou and rAadov are unquestionably merely corruptions of "A-yAd6ov, as was first observed by Meursius, with whom Winckelmann, Thiersch, and Miiller agree), Myron, and Polycletus. (Plin. II. N. xxxiv. 8, s. 19.) '1 he determination of the period when Ageladas flourished, has given rise to a great deal of discussion, owing to the apparently contradictory statements in the writers who mention the name. Pausanias (vi. 10. ~ 2) tells us that Ageladas cast a statue of Cleosthenes (who gained a victory in the chariot-race in the 66th Olympiad) with the chariot, horses, and charioteer, which was set up at Olympia. There were also at Olympia statues by him of Timasitheus of Delphi and Anochus of Tarentum. Now Timasitheus was put to death by the Athenians, for his participation in the attempt of AGELAUS. 67 Isagoras in 01. lxviii. 2 (a. c. 507); and Anochus (as we learn from Eusebius) was a victor in the games of the 65th 01. So far everything is clear; and if we suppose Ageladas to have been born about B. c. 540, lie may very well have been the instructor of Phidias. On the other hand Pliny (1. c.) says that Ageladas, with Polycletus, Phradmon, and Myron, flourished in the 87th 01. This agrees with the statement of the scholiast on Aristophanes, that at Melite there was a statue of 'HpacAXis cisEIcatcos, the work of Ageladas the Argive, which was set up during the great pestilence. (01. lxxxvii. 3. 4.) To these authorities must be added a passage of Pausanias (iv. 33. ~ 3), where he speaks of a statue of Zeus made by Ageladas for the Messenians of Naupactus. This must have been after the year B. c. 455, when the Messenians were allowed by the Athenians to settle at Naupactus. In order to reconcile these conflicting statements, some suppose that Pliny's date is wrong, and that the statue of Hercules had been made by Ageladas long before it was set up at Melite: others (as Meyer and Siebelis) that Pliny's date is correct, but that Ageladas did not make the statues of the Olympic victors mentioned by Pausanias till many years after their victories; which in the case of three persons, the dates of whose victories are so nearly the same, would be a very extraordinary coincidence. The most probable solution of the difficulty is that of Thiersch, who thinks that there were two artists of this name; one an Argive, the instructor of Phidias, born about B. c. 540, the other a native of Sicyon, who flourished at the date assigned by Pliny, and was confounded by the scholiast on Aristophanes with his more illustrious namesake of Argos, Thiersch supports this hypothesis by an able criticism on a passage of Pausanias. (v. 24. ~ 1.) Sillig assumes that there were two artists of the name of Ageladas, but both Argives. Ageladas the Argive executed one of a group of three Muses, representing respectively the presiding geniuses of the diatonic, chromatic and enharmonic styles of Greek music. Canachus and Aristocles of Sicyon made the other two. (Antipater, Anih. Pal. Plan. 220; Thiersch, Epoch. d. bild. Knast. pp. 158-164.) [C. P. M.] AGELA'US ('A-yEAaos). 1. A son of Heracles and Omphale, and the founder of the house of Croesus. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8.) Herodotus (i. 7) derives the family of Croesus from one Alcaeus, and Diodorus (iv. 31) from one Cleolaus, while he calls the son of Heracles and Omphale Lamus, and. others Laomedes. (Anton. Lib. 2; Palaephat. de Incred. 45.) 2. A son of Damastor, and one of the suitors of Penelope. (Horn. Od. xx. 321.) In the struggle of Odysseus with the suitors, and after many of them had fallen, Agelaus encouraged and headed those who survived (xxii. 131, 241), until at last he too was struck dead by Odysseus with a javelin. (xxii. 293.) 3. A slave of Priam, who exposed the infant Paris on mount Ida, in consequence of a dream of his mother. When, after the lapse of five days, the slave found the infant still alive and suckled by a bear, he took him to his own house and brought him up. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 4; compare PARIs.) There are several other mythical personages of the name of Agelaus, concerning whom no particulars are known. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 5; Antonia, 2
Page 68 68 AGENOR. Lib. 2; Hom. II. viii. 257, xi. 302; Paus. viii. 35. ~ 7.) [L. S.] AGELA'US ('AyAeaos), of Naupactus, was a leading man in the Aetolian state at the time of the Achaean league. He is first mentioned in B. c. 221, when he negociated the alliance between the Illyrian chief Scerdilaidas and the Aetolians. It was through his persuasive speech that Philip of Macedonia and his allies were induced to make peace with the Aetolians (B. c. 218), and he was elected general of the latter in the following year, though his conduct in recommending peace was soon afterwards blamed by his fickle countrymen. (Polyb. iv. 16, v. 103-1 07.) AGELEIA or AGELE'IS ('AyeAXEa. or 'AyeAMts), a surname of Athena, by which she is designated as the leader or protectress of the people. (Hom. II. iv. 128, v. 765, vi. 269, xv. 213, Od. iii. 378, &c.) [L. S.] AGE'LLIUS. [A. GELLIUS.] AGE'NOR ('Ayovwp). 1. A son of Poseidon and Libya, king of Phoenicia, and twin-brother of Belus. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 4.) He married Telephassa, by whom he became the father of Cadmus, Phoenix, Cylix, Thasus, Phineus, and according to some of Europa also. (Schol. ad Eiurip. Phoen. 5; Hygin. Fab. 178; Paus. v. 25. ~ 7; SchIol ad Apollon. Rhod. ii. 17 8, iii. 1185.) After his daughter Europa had been carried off by Zeus, Agenor sent out his sons in search of her, and enjoined them not to return without their sister. As Europa was not to be found, none of them returned, and all settled in foreign countries. (Apollod. iii. 1. ~ I; Hygin. Fab. 178.) Virgil (A'en. i. 338) calls Carthage the city of Agenor, by which he alludes to the descent of Dido from Agenor. Buttmann (Ml/ytolog. i. p. 232, &c.) points out that the genuine Phoenician name of Agenor was Chnas, which is the same as Canaan, and upon these facts he builds the hypothesis that Agenor or Chnas is the same as the Canaan in the books of Moses. 2. A son of Jasus, and father of Argus Panoptes, king of Argos. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 2.) Hellanicus (Fragmn. p. 47, ed. Sturz.) states that Agenor was a son of Phoroneus, and brother of Jasus and Pelasgus, and that after their father's death, the two elder brothers divided his dominions between themselves in such a manner, that Pelasgus received the country about the river Erasinus, and built Larissa, and Jasus the country about Elis. After the death of these two, Agenor, the youngest, invaded their dominions, and thus became king of Argos. 3. The son and successor of Triopas, in the kingdom of Argos. He belonged to the house of Phoroneus, and was father of Crotopus. (Paus. ii. 16. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 145.) 4. A son of Pleuron and Xanthippe, and grandson of Aetolus. Epicaste, the daughter of Calydon, became by him the mother of Porthaon and Demonice. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 7.) According to Pausanias (iii. 13. ~ 5), Thestius, the father of Leda, is likewise a son of this Agenor. 5. A son of Phegeus, king of Psophis, in Arcadia. He was brother of Pronous and Arsinoe, who was married to Alcmaeon, but was abandoned by him. When Alcmaeon wanted to 'give the celebrated necklace and peplus of Harmonia to his second wife Calirrhoi, the daughter of Achelous, ihe was slain by Agenor and Pronous at the insti AGESANDER. gation of Phegeus. But when the two brothers came to Delphi, where they intended to dedicate the necklace and peplus, they were killed by Amphoterus and Acarnan, thle sons of Alcmaeon and Calirrho6. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 5.) Pausanias (viii. 24. ~ 4), who relates the same story, calls the children of Phegeus, Temenus, Axion, and Alphesiboea. 6. A son of the Trojan Antenor and Theano, the priestess of Athena. (Hom. II. xi. 59, vi. 297.) He appears in the Iliad as one of the bravest among the Trojans, and is one of their leaders in the attack upon the fortifications of the Greeks. (iv. 467, xii. 93, xiv. 425.) He even ventures to fight with Achilles, who is wounded by him. (xxi. 570, &c.) Apollo rescued him in a cloud from the anger of Achilles, and then assumed himself the appearance of Agenor, by which means he drew Achilles away from the walls of Troy, and afforded to the fugitive Trojans a safe retreat to the city. (xxi. in fine.) According to Pausanias (x. 27. ~ 1) Agenor was slain by Neoptolemuts, and was represented by Polygnotus in the great painting in the Lesche of Delphi. Some other mythical personages of this name occur in the following passages: Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5, iii. 5. ~ 6; Hygin. Fab. 145. [L. S.] AGEN O'RIDES ('Ay-qYopiL9s), a patronymic of Agenor, designating a descendant of an Agenor, such as Cadmus (Ov. Met. iii. 8, 81, 90; iv. 563), Phineus (Val. Flacc. iv. 582), and Perseus. (Ov. Met. iv. 771.) [L. S.] AGE'POLIS ('Ay77roAs), of Rhodes, was sent by his countrymen as ambassador to the consul Q. Marcius Philippus, B. c. 169, in the war with Perseus, and had an interview with him near Heraceleum in Macedonia. In the following year, B. c. 168, he went as ambassador to Rome to deprecate the anger of the Romans. (Polyb. xxviii. 14, 15, xxix. 4, 7; Liv. xlv. 3.) AGESANDER or AGESILA'US ('Ayo-aav3pos or 'A-yeClAaos), from da"Eiv and dv/rp or Aaes, a surname of Pluto or Hades, describing him as the god who carries away all men. (Callim. Hymn. in Pallad. 130, with Spanheim's note; Hesych. s. v.; Aeschyl. ap. Athlen. iii. p. 99.) Nicander (ap. Athen. xv. p. 684) uses the form 'Hyeo-iAaos. [L. S.] AGESANDER, a sculptor, a native of the island of Rhodes. His name occurs in no author except Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4), and we know but of one work which he executed; it is a work however which bears the most decisive testimony to his surpassing genius. In conjunction with Polydorus and Athenodorus he sculptured the group of Laocoon, a work which is ranked by all competent judges among the most perfect specimens of art, especially on account of the admirable manner in which amidst the intense suffering portrayed in every feature, limb, and muscle, there is still preserved that air of sublime repose, which characterised the best productions of Grecian genius. This celebrated group was discovered in the year 1506, near the baths of Titus on the Esquiline hill: it is now preserved in the museum of the Vatican. Pliny does not hesitate to pronounce it superior to all other works both of statuary and painting. A great deal has been written respecting the age when Agesander flourished, and various opinions have been held on the subject. Winckelmann and Miuller, forming their judgment from the style of art displayed in
Page 69 AGESILAUS. the work itself, assign it to the age of Lysip, pus. Muller thinks the intensity of suffering depicted, and the somewhat theatrical air which pervades the group, shews that it belongs to a later age than that of Phidias. Lessing and Thiersch on the other hand, after subjecting the passage of Pliny to an accurate examination, have come to the conclusion, that Agesander and the other two artists'lived in the reign of Titus, and sculptured the group expressly for that emperor; and this opinion is pretty generally acquiesced in. In addition to many other reasons that might be mentioned, if space permitted, if the Laocoon had been a work of antiquity, we can hardly understand how Pliny should have ranked it above all the works of Phidias, Polycletus, Praxiteles, and Lysippus. But we can account for his exaggerated praise, if the group was modern and the admiration excited by its execution in Rome still fresh. Thiersch has written a great deal to shew that the plastic art did not decline so early as is generally supposed, but continued to flourish in fill vigour from the time of Phidias uninterruptedly down to the reign of Titus. Pliny was deceived in saying that the group was sculptured out of one block, as the lapse of time has discovered a join in it. It appears from an inscription on the pedestal of a statue found at Nettuno (the ancient Antium) that Athenodorus was the son of Agesander. This makes it not unlikely that Polydorus also was his son, and that the father executed the figure of Laocoon himself, his two sons the remaining two figures. (Lessing, Laokoon; Winckelmann, Gesch. d. Kinst, x. 1, 10; Thiersch, Epochen d. bild. Kunst. p. 318, &c.; Miller, Archiiologie d. Kunst, p. 152.) [C. P. M.] AGESA'NDRIDAS ('A-'ywavrpias), the son of Agesander (comp. Thuc. i, 139), the commander of the Lacedaemonian fleet sent to protect the revolt of Euboea in B. c. 411, was attacked by the Athenians near Eretria, and obtained a victory over them. (Thuc. viii. 91, 94, 95.) AGESI'ANAX ('Ay-yo-tdva), a Greek poet, of whom a beautiful fragment descriptive of the moon is preserved in Plutarch. (De facie in orb. lunae, p. 920.) It is uncertain whether the poem to which this fragment belonged was of an epic or didactic character. [L. S.] AGE'SIAS ('Ayalo'as), one of the lambidae, and an hereditary priest of Zeus at Olympia, gained the victory there in the mule race, and is celebrated on that account by Pindar in the sixth Olympic ode. B6ckh places his victory in the 78th Olympiad. AGESIDA'MUS ('AyapricSaeos), son of Archestratus, an Epizephyrian Locrian, who conquered, when a boy, in boxing in the Olympic games. His victory is celebrated by Pindar in the 10th and 11th Olympic odes. The scholiast places his victory in the 74th Olympiad. He should not be confounded with Agesidamus, the father of Chromius, who is mentioned in the Nemean odes. (i. 42, ix. 99.) AGESILA'US. [AGESANDER.] AGESILA'US I. ('Ayeoix1aos), son of Doryssus, sixth king of the Agid line at Sparta, excluding Aristodemus, according to Apollodorus, reigned forty-four years, and died in 886 B. c. Pausanias makes his reign a short one, but contemporary with the legislation of Lycurgus. (Paus. iii. 2. ~ 3; Clinton, Fasti, i. p. 335.) [A. H. C.] AGESILAUS. 69 AGESILA'US II., son by his second wife, Eupolia, of Archidamus II., succeeded his half-brother, Agis II. as nineteenth king of the Eurypontid line; excluding, on the ground of spurious birth, and by the interest of Lysander, his nephew, Leotychides. [LEOTYCHIDES.] His reign extends from 398 to 361 B. c., both inclusive; during most of which time he was, in Plutarch's words, "as good as thought commander and king of all Greece," and was for the whole of it greatly identified with his country's deeds and fortunes. The position of that country, though internally weak, was externally, in Greece, down to 394, one of supremacy acknowledged: the only field of its ambition was Persia; from 394 to 387, the Corinthian or first Theban war, one of supremacy assaulted: in 387 that supremacy was restored over Greece, in the peace of Antalcidas, by the sacrifice of Asiatic prospects: and thus more confined and more secure, it became also more wanton. After 378, when Thebes regained her freedom, we find it again assailed, and again for one moment restored, though on a lower level, in 371; then overthrown for ever at Leuctra, the next nine years being a struggle for existence amid dangers within and without. Of the youth of Agesilaus we have no detail, beyond the mention of his intimacy with Lysander. On the throne, which he ascended about the age of forty, we first hear of him in the suppression of Cinadon's conspiracy. [CINADON.] In his third year (396) he crossed into Asia, and after a short campaign, and a winter of preparation, he in the next overpowered the two satraps, Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus; and, in the spring of 394, was encamped in the plain of Thebe, preparing to advance into the heart of the empire, when a message arrived to summon him to the war at home. He calmly and promptly obeyed; expressing however to the Asiatic Greeks, and doubtless himself indulging, hopes of a speedy return. Marching rapidly by Xerxes'route, he met and defeated at Coroneia in Boeotia the allied forces. In 393 he was engaged in a ravaging invasion of Argolis, in 392 in one of the Corinthian territory, in 391 he reduced the Acarnanians to submission; but, in the remaining years of the war, he is not mentioned. In the interval of peace, we find him declining the command in Sparta's aggression on Mantineia; but heading, from motives, it is said, of private friendship, that on Phlius; and openly justifying Phoebidas' seizure of the Cadmeia. Of the next war, the first two years he commanded in Boeotia, more however to the enemy's gain in point of experience, than loss in any other; from the five remaining he was withdrawn by severe illness. In the congress of 371 an altercation is recorded between him and Epaminondas; and by his advice Thebes was peremptorily excluded from the peace, and orders given for the fatal campaign of Leuctra. In 370 we find him engaged in an embassy to Mantineia, andreassuring the Spartans by an invasion of Arcadia; and in 369 to his skill, courage, and presence of mind, is to be ascribed the maintenance of the unwalled Sparta, amidst the attacks of four armies, and revolts and conspiracies of Helots, Perioeci, and even Spartans. Finally, in 362, he led his countrymen into Arcadia; by fortunate information was enabled to return in time to prevent the surprise of Sparta, and was, it seems, joint if not sole commander at the battle of Mantineia. To the ensuing winter must probably be referred his esm
Page 70 70 AGESILOCHUS. bassy to the coast of Asia and negotiations for money with the revolted satraps, alluded to in an obscure passage of Xenophon (Agesilaus, ii. 26, 27): and, in performance perhaps of some stipulation then made, he crossed, in the spring of 361, with a body of Lacedaemonian mercenaries into Egypt. Here, after displaying much of his ancient skill, he died, while preparing for his voyage home, in the winter of 361-60, after a life of above eighty years and a reign of thirty-eight. His body was embalmed in wax, and splendidly buried at Sparta. Referring to our sketch of Spartan history, we find Agesilaus shining most in its first and last period, as commencing and surrendering a glorious career in Asia, and as, in extreme age, maintaining his prostrate country. From Coroneia to Leuctra we see him partly unemployed, at times yielding to weak motives, at times joining in wanton acts of public injustice. No one of Sparta's great defeats, but some of her bad policy belongs to him. In what others do, we miss him; in what he does, we miss the greatness and consistency belonging to unity of purpose and sole command. No doubt he "was hampered at home; perhaps, too, from a man withdrawn, when now near fifty, from his chosen career, great action in a new one of any kind could not be looked for. Plutarch gives among numerous apophthegmata his letter to the ephors on his recall: "We have reduced most of Asia, driven back the barbarians, made arms abundant in lonia. But since you bid me, according to the decree, come home, I shall follow my letter, may perhaps be even before it. For my command is not mine, but my country's and her allies'. And a commander then commands truly according to right when he sees his own commander in the laws and ephors, or others holding office in the state." Also, an exclamation on hearing of the battle of Corinth: "Alas for Greece! she has killed enough of her sons to have conquered all the barbarians." Of his courage, temperance, and hardiness, many instances are given: to these lie added, even in excess, the less Spartan qualities of kindliness and tenderness as a father and a friend. Thus we have the story of his riding across a stick with his children; and to gratify his son's affection for Cleonymus, son of the culprit, he saved Sphodrias from the punishment due, in right and policy, for his incursion into Attica in 378. So too the appointment of Peisander. [PEISANDER.] A letter of his runs, "If Nicias is innocent, acquit him for that; if guilty, for my sake; any how acquit him." From Spartan cupidity and dishonesty, and mostly, even in public life, from ill faith, his character is clear. In person he was small, mean-looking, and lame, on which last ground objection had been made to his accession, an oracle, curiously fulfilled, having warned Sparta of evils awaiting her under a "lame sovereignty." In his reign, indeed, her fall took place, but not through him. Agesilaus himself was Sparta's most perfect citizen and most consummate general; in many ways perhaps her greatest man. (Xen. Hell. iii. 3, to the end, Agesilaus; Diod. xiv. xv; Paus. iii. 9, 10; Plut. and C. Nepos, in vita; Plut. Apophthegm.) [A. H. C.] AGESILA'US ('Ayoqioaaos), a Greek historian, who wrote a work on the early history of Italy ('IrraAucd), fragments of which are preserved in Plutarch (Parallela, p. 312), and Stobaeus. (Florileg. ix. 27, liv. 49, lxv. 10, ed. Gaisf.) [C. P. M.] AGESI'LOCHUS or HEGESI'LOCHUS AGESIPOLIS. ('A'yyeo'AoXos, 'Ayro]lhoXos, 'Ht'yrol aXos), was the chief magistrate (Prytanis) of the Rhodians, on the breaking out of the war between Rome and Perseus in B. c. 171, and recommended his countrymen to espouse the side of the Romans. He was sent as ambassador to Rome in B. c. 169, and to the consul Aemilius Paullus in Macedonia, B. c. 168. (Polyb. xxvii. 3, xxviii. 2, 14, xxix. 4.) AGES1'MBROTUS, commander of the Rhodian fleet in the war between the Romans and Philip, king of Macedonia, z. c. 200-197. (Liv. xxxi. 46, xxxii. 16, 32.) AGESI'POLIS I. ('A-yo-T7roAhs), king of Sparta, the twenty-first of the Agids beginning with Eurysthenes, succeeded his father Pausanias, while yet a minor, in B. c. 394, and reigned fourteen years. He was placed under the guardianship of Aristodemus, his nearest of kin. He came to the crown just about the time that the confederacy (partly brought about by the intrigues of the Persian satrap Tithraustes), which was formed by Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos, against Sparta, rendered it necessary to recall his colleague, Agesilaus II., from Asia; and the first military operation of his reign was the expedition to Corinth, where the forces of the confederates were then assembled. The Spartan army was led by Aristodemus, and gained a signal victory over the allies. (Xen. Hell. iv. 2. ~ 9.) In the year B. c. 390 Agesipolis, who had now reached his majority, was entrusted with the command of an army for the invasion of Argolis. Having procured the sanction of the Olympic and Delphic gods for disregarding any attempt which the Argives might make to stop his march, on the pretext of a religious truce, he carried his ravages still farther than Agesilaus had done in B.C. 393; but as he suffered the aspect of the victims to deter him from occupying a permanent post, the expedition yielded no fruit but the plunder. (Xen. Hell. iv. 7. ~ 2-6; Paus, iii. 5. ~ 8.) In B. c. 385 the Spartans, seizing upon some frivolous pretexts, sent an expedition against MIlantineia, in which Agesipolis undertook the command, after it had been declined by Agesilaus. In this expedition the Spartans were assisted by Thebes, and in a battle with the Mantineans, Epaminondas and Pelopidas, who were fighting side by side, narrowly escaped death. He took the town by diverting the river Ophis, so as to lay the low grounds at the foot of the walls under water. The basements, being made of unbaked bricks, were unable to resist the action of the water. The walls soon began to totter, and the Mantineans were forced to surrender. They were admitted to terms on condition that the population should be dispersed among the four hamlets, out of which it had been collected to form the capital. The democratical leaders were permitted to go into exile. (Xen. Hell. v. 2. ~ 1-7; Paus. viii. 8. ~ 5; Diod. xv. 5, &c.; Plut. Pelop. 4; Isocr. Paney. p. 67, a, De Pace, p. 179, c.) Early in B. c. 382, an embassy came to Sparta from the cities of Acanthus and Apollonia, requesting assistance against the Olynthians, who were endeavouring to compel them to join their confederacy. The Spartans granted it, but were not at first very successful. After the defeat and death of Teleutias in the second campaign (B. c. 381) Agesipolis took the command. He set out in 381, but did not begin operations till the spring of 380. He then acted with great vigour, and took Torone
Page 71 AGGRAMMES. by storm; but in the midst of his successes he was seized with a fever, which carried him off in seven days. He died at Aphytis, in the peninsula of Pallene. His body was immersed in honey and conveyed home to Sparta for burial. Though Agesipolis did not share the ambitious views of foreign conquest cherished by Agesilaus, his loss was deeply regretted by that prince, who seems to have had a sincere regard for him. (Xen. Hell. v. 3. ~ 8-9, 18-19; Diod. xv. 22; Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 405, 428, &c., v. pp. 5, &c. 20.) [C. P. M.] AGESI'POLIS II., son of Cleombrotus, was the 23rd king of the Agid line. He ascended the throne B. c. 371, and reigned one year. (Paus. iii. 6. ~ 1; Diod. xv. 60.) [C. P. M.] AGESI'POLIS III., the 31st of the Agid line, was the son of Agesipolis, and grandson of Cleombrotus II. After the death of Cleomenes he was elected king while still a minor, and placed under the guardianship of his uncle Cleomenes. (Polyb. iv. 35.) He was however soon deposed by his colleague Lycurgus, after the death of Cleomenes. We hear of him next in B. c. 195, when he was at the head of the Lacedaemonian exiles, who joined Flamininus in his attack upon Nabis, the tyrant of Lacedaemon. (Liv. xxxiv. 26.) He formed one of an embassy sent about B. c. 183 to Rome by the Lacedaemonian exiles, and, with his companions, was intercepted by pirates and killed. (Polyb. xxiv. 11.) [C. P. M.] AGESI'STRATE. [AGIS IV.] AGE'TAS ('AyjrTa s), commander-in-chief of the Aetolians in B. c. 217, made an incursion into Acarnania and Epirus, and ravaged both countries. (Polyb. v. 91. 96.) AGE'TOR ('AyjrTwp), a surname given to several gods, for instance, to Zeus at Lacedaemon (Stob. Serm. 42): the name seems to describe Zeus as the leader and ruler of men; but others think, that it is synonymous with Agamemnon [AGAMEMNON, 2]:-to Apollo (Eurip. Med. 426) where however Elmsley and others prefer dy-1rwp: -to Hermes, who conducts the souls of men to the lower world. Under this name Hermes had a statue at Megalopolis. (Paus. viii. 31. ~ 4.) [L. S.] AGGE'NUS U'RBICUS, a writer on the science of the Agrimensores. (Dict. of Ant. p. 30.) It is uncertain when he lived; but he appears to have been a Christian, and it is not improbable from some expressions which he uses, that he lived at the latter part of the fourth century of our era. The extant works ascribed to him are:--" Aggeni Urbici in Julium Frontinum Commentarius," a commentary upon the work " De Agrorum Qualitate," which is ascribed to Frontinus; " In Julium Frontinum Commentariorum Liber secundus qui Diazographus dicitur;" and " Commentariorum de Controversiis Agrorum Pars prior et altera." The last-named work Niebuhr supposes to have been written by Frontinus, and in the time of Domitian, since the author speaks of " praestantissimus Domitianus," an expression, which would never have been applied to this tyrant after his deaths. (Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. p. 621.) AGGRAMMES, called XANDRAMES (,Se6pd4i7]s) by Diodorus, the ruler of the Gangaridae and Prasii in India, was said to be the son of a barber, whom the queen had married. Alexander was preparing to march against him, when he was compelled by his soldiers, who had become tired of AGIS. 71 the war, to give up further conquests in India. (Curt. v. 2; Diod. xvii. 93, 94; Arrian, Anab. v. 25, &c.; Plut. Alex. 60.) A'GIAS ('Ayias), son of Agelochus and grandson of Tisamenus, a Spartan seer who predicted the victory of Lysander at Aegos-potami. (Paus. iii. 11. ~ 5.) [TISAMENUS.] A'GIAS ('Ayias). 1. A Greek poet, whose name was formerly written Augias, through a mistake of the first editor of the Excerpta of Proclus. It has been corrected by Thiersch in tihe Acte PJilol. Monac. ii. p. 584, from the Codex Monacensis, which in one passage has Agias, and in another Hagias. The name itself does not occur in early Greek writers, unless it be supposed that Egias or Hegias ('Hyias) in Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. vi. p. 622), and Pausanias ( i. 2. ~ 1), are only different forms of the same name. He was a native of Troezen, and the time at which he wrote appears to have been about the year B. c. 740. His poem was celebrated in antiquity, under the name of Ndoro-, i. e. the history of the return of the Achaean heroes from Troy, and consisted of five books. The poem began with the cause of the misfortunes which befel the Achaeans on their way home and after their arrival, that is, with the outrage committed upon Cassandra and the Palladium; and the whole poem filled up the space which was left between the work of the poet Arctinus and the Odyssey. The ancients themselves appear to have been uncertain about the author of this poem, for they refer to it simply by the name of NJdoroi, and when they mention the author, they only call him 6d Trs NdorTovs 7ypiars. (Athen. vii. p. 281; Paus. x. 28. ~ 4, 29. ~ 2, 30. ~ 2; Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5; Schol. ad Odyss. iv. 12; Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 1332; Lucian, De Saltat. 46.) Hence some writers attributed the No'oros to Homer ( Suid. s. v. voerot; Anthol. Planud. iv. 30), while others call its author a Colophonian. (Eustath. ad Odyss. xvi. 118.) Similar poems, and with the same title, were written by other poets also, such as Eumelus of Corinth (Schol. ad Find. 01. xiii. 31), Anticleides of Athens (Athen. iv. p. 157, ix. p. 466), Cleidemus (Athen. xiii. p. 609), and Lysimachus. (Athen. iv. p. 158; Schol. ad Apollon. lRhod. i. 558.) Where the No-reot is mentioned without a name, we have generally to understand the work of Agias. 2. A comic writer. (Pollux, iii. 36; Meineke, Hist. Comic. Grace. pp. 404, 416.) [L. S.] A'GIAS ('Ayias), the author of a work on Argolis. ('ApyoAiumK, Athen. iii. p. 86, f.) He is called 'd uovuwcds in another passage of Athenaeus (xiv. p. 626, f.), but the musician may be another person. AGIATIS. [AGIS IV.] AGIS I. ("Ayrs), king of Sparta, son of Eurysthenes, began to reign, it is said, about B. c. 1032. (Mulller, Dor. vol. ii. p. 511, transl.) According to Eusebius (Chron. i. p. 166) he reigned only one year; according to Apollodorus, as it appears, about 31 years. During the reign of Eurysthenes, the conquered people were admitted to an equality of political rights with the Dorians. Agis deprived them of these, and reduced them to the condition of subjects to the Spartans. The inhabitants of the town of Helos attempted to shake off the yoke, but they were subdued, and gave rise and name to the class called Helots.
Page 72 72 AGIS. AGIS. (Ephor. ap. Strab. viii. p. 364.) To his reign an army was sent there under Agis. He was unwas referred the colony which went to Crete able to restore the defeated party, but he destroyed under Pollis and Delphus. (Conon. Narr. 36.) the long walls which the Argives had begun to From him the kings of that line were called carry down to the sea, and took Hysiae. (Thue. "'A'ytLal. His colleague was Sous. (Paus. iii. 2. v. 83.) In the spring of B. c. 413, Agis entered ~ 1.) [C. P. M.] Attica with a Peloponnesian army, and fortified AGIS II., the 17th of the Eurypontid line Deceleia, a steep eminence about 15 miles north(beginning with Procles), succeeded his father east of Athens (Thuc. vii. 19, 27); and in the Archidamus, B. c. 427, and reigned a little more winter of the same year, after the news of the than 28 years. In the summer of B. c. 426, he disastrous fate of the Sicilian expedition had led an army of Peloponnesians and their allies as reached Greece, he marched northwards to levy far as the isthmus, with the intention of invading contributions on the allies of Sparta, for the purAttica; but they were deterred from advancing pose of constructing a fleet. While at Deceleia he farther by a succession of earthquakes which hap- acted in a great measure independently of the Sparpened when they had got so far. (Thuc. iii. tan government, and received embassies as well 89.) In the spring of the following year he led from the disaffected allies of the Athenians, as an army into Attica, but quitted it fifteen days from the Boeotians and other allies of Sparta. after he had entered it. (Thuc. iv. 2, 6.) In (Thuc. viii. 3, 5.) He seems to have remained B. c. 419, the Argives, at the instigation of Alci- at Deceleia till the end of the Peloponnesian war. biades, attacked Epidaurus; and Agis with the In 411, during the administration of the Four whole force of Lacedaemon set out at the same Hundred, he made an unsuccessful attempt on time and marched to the frontier city, Leuctra. Athens itself. (Thuc. viii. 71.) In B. c. 401, No one, Thucydides tells us, knew the purpose of the command of the war against Elis was entrustthis expedition. It was probably to make a diver- ed to Agis, who in the third year compelled the sion in favour of Epidaurus. (Thirlwall, vol. iii. Eleans to sue for peace. As he was returning p. 342.) At Leuctra the aspect of the sacrifices from Delphi, whither he had gone to consecrate a deterred him from proceeding. He therefore led tenth of the spoil, he fell sick at Heraea in Arcahis troops back, and sent round notice to the allies dia, and died in the course of a few days after he to be ready for an expedition at the end of the reached Sparta. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. ~ 21, &c. sacred month of the Carnean festival; and when 3. ~ 1-4.) He left a son, Leotychides, who the Argives repeated their attack on Epidaurus, however was excluded from the throne, as there the Spartans again marched to the frontier town, was some suspicion with regard to his legitimacy. Caryae, and again turned back, professedly on While Alcibiades was at Sparta he made Agis his account of the aspect of the victims. In the mid- implacable enemy. Later writers (Justin, v. 2; dle of the following summer (B. c. 418) the Epi- Plut. Alcib. 23) assign as a reason, that the latter daurians being still hard pressed by the Argives, suspected him of having dishonoured his queen the Lacedaemonians with their whole force and Timaea. It was probably at the suggestion of some allies, under the command of Agis, invaded Agis, that orders were sent out to Astyochus to Argolis. By a skilful manoeuvre he succeeded in put him to death. Alcibiades however received intercepting the Argives, and posted his army ad- timely notice, (according to some accounts from vantageously between them and the city. But Timaea herself) and kept out of the reach of the just as the battle was about to begin, Thrasyllus, Spartans. (Thuc. viii. 12, 45; Plut. L/sud. one of the Argive generals, and Alciphron came to 22. Agesil. 3.) [C. P. M.] Agis and prevailed on him to conclude a truce for AGIS III., the elder son of Archidamus III., was four months. Agis, without disclosing his motives, the 20th king of the Eurypontid line. His reign drew off his army. On his return he was severely was short, but eventful. He succeeded his father censured for having thus thrown away the oppor- in B. c. 338. In B. c. 333, we find him going tunity of reducing Argos, especially as the Argives with a single trireme to the Persian commanders had seized the opportunity afforded by his return in the Aegean, Pharnabazus and Autophraand taken Orchomenos. It was proposed to pull dates, to request money and an armament for cardown his house, and inflict on him a fine of 100,000 rying on hostile operations against Alexander in drachmae. But on his earnest entreaty they con- Greece. They gave him 30 talents and 10 tritented themselves with appointing a council of remes. The news of the battle of Issus, however, war, consisting of 10 Spartans, without whom he put a check upon their plans. He sent the galwas not to lead an army out of the city. (Thuc. leys to his brother Agesilaus, with instructions to v. 54, 57, &c.) Shortly afterwards they received sail with them to Crete, that he might secure intelligence from Tegea, that, if not promptly suc- that island for the Spartan interest. In this lie coured, the party favourable to Sparta in that city seems in a great measure to have succeeded. would be compelled to give way. The Spartans Two years afterwards (i. c. 331), the Greek immediately sent their whole force under the coin- states which were leagued together against Alexmand of Agis. He restored tranquillity at Tegea, ander, seized the opportunity of the disaster of and then marched to Mantineia. By turning the Zopyrion and the revolt of the Thracians, to dewaters so as to flood the lands of Mantineia, he clare war against Macedonia. Agis was invested succeeded in drawing the army of the Mantineans with the command, and with the Lacedaemonian and Athenians down to the level ground. A bat- troops, and a body of 8000 Greek mercenaries, tle ensued, in which the Spartans were victorious, who had been present at the battle of Issus, This was one of the most important battles ever gained a decisive victory over a Macedonian army fought between Grecian states. (Thuc. v. under Corragus. Having been joined by the 71 -73.) In B. c. 417, when news reached Sparta other forces of the league he laid siege to of the counter-revolution at Argos, in which the Megalopolis. The city held out till Antipater oligarchical and Spartan faction was overthrown, came to its relief, when a battle ensued, in which
Page 73 AGIS. Agis was defeated and killed. It happened about the time of the battle of Arbela. (Arrian, ii. 13; Died. xvi. 63, 68, xvii. 62; Aesch.c.. (esiph. p. 77; Curt. vi. 1; Justin, xii. 1.) [C. P. M.] AGIS IV., the elder son of Eudamidas II., was the 24th king of the Eurypontid line. He succeeded his father in B. c. 244, and reigned four years. In B. c. 243, after the liberation of Corinth by Aratus, the general of the Achaean league, Agis led an army against him, but was defeated. (Paus. ii. 8. ~ 4.) The interest of his reign, however, is derived from events of a different kind. Through the influx of wealth and luxury, with their concomitant vices, the Spartans had greatly degenerated from the ancient simplicity and severity of manners. Not above 700 families of the genuine Spartan stock remained, and in consequence of the innovation introduced by Epitadeus, who procured a repeal of the law which secured to every Spartan head of a family an equal portion of land, the landed property had passed into the hands of a few individuals, of whom a great number were females, so that not above 100 Spartan families possessed estates, while the poor were burdened with debt. Agis, who from his earliest youth had shewn his attachment to the ancient discipline, undertook to reform these abuses, and re-establish the institutions of Lycurgus. For this end he determined to lay before the Spartan senate a proposition for the abolition of all debts and a new partition of the lands. Another part of his plan was to give landed estates to the Perioeci. His schemes were warmly seconded by the poorer classes and the young men, and as strenuously opposed by the wealthy. He succeeded, however, in gaining over three very influential persons,-his uncle Agesilaus (a man of large property, but who, being deeply involved in debt, hoped to profit by the innovations of Agis), Lysander, and Mandrocleides. Having procured Lysander to be elected one of the ephors, he laid his plans before the senate. He proposed that the Spartan territory should be divided into two portions, one to consist of 4500 equal lots, to be divided amongst the Spartans, whose ranks were to be filled up by the admission of the most respectable of the Perioeci and strangers; the other to contain 15,000 equal lots, to be divided- amongst the Perioeci. The senate could not at first come to a decision on the matter. Lysander, therefore, convoked the assembly of the people, to whom Agis submitted his measure, and offered to make the first sacrifice, by giving up his lands and money, telling them that his mother and grandmother, who were possessed of great wealth, with all his relations and friends, would follow his example. His generosity drew down the applauses of the multitude. The opposite party, however, headed by Leonidas, the other king, who had formed his habits at the luxurious court of Seleucus, king of Syria, got the senate to reject the measure, though only by one vote. Agis now determined to rid himself of Leonidas. Lysander accordingly accused him of having violated the laws by marrying a stranger and living in a foreign land. Leonidas was deposed, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Cleombrotus, who co-operated with Agis. Soon afterwards, however, Lysander's term of office expired, and the ephors of the following year were opposed to Agis, and designed to restore Leonidas. They brought an accusation against Lysander and Mandrocleides, of attempting to vio AGIS. 73 late the laws. Alarmed at the turn events were taking, the two latter prevailed on the kings to depose the ephors by force and appoint others in their room. Leonidas, who had returned to the city, fled to Tegea, and in his flight was protected by Agis from the violence meditated against him by Agesilaus. The selfish avarice of the latter frustrated the plans of Agis, when there now seemed nothing to oppose the execution of them. He persuaded his nephew and Lysander that the most effectual way to secure the consent of the wealthy to the distribution of their lands, would be, to begin by cancelling the debts. Accordingly all bonds, registers, and securities were piled up in the market place and burnt. Agesilaus, having secured his own ends, contrived various pretexts for delaying the division of the lands. Meanwhile the Achaeans applied to Sparta for assistance against the Aetolians. Agis was accordingly sent at the head of an army. The cautious movements of Aratus gave Agis no opportunity of distinguishing himself in action, but he gained great credit by the excellent discipline he preserved among his troops. During his absence Agesilaus so incensed the poorer classes by his insolent conduct and the continued postponement of the division of the lands, that they made no opposition when the enemies of Agis openly brought back Leonidas and set him on the throne. Agis and Cleombrotus fled for sanctuary, the former to the temple of Athene Chalcioecus, the latter to the temple of Poseidon.,Cleombrotus was suffered to go into exile. Agis was entrapped by some treacherous friends and thrown into prison. Leonidas immediately came with a band of mercenaries and secured the prison without, while the ephors entered it, and went through the mockery of a trial. When asked if he did not repent of what he had attempted, Agis replied, that he-should never repent of so glorious a design, even in the face of death. He was condemned, and precipitately executed, the ephors fearing a rescue, as a great concourse of people had assembled round the prison gates. Agis, observing that one of his executioners was moved to tears, said, " Weep not for me: suffering, as I do, unjustly, I am in a happier case than my murderers." His mother Agesistrate and his grandmother were strangled on his body. Agis was the first king of Sparta who had been put to death by the ephors. Pausanias, who, however, is undoubtedly wrong, says (viii. 10. ~ 4, 27. ~ 9), that he fell in battle. His widow Agiatis was forcibly married by Leonidas to his son Cleomenes, but nevertheless they entertained for each other a mutual affection and esteem. (Plutarch, Agis, Cleomenes, Aratus; Paus. vii. 7. ~ 2.) [C. P. M.] AGIS (Ayrst), a Greek poet, a native of Argos, and a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied on his Asiatic expedition. Curtius (viii. 5) as well as Arrian (Anab. iv. 9) and Plutarch (De adulat. et amic. discrim. p. 60) describe him as one of the basest flatterers of the king. Curtius calls himr " pessimorum carminum post Choerilum conditor," which probably refers rather to their flattering character than to their worth as poetry. The Greek Anthology (vi. 152) contains an epigram, which is probably the work of this flatterer. (Jacobs, Antliol. iii. p. 836; Zimmermann, Zeitschrift,fi'r die Alterth. 1841, p. 164.)
Page 74 74 AGNODICE. Athenaeus (xii. p. 516) mentions one Agis as the author of a work on the art of cooking (d4paprovrTKd). [L. S.] AGLA'IA ('AyAcia). 1. [CHARITES.] 2. The wife of Charopus and mother of Nireus, who led a small band from the island of Syme against Troy. (Hom. II. ii. 671; Diod. v. 53.) Another Aglaia is mentioned in Apollodorus. (ii. 7. ~ 8.) [L. S.] AGLAONI'CE. [AGANICE.] AGLAOPHE'ME. [SIRENES.] AGLA'OPHON ('AyAaoPeC'v), a painter, born in the island of Thasos, the father and instructor of Polygnotus. (Suidas and Photius, s. v. TnoAdyewroS; Anth. Gr. ix. 700.) He had another son named Aristophon. (Plat. Gorg. p. 448. B.) As Polygnotus flourished before the 90th 01. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 9. s. 35), Aglaophon probably lived about 01. 70. Quintilian (xii. 10. ~ 3) praises his paintings, which were distinguished by the simplicity of their colouring, as worthy of admiration on other grounds besides their antiquity. There was an Aglaophon who flourished in the 90th 01. according to Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 9. s. 36), and his statement is confirmed by a passage of Athenaeus (xii. p. 543, D.), from which we learn that he painted two pictures, in one of which Olympias and Pythias, as the presiding geniuses of the Olympic and Pythian games, were represented crowning Alcibiades; in the other Nemea, the presiding deity of the Nemean games, held Alcibiades on her knees. Alcibiades could not have gained any victories much before 01. 91. (B. c. 416.) It is therefore exceedingly likely that this artist was the son of Aristophon, and grandson of the older Aglaophon, as among the Greeks the son generally bore the name not of his father but of his grandfather. Plutarch (Alcib. 16) says, that Aristophon was the author of the picture of Nemea and Alcibiades. Hie may perhaps have assisted his son. This Aglaophon was, according to some, the first who represented Victory with wings. (Schol. ad Aristoph. Aves, 573.) [C. P. M.] AGLAOSTHENES. [AGAOSTHENES.] AGLAUROS. [AGRAULOS.] AGLA'US ('AyAuos), a poor citizen of Psophis in Arcadia, whom the Delphic oracle pronounced to be happier than Gyges, king of Lydia, on account of his contentedness, when the king asked the oracle, if any man was happier than he. (Val. Max. vii. 1. ~ 2; Plin. H. N. vii. 47.) Pausanias (viii. 24. ~ 7) places Aglaus in the time of Croesus. AGNAPTUS, an architect mentioned by Pausanias (v. 15, ~ 4, vi. 20. ~ 7) as the builder of a porch in the Altis at Olympia, which was called by the Eleans the " porch of Agnaptus." When he lived is uncertain. [C. P. M.] A'GNIUS C(Ayvios), the father of Tiphys, who was the pilot of the ship Argo (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16; Orph. Argon. 540), whence Tiphys is called Agniades. [L. S.] AGNO'DICE ('Ayvoasic-q), the name of the earliest midwife mentioned among the Greeks. She was a native of Athens, where it was forbidden by law for a woman or a slave to study medicine. According, however, to Hyginus (Fab. 274), on whose authority alone the whole story rests, it would appear that Agnodice disguised herself in man's clothes, and so contrived to attend the lectures of a physician named Hiero AGON. philus,-devoting herself chiefly to the study of midwifery and the diseases of women. Afterwards, when she began practice, being very successful in these branches of the profession, slihe excited the jealousy of several of the other practitioners, by whom she was summoned before the Areiopagus, and accused of corrupting the morals of her patients. Upon her refuting this charge by making known her sex, she was immediately accused of having violated the existing law, which second danger she escaped by the wives of the chief persons in Athens, whom she had attended, coming forward in her behalf, and succeeding at last in getting the obnoxious law abolished. No date whatever is attached to this story, but several persons have, by calling the tutor of Agnodice by the name of Heropkilus instead of Hierophilus, placed it in the third or fourth century before Christ. But this emendation, though at first sight very easy and plausible, does not appear altogether free from objections. For, in the first place, if the story is to be believed at all upon the authority of Hyginus, it would seem to belong rather to the fifth or sixth century before Christ than the third or fourth; secondly, we have no reason for thinking that Agnodice was ever at Alexandria, or Herophilus at Athens; and thirdly, it seems hardly probable that Hyginus would have called so celebrated a physician " a certain Herophilus." (Heropjiilsus quidam.). [W. A. G.] AGNON, a Greek rhetorician, who wrote a work against rhetoric, which Quintilian (ii. 17. ~ 15) calls " Rhetorices accusatio." Rhunken (IHist. Crit. Orat. Grace p. xc.) and after him most modern scholars have considered this Agnon to be the same man as Agnonides, the contemporary of Phocion, as the latter is in some MSS. of Corn. Nepos (Phoc. 3) called Agnon. But the manner in which Agnon is mentioned by Quintilian, shews that he is a rhetorician, who lived at a much later period. Whether however he is the same as the academic philosopher mentioned by Athenaeus (xiii. p. 602), cannot be decided. [L. S.] AGNO'NIDES ('Ayvwvibms), an Athenian demagogue and sycophant, a contemporary of Theophrastus and Phocion. The former was accused by Agnonides of impiety, but was acquitted by the Areiopagus, and Theophrastus might have ruined his accuser, had he been less generous. (Diog. Laert. v. 37.) Agnonides was opposed to the Macedonian party at Athens, and called Phocion a traitor, for which he was exiled, as soon as Alexander, son of Polysperchon, got possession of Athens. Afterwards, however, he obtained from Antipater permission to return to his country through the mediation of Phocion. (Plut. Phoc. 29.) But the sycophant soon forgot what he owed to his benefactor, and not only continued to oppose the Macedonian party in the most vehement manner, but even induced the Athenians to sentence Phocion to deathl as a traitor, who had delivered thle Peiraeeus into the hands of Nicanor. (Plut. Phoc. 33, 35; Corn. Nep. Pheoc. 3.) But the Athenians soon repented of their conduct towards Phocion, and put Agnonides to death to appease his manes. (Plut. Phoc. 38.) [L. S.] AGON ('Aycv), a personification of solemn contests (duycs'es). He was represented in a statue at Olympia with dhXrijpes in his hands. This statue was a work of Dionysius, and dedicated by Smicythus of Rhegium. (Paus. v; 26. ~ 3.) [L. S.]
Page 75 AGRAULOS. AGO'NIUS ('AycIwos), a surname or epithet of several gods. Aeschylus (Aganm. 513) and Sophocles (Track. 26) use it of Apollo and Zeus, and apparently in the sense of helpers in struggles and contests. (Comp. Eustath. ad II. p. 1335.) But Agonius is more especially used as a surname of Hermes, who presides over all kinds of solemn contests. ('Aycves, Paus. v. 14. ~ 7; Pind. Olymp. vi. 133, with the Schol.) [L. S.] AGORA'CRITUS ('AyopdKcprLos), a famous statuary and sculptor, born in the island of Paros, who flourished from about 01. 85 to 01. 88. (Plin. I. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) He was the favourite pupil of Phidias (Paus. ix. 34. ~ 1), who is even said by Pliny to have inscribed some of his own works with the name of his disciple. Only four of his productions are mentioned, viz. a statue of Zeus and one of the Itonian Athene in the temple of that goddess at Athens (Paus. 1. c.); a statue, probably of Cybele, in the temple of the Great Goddess at Athens (Plin. 1. c.); and the Rhamnusian Nemesis. Respecting this last work there has been a great deal of discussion. The account which Pliny gives of it is, that Agoracritus contended with Alcamenes (another distinguished disciple of Phidias) in making a statue of Venus; and that the Athenians, through an undue partiality towards their countryman, awarded the victory to Alcamenes. Agoracritus, indignant at his defeat, made some slight alterations so as to change his Venus into a Nemesis, and sold it to the people of Rhamnus, on condition that it should not be set up in Athens. Pausanias (i. 33. ~ 2), without saying a word about Agoracritus, says that the Rhamnusian Nemesis was the work of Phidias, and was made out of the block of Parian marble which the Persians under Datis and Artaphernes brought with them for the purpose of setting up a trophy. (See Theaetetus and Parmenio, Anthol. Gr. Planud. iv. 12, 221, 222.) This account however has been rejected as involving a confusion of the ideas connected by the Greeks with the goddess Nemesis. The statue moreover was not of Parian, but of Pentelic marble. (Unedited Antiquities of Attica, p. 43.) Strabo (ix. p. 396), Tzetzes (Chiliad. vii. 154), Suidas and Photius give other variations in speaking of this statue. It seems generally agreed that Pliny's account of the matter is right in the main; and there have been various dissertations on the way in which a statue of Venus could have been changed into one of Nemesis. (Winckelmann, Siammtliche Werce von J. Eiselein, vol. v. p. 364; Zoega, Abhandlungen, pp. 56-62; K. 0. Muller, Arch. d. Kunst, p. 102.) [C. P. M.] AGORAEA and AGORAEUS ('Ayopaia and A'yopaos), are epithets given to several divinities who were considered as the protectors of the assemblies of the people in the dyopd, such as Zeus (Paus. iii. 11. ~ 8, v. 15. ~ 3), Athena (iii. 11. ~ 8), Artemis (v. 15. ~ 3), and Hermes. (i. 15..~ 1, ii. 9. ~ 7, ix. 17. ~ 1.) As Hermes was the Yod of commerce, this surname seems to have re"crence to the dyopd as the market-place. [L. S.] AGRAEUS ('Ayparos), the hunter, a surname )f Apollo. After he had killed the lion of Cithae-on, a temple was erected to him by Alcathous at Icegara under the name of Apollo Agraeus. (Paus. 41. ~ 4; Eustath. ad II. p. 361.) [L. S.] AGRAULOS or AGRAULE ("A'pavAos or A?}pavei). 1. A daughter of Actaeus, the first AGRICOLA. 75 king of Athens. By her husband, Cecrops, she became the mother of Erysichthon, Agraulos, Herse, and Pandrosos. (Apollod. iii. 14. ~ 2; Pans. i. 2. ~ 5.) 2. A daughter of Cecrops and Agraulos, and mother of Alcippe by Ares. This Agraulos is an important personage in the stories of Attica, and there were three different legends about her. 1. According to Pausanias (i. 18. ~ 2) and Hyginus (Fab. 166), Athena gave to her and her sisters Erichthonius in a chest, with the express command not to open it. But Agraulos and Herse could not control their curiosity, and opened it; whereupon they were seized with madness at the sight of Erichthonius, and threw themselves from the steep rock of the Acropolis, or according to Hyginus into the sea. 2. According to Ovid (Met. ii. 710, &c.), Agraulos and her sister survived their opening the chest, and the former, who had instigated her sister to open it, was punished in this manner. Hermes came to Athens during the celebration of the Panathenaea, and fell in love with Herse. Athena made Agraulos so jealous of her sister, that she even attempted to prevent the god entering the house of Herse. But, indignant at such presumption, he changed Agraulos into a stone. 3. The third legend represents Agraulos in a totally different light. Athens was at one time involved in a long-protracted war, and an oracle declared that it would cease, if some one would sacrifice himself for the good of his country. Agraulos came forward and threw herself down the Acropolis. The Athenians, in gratitude for this, built her a temple on the Acropolis, in which it subsequently became customary for the young Athenians, on receiving their first suit of armour, to take an oath that they would always defend their country to the last. (Suid. and Hesych. s. v. "AAypavAos; Ulpian, ad Demosth. de fals. leg.; Herod. viii. 53; Plut. Alcib. 15; Philochorus, Fragm. p. 18, ed. Siebelis.) One of the Attic 8ptosi (Agraule) derived its name from this heroine, and a festival and mysteries were celebrated at Athens in hoinour of her. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AypavAe; Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 89; Diet. of Ant. p. 30, a.) According to Porphyry (De A bstin. ab animal. i. 2), she was also worshipped in Cyprus, where human sacrifices were offered to her down to a very late time. [L. S.] AGRESPHON ('AypC'-wv), a Greek grammarian mentioned by Suidas. (s. v. 'AroAAhdc os.) HIe wrote a work niepl 'Opwy;,dW (concerning persons of the same name). He cannot have lived earlier than the reign of Hadrian, as in his work he spoke of an Apollonius who lived in the time of that emperor. [C. P. M.] AGREUS ('AypeVs), a hunter, occurs as a surname of Pan and Aristaeus. (Pind. Pyth. ix. 115; Apollon. Rhod. iii. 507; Diod. iv. 81; H-esych. s.v.; Salmas. ad Solin. p. 81.) [L. S.] AGRI'COLA, GNAEUS JULIUS, is one of the most remarkable men whom we meet with in the times of the first twelve emperors of Rome, for his extraordinary ability as a general, his great powers, shewn in his government of Britain, and borne witness to by the deep and universal feeling excited in Rome by his death (Tac. Agric. 43), his singular integrity, and the esteem and love which he commanded in all the private relations of life. His life of 55 years (from June 13th, A. D. 37,
Page 76 76 AGRICOLA. to the 23rd August, A. D. 93) extends through the reigns of the nine emperors from Caligula to Domitian. He was born at the Roman colony of Forum Julii, the modern Frejus in Provence. His father was Julius Graecinus of senatorian rank; his mother Julia Procilla, who throughout his education seems to have watched with great care and to have exerted great influence over him. He studied philosophy (the usual education of a Roman of higher rank) from his earliest youth at Marseilles. His first military service was under Suetonius Paulinus in Britain (A. D. 60), in the relation of Contubernalis. (See Diet. of Ant. p. 284, a.) Hence he returned to Rome, was married to Domitia Decidiana, and went the round of the magistracies; the quaestorship in Asia (A. D. 63), under the proconsul Salvius Titianus, where his integrity was shewn by his refusal to join the proconsul in the ordinary system of extortion in the Roman provinces; the tribunate and the praetorship,-in Nero's time mere nominal offices, filled with danger to the man who held them, in which a prudent inactivity was the only safe course. By Galba (A. D. 69) he was appointed to examine the sacred property of the temples, that Nero's system of robbery (Sueton. Ner. 32) might be stopped. In the same year he lost his mother; it was in returning from her funeral in Liguria, that he heard of Vespasian's accession, and immediately joined his party. Under Vespasian his first service was the command of the 20th legion in Britain. (A. D. 70.) On his return, he was raised by the emperor to the rank of patrician, and set over the province of Aquitania, which he held for three years. (A. D. 74-76.) He was recalled to Rome to be elected consul (A. D. 77), and Britain, the great scene of his power, was given to him, by general consent, as his province. In this year he betrothed his daughter to the historian Tacitus; in the following he gave her to him in marriage, and was made governor of Britain, and one of the college of pontiffs. Agricola was the twelfth Roman general who had been in Britain; he was the only one who completely effected the work of subjugation to the Romans, not more by his consummate military skill, than by his masterly policy in reconciling the Britons to that yoke which hitherto they had so ill borne. He taught them the arts and luxuries of civilised life, to settle in towns, to build comfortable dwelling-houses and temples. He, established a system of education for the sons of the British chiefs, amongst whom at last the Roman language was spoken, and the Roman toga worn as a fashionable dress. He was full seven years in Britain, from the year A. D. 78 to A. D. 84. The last conquest of his predecessor Julius Frontinus had been that of the Silures (South Wales); and the last action of Agricola's command was the action at the foot of the Grampian hills, which put him in possession of the whole of Britain as far north as the northern boundary of Perth and Argyle. His first campaign (A. D. 78) was occupied in the reconquest of Mona (Anglesea), and the Ordovices (North Wales), the strongholds of the Diuids; and the remainder of this year, with the next, was given to making the before-mentioned arrangements for the security of the Roman dominion in the already conquered "parts of Britain. The third campaign (A. D. 80) AGRIPPA. carried him northwards to the Taus,* probably the Solway Frith; and the fourth (A. D. 81) was taken up in fortifying and taking possession of this tract, and advancing as far north as the Friths of Clyde and Forth. In the fifth campaign (A. D. 82), he was engaged in subduing the tribes on the promontory opposite Ireland. In the sixth (A. D. 83), he explored with his fleet and land forces the coast of Fife and Forfar, coming now for the first time into contact with the true Caledonians. They made a night attack on his camp (believed to be at Loch Ore, where ditches and other traces of a Roman camp are still to be seen), and succeeded in nearly destroying the ninth legion; but in the general battle, which followed, they were repulsed. The seventh and last campaign (A. D. 84) gave Agricola complete and entire possession of the country, up to the northernmost point which he had reached, by a most decided victory over the assembled Caledonians under their general Galgacus (as it is believed, from the Roman and British remains found there, and from the two tumuli or sepulchral cairns) on the moor of Murdoch at the foot of the Grampian hills. In this campaign his fleet sailed northwards from the coast of Fife round Britain to the Trutulensian harbour (supposed to be Sandwich), thus for the first time discovering Britain to be an island. He withdrew his army into winter quarters, and soon after (A. D. 84) was recalled by the jealous Domitian. On his return to Rome, he lived in retirement, and when the government either of Asia or Africa would have fallen to him, he considered it more prudent to decline the honour. He died A. D. 93;, his death was, as his biographer plainly hints, either immediately caused or certainly hastened by the emissaries of the emperor, who could not bear the presence of a man pointed out by universal feeling as alone fit to meet the exigency of times in which the Roman arms had suffered repeated reverses in Germany and the countries north of the Danube. Dion Cassius (1xvi. 20) says expressly, that he was killed by Domitian. In this account we can do no more than refer to the beautiful and interesting description given by Tacitus (Agric. 39-46) of his life during his retirement from office, his death, his person, and his character, which though it had no field of action at home in that dreary time, shewed itself during the seven years in which it was unfettered in Britain, as great and wise and good. (Tacitus, Agricola.) There is an epigram of Antiphilus in the Greek Anthology (Anth. Brunck. ii. 180) upon an Agricola, which is commonly supposed to refer to the celebrated one of this name. [C. T. A.] AGRIO'NIUS ('Aypmcuws'o), a surname ol Dionysus, under which he was worshipped at Orchomenus in Boeotia, and from which his festival Agrionia in that place derived its name. (Dict. of Ant. p. 30; Mfiller, Orchom. p. 166, &c.) [L. S.] AGRI'OPAS, a writer spoken of by Pliny. (IT. N. viii. 22, where some of the MSS. have Acopas or Copas.) He was the author of an account of the Olympic victors. [C. P. M.] AGRIPPA, an ancient name among the Romans, was first used as a praenomen, and afterwards as a cognomen. It frequently occurs as a * As to whether the Taus was the Solway Frith or the Frith of Tay, see Chalmers' Caledonia.
Page 77 AGRIPPA. cognomen in the early times of the empire, but not under the republic. One of the mythical kings of Alba is called by this name. (Liv. i. 3.) According to Aulus Gellius (xvi. 16), Pliny (H. N. vii. 6. s. 8), and Solinus (1), the word signifies a birth, at which the child is presented with its feet. foremost; but their derivation of it from aegre partus or pes is absurd enough. (Comp. Sen. Ged. 813.) AGRIPPA ('Aypitr'as), a sceptical philosopher, only known to have lived later than Aenesidemus, the contemporary of Cicero, from whom he is said to have been the fifth in descent. He is quoted by Diogenes Laertius, who probably wrote about the time of M. Antoninus. The "five grounds of doubt" (ofe reivTE rpodrot), which are given by Sextus Empiricus as a summary of the later scepticism, are ascribed by Diogenes Laertius (ix. 88) to Agrippa. 1. The first of these argues from the uncertainty of the rules of common life, and of the opinions of philosophers. II. The second from the "'rejectio ad infinitum:" all proof requires somei further proof, and so on to infinity. III. All things are changed as their relations become changed, or, as we look upon them in different points of view. LV. The truth asserted is merely an hypothesis or, V. involves a vicious circle. (Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrkon. hkpot. i. 15.) With reference to these nVore rp6Aroi it need only be remarked, that the first and third are a short summary of the ten original grounds of doubt which were the basis of the earlier scepticism. [PYRRHON.] The three additional ones shew a progress in the sceptical system, and a transition from the common objections derived from the fallibility of sense and opinion, to more abstract and metaphysical grounds of doubt. They seem to mark a new attempt to systematize the sceptical philosophy and adapt it to the spirit of a later age. (Ritter, (Gesclhicdte der Philosophie, xii.4.) [B. J.] AGRIPPA, M. ASI'NIUS, consul A. D. 25, lied A. D. 26, was descended from a family more illustrious than ancient, and did not disgrace it by:iis mode of life. (Tac. Ann. iv. 34, 61.) AGRIPPA CASTOR ('Aypnrwas Kdorwp), Itout A. D. 135, praised as a historian by Euse)ius, and for his learning by St Jerome (de Viris Tllustr. c. 21), lived in the reign of Hadrian. He vrote against the twenty-four books of the Alexindrian Gnostic Basilides, on the Gospel. Quotaions are made from his work by Eusebius. (Hlist. rccles. iv. 7; see Gallandi's Bibliotheca Patrumn, 0ol. i. p. 330.) [A. J. C.] AGRIPPA, FONTEIUS. 1. One of the acusers of Libo, A. D. 16, is again mentioned in.. D, 19, as offering his daughter for a vestal virin. (Tac. Ann. ii. 30, 86.) 2. Probably the son of the preceding, commandd the province of Asia with pro-consular power,. D. 69, and was recalled from thence by Vespa-;an, and placed over Moesia in A. D. 70. He -as shortly afterwards killed in battle by the Sar'tatians. (Tac. Hist. iii. 46; Joseph. B. Jud. ii. 4. ~ 3.) AGRIPPA, D. HATE'RIUS, called by Taciis (Ann. ii. 51) the propinquus of Germanicus, -as tribune of the plebs A. D. 15, praetor A. n. 17, Ad consul A. D. 22. His moral character was sry low, and he is spoken of in A. D. 32, as plotng the destruction of many illustrious men. Fac. Ann. i. 77, ii. 51, iii. 49, 52, vi. 4.) AGRIPPA. 77 AGRIPPA, HERO'DES I. ('Hpcw'ss 'Aypsirwras), called by Josephus (Ant. Jud. xvii. 2. ~ 2), "'Agrippa the Great," was the son of Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great. Shortly before the death of his grandfather, he came to Rome, where he was educated with the future emperor Claudius, and Drusus the son of Tiberius. He squandered his property in giving sumptuous entertainments to gratify his princely friends, and in bestowing largesses on the freedmen of the emperor, and became so deeply involved in debt, that he was compelled to fly from Rome, and betook himself to a fortress at Malatha in Idumaea. Through the mediation of his wife Cypros, with his sister Herodias, the wife of Herodes Antipas, lie was allowed to take up his abode at Tiberias, and received the rank of aedile in that city, with a small yearly income. But having quarrelled with his brother-in-law, he fled to Flaccus, the proconsul of Syria. Soon afterwards he was convicted, through the information of his brother Aristobulus, of having received a bribe from the Damascenes, who wished to purchase his influence with the proconsul, and was again compelled to fly. He was arrested as he was about to sail for Italy, for a sum of money which he owed to the treasury of Caesar, but made his escape, and reached Alexandria, where his wife succeeded in procuring a supply of money from Alexander the Alabarch. He then set sail, and landed at Puteoli. He was favourably received by Tiberius, who entrusted him with the education of his grandson Tiberius. He also formed an intimacy with Caius Caligula. Having one day incautiously expressed a wish that the latter might soon succeed to the throne, his words were reported by his freedman Eutychus to Tiberius, who forthwith threw him into prison. Caligula, on his accession (A. D. 37), set him at liberty, and gave him the tetrarchies of Lysanias (Abilene) and Philippus (Batanaea, Trachonitis, and Auranitis). He also presented him with a golden chain of equal weight with the iron one which he had worn in prison. In the following year Agrippa took possession of his kingdom, and after the banishment of Herodes Antipas, the tetrarchy of the latter was added to his dominions. On the death of Caligula, Agrippa, who was at the time in Rome, materially assisted Claudius in gaining possession of the empire. As a reward for his services, Judaea and Samaria were annexed to his dominions, which were now even more extensive than those of Herod the Great. He was also invested with the consular dignity, and a league was publicly made with him by Claudius in the forum. At his request, the kingdom of Chalcis was given to his brother Herodes. (A. D. 41.) He then went to Jerusalem, where he offered sacrifices, and suspended in the treasury of the temple the golden chain which Caligula had given him. His government was mild and gentle, and he was exceedingly popular amongst the Jews. In the city of Berytus he built a theatre and amphitheatre, baths, and porticoes. The suspicions of Claudius prevented him from finishing the impregnable fortifications with which he had begun to surround Jerusalem. His friendship was courted by many of the neighbouring kings and rulers. It was probably to increase his popularity with the Jews that he caused the apostle James, the brother of John, to be beheaded, and Peter to be cast into
Page 78 78 AGRIPPA. AGRIPPA, prison. (A. D. 44. Acts, xii.) It was not however Spartianus as privy to the death of Antoninus merely by such acts that he strove to win their Caracallus. (Anton. Car. 6.) favour, as we see from the way in which, at the AGRIPPA MENE'NIUS. [MENENIUS.] risk of his own life, or at least of his liberty, he AGRIPPA PO'STUMUS, a posthumous son interceded with Caligula on behalf of the Jews, of M.Vipsanius Agrippa, by Julia, the daughter of when that emperor was attempting to set up his Augustus, was born in B. c. 12. He was adopted statue in the temple at Jerusalem. The manner by Augustus together with Tiberius in A. D. 4, of his death, which took place at Caesarea in the and he assumed the toga virilis in the following same year, as he was exhibiting games in honour year, A. D. 5. (Suet. Octav. 64, 65; Dion Cass. of the emperor, is related in Acts xii., and is con- liv. 29, Iv. 22.) Notwithstanding his adoption he firmed in all essential points by Josephus, who was afterwards banished by Augustus to the island repeats Agrippa's words, in which he acknowledged of Planasia, on the coast of Corsica, a disgrace the justice of the punishment thus inflicted on him. which he incurred on account of his savage and After lingering five days, he expired, in the fifty- intractable character; but he was not guilty of fourth year of his age. any crime. There he was under the surveillance By his wife Cypros he had a son named Agrippa, of soldiers, and Augustus obtained a senatusconand three daughters, Berenice, who first married sultum by which the banishment was legally conher uncle Herodes, king of Chalcis, afterwards firmed for the time of his life. The property of lived with her brother Agrippa, and subsequently Agrippa was assigned by Augustus to the treasury married Polamo, king of Cilicia; she is alluded to of the army. It is said that during his captivity by Juvenal (Sat. vi. 156); Mariamne, and Drusilla, he received the visit of Augustus, who secretly who married Felix, the procurator of Judaea. (Jo- went to Planasia, accompanied by Fabius Maxiseph. Ant. Jud. xvii. 1. ~ 2, xviii. 5-8, xix. 4-8; mus. Augustus and Agrippa, both deeply affected, Bell. Jud. i. 28. ~ 1, ii. 9. 11; Dion Cass. lx. 8; shed tears when they met, and it was believEuseb. Hist. Eccles. ii. 10.) [C. P. M.] ed that Agrippa would be restored to liberty. AGRIPPA, HERO'DES II., the son of Agrippa But the news of this visit reached Livia, the I., was educated at the court of the emperor Clau- mother of Tiberius, and Agrippa remained a capdius, and at the time of his father's death was only tive. After the accession of Tiberius, in A. D. 14, seventeen years old. Claudius therefore kept him Agrippa was murdered by a centurion, who enat Rome, and sent Cuspias Fadus as procurator of tered his prison and killed him after a long the kingdom, which thus again became a Roman struggle, for Agrippa was a man of great bodily province. On the death of Herodes, king of strength. When the centurion afterwards went to Chalcis (A. D. 48), his little principality, with the Tiberius to give him an account of the execution, right of superintending the temple and appointing the emperor denied having given any order for it, the high priest, was given to Agrippa, who four and it is very probable that Livia was the secret years afterwards received in its stead the tetrar- author of the crime. There was a rumour that chies formerly held by Philip and Lysanias, with Augustus had left an order for the execution of the title of king. In A. D. 55, Nero added the Agrippa, but this is positively contradicted by cities of Tiberias and Taricheae in Galilee, and Tacitus. (Tac. Ann. i. 3-6; Dion Cass. Iv. 32, Julias, with fourteen villages near it, in Peraea. lvii. 3; Suet. 1. c, Tib. 22; Vellei. ii. 104, 112.) Agrippa expended large sums in beautifying Jeru- After the death of Agrippa, a slave of the name salem and other cities, especially Berytus. His of Clemens, who was not informed of the murder, partiality for the latter rendered him unpopular landed on Planasia with the intention of restoring amongst his own subjects, and the capricious man- Agrippa to liberty and carrying him off to the ner in which he appointed and deposed the high army in Germany. When he heard of what had priests, with some other acts which were distasteful, taken place, he tried to profit by his great resemmade him an object of dislike to the Jews. Be- blance to the murdered captive, and he gave himfore the outbreak of the war with the Romans, self out as Agrippa. He landed at Ostia, and Agrippa attempted in vain to dissuade the people found many who believed him, or affected to from rebelling. When the war was begun, he believe him, but he was seized and put to death sided with the Romans, and was wounded at the by order of Tiberius. (Tac. Ann. ii. 39, 40.) siege of Gamala. After the capture of Jerusalem, The name of Agrippa Caesar is found on a medal he went with his sister Berenice to Rome, where of Corinth. [W. P.] he was invested with the dignity of praetor. He AGRIPPA, VIBULE'NUS, a Roman knight, died in the seventieth year of his age, in the third who took poison in the senate house at the time of year of the reign of Trajan. He was the last his trial, A. D. 36; he had brought the poison with prince of the house of the Herods. It was before him in a ring. (Tac. Ann. vi. 40; Dion. Cass. this Agrippa that the apostle Paul made his de- Iviii. 21.) fence. (A.. D. 60. Acts. xxv. xxvi.) He lived on AGRIPPA, M. VIPSA'NIUS, was born in terms of intimacy with the historian Josephus, B. c. 63. He was the son of Lucius, and was dewho has preserved two of the letters he received scended from a very obscure family. At the age from him. (Joseph. Ant. Jfzd. xvii. 5. ~ 4, xix. 9. of twenty he studied at Apollonia in Illyria, toge~ 2, xx. 1. ~ 3, 5. ~ 2, 7. ~ 1, 8. ~ 4 & 11, 9. ~ 4; ther with young Octavius, afterwards Octavianu,, Bell. Jud. ii. 11. ~ 6, 12. ~ 1, 16, 17. ~ 1, iv. 1. ~ 3; and Augustus. After the murder of J. Caesar in Vit. s. 54; Phot. cod. 33.) [C. P. M.] B. c. 44, Agrippa was one of those intimate friends AGRIPPA, MARCIUS, a man of the lowest of Octavius, who advised him to proceed immediorigin, was appointed by Macrinus in B. c. 217, ately to Rome. Octavius took Agrippa with him. first to the government of Pannonia and after- and charged him to receive the oath of fidelity froi wards to that of Dacia. (Dion. Cass. lxxviii. 13.) several legions which had declared in his favour He seems to be the same person as the Marcius Having been chosen consul in B. c. 43, Octavius Agrippa, admiral of the fleet, who is mentioned by gave to his friend Agrippa the delicate commissior
Page 79 AGRIPPA. of prosecuting C. Cassius, one of the murderers of J. Caesar. At the outbreak of the Perusinian war between Octavius, now Octavianus, and L. Antonius, in B. c. 41, Agrippa, who was then praetor, commanded part of the forces of Octavianus, and after distinguishing himself by skilful manoeuvres, besieged L. Antonius in Perusia. He took the town in B. c. 40, and towards the end of the same year retook Sipontum, which had fallen into the hands of M. Antonius. In B. c. 38, Agrippa obtained fresh success in Gaul, where he quelled a revolt of the native chiefs; he also penetrated into Germany as far as the country of the Catti, and transplanted the Ubii to the left bank of the Rhine; whereupon he turned his arms against the revolted Aquitani, whom he soon brought to obedience. His victories, especially those in Aquitania, contributed much to securing the power of Octavianus, and he was recalled by him to undertake the command of the war against Sex. Pompeius, which was on the point of breaking out, B. c. 37. Octavianus offered him a triumph, which Agrippa declined, but accepted the consulship, to which he was promoted by Octavianus in B. c. 37. Dion Cassius (xlviii. 49) seems to say that he was consul when he went to Gaul, but the words tirdTrve e Pear AoviTiou rddAov seem to be suspicious, unless they are to be inserted a little higher, after the passage, r ' 8' Aypirra "in ' TOV avTrucoO '7apaoia'KEf v y/Xtpoera, which refer to an event which took place during the consulship of Agrippa. For, immediately after his promotion to this dignity, he was charged by Octavianus with the construction of a fleet, which was the more necessary, as Sextus Pompey was master of the sea. Agrippa, in whom thoughts and deeds were never separated (Vellei. ii. 79), executed this order with prompt energy. The Lucrine lake near Baiae was transformed by him into a safe harbour, which he called the Julian port in honour of Octavianus, and where he exercised his sailors and mariners till they were able to encounter the experienced sailors of Pompey.. In B.c. 36, Agrippa defeated Sex. Pompey first at Mylae, and afterwards at Naulochus on the coast of Sicily, and the latter of these victories broke the naval supremacy of Pompey. He received in consequence the honour of a naval crown, which was first conferred upon him; though, according to other authorities, M. Varro was the first who obtained it from Pompey the Great. (Vellei.ii. 81; Liv. Epit. 129; Dion Cass. xlix. 14; Plin. H. N. xvi. 3. s. 4; Virg. Aen. viii. 684.) In B. c. 35, Agrippa had the command of the war in Illyria, and afterwards served under Octavianus, when the latter had proceeded to that country. On his return, he voluntarily accepted the aedileship in B.c. 33, although he had been consul, and expended immense sums of money upon great public works. He restored the Appian, Marcian, and Anienian aqueducts, constructed a new one, fifteen miles in length, from the Tepula to Rome, to which he gave the name of the Julian, in honour of Octavianus, and had an immense number of smaller water-works made, to distribute the water within the town. He also had the large cloaca of Tarquinius Priscus entirely cleansed. His various works were adorned with statues by the first artists of Rome. These splendid buildings he augmented in B. c. 27, during his third consulship, by several others, and among these was, the Pantheon, AGRIPPA. 79 on which we still read the inscription: " M. Agrippa L. F. Cos. Tertium fecit." (Dion Cass. xlix. 43, liii. 27; Plin. HT. N. xxxvi. 15, s. 24 ~ 3; Strab. v. p. 235; Frontin. De A quaed. 9.) When the war broke out between Octavianus and M. Antonius, Agrippa was appointed commander-in-chief of the fleet, B. c. 32. He took Methone in the Peloponnesus, Leucas, Patrae, and Corinth; and in the battle of Actium (a. c. 31) where he commanded, the victory was mainly owing to his skill. On his return to Rome in B. c. 30, Octavianus, now Augustus, rewarded him with a " vexillum caeruleum," or sea-green flag. In B. c. 28, Agrippa became consul for the second time with Augustus, and about this time married Marcella, the niece of Augustus, and the daughter of his sister Octavia. His former wife, Pomponia, the daughter of T. Pomponius Atticus, was either dead or divorced. In the following year, B. c. 27, he was again consul the third time with Augustus. In B. c. 25, Agrippa accompanied Augustus to the war against the Cantabrians. About this time jealousy arose between him and his brother-in-law Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, and who seemed to be destined as his successor. Augustus, anxious to prevent differences that might have had serious consequences for him, sent Agrippa as proconsul to Syria. Agrippa of course left Rome, but he stopped at Mitylene in the island of Lesbos, leaving the government of Syria to his legate. The apprehensions of Augustus were removed by the death of Marcellus in B. c. 23, and Agrippa immediately returned to Rome, where he was the more anxiously expected, as troubles had broken out during the election of the consuls in B. c. 21. Augustus resolved to receive his faithful friend into his own family, and accordingly induced him to divorce his wife Marcella, and marry Julia, the widow of Marcellus and the daughter of Augustus by his third wife, Scribonia. (a. c. 21.) In B. C. 19, Agrippa went into Gaul. He pacified the turbulent natives, and constructed four great public roads and a splendid aqueduct at Nemausus (Nimes). From thence he proceeded to Spain and subdued the Cantabrians after a short but bloody and obstinate struggle; but, in accordance with his usual prudence, he neither announced his victories in pompous letters to the senate, nor did he accept a triumph which Augustus offered him. In B. c. 18, he was invested with the tribunician power for five years together with Augustus; and in the following year (B. c 17), his two sons, Caius and Lucius, were adopted by Augustus. At the close of the year, he accepted an invitation of Herod the Great, and went to Jerusalem. He founded the military colony of Berytus (Beyrut), thence he proceeded in B. c. 16 to the Pontus Euxinus, and compelled the Bosporani to accept Polemo for their king and to restore the Roman eagles which had been taken by Mithridates. On his return he stayed some time in lonia, where he granted privileges to the Jews whose cause was pleaded by Herod (Joseph. Antiq. Jud. xvi. 2), and then proceeded to Rome, where he arrived in B. c. 13. After his tribunician power had been prolonged for five years, he went to Pannonia to restore tranquillity to that province. He returned in B. C. 12, after having been successful as usual, and retired to Campania. There he died unexpectedly, in the month of March, B. c. 12, Im
Page 80 80 AGRIPPA. his 51st year. His body was carried to Rome, and was buried in the mausoleum of Augustus, who himself pronounced a funeral oration over it. Dion Cassius tells us (lii. 1, &c.), that in the year B. c. 29 Augustus assembled his friends and counsellors, Agrippa and Maecenas, demanding their opinion as to whether it would be advisable for him to usurp monarchical power, or to restore to the nation its former republican government. This is corroborated by Suetonius (Octav. 28), who says that Augustus twice deliberated upon that subject. The speeches which Agrippa and Maecenas delivered on this occasion are given by Dion Cassius; but the artificial character of them makes them suspicious. However it does not seem likely from the general character of Dion Cassius as a historian that these speeches are invented by him; and it is not improbable, and such a supposition suits entirely the character of Augustus, that those speeches were really pronounced, though preconcerted between Augustus and his counsellors to make the Roman nation believe that the fate of the republic was still a matter of discussion, and that Augustus would not assume monarchical power till he had been convinced that it was necessary for the welfare of the nation. Besides, Agrippa, who according to Dion Cassius, advised Augustus to restore the republic, was a man whose political opinions had, evidently a monarchical tendency. Agrippa was one of the most distinguished and important men of the age of Augustus. HeI must be considered as a chief support of the rising monarchical constitution, and without Agrippa Augustus could scarcely have succeeded in making himself the absolute master of the Roman empire. Dion Cassius (liv. 29, &c.), Velleius Paterculus (ii. 79), Seneca (Ep. 94), and Horace (Od. i. 6), speak with equal admiration of his merits. Pliny constantly refers to the " Commentarii" of Agrippa as an authority (Elenchus, iii. iv. -v. vi, comp. iii. 2), which may indicate certain official lists drawn up by him in the measurement of the Roman world under Augustus [AETHICUS], in which he may have taken part. Agrippa left several children. By his first wife Pomponia, he had Vipsania, who was married to Tiberius Caesar, the successor of Augustus. By his second wife, Marcella, he had several children who are not mentioned; and by his third wife, Julia, he had two daughters, Julia, married to L. Aemilius Paullus, and Agrippina married to Germanicus, and three sons, Caius [CAESAR, C.], Lucius [CAESAR, L.], and AGRIPPA POSTUMUS. (Dion Cass. lib. 45-54; Liv. Epit. 117-136; Appian, Bell. Civ. lib. 5; Suet. Octav.; Frandsen, AM. Vipsanius Agrippa, eine historischle Untersuchung iiber dessen Leben ud Wirken, Altona, 1836.) There are several medals of Agrippa: in the one figured below, he is represented with a naval crown; on the reverse is Neptune indicating his success by sea. [W. P.] 1 ~ AGRIPPINA. AGRIPPI'NA I., the youngest daughter of M. Vipsanius Agrippa and of Julia, the daughter of Augustus, was born some time before B. c. 12. She married Caesar Germuanicus, the son of Drusus Nero Germanicus, by whom she had nine children. Agrippina was gifted with great powers of mind, a noble character, and all the moral and physical qualities that constituted the model of a Roman matron: her love for her husband was sincere and lasting, her chastity was spotless, her fertility was a virtue in the eyes of the Romans, and her attachment to her children was an eminent feature of her character. She yielded to one dangerous passion, ambition. Augustus shewed her particular attention and attachment. (Sueton. Calig. 8.) At the death of Augustus in A. D. 14, she was on the Lower Rhine with Germanicus, who conmmanided thie legions there. 11Her husband was the idol of the army, and the legions on the Rhine, dissatisfied with the accession of Tiberius, manifested their intention of proclaiming Germanicus master of the state. Tiberius hated and dreaded Germanicus, and he shewed as much antipathy to Agrippina, as he had love to her elder sister, his first wife. In this perilous situation, Germanicus and Agrippina saved themselves by their prompt energy; he quelled the outbreak and pursued tihe war against the Germans. In the ensuing year his lieutenant Caecina, after having made an invasion into Germany, returned to the Rhine. The campaign was not inglorious for thie Romans, but they were worn out by hardships, and perhaps harassed on their march by some bands of Germans. Thus the rumour was spread that the main body of the Germans was approaching to invade Gaul. Germsanicus was absent, and it was proposed to destroy the bridge over the Rhine. (Comp. Strab. iv. p. 194.) If this had been done, the retreat of Caecina's army would have been cut off, but it was saved by the firm opposition of Agrippina to such a cowardly measure. When the troops approached, she went to the bridge, acting as a general, and receiving the soldiers as they crossed it; the wounded among them were presented by her with clothes, and they received from her own hands everything necessary for the cure of their wounds. (Tac. Ann. i. 69.) Germanicus having been recalled by Tiberius, she accompanied her husband to Asia (A. D. 17), and after his death, or rather murder [GERMANICUS], she returned to Italy. She stayed some days at the island of Corcyra to recover from her grief, and then landed at Brundusium, accompanied by two of her children, and holding in her arms the urn with the ashes of her husband. At the news of her arrival, the port, the walls, and even the roofs of the houses were occupied by crowds of people who were anxious to see and salute her. She was solemnly received by the officers of two Praetorian cohorts, which Tiberius had sent to Brundusium for the purpose of accompanying her to Rome; the urn containing the ashes of Germanicus was borne by tribunes and centurions, and the funeral procession was received on its march by the magistrates of Calabria, Apulia, and Campania; by Drusus, the son of Tiberius; Claudius, the brother of Germanicus; by the other children of Germanicus; and at last, in the environs of Rome, by the consuls, the senate, and crowds of the Roman people. (Tac. Ann. iii, 1, &c.)
Page 81 AGRIPPINA. During some years Tiberius disguised his hatred of Agrippina; but she soon became exposed to secret accusations and intrigues. She asked the emperor's permission to choose another husband, but Tiberius neither refused nor consented to the proposition. Sejanus, who exercised an unbounded influence over Tiberius, then a prey to mental disorders, persuaded Agrippina that the emperor intended to poison her. Alarmed at such a report, she refused to eat an apple which the emperor offered her from his table, and Tiberius in his turn complained of Agrippina regarding him as a poisoner. According to Suetonius, all this "was an intrigue preconcerted between the emperor and Sejanus, who, as it seems, had formed the plan of leading Agrippina into false steps. Tiberius was extremely suspicious of Agrippina, and shewed his hostile feelings by allusive words or neglectful silence. There were no evidences of ambitious plans formed by Agrippina, but the rumour having been spread that she would fly to the army, he banished her to the island of Pandataria (A. D. 30) where her mother Julia had died in exile. Her sons Nero and Drusus were likewise banished and both died an unnatural death. She lived three years on that barren island; at last she refused to take any food, and died most probably by voluntary starvation. Her death took place precisely two years after and on the same date as the murder of Sejanus, that is in A. D. 33. Tacitus and Suetonius tell us, that Tiberius boasted that he had not strangled her. (Sueton. Tib. 53; Tac. Ann. vi. 25.) The ashes of Agrippina and those of her son Nero were afterwards brought to Rome by order of her son, the emperor Caligula, who struck various medals in honour of his mother. In the one figured below, the head of Caligula is on one side and that of his mother on the other. The words on each side are respectively, C. CAESAR. AVG. GER. P.M. TR. POT., and AGRIPPINA. MAT. C. CAES. AVG. GERM. (Tac. Ann. i.-vi.; Sueton. Octav. 64, Til). 1. c., Calig. 1.e.; Dion. Cass. lvii. 5, 6, viii. 22.) [W. P ] AGRIPPI NA II., the daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina the elder, daughter of M. Vipsanius Agrippa. She was born between A. D. 13 and 17, at the Oppidum Ubiorum, afterwards called in honour of her Colonia Agrippina, now Cologne, and then the head-quarters of the legions commanded by her father. In A. D. 28, she married Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, a man not unlike her, and whom she lost in A. D. 40. After his death she married Crispus Passienus, who died some years afterwards; and she was accused of having poisoned him, either for the purpose of obtaining his great fortune, or for some secret motive of much higher importance. She was already known for her scandalous conduct, for her most perfidi)us intrigues, and for an unbounded ambition. She was accused of having committed incest with her own brother, the emperor Caius Caligula, who under the pretext of having discovered that she had lived in an adulterous intercourse AGRIPPINA. 81 with M. Aemilius Lepidus, the husband of her sister Drusilla, banished her to the island of Pontia, which was situated opposite the bay of Caieta, off the coast of Italy. Her sister Drusilla was likewise banished to Pontia, and it seems that their exile was connected with the punishment of Lepidus, who was put to death for having conspired against the emperor. Previously to her exile, Agrippina was compelled by her brother to carry to Rome the ashes of Lepidus. This happened in A. D. 39. Agrippina and her sister were released in A. D. 41, by their uncle, Claudius, immediately after his accession, although his wife, Messalina, was the mortal enemy of Agrippina. Messalina was put to death by order of Claudius in A. D. 48; and in the following year, A. D. 49, Agrippina succeeded in marrying the emperor. Claudius was her uncle, but her marriage was legalized by a senatusconsultum, by which the marriage of a man with his brother's daughter was declared valid; this senatusconsultum was afterwards abrogated by the emperors Constantine and Constans. In this intrigue Agrippina displayed the qualities of an accomplished courtezan, and such was the influence of her charms and superior talents over the old emperor, that, in prejudice of his own son, Britannicus, he adopted Domitius, the son of Agrippina by her first husband, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. (A. D. 51.) Agrippina was assisted in her secret plans by Pallas, the perfidious confidant of Claudius. By her intrigues, L. Junius Silanus, the husband of Octavia, the daughter of Claudius, was put to death, and in A. D. 53, Octavia was married to young Nero. Lollia Paullina, once the rival of Agrippina for the hand of the emperor, was accused of high treason and condemned to death; but she put an end to her own life. Domitia Lepida, the sister of Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, met with a similar fate. After having thus removed those whose rivalship she dreaded, or whose virtues she envied, Agrippina resolved to get rid of her husband, and to govern the empire through her ascendency over her son Nero, his successor. A vague rumour of this reached the emperor; in a state of drunkenness, he forgot prudence, and talked about punishing his ambitious wife. Having no time to lose, Agrippina, assisted by Locusta and Xenophon, a Greek physician, poisoned the old emperor, in A. D. 54, at Sinuessa, a watering-place to which he had retired for the sake of his health. Nero was proclaimed emperor, and presented to the troops by Burrus, whom Agrippina had appointed praefectus praetorio. Narcissus, the rich freedman of Claudius, M. Junius Silanus, proconsul of Asia, the brother of L. Junius Silanus, and a greatgrandson of Augustus, lost their lives at the instigation of Agrippina, who would have augmented the number of her victims, but for the opposition of Burrus and Seneca, recalled by Agrippina from his exile to conduct the education of Nero. Meanwhile, the young emperor took some steps to shake off the insupportable ascendency of his mother. The jealousy of Agrippina rose from her son's passion for Acte, and, after her, for Poppaea Sabina, the wife of M. Salvius Otho. To rdconquer his affection, Agrippina employed, but in vain, most daring and most revolting means. She threatened to oppose Britannicus as a rival to the emperor; but Britannicus was poisoned by Nero; and she even solicited her son to an incestuous interG
Page 82 82 AGRIPPINUS. course. At last, her death was resolved upon by Nero, who wished to repudiate Octavia and marry Poppaea, but whose plan was thwarted by his mother. Thus petty feminine intrigues became the cause of Agrippina's ruin. Nero invited her under the pretext of a reconciliation to visit him at Baiae, on the coast of Campania. She went thither by sea. In their conversation hypocrisy was displayed on both sides. She left Baiae by the same way; but the vessel was so contrived, that it was to break to pieces when out at sea. It only partly broke, and Agrippina saved herself by swimming to the shore; her attendant Acerronia was killed. Agrippina fled to her villa near the Lucrine lake, and informed her son of her happy escape. Now, Nero charged Burrus to murder his mother; but Burrus declining it, Anicetus, the commander of the fleet, who had invented the stratagem of the ship, was compelled by Nero and Burrus to undertake the task. Anicetus went to her villa with a chosen band, and his men surprised her in her bedroom. "Ventrem feri" she cried out, after she was but slightly wounded, and immediately afterwards expired under the blows of a centurion. (A. D. 60.) (Tac. Ann. xiv. 8.) It was told, that Nero went to the villa, and that he admired the beauty of the dead body of his mother: this was believed by some, doubted by others. (xiv. 9.) Agrippina left commentaries concerning her history and that of her family, which Tacitus consulted, according to his own statement. (lb. iv. 54; comp. Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 6. s. 8, Elenchus, vii. &c.) There are several medals of Agrippina, which are distinguishable from those of her mother by the title of Augusta, which those of her mother never have. On some of her medals she is represented with her husband Claudius, in others with her son Nero. The former is the case in the one annexed. The words on each side are respectively, AGRIPPINAE AVGVSTAE, and TI CLAVD. CAESAR. AVG. GERM. P.M. TRIB. POT. P.P. (Tac. Ann. lib.xii. xiii. xiv.; Dion Cass. lib. lix.lxi.; Sueton. Claud. 43, 44, Nero, 5, 6.) [W.P.] AGRIPPI'NUS, Bishop of Carthage, of venerable memory, but known for being the first to maintain the necessity of re-baptizing all heretics. (Vincent. Lirinens. Commonit. i. 9.) St. Cyprian regarded this opinion as the correction of an error (S. Augustin. De Baptismo, ii. 7, vol. ix. p. 102, ed. Bened.), and St. Augustine seems to imply he defended his error in writing. (Epist. 93, c. 10.) He held the Council of 70 Bishops at Carthage about A. D. 200 (Vulg. A. D. 215, Mans. A. D. 217) on the subject of Baptism. Though he erred in a matter yet undefined by the Church, St. Augustine notices that neither he nor St. Cyprian thought of separating from the Church. (De Baptismo, iii. 2, p. 109.) [A. J. C.] AGRIPPI'NUS, PACO'NIUS, whose father was put to death by Tiberius on a charge of treason. (Suet. Tib. 61.) Agrippinus was accused at AGRON. the same time as Thrasea, A. D. 67, and was banished from Italy. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 28, 29, 33.) He was a Stoic philosopher, and is spoken of with praise by Epictetus (ap. Stob. Serm. 7), and Arrian. (i. 1.) A'GRIUS (CAyptos), a son of Porthaon and. Euryte, and brother of Oeneus, king of Calydon in Aetolia, Alcathous, Melas, Leucopeus, and Sterope. He was father of six sons, of whom Thersites was one. These sons of Agrius deprived Oeneus of his kingdom, and gave it to their father; but all of them, with the exception of Thersites, were slain by Diomedes, the grandson of Oeneus. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 10, 8. ~ 5, &c.) Apollodorus places these events before the expedition of the Greeks against Troy, while Hyginus (Fab, 175, comp. 242 and Antonin. Lib. 37) states, that Diomedes, when he heard, after the fall of Troy, of the misfortune of his grandfather Oeneus, hastened back and expelled Agrius, who then put an end to his own life; according to others, Agrius and his sons were slain by Diomedes. (Comp. Paus. ii. 25. ~ 2; Ov. Heroid. ix. 153.) There are some other mythical personages of the name of Agrius, concerning whom nothing of interest is known. (Hesiod. Theog. 1013, &c.; Apollod. i. 6. ~2, ii.. ~ 4.) [L. S.] AGROE'CIUS or AGROE'TIUS, a Roman grammarian, the author of an extant work " De Orthographia et Differentia Sermonis," intended as a supplement to a work on the same subject, by Flavius Caper, and dedicated to a bishop, Eucherius. He is supposed to have lived in the middle of the 5th century of our era. His work is printed in Putschius' " Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui," pp. 2266-2275. [C. P. M.] AGROETAS ('Aypoiras), a Greek historian, who wrote a work on Scythia (isuSvOucc), from the thirteenth book of which the scholiast on Apollonius (ii. 1248) quotes, and one on Libya (Atevic), the fourth book of which is quoted by the same scholiast. (iv. 1396.) He is also mentioned by Stephanus Byz. (s. v. "AureA7os.). [C. P. M.] AGRON (Aypwv). 1. The son of Ninus, the first of the Lydian dynasty of the Heracleidae. The tradition was, that this dynasty supplanted a native race of kings, having been originally entrusted with the government as deputies. The names Ninus and Belus in their genealogy render it probable that they were either Assyrian governors, or princes of Assyrian origin, and that their accession marks the period of an Assyrian conquest. (Herod. i. 7.) 2. The son of Pleuratus, a king of Illyria. In the strength of his land and naval forces he surpassed all the preceding kings of that country. When the Aetolians attempted to compel the Medionians to join their confederacy, Agron undertook to protect them, having been induced to do so by a large bribe which he received from Demetrius, the father of Philip. He accordingly sent tc their assistance a force of 5000 Illyrians, whc gained a decisive victory over the Aetolians. Agron, overjoyed at the news of this success, gave himself up to feasting, and, in consequence of his excess, contracted a pleurisy, of which he died. (B.c 231.) He was succeeded in the government b3 his wife Teuta. Just after his death, an embassl arrived from the Romans, who had sent to mediate in behalf of the inhabitants of the island of Issa. who had revolted from Agron and placed themu
Page 83 AHALA. selves under the protection of the Romans. By his first wife, Triteuta, whom he divorced, he had a son named Pinnes, or Pinneus, who survived him, and was placed under the guardianship of Demetrius Pharius, who married his mother after the death of Teuta. (Dion Cass. xxxiv. 46, 151; Polyb. ii. 2-4; Appian, Ill. 7; Flor. ii. 5; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 6.) [C. P. M.] AGRO'TERA ('Ayporipa), the huntress, a surname of Artemis. (Hom. II. xxi. 471.) At Agrae on the Ilissus, where she was believed to have first hunted after her arrival from Delos, Artemis Agrotera had a temple with a statue carrying a bow. (Paus. i. 19. ~ 7.) Under this name she was also worshipped at Aegeira. (vii. 26. ~ 2.) The name Agrotera is synonymous with Agraea [AGRAEUS], but Eustathius (ad II. p. 361) derives it from the town of Agrae. Concerning the worship of Artemis Agrotera at Athens, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. 'A'ypoT-ipes 2Svo-ia, p. 31. [L. S.] AGYIEUS ('AyviLEsS), a surname of Apollo describing him as the protector of the streets and public places. As such he was worshipped at Acharnae (Paus. i. 31. ~ 3), Mycenae (ii. 19. ~ 7), and at Tegea. (viii. 53. ~ 1.) The origin of the worship of Apollo Agyieus in the last of these places is related by Pausanias. (Compare Hor. Carm. iv. 6. 28; Macrob. Sat. i. 9.) [L. S.] AGY'RRHIUS ('Ay PPios), a native of Collytus in Attica, whom Andocides ironically calls rov Kaebv Kd'eyaObv (de Myst. p. 65, ed. Reiske), after being in prison many years for embezzlement of public money, obtained about B. c. 395 the restoration of the Theoricon, and also tripled the pay for attending the assembly, though he reduced the allowance previously given to thle comic writers. (Harpocrat. s. v. Ocawpcda', 'AympPios; Suidas, s. v. EIKKXIoCqIa7roTiev; Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl. 102; Dem. c. Timocr. p. 742.) By this expenditure of the public revenue Agyrrhius became so popular, that he was appointed general in B. c. 389. (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. ~ 31; Diod. xiv. 99; Bdckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, pp. 223, 224, 316, &c., 2nd ed. Engl. transl.; Schomann, de Comitiis, p. 65, &c.) AHA'LA, the name of a patrician family of the Servilia Gens. There were also several persons of this gens with the name of Structus Aiala, who may -have formed a different family from the Ahalae; but as the Ahalae and Structi Ahalae are frequently confounded, all the persons of these names are given here. 1. C. SERVILIUS STRUCTUS AHALA, consul B.C. 478, died in his year of office, as appears from the Fasti. (Liv. ii. 49.) 2. C. SERVILIUS STRUCTUS AIIALA, magister equitum B. c. 439, when L. Cinicinnatus was appointed dictator on the pretence that Sp. Maelius was plotting against the state. In the night, in which the dictator was appointed, the capitol and all the strong posts were garrisoned by the partizans of the patricians. In the morning, when the people assembled in' the forum, and Sp. Maelius among them, Ahala summoned the latter to appear before the dictator; and upon Maelius disobeying and taking refuge in the crowd, Ahala rushed into the throng and killed himn. (Liv. iv. 13, 14; Zonaras, vii. 20; Dionys. ExIc. Mai, i. p. 3.) This ict is mentioned by later writers as an example of incient heroism, and is frequently referred to by?icero in terms of the highest admiration (in Ctil. i 1, pro Mil. 3, Cato, 16); but it was in reality AHENOBARBUS. 83 a case of murder, and was so regarded at the time. Ahala was brought to trial, and only escaped condemnation by a -voluntary exile. (Val. Max. v. 3. ~ 2; Cic. de Rep. i. 3, pro Donm. 32.) Livy passes over this, and only mentions (iv. 21), that a bill was brought in three years afterwards, B. c. 436, by another Sp. Maelius, a tribune, for confiscating the property of Ahala, but that it failed. A representation of Ahala is given on a coin of M. Brutus, the murderer of Caesar, but we cannot suppose it to be anything more than an imaginary likeness. M. Brutus pretended that he was descended from L. Brutus, the first consul, on his father's side, and from C. Ahala on his mother's, and thus was sprung from two tyrannicides. (Comp. Cic. ad Att. xiii. 40.) The head of Brutus on the annexed coin is therefore intended to represent the first consul. 3. C. SERVILIUS Q. F. C. N. STRUCTUS AHALA, consul B. c. 427. (Liv. iv. 30.) 4. C. SERViLIUS P. F. Q. N. STRUCTUS AHALA, consular tribune B.c. 408, and magister equitum in the same year; which latter dignity he obtained in consequence of supporting the senate against his colleagues, who did not wish a dictator to be appointed. For the same reason he was elected consular tribune a second time in the following year, 407. HIe was consular tribune a third time in 402, when he assisted the senate in compelling his colleagues to resign who had been defeated by the enemy. (Liv. iv. 56, 57, v. 8, 9.) 5. C. SERVILIUS AHALA, magister equitum B. c. 389, when Camillus was appointed dictator a third time. (Liv. vi. 2.) Ahala is spoken of as magister equitum in 385, on occasion of the trial of Manlius. Manlius summoned him to bear witness in his favour, as one of those whose lives he had saved in battle; but Ahala did not appear. (iv. 20.) Pliny, who mentions this circumstance, calls Ahala P. Servilius. (H. N. vii. 39.) 6. Q. SERVILIUS Q. F. Q. N. AHALA, consul B. c. 365, and again B. c. 362, in the latter of which years he appointed Ap. Claudius dictator, after his plebeian colleague L. Genucius had been slain in battle. In 360 he was himself appointed dictator in consequence of a Gallic tztmultus, and defeated the Gauls near the Colline gate. He held the comitia as interrex in 355. (Liv. vii. 1, 4, 6, 11,17.) 7. Q. SERVILIUS Q. F. Q. N. AHALA, magister equitum B. c. 351, when M. Fabius was appointed dictator to frustrate the Licinian law, and consul B. c. 342, at the beginning of the first Samnite war. He remained in the city; his colleague had the charge of the war. (Liv. vii. 22, 38.) AHENOBARBUS, the name of a plebeian family of the DoMITIA GENS, so called from the red hair which many of this family had. To explain this name, which signifies "Red-Beard," and to assign a high antiquity to their family, it wa.s said that the Dioscuri announced to one of their Ga2
Page 84 84 AHENOBARBUS. AHENOBARBUS. ancestors the victory of the Romans over the Latins black hair and beard, which immediately became at lake Regillus (B. c. 496), and, to confirm the red. (Suet. Ner. 1; Plut. Aemil. 25, CorioL. 3 truth of what they said, that they stroked his Dionys. vi. 13; Tertull. Apol. 22.) STEMMA AHENOBARBORUM. 1. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 192. 2. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. Suff. B. c. 162. I 3. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. n. c. 122. I 4. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 96. 6. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Probably son of No. 4. Died B. c. 81. Married Cornelia, daughter of L. Cornelius Cinna, Cos. B. c. 87. 9. 10. Cn. Domitins Ahenobarbus, Cos. 11 A. D. 32. Married Agrippina, daughter of Germanicus. 13. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the emperor NERo. 1. CN. DOMITIUS L. F. L. N. AHENOBARBUS, plebeian aedile B. c. 196, prosecuted, in conjunction with his colleague C. Curio, many pecuarii, and with the fines raised therefrom built a temple of Faunus in the island of the Tiber, which he dedicated in his praetorship, B. c. 194. (Liv. xxxiii. 42, xxxiv. 42, 43, 53.) He was consul in 192, and was sent against the Boii, who submitted to him; but he remained in their country till the following year, when he was succeeded by the consul Scipio Nasica. (xxxv. 10, 20, 22, 40, xxxvi. 37.) In 190, he was legate of the consul L. Scipio in the war against Antiochus the Great. (xxxvii. 39; Plut. Apophth. Rom. Cn. Domit.) In his consulship one of his oxen is said to have uttered the warning "Roma, cave tibi." (Liv. xxxv. 21; Val. Max. i. 6. ~ 5, who falsely says, Bello Punico secundo.) 2. CN. DoMITIUS CN. F. L. N. AmHENOBARBUS, son of the preceding, was chosen pontifex in B. c. 172, when a young man (Liv. xlii. 28), and in 169 was sent with two others as commissioner into Macedonia. (xliv. 18.) In 167 he was one of the ten commissioners for arranging the affairs of Macedonia in conjunction with Aemilius Paullus (xiv. 17); and when the consuls of 162 abdicated on account of some fault in the auspices in their election, he and Cornelius Lentulus were chosen consuls in their stead. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 4, de Div. ii. 35; Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 3.) 3. CN. DOMITIUS CN. F. CN. N. AHENOBARBUS, son of the preceding, was sent in his consulship, B. c. 122, against the Allobroges in Gaul, because they had received Teutomalius, the king of the Salluvii and the enemy of the Romans, and had laid waste the territory of the Aedui, the friends of the Romans. In 121 he conquered the Allobroges and their ally Vituitus, king of the Arverni, near Vindalium, at the confluence of the Sulga and 5. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 94. 7. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 54. Married Porcia, sister of M. Cato. 8. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. C. 32. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 16. M irried Antonia, daughter of M. Antonius and Octavia. 1. Domitia. Married Crispus Passienus. 12. Domitia Lepida. Married M. Valerius Messala. the Rhodanus; and he gained the battle mainly through the terror caused by his elephants. He commemorated his victory by the erection of trophies, and went in procession through the province carried by an elephant. He triumphed in 120. (Liv. Epit. 61; Florus, iii. 2; Strab. iv. p. 191; Cic. pro Font. 12, Brut. 26; Vellei. ii. 10, 39; Oros. v. 13; Suet. Ner. 2, who confounds him with his son.) He was censor in 115 with Caecilius Metellus, and expelled twenty-two persons from the senate. (Liv. Epit. 62; Cic. pro Cluent. 42.) He was also Pontifex. (Suet. 1. c.) The Via Domitia in Gaul was made by him. (Cic. pro Font. 8.) 4. CN. Domnrus CN. F. CN. N. AHENOBARBUS, son of the preceding, was tribune of the plebs B. c. 104, in the second consulship of Marius. (Ascon. in Cornel. p. 81, ed. Orelli.) When the college of pontiffs did not elect him in place of his father, he brought forward the law (Lex Domitia), by which the right of election was transferred from the priestly colleges to the people. (Dict. of Ant. pp. 773, b. 774, a.) The people afterwards elected him Pontifex Maximus out of gratitude. (Liv. Epit. 67; Cic. pro Deiot. 11; Val. Max. vi. 5. ~ 5.) He prosecuted in his tribunate and afterwards several of his private enemies, as Aemilius Scaurus and Junius Silanus. (Val. Max. 1. c.; Dion Cass. Fr. 100; Cic. Div. in Caecil. 20, Verr. ii. 47, Cornel. 2, pro Scaur. 1.) He was consul B. c. 96 with C. Cassius, and censor B. c. 92, with Licinius Crassus, the orator. In his censorship he and his colleague shut up the schools of the Latin rhetoricians (Cic. de Orat. iii. 24; Gell. xv. 11), but this was the only thing in which they acted in concert. Their censorship was long celebrated for their disputes. Domitius was of a violent temper, and was moreover in favour of the ancient simplicity of living, while Crassus loved luxury and encouraged
Page 85 AHENOBARBUS. art. Among the many sayings recorded of both, we are told that Crassus observed, "that it was no wonder that a man had a beard of brass, who had a mouth of iron and a heart of lead." (Plin. H. N. xviii. 1; Suet. 1. c.; Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 4; Macrob. Sat. ii. 11.) Cicero says, that Domitius was not to be reckoned among the orators, but that he spoke well enough and had sufficient talent to maintain his high rank. (Cic. Brut. 44.) 5. L. DOMITIUS CN. F. CN. N. AHENOBARBUS, son of No. 3 and brother of No. 4, was praetor in Sicily, probably in B. c. 96, shortly after the Servile war, when slaves had been forbidden to carry arms. He ordered a slave to be crucified for killing a wild boar with a hunting spear. (Cic. Verr. v. 3; Val. Max. vi. 3. ~ 5.) He was consul in 94. In the civil war between Marius and Sulla, he espoused the side of the latter, and was murdered at Rome, by order of the younger Marius, by the praetor Damasippus. (Appian, B. C. i. 88; Vellei. ii. 26; Oros. v. 20.) 6. CN. DOMITIUS CN. F. CN. F. AHENOBARBUS, apparently a son of No. 4, married Cornelia, daughter of L. Cornelius Cinna, consul in B. c. 87, and in the civil war between Marius and Sulla espoused the side of the former. When Sulla obtained the supreme power in 82, Ahenobarbus was proscribed, and fled to Africa, where he was joined by many who were in the same condition as himself. With the assistance of the Numidian king, Hiarbas, he:ollected an army, but was defeated near Utica by Cn. Pompeius, whom Sulla had sent against him, md was afterwards killed in the storming of his,amp, B. c. 81. According to some accounts, he vas killed after the battle by command of Pompey. ILiv. Epit. 89; Plut. Pomp. 10, 12; Zonaras, x. 2; )ros. v. 21; Val. Max. vi. 2. ~ 8.) 7. L. DOMITIUS CN. F. CN. N. AHENOBARBUS, on of No. 4, is first mentioned in B. c. 70 by Micero, as a witness against Verres. In 61 he vas curule aedile, when he exhibited a hundred 4umidian lions, and continued the games so long, hat the people were obliged to leave the circus efore the exhibition was over, in order to take >od, which was the first time they had done so. Dion Cass. xxxvii. 46; Plin. H. N. viii. 54; this ause in the games was called diludium, Hor. Ep. 19. 47.) He married Porcia, the sister of M. ato, and in his aedileship supported the latter in is proposals against bribery at elections, which ere directed against Pompey, who was purchasing )tes for Afranius. The political opinions of Ahe)barbus coincided with those of Cato; he was roughout his life one of the strongest supporters the aristocratical party. He took an active part opposing the measures of Caesar and Pompey ter their coalition, and in 59 was accused by Attius, at the instigation of Caesar, of being an complice to the pretended conspiracy against the o of Pompey. Ahenobarbus was praetor in B. c. 58, and prosed an investigation into the validity of the lian laws of the preceding year; but the senate red not entertain his propositions. He was canlate for the consulship of 55, and threatened it he would in his consulship carry into execun the measures he had proposed in his praetorp, and deprive Caesar of his province. Hie was 'eated, however, by Pompey and Crassus, who Sbecame candidates, and was driven from the mpus MIartins on the day of election by force of AIlENOBARBUS. 85 arms. He became a candidate again in the following year, and Caesar and Pompey, whose power was firmly established, did not oppose him. He was accordingly elected consul for 54 with Ap. Claudius Pulcher, a relation of Pompey, but was not able to effect anything against Caesar and Pompey. He did not go to a province at the expiration of his consulship; and as the friendship between Caesar and Pompey cooled, he became closely allied with the latter. In B. c. 52, he was chosen by Pompey to preside, as quesitor, in the court for the trial of Clodius. For the next two or three years during Cicero's absence in Cilicia, our information about Ahenobarbus is principally derived from the letters of his enemy Coelius to Cicero. In B. c. 50 he was a candidate for the place in the college of augurs, vacant by the death of Hortensius, but was defeated by Antony through the influence of Caesar. The senate appointed him to succeed Caesar in the province of further Gaul, and on the march of the latter into Italy (49), he was the only one of the aristocratical party who shewed any energy or courage. He threw himself into Corfinium with about twenty cohorts, expecting to be supported by Pompey; but as the latter did nothing to assist him, he was compelled by his own troops to surrender to Caesar. His own soldiers were incorporated into Caesar's army, but Ahenobarbus was dismissed by Caesar uninjured-an act of clemency which he did not expect, and which he would certainly not have shewed, if he had been the conqueror. Despairing of life, he had ordered his physician to administer to him poison, but the latter gave him only a sleeping draught. Ahenobarbus' feelings against Caesar remained unaltered, but he was too deeply offended by the conduct of Pompey to join him immediately. He retired for a short time to Cosa in Etruria, and afterwards sailed to Massilia, of which the inhabitants appointed him governor. He prosecuted the war vigorously against Caesar; but the town was eventually taken, and Ahenobarbus escaped in a vessel, which was the only one that got off. Ahenobarbus now went to Pompey in Thessaly, and proposed that after the war all senators should be brought to trial who had remained neutral in it. Cicero, whom he branded as a coward, was not a little afraid of him. He fell in the battle of Pharsalia (48), where he commanded the left wing, and, according to Cicero's assertion in the second Philippic, by the hand of Antony. Ahenobarbus was a man of great energy of character; he remained firm to his political principles, but was little scrupulous in the means he employed to maintain them. (The passages of Cicero in which Ahenobarbus is mentioned are given in Orelli's Onomasticon Tullianum; Suet. Ner. 2; Dion Cass. lib. xxxix. xli.; Caes. Bell. Giv.) 8. CN. DonITIus L. F. CN. N. AHENOBARBUS, son of the preceding, was taken with his father at Corfinium (B. c. 49), and was present at the battle of Pharsalia (48), but did not take any further part in the war. He did not however return to Italy till 46, when he was pardoned by Caesar. He probably had no share in the murder of Caesar (44), though some writers expressly assert that he was one of the conspirators; but he followed Brutus into Macedonia after Caesar's death, and was condemned by the Lex Pedia in 43 as one of the murderers of Caesar. In 42 he
Page 86 86 AIIENOBARBUS. commanded a fleet of fifty ships in the Ionian sea, and completely defeated Domitius Calvinus on the day of the first battle of Philippi, as the latter attempted to sail out of Brundusium. He was saluted Imperator in consequence, and a record of this victory is preserved in the annexed coin, which represents a trophy placed upon the prow of a vessel. The head on the other side of the coin has a beard, in reference to the reputed origin of the family. Ao % After the battle of Philippi (42), Ahenobarbus conducted the war independently of Sex. Pompeius, and with a fleet of seventy ships and two legions plundered the coasts of the Ionian sea. In 40 Ahenobarbus became reconciled to Antony, which gave great offence to Octavianus, and was placed over Bithynia by Antony. In the peace concluded with Sex. Pompeius in 39, Antony provided for the safety of Ahenobarbus, and obtained for him the promise of the consulship for 32. Ahenobarbus remained a considerable time in Asia, and accompanied Antony in his unfortunate campaign against the Parthians in 36. He became consul, according to agreement, 2,in 32, in which year the open rupture took place between Antony and Augustus. Ahenobarbus fled from Rome to Antony at Ephesus, where he found Cleopatra with him, and endeavoured, in vain, to obtain her removal from the army. Many of the soldiers, disgusted with the conduct of Antony, offered the command to him; but he preferred deserting the party altogether, and accordingly went over to Augustus shortly before the battle of Actium. He was not, however, present at the battle, as he died a few days after joining Augustus. Suetonius says that he was the best of his family. (Cic. Phil. ii. 11, x. 6, Brut. 25, ad Famr. vi. 22; Appian, B. C. v. 55, 63, 65; Plut. Anton. 70, 71; Dion Cass. lib. xlvii.-1; Vellei. ii. 76, 84; Suet. Ner. 3; Tac. Ann. iv. 44.) 9. L. DosITIUS CN. F. L. N. AHENOBARBUS, son of the preceding, was betrothed in B. c. 36, at the meeting of Octavianus and Antony at Tarentum, to Antonia, the daughter of the latter by Octavia. He was aedile in B. c. 22, and consul in B. c. 16. After his consulship, and probably as the successor of Tiberius, he commanded the Roman army in Germany, crossed the Elbe, and penetrated further into the country than any of his predecessors had done. IHe received in consequence the insignia of a triumph. He died A. D. 25. Suetonius describes him as haughty, prodigal, and cruel, and relates that in his aedileship he commanded the censor L. Plancus to make way for him; and that in his praetorship and consulship he brought Roman knights and matrons on the stage. He exhibited shows of wild beasts in every quarter of the city, and his gladiatorial combats were conducted with so much bloodshed, that Augustus was obliged to put some restraint upon them. (Suet. Ner. 4; Tac. Ann. iv. 44; Dion Cass. liv. 59; Vellei. ii. 72.) AJAX. 10. CN. DOMITIUS L. F. CN. N. AHENOBARBUSu son of the preceding, and father of the emperor Nero. He married Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus. He was consul A. D. 32, and afterwards proconsul in Sicily. He died at Pyrgi in Etruria of dropsy. His life was stained with crimes of every kind. He was accused as the accomplice of Albucilla of the crimes of adultery and murder, and also of incest with his sister Domitia Lepida, and only escaped execution by the death of Tiberius. When congratulated on the birth of his son, afterwards Nero, he replied that whatever was sprung from him and Agrippina could only bring ruin to the state. (Suet. Ner. 5, 6; Tac. Ann. iv. 75, vi. 1, 47, xii. 64; Vellei. ii. 72; Dion Cass. Iviii. 17.) 11. DoITIA, daughter of No. 9. [DOMITIA.] 12. DOMITIA LEPIDA, daughter of No. 9. [DOMITIA LEPIDA.] 13. L. DomITIus AHENOBARBUS, son of No. 10, afterwards the emperor Nero. [NERO.] 14. CN. DOMITIUs AHENOBARBUs, praetor in B. c. 54, presided at the second trial of M. Coelius. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 13.) He may have been the son of No. 5. 15. L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS, praetor B. C. 80, commanded the province of nearer Spain, with the title of proconsul. In 79, he was summoned into further Spain by Q. Metellus Pius, who was in want of assistance against Sertorius, but he was defeated and killed by Hirtuleius, quaestor of Sertorius, near the Anas. (Plut. Sert. 12; Liv. Epit. 90; Eutrop. vi. 1; Florus, iii. 22; Oros. v. 23.) AJAX ( Aias). 1. A son of Telamon, king ol Salamis, by Periboca or Eriboea (Apollod. iii. 12, ~ 7; Paus. i. 42. ~ 4; Pind. Isth. vi. 65; Diod. iv. 72), and a grandson of Aeacus. Homer calls him Ajax the Telamonian, Ajax the Great, oj simply Ajax (II. ii. 768, ix. 169, xiv. 410; comp Pind. Isth. vi. 38), whereas the other Ajax, th< son of OYleus, is always distinguished from thi former by some epithet. According to Home: Ajax joined the expedition of the Greeks agains Troy, with his Salaminians, in twelve ships (Ii ii. 557; comp. Strab. ix. p. 394), and was next t Achilles the most distinguished and the braves among the Greeks. (ii. 768, xvii. 279, &c.) H is described as tall of stature, and his head an. broad shoulders as rising above those of all th Greeks (iii. 226, &c.); in beauty he was inferic to none but Achilles. (Od. xi. 550, xxiv. 17 comp. Paus. i. 35. ~ 3.) When Hector challenge the bravest of the Greeks to single combat, Aja came forward among several others. The peop: prayed that he might fight, and when the 1( fell to Ajax (II. vii. 179, &c.), and he a] proached, Hector himself began to tremble. (215 He wounded Hector and dashed him to the grour by a huge stone. The combatants were separate and upon parting they exchanged arms with oi another as a token of mutual esteem. (305, &c Ajax was also one of the ambassadors whom Ag memnon sent to conciliate Achilles. (ix. 169.) I fought several times besides with Hector, as in t battle near the ships of the Greeks (xiv. 409, &c. N 415, xvi. 114), and in protecting the body of Pati clus. (xvii. 128, 7 32.) In the games at the fune: pile of Patroclus, Ajax fought with Odysseus, I without gaining any decided advantage over h (xxiii. 720, &c.), and in like manner with D
Page 87 AJAX.> modes. In the contest about the armour of Achilles, he was conquered by Odysseus, and this, says Homer, became the cause of his death. (0d. xi. 541, &c.) Odysseus afterwards met his spirit in Hades, and endeavoured to appease it, but in vain. Thus far the story of Ajax, the Telamonian, is related in the Homeric poems. Later writers furnish us with various other traditions about his youth, but more especially about his death, which is so vaguely alluded to by Homer. According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. ~ 7) and Pindar (Isth. vi. 51, &c.), Ajax became invulnerable in consequence of a prayer which Heracles offered to Zeus, while he was on a visit in Salamis. The child was called Aras from derods, an eagle, which appeared immediately after the prayer as a favourable omen. According to Lycophron (455 with the Schol.), Ajax was born before Heracles came to Telamnon, and the hero made the child invulnerable by wrapping him up in his lion's skin. (Comp. Schol. ad II. xxiii. 841.) Ajax is also mentioned among the suitors of Helen. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8; Hygin. Fab. 81.) During the war against Troy, Ajax, like Achilles, made excursions into neighbouring countries. The first of them was to the Thracian Chersonesus, where he took Polydorus, the son of Priam, who had been entrusted to the care of king Polymnestor, together with rich booty. Thence, he went into Phrygia, slew king Teuthras, or Teleutas, in single combat, and carried off great spoils, and Tecmessa, the king's daughter, who became his mistress. (Dict. Cret.. ii. 18; Soph. Aj. 210, 480, &c.; Hor. Carm. ii. 4. 5.) In the contest about the armour of Achilles, Agamemnon, on the advice of Athena, awarded the prize to Odysseus. This discomfiture threw Ajax into an awful state of madness. In the night he rushed from his tent, attacked the sheep of the Greek army, made great havoc among them, and dragged dead and living animals into his tent, fancying that they were his enemies. When, in the morning, he recovered his senses and beheld what he had done, shame and despair led him to destroy himself with the sword which Hector had once given him as a present. (Pind. Nem. vii. 36; Soph. Aj. 42, 277, 852; Ov. Met. xiii. 1, &c.; Lycophr. 1. c.) Less poetical traditions make Ajax die by the hands of others. (Dict. Cret. v. 15; Dar. Phryg. 35, and the Greek argument to Soph. Ajax.) His step-brother Teucrus was charged by Telamon with the murder of Ajax, but succeeded in clearing himself from the accusation. (Pans. i. 28. ~ 12.) A tradition mentioned by Pausanias (i. 35. ~ 3; comp. Ov. Met. xiii. 397, &c.) states, that from his blood there sprang up a purple flower which bore the letters ai on its leaves, which were at once the initials of his name and expressive of a sigh. According to Dictys, Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, deposited the ashes of the hero in a golden urn on mount Rhoeteion; and according to Sophocles, he was buried by his brother Teucrus against the will of the Atreidae. (Comp. Q. Smym.v. 500; Philostr. HeIr. xi. 3.) Pausanias (iii. 19. ~ 11) represents Ajax, like many other heroes, as living after his death in the island of Leuce. It is said that when, in the time of the emperor Hadrian, the sea had washed.pen the grave of Ajax, bones of superhuman size were found in it, which the emperor, however, ardered to be buried again. (Philostr. 1Her. i. 2; Paus. iii. 39. ~ 11.) Respecting the state and AJAX. 87 wandering of his soul after his death, see Plato, De Re Publ. x. in fin.; Plut. Symnpos. ix. 5. Ajax was worshipped in Salamis as the tutelary hero of the island, and had a temple with a statue there, and was honoured with a festival, Alae're a. (Diet. of Ant. s. v.) At Athens too he was worshipped, and was one of the eponymic heroes, one of the Attic tribes (Aeantis) being called after him. (Paus. i. 35. ~ 2; Plut. Synmpos. i. 10.) Not far from the town Rhoeteion, on the promontory of the same name, there was likewise a sanctuary of Ajax, with a beautiful statue, which Antonius sent to Egypt, but which was restored to its origiial place by Augustus. (Strab. xiii. p. 595.) According to Dictys Cretensis (v. 16) the wife of Ajax was Glauca, by whom she had a son, Aeantides; by his beloved Tecmessa, he had a son, Eurysaces. (Soph. Aj. 333.) Several illustrious Athenians of the historical times, such as Miltiades, Cimon, and Alcibiades, traced their pedigree to the Telamonian Ajax. (Paus. ii. 29. ~ 4; Plut. Alcib. 1.) The traditions about this hero furnished plentiful materials, not only for poets, but also for sculptors and painters. His single combat with Hector was represented on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. v. 19. ~ 1); his statue formed a part of a large group at Olympia, the work ofLycius. (Paus. v. 22. ~ 2; comp. Plin. II. N. xxxv. 10. ~ 36; Aelian, V. H. ix. 11.) A beautiful sculptured head, which is generally believed to be a head of Ajax, is still extant in the Egremont collection at Petworth. (Bottiger, Amialtiea, iii. p. 258.) 2. The son of Oileus, king of the Locrians, who is also called the Lesser Ajax. '(Hom. II. ii. 527.) His mother's name was Eriopis. According to Strabo (ix. p. 425) his birthplace was Naryx in Locris, whence Ovid (Met. xiv. 468) calls him Narycits iheros. According to the Iliad (ii. 527, &c.) he led his Locrians in forty ships (Hygin. Fab. 97, says twenty) against Troy. He is described as one *of the great heroes among the Greeks, and acts frequently in conjunction with the Telamonian Ajax. He is small of stature and wears a linen cuirass (Awvo6cdppn), but is brave and intrepid, especially skilled in throwing the spear, and, next to Achilles, the most swift-footed among all the Greeks. (II. xiv. 520, &c., xxiii. 789, &c.) His principal exploits during the siege of Troy are mentioned in the following passages: xiii. 700, &c., xiv. 520, &c., xvi. 350, xvii. 256, 732, &c. In the funeral games at the pyre of Patroclus he contended with Odysseus and Antilochus for the prize in the footrace; but Athena, who was hostile towards him and favoured Odysseus, made him stumble and fall, so that he gained only the second prize. (xxiii. 754, &c.) On his return from Troy his vessel was wrecked on the Whirling Rocks (Fvpal ri rptt), but he himself escaped upon a rock through the assistance of Poseidon, and would have been saved in spite of Athena, but he used presumptuous words, and said that he would escape the dangers of the sea in defiance of the immortals. Hereupon Poseidon split the rock with his trident, and Ajax was swallowed up by the sea. (Od. iv. 499, &c.) In later traditions this Ajax is called a son of Oileus and the nymph Rhene, and is also mentioned among the suitors of Helen. (Hygin. Fab. 81, 97; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8.) According to: tradition in Philostratus (1Her. viii. 1), Ajax had a tame dragon, five cubits in length, which follow
Page 88 88 AIUS LOCUTIUS. ed him everywhere like a dog. After the taking of Troy, it is said, he rushed into the temple of Athena, where Cassandra had taken refuge, and was embracing the statue of the goddess as a suppliant. Ajax dragged her away with violence and led her to the other captives. (Virg. Aen. ii. 403; Eurip. Troad. 70, &c.; Dict. Cret. v. 12; Hygin. Fab. 116.) According to some statements he even violated Cassandra in the temple of the goddess (Tryphiod. 635; Q. Smyrn. xiii. 422; Lycophr. 360, with the Schol.); Odysseus at least accused him of this crime, and Ajax was to be stoned to death, but saved himself by establishing his innocence by an oath. (Paus. x. 26. ~ 1, 31. ~ 1.) The whole charge, is on the other hand, said to have been an invention of Agamemnon, who wanted to have Cassandra for himselt But whether true or not, Athena had sufficient reason for being indignant, as Ajax had dragged a suppliant from her temple. When on his voyage homeward he came to the Capharean rocks on the coast of Euboea, his ship was wrecked in a storm, he himself was killed by Athena with a flash of lightning, and his body was washed upon the rocks, which henceforth were called the rocks of Ajax. (Hygin. Fab. 116; comp. Virg. Aen. i. 40, &c., xi. 260.) For a different account of his death see Philostr. Her. viii. 3, and Schol. ad Lycopolr. 1. c. After his death his spirit dwelled in the island of Leuce. (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 11.) The Opuntian Locrians worshipped Ajax as their national hero, and so great was their faith in him, that when they drew up their army in battle array, they always left one place open for him, believing that, although invisible to them, he was fighting for and among them. (Paus. 1. c.; Conon. Narrat. 18.) The story of Ajax was frequently made use of by ancient poets and artists, and the hero who appears on some Locrian coins with the helmet, shield, and sword, is probably Ajax the son of O'leus. (Mionnet, No. 570, &c.) [L. S.] A'IDES, 'At'ts. [HADES.] AIDO'NEUS ('A'wvevs). 1. A lengthened form of 'AfuS'. (Horn. I1. v. 190, xx. 61.) [HADES.] 2. A mythical king of the Molossians, in Epeirus, who is represented as the husband of Persephone, and father of Core. After Theseus, with the assistance of Peirithous, had carried off Helen, and concealed her at Aphidnae [AcADEioUS], he went with Peirithous to Epeirus to procure for him as a reward Core, the daughter of Aidoneus. This king thinking the two strangers were well-meaning suitors, offered the hand of his daughter to Peirithous, on condition that he should fight and conquer his dog, which bore the name of Cerberus. But when Aidoneus discovered that they had come with the intention of carrying off his daughter, he had Peirithous killed by Cerberus, and kept Theseus in captivity, who was afterwards released at the request of Heracles. (Plut. Thes. 31, 35.) Eusebius (Cahron. p. 27) calls the wife of Aldoneus, a daughter of queen Demeter, with whom he had eloped. It is clear that the story about Ai'doneus is nothing but the sacred legend of the rape of Persephone, dressed up in the form of a history, and is undoubtedly the work of a late interpreter, or rather destroyer of genuine ancient myths. [L. S,] AIUS LOCU'TIUS or LOQUENS, a Roman divinity. In the year n. c. 389, a short time bo ALARICUS. fore the invasion of the Gauls, a voice was heard at Rome in the Via nova, during the silence of night, announcing that the Gauls were approaching. (Liv. v. 32.) No attention was at the time paid to the warning, but after the Gauls had withdrawn from the city, the "Romans remembered the prophetic voice, and atoned for their neglect by erecting on the spot in the Via nova, where the voice had been heard, a templum, that is, an altar with a sacred enclosure around it, to Aius Locutius, or the "Announcing Speaker." (Liv. v. 50; Varro, ap. Gell. xvi. 17; Cic. de Divinai. i. 45, ii. 32.) [L. S.] ALABANDUS ('A~dgavSos), a Carian hero, son of Euippus and Calirrhoi, whom the inhabitants of Alabanda worshipped as the founder of their town. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AkArGava;. Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 15, 19.) [L. S.] ALAGO'NIA ('AXayovia), a daughter of Zeus and Europa, from whom Alagonia, a town in Laconia, derived its name. (Paus. iii. 21. ~ 6, 26. ~ 8; Nat. Com. viii. 23.) [L. S.] ALALCOMENE'IS ('AAaxAcoeveri's), a surname of Athena, derived from the hero Alalcomenes, or from the Boeotian village of Alalcomenae, where she was believed to have been born. Others derive the name from the verb dAdAicew, so that it would signify the " powerful defender." (Hom. 11. iv. 8; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AAaAacoivoY; Miller, Orchom. p. 213.) [L. S.] ALALCO'MENES ('AAaAKcoivbs), a Boeotian autochthon, who was believed to have given the name to the Boeotian Alalcomenae, to have brought up Athena, who was born there, and to have been the first who introduced her worship. (Paus. ix. 33. ~ 4.) According to Plutarch (De Daedal. Fragm. 5), he advised Zeus to have a figure of oak-wood dressed in bridal attire, and carried about amidst hymeneal songs, in order to change the anger of Hera into jealousy. The name of the wife of Alalcomenes was Athena 's, and that of his son, Glaucopus, both of which refer to the goddess Athena. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AXaAecogietov; Paus. ix. 3. ~ 3; comp. Diet. of Ant. s. v. AaiXaa; Miiller, Orclhom. p. 213.) [L. S.] ALALCOME'NIA ('AAaAKcoteVa), one of the daughters of Ogyges, who as well as her two sisters, Thelxionoea and Aulis, were regarded as supernatural beings, who watched over oaths and saw that they were not taken rashly or thoughtlessly. Their name was Ilpati3iKcat, and they had a temple in common at the foot of the Telphusian mount in Boeotia. The representations of these divinities consisted of mere heads, and no parts of animals were sacrificed to them, except heads. (Paus. ix. 33. ~ 2, 4; Panyasis, ap. Steph. Bye. s. v. TpepiX/M; Suid. s. v. TIpaýcrmL; Muiller, Orchomn. p. 128, &c.) [L. S.] ALARI'CUS, in German Al-ric, i. e. " All rich," king of the Visigoths, remarkable as being the first of the barbarian chiefs who entered and sacked the city of Rome, and the first enemy who had appeared before its walls since the time of Hannibal. He was of the family of Baltha, or Bold, the second noblest family of the Visigoths. (Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 29.) His first appearance in history is in A. D. 394, when he was invested by Theodosius with the command of the Gothic auxiliaries in his war with Eugenius. (Zosimus, v. 5.) In 396, partly from anger at being refused
Page 89 ALARICUS. the command of the armies of the eastern empire, partly at the instigation of Rufinus (Socrates, Hist. 1Eccl. vii. 10), he invaded and devastated Greece, till, by the arrival of Stilicho in 397, he was compelled to escape to Epirus. Whilst there he was, by the weakness of Arcadius, appointed prefect of eastern Illyricum (Zosimus, v. 5, 6), and partly owing to this office, and the use he made of it in providing arms for his own purposes, partly to his birth and fame, was by his countrymen elected king in 398. (Claudian, Eutrop. ii. 212, Bell. Get. 533-543.) The rest of his life was spent in the two invasions of Italy. The first (400-403), apparently unprovoked, brought him only to Ravenna, and, after a bloody defeat at Pollentia, in which his wife and treasures were taken, and a masterly retreat to Verona (Oros. vii. 37), was ended by the treaty with Stilicho, which transferred his services from Arcadius to H-onorius, and made him prefect of the western instead of the eastern Illyricum. In this capacity he fixed his camp at Aemona, in expectation of the fulfilment of his demands for pay, and for a western province, as the future home of his nation. The second invasion (408-410) was occasioned by the delay of this fulfilment, and by the massacre of the Gothic families in Italy on Stilicho's death. It is marked by the three sieges of Rome. The first (408), as being a protracted blockade, was the most severe, but was raised by a ransom. The second (409), was occasioned by a refusal to comply with Alaric's demands, and, upon the occupation of Ostia, ended in the unconditional surrender of the city, and in the disposal of the empire by Alaric to Attains, till on discovery of his incapacity, he restored it to Honorius. (Zosimus, v. vi.) The third (410), was occasioned by an assault upon his troops under the imperial sanction, and was ended by the treacherous opening of the Salarian gate on August 24, and the sack of the city for six days. It was immediately followed by the occupation of the south of Italy, and the design of invading Sicily and Africa. This intention, however, was interrupted by his death, after a short illness at Consentia, where he was buried in the bed of the adjacent river Busentinus, and the place of his interment concealed by the massacre of all the workmen employed on the occasion. (Oros. vii. 39; Jornandes, 30.) The few personal traits that are recorded of him -his answer to the Roman embassy with a hoarse laugh in answer to their threat of desperate resistance, "The thicker the hay, the easier mown," and, in reply to their question of what he would leave them, "Your lives"-are in the true savage humour of a barbarian conqueror. (Zosimus, v. 40.) But the impression left upon us by his general character is of a higher order. The real military skill shewn in his escape from Greece, and in his retreat to Verona; the wish at Athens to shew that he adopted the use of the bath and the other external forms of civilised life; the moderation and justice which he observed towards the Romans in the times of peace; the humanity which distinguished him during the sack of Rome-indicate something superior to the mere craft and lawless ambition which he seems to have possessed in common with other barbarian chiefs. So also his scruples against fighting on Easter-day when attacked at Pollentia, and his reverence for the churches during the sack of the city (Oros. vii. 37, 39), ALASTORIDES. 89 imply that the Christian faith, in which lie had been instructed by Arian teachers, had laid some hold at least on his imagination, and had not been tinged with that fierce hostility against the orthodox party which marked the Arians of the Vandal tribes. Accordingly, we find that the Christian part of his contemporaries regarded him, in comparison with the other invaders of the empire as the representative of civilization and Christianity, and as the fit instrument of divine vengeance on the still half pagan city (Oros. vii. 37), and the very slight injury which the great buildings of Greece and Rome sustained from his two invasions confirm the same view. And amongst the Pagans the same sense of the preternatural character of his invasion prevailed, though expressed in a different form. The dialogue which Claudian (Bell. Get. 485-540) represents him to have held with the aged counsellors of his own tribe seems to be the heathen version of the ecclesiastical story, that he stopped the monk who begged him to spare Rome with the answer, that he was driven on by a voice which he could not resist. (Socrates, Hist. Eccl. vii. 10.) So also his vision of Achilles and Minerva appearing to defend the city of Athens, as recorded by Zosimus (v. 6), if it does not imply a lingering respect and fear in the mind of Alaric himself towards the ancient worship, - at least expresses the belief of the pagan historian, that his invasion was of so momentous a character as to call for divine interference. The permanent effects of his career are to be found only in the establishment of the Visigothic kingdom of Spain by the warriors whom he was the first to lead into the west. The authorities for the invasion of Greece and the first two sieges of Rome are Zosimus (v. vi): for the first invasion of Italy, Jornandes de Reb. Get. 30; Claudian, B. Get.: for the third siege and sack of Rome, Jornandes, ib.; Orosius, vii. 39; Aug. Civ. Dei, i. 1-10; Hieronym. Epist. ad Princip.; Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 2; Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. ix. 9, 10; Isid. Hispalensis, Chronicon Gottorum.) The invasions of Italy are involved in great confusion by these writers, especially by Jornandes, who blends the battle of Pollentia in 403 with the massacre of the Goths in 408. By conjecture and inference they are reduced in Gibbon (c. 30, 31) to the order which has been here followed. See also Godefroy, adPilostor.xii. 3. [A.P.S.] ALASTOR ('AAcWrcwp). 1. According to Hesychius and the Etymologicum M., a surname of Zeus, describing him as the avenger of evil deeds. But the name is also used, especially by the tragic writers, to designate any deity or demon who avenges wrongs committed by men. (Paus. viii. 24. ~ 4; Plut. De Def. Orac. 13, &c.; Aeschyl. Agam. 1479, 1508, Pers. 343; Soph. Track. 1092; Eurip. Phoen. 1550, &c.) 2. A son of Neleus and Chloris. When Heracles took Pylos, Alastor and his brothers, except Nestor, were slain by him. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 9; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 156.) According to Parthenius (c. 13) he was to be married to Harpalyce, who, however, was taken from him by her father Clymenus. 3. A Lycian, who was a companion of Sarpedon, and slain by Odysseus. (Hom. II. v. 677; Ov. Met. xiii. 257.) Another Alastor is mentioned in Homr. 11. viii. 333, xiii. 422. [L. S.] ALASTO'RIDES ('AhaoropiSks), a patro
Page 90 90 ALBINOVANUS. nymic from Alastor, and given by Homer (II. xx. 463) to Tros, who was probably a son of the Lycian Alastor mentioned above. [L. S.] ALATHIE'US, called ODOTHAEUS by Claudian, became with Saphrax, in A. D. 376, on the' death of Vithimir, the guardian of Vithericus, the young king of the Greuthungi, the chief tribe of the Ostrogoths. Alatheus and Saphrax led their people across the Danube in this year, and uniting their forces with those of the Visigoths under Fritigern, took part against the Romans in the battle of Hadrianople, A. D. 378, in which the emperor Valens was defeated and killed. After plundering the surrounding country, Alatheus and Saphrax eventually recrossed the Danube, but appeared again on its banks in 386, with the intention of invading the Roman provinces again. They were, however, repulsed, and Alatheus was slain. (Amm. Marc. xxxi. 3, &c.; Jornand. de Reb. Get. 26, 27; Claudian, de IV Cons. Honor. 626; Zosimus, iv. 39.) ALBA SI'LVIUS, one of the mythical kings of Alba, said to have been the son of Latinus, and the father of Atys, according to Livy, and of Capetus, according to Dionysius. He reigned thirtynine years. (Liv. i. 3; Dionys. i. 71.) A'LBIA GENS. No persons of this gens obtained any offices in the state till the first century B. c. They all bore the cognomen CARRINAS. L. ALBI'NIUS. 1. One of the tribunes of the plebs, at the first institution of the office, B. c. 494. (Liv. ii. 33.) Asconius calls him L. Albinius C. F. Paterculus. (In Cic. Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli.) 2. A plebeian, who was conveying his wife and children in a cart out of the city, after the defeat on the Alia, B. c. 390, and overtook on thle Janiculus, the priests and vestals carrying the sacred things: he made his family alight and took as many as he was able to Caere. (Liv. v. 40; Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 10.) The consular tribune in B. c. 379, whom Livy (vi. 30) calls M. Albinius, is probably the same person as the above. (Comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, ii. n. 1201.) ALBINOVA'NUS, C. PEDO, a friend and contemporary of Ovid, to whom the latter addresses one of his Epistles from Pontus. (iv. 10.) He is classed by Quintilian (x. 1) among the epic poets; Ovid also speaks of his poem on the exploits of Theseus, and calls him sidereus Pedo, on account of the sublimity of his style. (Er. Pont. iv. 16. 6.) He is supposed to have written an epic poem on the exploits of Germanicus, the son of Drusus, of which twenty-three lines are preserved in the Suasoria of Seneca. (lib. i.) This fragment is usually entitled " De Navigatione Germanici per Oceanum Septentrionalem," and describes the voyage of Germanicus through the Amisia (Ems) into the northern ocean, A. D. 16. (Comp. Tac. Ann. ii. 23.) It would seem from Martial (v. 5), that Albinovanus was also a writer of epigrams. L. Seneca was acquainted with him, and calls him fabulator elegantissimus. (Ep. 122.) Three Latin elegies are attributed to Albinovanus, but without any sufficient authority: namely,-I. " Ad Liviam Aug. de Morte Drusi," which is ascribed to Ovid by many, and has been published separately by Bremer, Helmst. 1775. 2. "1 In Obitum Maecenatis." 3. " De Verbis Maecenatis moribundi." (Wernsdorf, Poetae Latini Minores, iii. pp. 121, &c., 155, &c.) ALBINUS. The fragment of Albinovanus on the voyage of Germanicus, has been published by H. Stephens, Fragnm. Poet., p. 416, Pitboeus, EpigrC.am et posem. vet., p. 239, Burmann, Anthi. Lat. ii. ep. 121, Wernsdorf, Poet. Lat. Min. Iv. i. p. 229, &c. All that has been ascribed to Albinovanus was published at Amsterdam, 1703, with the notes of J. Scaliger and others. The last edition is by Meinecke, which contains the text, and a German translation in verse, Quedlinburg, 1819. ALBINOVA'NUS, P. TU'LLIUS, belonged to the party of Marius in the first civil war, and was one of the twelve who were declared enemies of the state in B. c. 87. He thereupon fled to Hiempspal in Numidia. After the defeat of Carbo and Norbanus in B. c. 81, he obtained the pardon of Sulla by treacherously putting to death many of the principal officers of Norbanus, whom he had invited to a banquet. Ariminium in consequence revolted to Sulla, whence the Pseudo-Asconius (in Cic. Verr. p. 168, ed. Orelli) speaks of Albinovanus betraying it. (Appian, B. C. i. 60, 62, 91; Florus, iii. 21. ~ 7.) ALBI'NUS or ALBUS, the name of the principal family of the patrician Postumia gens. The original name was Albus, as appears from the Fasti, which was afterwards lengthened into Albinus. We find in proper names in Latin, derivatives in anus, enus, and inus, used without any additional meaning, in the same sense as the simple forms. (Comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i. n. 219.) 1. A. POSTUMIUS P. F. ALBUS REGILLENSIS, was, according to Livy, dictator B. c. 498, when he conquered the Latins in the great battle near lake Regillus. Roman story related that Castor and Pollux were seen fighting in this battle on the side of the Romans, whence the dictator afterwards dedicated a temple to Castor and Pollux in the forum. He was consul B. c. 496, in which year some of the annals, according to Livy, placed the battle of the lake Regillus; and it is to this year that Dionysius assigns it. (Liv. ii. 19, 20, 21; Dionys. vi. 2, &c.; Val. Max. i. 8. ~ 1; Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 2, iii. 5.) The surname Regillensis is usually supposed to have been derived from this battle; but Niebuhr thinks that it was taken from a place of residence, just as the Claudii bore the same name, and that the later annalists only spoke of Postumius as commander in consequence of the name. Livy (xxx. 45) states expressly, that Scipio Africanus was the first Roman who obtained a surname from his conquests. (Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 556.) Many of the coins of the Albini commemorate this victory of their ancestor, as in the one annexed. On one side the head of Diana is represented with the letters ROMA underneath, which are partly effaced, and on the reverse are three horsemen trampling on a foot-soldier. 2. SP. POSTUMIus A. F. P. N. ALBUS REGILLENSIS, apparently, according to the Fasti, the son of the preceding, (though it must be observed, that in these early times no dependance can be placed
Page 91 ALBINUS. ALBINUS. 91 upon these genealogies,) was consul B. c. 466. (Liv. iii. 2; Dionys. ix. 60.) He was one of the three commissioners sent into Greece to collect information about the laws of that country, and was a member of the first decemvirate in 451. (Liv. iii. 31, 33; Dionys. x. 52, 56.) He commanded, as legatus, the centre of the Roman army in the battle in which the Aequians and Volscians were defeated in 446. (Liv. iii. 70.) 3. A. PosTUMIus A. F. P. N. ALBUS REGILLENSIS, apparently son of No. 1, was consul B. c. 464, and carried on war against the Aequians. Hie was sent as ambassador to the Aequians in 458, on which occasion he was insulted by their commander. (Liv. iii. 4, 5, 25; Dionys. ix. 62, 65.) 4. SP. POSTUMIUS SP. F. A. N. ALBUS REGILLENSIS, apparently son of No 2, was consular tribune B. c. 432, and served as legatus in the war in the following year. (Liv. iv. 25, 27.) 5. P. PosTUMIUs A. F. A. N. ALBINUS REGILLENSIS, whom Livy calls Marcus, was consular tribune B.c. 414, and was killed in an insurrection of the soldiers, whom he had deprived of the plunder of the Aequian town of Bolae, which he had promised them. (Liv. iv. 49, 50.) 6. M. PosTUtIus A. F. A. N. ALBINUS REGILLENSIS, is mentioned by Livy (v. 1) as consular tribune in B. c. 403, but was in reality censor in that year with M. Furius Camillus. (Fasti Capitol.) In their censorship a fine was imposed upon all men who remained single up to old age. (Val. Max. ii. 9. ~ 1; Plut. Cam. 2; Diet. of Ant. s.v. Uxorium.) 7. A. PosTUMIus ALBINUS REGILLENSIS, consular tribune B. c. 397, collected with his colleague L. Julius an army of volunteers, since the tribunes prevented them from making a regular levy, and cut off a body of Tarquinienses, who were returning home after plundering the Roman territory. (Liv. v. 16.) 8. SP. POSTUMIUS ALBINUS REGILLENSIS, consular tribune B. c. 394, carried on the war against the Aequians; he at first suffered a defeat, but afterwards conquered them completely. (Liv. v. 26, 28.) 9. SP. POSTUMIUs ALBINUS, was consul B. C. 334, and invaded, with his colleague T. Veturius Calvinus, the country of the Sidicini; but, on account of the great forces which the enemy had collected, and the report that the Samnites were coming to their assistance, a dictator was appointed. (Liv. viii. 16, 17.) He was censor in 332 and magister equitum in 327, when M. Claudius Marcellus was appointed dictator to hold the comitia. (viii. 17, 23.) In 321, he was consul a second time with T. Veturius Calvinus, and marched against the Samnites, but was defeated near Caudium, and obliged to surrender with his whole army, who were sent under the yoke. As the price of his deliverance and that of the army, he and his colleague and the other commanders swore, in the name of the republic, to a humiliating peace. The consuls, on their return to Rome, laid down their office after appointing a dictator; and the senate, on the advice of Postumius, resolved that all persons who had sworn to the peace should be given up to the Samnites. Postumius, with the other prisoners, accordingly went to the Samnites, but they refused to accept them. (Liv. ix. 1--10; Appian, de Reb. Samn. 2-6; Cic. de Of iii. 30, Cato, 12.) 10. A. PosTvuIUS A. F. L. N. ALBINUS, was consul B. c. 242 with Lutatius Catulus, who defeated the Carthaginians off the Aegates, and thus brought the first Punic war to an end. Albinus was kept in the city, against his will, by the Pontifex Maximus, because he was Flamen Martialis. (Liv. Epit. 19, xxiii. 13; Eutrop. ii. 27; Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 2.) He was censor in 234. (Fasti Capitol.) 11. L. POSTUMIUS, A. F. A. N. ALBINUs, apparently a son of the preceding, was consul B. c. 234, and again in 229. In his second consulship he made war upon the Illyrians. (Eutrop. iii. 4; Ores. iv. 13; Dion Cass. Fray. 151; Polyb. ii. 11, &c., who erroneously calls him Aulus instead of Lucius.) In 216, the third year of the second Punic war, he was made praetor, and sent into Cisalpine Gaul, and while absent was elected consul the third time for the following year, 215. But he did not live to enter upon his consulship; for he and his army were destroyed by the Boii in the wood Litana in Cisalpine Gaul. His head was cut off; and after being lined with gold was dedicated to the gods by the Boii, and used as a sacred drinking-vessel. (Liv. xxii. 35, xxiii. 24; Polyb. iii. 106, 118; Cic. Tuse. i. 37.) 12. SP. POSTUMIUS L. F. A. N. ALBINUS, was praetor peregrinus in B. c. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 47, 50), and consul in 186. In his consulship the senatusconsultum was passed, which is still extant, suppressing the worship of Bacchus in Rome, in consequence of the abominable crimes which were committed in connexion with it. (xxxix. 6, 11, &c.; Val. Max. vi. 3. ~ 7; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 10; Dict. of Ant. p. 344.) He was also augur, and died in 179 at an advanced age. (Liv. xl. 42; Cic. Cato, 3.) 13. A. POSTUMIus A. F. A. N. ALBIaUS, was curule aedile B. c. 187, when he exhibited the Great Games, praetor 185, and consul 180. (Liv. xxxix. 7, 23, xL 35.) In his consulship he conducted the war against the Ligurians. (xl. 41.) He was censor 174 with Q. Fulvius. Their censorship was a severe one; they expelled nine members from the senate, and degraded many of equestrian rank. They executed, however, many public works. (xli. 32, xlii. 10; comp. Cic. Verr. i. 41.) He was elected in his censorship one of the decemviri sacrorum in the place of L. Cornelius Lentulus. (Liv. xlii. 10.) Albinus was engaged in many public missions. In 175 he was sent into northern Greece to inquire into the truth of the representations of the Dardanians and Thessalians about the Bastarnae and Perseus. (Polyb. xxvi. 9.) In 171 he was sent as one of the ambassadors to Crete (Liv. xlii. 35); and after the conquest of Macedonia in 168 he was one of the ten commissioners appointed to settle the affairs of the country with Aemilius Paullus. (xlv. 17.) Livy not unfrequently calls him Luscus, from which it would seem that he was blind of one eye. 14. Sp. POSTUMIus A. F. A. N. ALBINUS PAULLULUS, probably a brother of No. 13 and 15, perhaps obtained the surname of Paullulus, as being small of stature, to distinguish him more accurately from his two brothers. He was praetor in Sicily, B. c. 183, and consul, 174. (Liv. xxxix. 45, xli. 26, xliii. 2.) 15. L. POSTUvrIus A. F. A. N. ALBINUS, probably a brother of No. 13 and 14, was praetor B. c. 180, and obtained the province of further Spain. His command was prolonged in the follow
Page 92 92 ALBINUS. ing year. After conquering the Vaccaei and Lusitani, he returned to Rome in 178, and obtained a triumph on account of his victories. (Liv. xl. 35, 44, 47, 48, 50, xli. 3, 11.) He was consul in 173, with M. Popillius Laenas; and the war in Liguria was assigned to both consuls. Albinus, however, was first sent into Campania to separate the land of the state from that of private persons; and this business occupied him all the summer, so that he was unable to go into his province. He was the first Roman magistrate who put the allies to any expense in travelling through their territories. (xli. 33, xlii. 1, 9.) The festival of the Floralia, which had been discontinued, was restored in his consulship. (Ov. Fast. v. 329.) In 171, he was one of the ambassadors sent to Masinissa and the Carthaginians in order to raise troops for the war against Perseus. (Liv. xlii. 35.) In 169 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the censorship. (xliii. 16.) IIe served under Aemilius Paullus in Macedonia in 168, and commanded the second legion in the battle with Perseus. (xliv. 41.) The last time he is mentioned is in this war, when he was sent to plunder the town of the Aenii. (xlv. 27.) 16. A. POSTUmIuus ALBINUS, one of the officers in the army of Aemilius Paullus in Macedonia, B. c. 168. He was sent by Paullus to treat with Perseus; and afterwards Perseus and his son Philip were committed to his care by Paullus. (Liv. xlv. 4, 28.) 17. L. PosTUMr US SP. v. L. N. ALBINUS, apparently son of No. 12, was curule aedile B. c. ]61, and exhibited the Ludi Megalenses, at which the Eunuch of Terence was acted. He was consul in 154, and died seven days after he had set out from Rome in order to go to his province. It was supposed that he was poisoned by his wife. (Obseq. 76; Val. Max. vi. 3. ~ 8.) 18. A. PosTUMIus A. F. A. N. ALBINUS, apparently son of No. 13, was praetor B. c. 155 (Cic. A cad. ii. 45; Polyb. xxxiii. 1), and consul in 151 with L. Licinius Lucullus. He and his colleague were thrown into prison by the tribunes for conducting the levies with too much severity. (Liv. Epit. 48; Polyb. xxxv. 3; Ores. iv. 21.) He was one of the ambassadors sent in 153 to make peace between Attalus and Prusias (Polyb. xxxiii. 11), and accompanied L. Mummius Achaicus into Greece in 146 as one of his legates. There was a statue erected to his honour on the Isthmus. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 30, 32.) Albinus was well acquainted with Greek literature, and wrote in that language a poem and a Roman history, the latter of which is mentioned by several ancient writers. Polybius (xl. 6) speaks of him as a vain and lightheaded man, who disparaged his own people, and was sillily devoted to the study of Greek literature. He relates a tale of him and the elder Cato, who reproved Albinus sharply, because in the preface to his history he begged the pardon of his readers, if he should make any mistakes in writing in a foreign language; Cato reminded him that he was not compelled to write at all, but that if he chose to write, he had no business to ask for the indulgence of his readers. This tale is also related by Gellius (xi. 8), Macrobius (Preface to Saturn.), Plutarch (Cato, 12), and Suidas (s. v. AV'Aos rlooa-Tuos). Polybius also says that Albinus imitated the worst parts of the Greek character, that he was entirely devoted to pleasure, and shirked all labour and ALBINUS. danger. IHe relates that he retired to Thebes, when the battle was fought at Phocis, on the plea of indisposition, but afterwards wrote an account of it to the senate as if he had been present. Cicero speaks with rather more respect of his literary merits; he calls him doctus homo and liiteratus et disertus. (Cic. Acad. ii. 45, Brut. 21.) Macrobius (ii. 16) quotes a passage from the first book of the Annals of Albinus respecting Brutus, and as he uses the words of Albinus, it has been supposed that the Greek history may have been translated into Latin. A work of Albinus, on the arrival of Aeneas in Italy, is referred to by Servius (ad Virg. Aen. ix. 710), and the author of the work " De Origine Gentis Romanae," c. 15. (Krause, Vitae et Fragm. Veterum Hnistoricorum Romanorum, p. 127, &c.) 19. SP. POSTUMIUs ALBINUS MAGNUS, was consul B. c. 148, in which year a great fire happened at Rome. (Obseq. 78.) It is this Sp. Albinus, of whom Cicero speaks in the Brutus (c. 25), and says that there were many orations of his. 20. SP. POSTUMIUS SP. F. SP. N. ALBINUS, probably son of No. 19, was consul n. c. 110, and obtained the province of Numidia to carry on the war against Jugurtha. He made vigorous preparations for war, but when he reached the province, he did not adopt any active measures, but allowel himself to be deceived by the artifices of Jugurtha, who constantly promised to surrender. Many persons supposed that his inactivity was intentional, and that Jugurtha had bought him over. When Albinus departed from Africa, he left his brother Aulus in command. [See No. 21.] After the defeat of the latter he returned to Numidia, but in consequence of the disorganized state of his army, he did not prosecute the war, and handed over the army in this condition, in the following year, to the consul Metellus. (Sall. Jug. 35, 36, 39, 44; Oros. iv. 15; Eutrop. iv. 26.) He was condemned by the Mamilia Lex, which was passed to punish all those who had been guilty of treasonable practices with Jugurtha. (Cic. Brut. 34; comp. Sall. Jug. 40.) 21. A. PosTUMIUS ALBNrus, brother of No. 20, and probably son of No. 19, was left by his brother as pro-praetor, in command of the army in Africa in B. C. 110. [See No. 20.] He marched to besiege Suthal, where the treasures of Jugurtha were deposited; but Jugurtha, under the promise of giving him a large sum of money, induced him to lead his army into a retired place, where he was suddenly attacked by the Numidian king, and only saved his troops from total destruction by allowing them to pass under the yoke, and undertaking to leave Numidia in ten days. (Sall. Jag. 36-38.) 22. A. PosTUMIUS A. F. SP. N. ALBINUS, grandson of No. 19, and probably son of No. 21, was consul B. c. 99, with M. Antonius. (Plin. IH. N. viii. 7; Obseq. 106.) Gellius (iv. 6) quotes the words of a senatusconsultum passed in their consulship in consequence of the spears of Mars having moved. Cicero says that he was a good speaker. (Brut. 35, post Red. ad Quir. 5.) The following coin is supposed by Eckhel (vol. v. p. 288) and others to refer to this Albinus. On one side is the head of a female with the letters HISPAN., which may perhaps have reference to the victory which his ancestor L. Aibinus obtained in Spain. [See No. 15.] On the other side a man
Page 93 ALBINUS. ALBINUS. 93 is represented stretching out his hand to an eagle, a military standard, and behind him are the fasces with the axe. On it are the letters A. POST. A. F. N. s. ABIN (so on the coin, instead of ALBIN.). On the coins of the Postumia gens the praenomen Spurius is alway written s. and not sP. 23. A. PosTUMIus ALBINUS, a person of praetorian rank, commanded the fleet, B. c. 89, in the Marsic war, and was killed by his own soldiers under the plea that he meditated treachery, but in reality on account of his cruelty. Sulla, who was then a legate of the consul Porcius Cato, incorporated his troops with his own, but did not punish the offenders. (Liv. Epit. 75; Plut. Salla, 6.) 24. A. PosTUMIus ALBINUS was placed by Caesar over Sicily, B. c. 48. (Appian, B. C. ii. 48.) 25. D. JUNIUS BaUTus ALBINUS, adopted by No. 22, and commemorated in the annexed coin, where Brutus is called ALBINV(s) BRVTI. F. [BRUTUS.] ALBI'NUS, procurator of Judaea, in the reign of Nero, about A. D. 63 and 64, succeeded Festus, and was guilty of almost every kind of crime in his government. He pardoned the vilest criminals for money, and shamelessly plundered the provincials. He was succeeded by Florus. (Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 8. ~ 1; Bell. Jud. ii. 14. ~ 1.) The LUCElUS ALBINus mentioned below may possibly have been the same person. ALBI'NUS ('AXeivos), a Platonic philosopher, who lived at Smyrna and was a contemporary of Galen. (Galen, vol. iv. p. 372, ed. Basil.) A short tract by him, entitled 'Etoraywcy? ' es Tov0s hAadrvcvos AieAy6ovs, has come down to us, and is published in the second volume (p. 44) of the first edition of Fabricius; but omitted in the reprint by Harles, because it is to be found prefixed to Etwall's edition of three dialogues of Plato, Oxon. 1771; and to Fischer's four dialogues of Plato, Lips. 1783. It contains hardly anything of importance. After explaining the nature of the Dialogue, which he compares to a Drama, the writer goes on to divide the Dialogues of Plato into four classes, XoyIcovs, EXyicrcKOis, qvoeceKovs,, jIKcovds, and mentions another division of them into Tetralogies, according to their subjects. He advises that the Alcibiades, Phaedo, Republic, and Timaeus, should be read in a series. The authorities respecting Albinus have been collected by Fabricius. (Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 658.) Hie is said to have written a work on the arrangement of the writings of Plato. Another Albinus is mentioned by Boethius and Cassiodorus, who wrote in Latin some works on music and geometry. [B. J.] ALBI'NUS, CLO'DIUS, whose full name was Decimus Clodius Ceionius Septimius Albinus, the son of Ceionius Postumius and Aurelia Messalina, was born at Adrumetum in Africa; but the year of his birth is not known. According to his father's statement (Capitol. Clod. Albin. 4), he received the name of Albinus on account of the extraordinary whiteness of his body. Shewing great disposition for a military life, he entered the army at an early age and served with great distinction, especially during the rebellion of Avidius Cassius against the emperor Marcus Aurelius, in A. D. 175. His merits were acknowledged by the emperor in two letters (ib. 10) in which he calls Albinus an African, who resemubled his countrymen but little, and who was praiseworthy for his military experience, and the gravity of his character. The emperor likewise declared, that without Albinus the legions (in Bithynia) would have gone over to Avidius Cassius, and that he intended to have him chosen consul. The emperor Commodus gave Albinus a command in Gaul and afterwards in Britain. A false rumour having been spread that Commodus had died, Albinus harangued the army in Britain on the occasion, attacking Commodus as a tyrant, and maintaining that it would be useful to the Roman empire to restore to the senate its ancient dignity and power. The senate was very pleased with these sentiments, but not so the emperor, who sent Junius Severus to supersede Albinus in his command. At this time Albinus must have been a very distinguished man, which we may conclude from the fact, that some time before Commodus had offered him the title of Caesar, which he wisely declined. Notwithstanding the appointment of Junius Severus as his successor, Albinus kept his command till after the murder of Commodus and that of his successor Pertinax in A. D. 193. It is doubtful if Albinus was the secret author of the murder of Pertinax, to which Capitolinus makes an allusion. (Ib. 14.) After the death of Pertinax, Didius Julianus purchased the throne by bribing the praetorians; but immediately afterwards, C. Pescennius Niger was proclaimed emperor by the legions in Syria; L. Septimius Severus by the troops in Illyricum and Pannonia; and Albinus by the armies in Britain and Gaul. Julianus having been put to death by order of the senate, who dreaded the power of Septimius Severus, the latter turned his arms against Pescennius Niger. With regard to Albinus, we must believe that Severus made a provisional arrangement with him, conferring upon him the title of Caesar, and holding with him the consulship in A. D. 194. But after the defeat and death of Niger in A. D. 194, and the complete discomfiture of his adherents, especially after the fall of Byzantium in A. D. 196, Severus resolved to make himself the absolute master of the Roman empire. Albinus seeing the danger of his position, which he had increased by his indolence, prepared for resistance. He narrowly escaped being assassinated by a messenger of Severus (ib. 7, 8), whereupon he put himself at the head of his army, which is said to have consisted of 150,000 men. He met the equal forces of Severus at Lugdunum (Lyons), in Gaul, and there f6ught with him on the 19th of February, 197 (Spartian. Sever. 11), a
Page 94 94 ALBUNEA. bloody battle, in which he was at first victorious, but at last was entirely defeated, and lost his life either by suicide, or by order of Severus, after having been made a prisoner. His body was ill treated by Severus, who sent his head to Rome, and accompanied it with an insolent letter, in which he mocked the senate for their adherence to Albinus. The town of Lugdunumn was plundered and destroyed, and the adherents of Albinus were cruelly prosecuted by Severus. Albinus was a man of great bodily beauty and strength; he was an experienced general; a skilful gladiator; a severe, and often cruel commander; and he has been called the Catiline of his time. Hie had one son, or perhaps two, who were put to death with their mother, by order of Severus. It is said that he wrote a treatise on agriculture, and a collection of stories, called Milesian. (Capitolinus, Clodius Albinus: Dion Cass. lxx. 4-7; Herodian, ii. 15, iii. 5-7.) There are several medals of Albinus. In the one annexed he is called D. CLOD. SEPT. ALBIN. CAES. [W. P.] ALBI'NUS, LUCE'IUS, was made by Nero procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis, to which Galba added the province of Tingitana. After the death of Galba, A. D. 69, he espoused the side of Otho, and prepared to invade Spain. Cluvius Rufus, who commanded in Spain, being alarmed at this, sent centurions into Mauretania to induce the Mauri to revolt against Albinus. They accomplished this without much difficulty; and Albinus was murdered with his wife. (Tac. Hist. ii. 58, 59.) A'LBION or ALE'BION ('AXGa'wv or 'AXEwcv), a son of Poseidon and brother of Dercynus or Bergion, together with whom he attacked Heracles, when lie passed through their country (Liguria) with the oxen of Geryon. But they paid for their presumption with their lives. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 10; Pomp. Mela, ii. 5. ~ 39.) The Scholiast on Lycophron (648) calls the brother of Alebion, Ligys. The story is also alluded to in Hyginus (Poet.Astr. ii. 6) and Dionysius. (i. 41.) [L. S.] ALBUCILLA, the wife of Satrius Secundus, and infamous for her many amours, was accused in the last year of the reign of Tiberius (A. D. 37) of treason, or impiety, against the emperor (impietatis in principem), and, with her, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Vibius Marsus, and L. Arruntius, as accomplices. She was cast into prison by command of the senate, after making an ineffectual attempt to destroy herself. (Tac. Ann. vi. 47, 48.) ALBU'NEA, a prophetic nymph or Sibyl, to whom in the neighbourhood of Tibur a grove was consecrated, with a well and a temple. Near it was the oracle of Faunus Fatidicus. (Virg. A en. vii. 81, &c.; Hor. Carm. i. 7. 12; Tibull. ii. 5. 69.) Lactantius (De Sibyll. i. 6) states, that the tenth Sibyl, called Albunea, was worshipped at Tibur, and that her image, holding a book in one ALCAEUS. hand, was found in the bed of the river Anio. Her sorles, or oracles, which belonged to the libri fatales, were, at the command of the senate, deposited and kept in the Capitol. The small square temple of this Sibyl is still extant at Tivoli. Respecting the locality, see Kephalides, Reisen durch Italien, i. p. 125, &c. [L. S.] ALBU'CIUS or ALBU'TIUS, a physician at Rome, who lived probably about the beginning or middle of the first century after Christ, and who is mentioned by Pliny (IH. N. xxix. 5) as having gained by his practice the annual income of two hundred and fifty thousand sesterces (about 19531. 2s. 6d.). This is considered by Pliny to be a very large sum, and may therefore give us some notion of the fortunes made by physicians at Rome about the beginning of the empire. [W. A. G.] T, ALBU'CIUS or ALBU'TIUS, finished his studies at Athens at the latter end of the second century B. c., and belonged to the Epicurean sect. He was well acquainted with Greek literature, or rather, says Cicero, was almost a Greek. (Brut. 35.) On account of his affecting on every occasion the Greek language and philosophy, he was satirized by Lucilius, whose lines upon him are preserved by Cicero (de Fin. i. 3); and Cicero himself speaks of him as a light-minded man. He accused, but unsuccessfully, Q. Mucius Scaevola, the augur, of maladministration (repetundae) in his province. (Brut. 26, De Oral. ii. 70.) In B. c. 105 Albucius was praetor in Sardinia, and in consequence of some insignificant success which he had gained over some robbers, he celebrated a triumph in the province. On his return to Rome, he applied to the senate for the honour of a supplicatio, but this was refused, and he was accused in B. c. 103 of repetundae by C. Julius Caesar, and condemned. Cn. Pompeius Strabo had offered himself as the accuser, but he was not allowed to conduct the prosecution, because he had been the quaestor of Albucius. (De Prov. Cons. 7, in Pison. 38, Div. in Caecil. 19, de Of;. ii. 14.) After his condemnation, he retired to Athens and pursued the study of philosophy. (Tusc. v. 37.) He left behind him some orations, which had been read by Cicero. (Brut. 35.) Varro (de Re Rust. iii. 2. ~ 17) speaks of some satires by L. Albucius written in the style of Lucilius; he appears to be the same person as Titus. C. ALBU'CIUS SILAS. [SILAS.] ALBUS OVI'DIUS JUVENTI'NUS. [JuVENTINUS.] ALCAEUS ('AXtca^os). 1. A son of Perseus and Andromeda, and married to Hipponome, the daughter of Menoeceus of Thebes, by whom he became the father of Amphytrion and Anaxo. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 5; Schol. ad Eurip. Hecub. 886.) According to Pausanias (viii. 14. ~ 2) his wife's name was Laonome, a daughter of the Arcadian Guneus, or Lysidice, a daughter of Pelops. 2. According to Diodorus (i. 14) the original name of Heracles, given him on account of his descent from Alcaeus, the son of Perseus. [HERACLES.] 3. A son of Heracles by a female slave of Jardanus, from whom the dynasty of the Heraclids in Lydia were believed to be descended. (Herod. i. 7.) Diodorus (iv. 31) calls this son of Heracles, Cleolaus. (Comp. Hellanicus, ap. Steph. Byz. s.. 'AicA?; Wesseling, ad Diod. 1. c.) 4. According to Diodorus (v. 79) a general of Rhadamanmthys, whlo presented him with the island
Page 95 ALCAEUS. of Paros. Apollodorus (ii. 5. ~ 9) relates that he was a son of Androgeus (the son of Minos) and brother of Sthenelus, and that when Heracles, on his expedition to fetch the girdle of Ares, which was in the possession of the queen of the Amazons, arrived at Paros, some of his companions were slain by the sons of Minos, residing there. Heracles, in his anger, slew the descendants of Minos, except Alcaeus and Sthenelus, whom he took with him, and to whom he afterwards assigned the island of Thasus as their habitation. [L. S.] ALCAEUS ('AXAcalos), of MESSENE, the author of a number of epigrams in the Greek anthology, from some of which his date may be easily fixed. lie was contemporary with Philip III., king of Macedonia, and son of Demetrius, against whom several of his epigrams are pointed, apparently from patriotic feelings. One of these epigrams, however, gave even more offence to the Roman general, Flamininus, than to Philip, on account of the author's ascribing the victory of Cynoscephalae to the Aetolians as much as to the Romans. Philip contented himself with writing an epigram in reply to that of Alcaeus, in which he gave the Messenian a very broad hint of the fate he might expect if he fell into his hands. (Plut. Flamin. 9.) This reply has singularly enough led Salmasius (De Cruce, p. 449, ap. Fabric. Biblioth. Gracc. ii. p. 88) to suppose that Alcaeus was actually crucified. In another epigram, in praise of Flamininus, the mention of the Roman general's name, Titus, led Tzetzes (lProleg. in Lycophron) into the error of imnagining the existence of an epigrammatist named Alcaeus under the emperor Titus. Those epigrams of Alcaeus which bear internal evidence of their date, were written between the years 219 and 196 B. c. Of the twenty-two epigrams in the Greek Anthology which bear the name of "Alcaeus," two have the word "Mytilenaeus" added to it; but Jacobs seems to be perfectly right in taking this to be the addition of some ignorant copyist. Others bear the name of "Alcaeus Messenius," and some of Alcaeus alone. But in the last class there are several which must, from internal evidence, have been written by Alcaeus of Messene, and, in fact, there seems no reason to doubt his being the author of the whole twenty-two. There are mentioned as contemporaries of Alcaeus, two other persons of the same name, one of them an Epicurean philosopher, who was expelled from Rome by a decree of the senate about 173 or 154 B. c. (Perizon. ad Aelian. V. H. ix. 22; Athen. xii. p. 547, A.; Suidas, s. v. 'Etricovpos): the other is incidentally spoken of by Polybius as being Accustomed to ridicule the grammnarian Isocrates. 'Polyb. xxxii. 6; B. c. 160.) It is just possible that these two persons, of whom nothing further is known, may have been identical with each other, ind with the epigrammatist. (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec. xiii. pp. 836-838; there s a reference to Alcaeus of Messene in Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. x. 2.) [P. S.] ALCAEUS ('AAhcalos), of MYTILENE, in the sland of Lesbos, the earliest of the Aeolian lyric joets, began to flourish in the 42nd Olympiad *vhen a contest had commenced between the nobles mnd the people in his native state. Alcaeus beonged by birth to the former party, and warmly 'spoused their cause. In the second year of the L2nd Olympiad (n. c. 611), we find the brothlers of ALCAEUS. 95 Alcaenis, niamely, Cicis and Antimenidas, fighting under Pittacus against Melanchrus, who is described as the tyrant of Lesbos, and who fell in the conflict. (Diog. Laert. i. 74, 79; Strab. xiii. p. 617; Suidas, s. v. Kbias and lir ratcoss; Etymol. M. p. 513, s. v. Ki0apos, instead of KlctIS; Clinton, Fasti, i. p. 216.) Alcaeus does not appear to have taken part with his brothers on this occasion: on the contrary, he speaks of Melanchrus in terms of high praise. (Fr. 7, p. 426, Blomfield.) Alcaeus is mentioned in connexion with the war in Troas, between the Athenians and Mytilenaeans for the possession of Sigeum. (a. c. 606.) Though Pittacus, who commanded the army of Mytilene, slew with his own hand the leader of the Athenians, Phrynon, an Olympic victor, the Mytilenaeans were defeated, and Alcaeus incurred the disgrace of leaving his arims behind on the field of battle; these arms were hung up as a trophy by the Athenians in the temple of Pallas at Sigeum. (Herod. v. 95; Plut. de Herod. Mali. s. s. 15, p. 858; Strab. xiii. pp. 599, 600; Euseb. Chreon. Olym. xliii. 3; Clinton, Fasti, i. p. 219.) His sending home the news of this disaster in a poem, addressed to his friend Melanippus (Fr. 56, p. 438, Blomf.), seems to shew that he had a reputation for courage, such as a single disaster could not endanger; and accordingly we find him spoken of by ancient writers as a brave and skilful warrior. (Anthol. Palat. ix. 184; Cic. Tusc. Disp. iv. 33; Hor. Carm. i. 32. 6; Athen. xv. p. 687.) He thought that his lyre was best employed in animating his friends to warlike deeds, and his house is described by himself as furnished with the weapons of war rather than with the instruments of his art. (Athen. xiv. p. 627; Fr. 24, p. 430, Blomf.) During the period which followed the war about Sigeum, the contest between the nobles and the people of Mytilene was brought to a crisis; and the people, headed by a succession of leaders, who are called tyrants, and among whom are mentioned the names of Myrsilus, Megalagyrus, and the Cleanactids, succeeded in driving the nobles into exile. During this civil war Alcaeus engaged actively on the side of the nobles, whose spirits he endeavoured to cheer by a number of most animated odes full of invectives against the tyrants; and after the defeat of his party, he, with his brother Antimenidas, led them again in an attempt to regain their country. To oppose this attempt Pittacus was unanimously chosen by the people as aeIav'YsVries (dictator) or tyrant. He held his office for ten years (B. c. 589-579), and during that time he defeated all the efforts of the exiled nobles, and established the constitution on a popular basis; and then he resigned his power. (Strab. xiii. p. 617; Alcaeus, Fr. 23, p. 230, Blomf.; Arist. Rep. iii. 9. ~ 5, or iii. 14; Plut. Amat. ~ 18, p. 763; Diog. Laert. i. 79; Dionys. v. p. 336, Sylb.) [PITTAcus.] Notwithstanding the invectives of Alcaeus against him, Pittacus is said to have set him at Iliberty when he had been taken prisoner, saying that " forgiveness is better than revenge." (Diog. Laert. i. 76; Valer. Max. iv. 1. ~ 6.) Alaceus has not escaped the, suspicion of being moved by personal ambition in his opposition to Pittacus. (Strab. xiii. p. 617.) When Alcaeus and Antimenidas perceived that all hope of their restoration to Mytilene was gone, they travelled over different countries. Alcacus visited Egypt (Strab. i. p. 37),
Page 96 96 ALCAEUS. and he appears to have written poems in which his adventures by sea were described. (Hor. Carm. ii. 13. 28.) Antimenidas entered the service of the king of Babylon, and performed an exploit which was celebrated by Alcaeus. (Strab. xiii. p. 617, Fr. 33, p. 433, Blomf.) Nothing is known of the life of Alcaeus after this period;. but from the political state of Mytilene it is most probable that he died in exile. Among the nine principal lyric poets of Greece some ancient writers assign the first place, others the second, to Alcaeus. His writings present to us the Aeolian lyric at its highest point. But their circulation in Greece seems to have been limited by the strangeness of the Aeolic dialect, and perhaps their loss to us may be partly attributed to the same cause. Two recensions of the works of Alcaeus were made by the grammarians Aristarchus and Aristophanes. Some fragments of his poems which remain, and the excellent imitations of Horace, enable us to understand something of their character. His poems, which consisted of at least ten books (Athen. xi. p. 481), were called in general Odes, Hymns, or Songs (ao'-gara). Those which have received the highest praise are his warlike or patriotic odes referring to the factions of his state oarao-icKrucl or x 'oracra'ao-'rtad, the "Alcaei minaces Camoenae" of Horace. (Carm. ii. 13. 27; Quintil. x. 1. ~ 63; Dionys. de Vet. Script. Ecus. ii. 8, p. 73, Sylb.) Among the fragments of these are the commencement of a song of exultation over the death of Myrsilus (Fr. 4, Blomf.), and part of a comparison of his ruined party to a disabled ship (Fr. 2, Blomf.), both of which are finely imitated by Horace. (Carm. i. 37, i. 14.) Many fragments are preserved, especially by Athenaeus (x. pp. 429, 430), in which the poet sings the praises of wine. (Fr. 1, 3, 16, 18, 20, Blomf.; comp. Hor. Carm. i. 9. 18.) Miller remarks, that "it may be doubted whether Alcaeus composed a separate class of drinking songs (ovutrorucKd);... it is more probable that he connected every exhortation to drink with some reflection, either upon the particular circumstances of the time, or upon man's destiny in general." Of his erotic poems we have but few remains. Among them were some addressed to Sappho; one of which, with Sappho's reply, is preserved by Aristotle (Rhet. i. 9; Fr. 38, Blomf.; Sappho, fr. 30), and others to beautiful youths. (Hor. Carm. i. 32. 10; Cic. de Nat. Deer. i. 28, Tusc. Quaest. iv. 33.) Most of his remaining poems are religious hymns and epigrams. Many of his poems are addressed to his friends individually. The poetry of Alcaeus is always impassioned. Not only with him, but with the Aeolic school in general, poetry was not a mere art, but the plain and warm outpouring of the writer's inmost feelings. The metres of Alcaeus were generally lively, and his poems seem to have been constructed in short single strophes, in all of which the corresponding lines were of the same metre, as in the odes of Horace. He is said to have invented the well-known Alcaic strophe. His likeness is preserved, together with that of Pittacus, on a brass coin of Mytilene in the Royal Museum at Paris, which is engraved by Visconti. (Icon. P1. iii. No. 3.) The fragments of Alcaeus were first collected by Mich. Neander in his "Aristologia Pindarica," Basil. 1556, 8vo., then by Henry Stephens in his collection of the fragments of, the nine chief lyric ALCAMENES. poets of Greece (1557), of which there are several editions, and by Fulvius Ursinus, 1568, 8vo. The more modern collections are those by Jani, Halae San. 1780-1782, 4to.; by Strange, Halle, 1810, 8vo.; by Blomfield, in the "Museum Criticum," vol. i. p. 421, &c., Camb. 1826, reprinted in Gaisford's "Poetae Graeci Minores;" and the most complete edition is that of Matthiae, "Alcaei Mytilenaei reliquiae," Lips. 1827. Additional fragments have been printed in the Rhenish Museum for 1829, 1833, and 1835; in Jahn's "JahrbUch. fiir Philolog." for 1830; and in Cramer'_ "Anecdota Graeca," vol. i. Oxf. 1835. (Bode, Geschichte der Lyrischen Dichtklunst der Hellenen, ii. p. 378, &c.) [P. S.] ALCAEUS (AAceiaos), the son of Miccus, was a native of MYTILENE, according to Suidas, who may, however, have confounded him in this point with the lyric poet. He is found exhibiting at Athens as a poet of the old comedy, or rather of that mixed comedy, which formed the transition between the old and the middle. In B. c. 388, he brought forward a play entitled Ilao'ldra, in the same contest in which Aristophanes exhibited his second Plutus, but, if the meaning of Suidas is rightly understood, he obtained only the fifth place. He left ten plays, of which some fragments remain, and the following titles are known, 'A8cE-ai.olIevomyuevam, Favvuf71's, ESvsuiwvo, 'Iepds' "ydjos, KaX.hAto'r, Kwtq,6Corpayctla, Iahai'o-rpa. Alcaeus, a tragic poet, mentioned by Fabricius (Biblioth. Graec. ii. p. 282), does not appear to be a different person from Alcaeus the comedian. The mistake of calling him a tragic poet arose simply from an erroneous reading of the title of his " Comoedo-tragoedia." (The Greek Argument to the Plutus; Suidas, s. v.; Pollux, x. 1; Casaubon on Athen. iii. p. 206; Meineke, Fragm. Comic. Graec. i. p. 244, ii. p. 824; Bode, Geschicte der Dramatisc/ien Dicltkunst der Hellenen, ii. p. 386.) [P. S.] ALCA'MENES ('AAKaEYIvs), king of Sparta, 10th of the Agids, son of Teleclus, commanded, according to Pausanias, in the night-expedition against Ampheia, which commenced the first Messenian war, but died before its 4th year. This would fix the 38 years assigned him by Apollodorus, about 779 to 742 B. c. In his reign Helos was taken, a place near the mouth of the Eurotas, the last independent hold most likely of the old Achaean population, and the supposed origin of the term Helot. (Paus. iii. 2. ~ 7, iv. 4. ~ 3, 5. ~ 3; Herod. vii. 204; Plut. Apophth. Lac.) [A. H. C.] ALCA'MENES ('AKamciavs'), the son of Sthenelaides, whom Agis appointed as harmost of the Lesbians, when they wished to revolt from the Athenians in B. c. 412. When Alcamenes put to sea with twenty-one ships to sail to Chios, he was pursued by the Athenian fleet off the Isthmus of Corinth, and driven on shore. The Athenians attacked the ships when on shore, and Alcamenes was killed in the engagement. (Thuc. viii. 5, 10.) ALCA'MENES ('AAhca/rse), a distinguished statuary and sculptor, a native of Athens. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) Suidas (s. v.) calls him a Lemnian (if by Alcamenes he means the artist). This K. O. Miller (Arch. der Kunst. p. 96) interprets to mean that he was a cleruchus, or holder of one of the icArpoi in Lemnos. Voss, who is followed by Thiersch (Epochee n der bild. Kunst, p. 130), conjectured that the true reading is Aiutios,
Page 97 ALCAMENES. and accordingly that Alcamenes was born in the district called the Ai4iyai, which is in some degree confirmed by his having made a statue of Dionysus in gold and ivory to adorn a temple of that god in the Lenaeum, a part of the Limnae. (Paus. i. 20. ~ 2.) He was the most famous of the pupils of Phidias, but was not so close an imitator of his master as Agoracritus. Like his fellow-pupil, he exercised his talent chiefly in making statues of the deities. By ancient writers he is ranked amongst the most distinguished artists, and is considered by Pausanias second only to Phidias. (Quintil. xii. 10. ~ 8; Dionys. De Demosth. acum. vol. vi. p. 1108, ed. Reiske; Paus. v. 10. ~ 2.) He flourished from about 01. 84 (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19) to 01. 95 (B. c. 444-400). Pliny's date is confirmed by Pausanias, who says (viii. 9. ~ 1), that Praxiteles flourished in the third generation after Alcamenes; and Praxiteles, as Pliny tells us, flourished about 01. 104 (a. c. 364). The last works of his which we hear of, were the colossal statues of Athene and Hercules, which Thrasybulus erected in the temple of Hercules at Thebes after the expulsion of the tyrants from Athens. (B. c. 403.) The most beautiful and renowned of the works of Alcamenes was a statue of Venus, called from the place where it was set up, 'H v Kjcftrots 'A(po8WT17. (Lucian, Imagines, 4, 6; Paus. i. 19. ~ 2.) It is said that Phidias himself put the finishing touches to this work. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) The breasts, cheeks, and hands were especially admired. It has been supposed by some that this was the Venus for which he gained the prize over Agoracritus. There is no direct evidence of this, and it is scarcely consistent with what Pliny says, that Alcamenes owed his success more to the favouritism of his fellow-citizens than to the excellence of his statue. Another celebrated specimen of his genius was the western pediment of the temple at Olympia, ornamented with a representation of the battle between the Centaurs and the Lapithae. (Paus. v. 10. ~ 2.) Other works of his were: a statue of Mars in the temple of that god at Athens (Paus. i. 8. ~ 5); a statue of Hephaestus, in which the lameness of the god was so ingeniously represented as not to give the appearance of deformity (Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 30; Val. Max. viii. 11. ext. 3); an Aesculapius at Mantineia (Paus. viii. 9. ~ 1); a three-formed Hecate (the first of the kind), and a Procne in the Acropolis at Athens (Paus. ii. 30. ~ 2, i. 24. ~ 3); and a bronze statue of a victor in the Pentathlon. (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) A story of very doubtful credibility is told by Tzetzes (Chil. viii. 193), that Alcamenes and Phidias contended in making a statue of Athene, and that before the statues were erected in their destined elevated position, that of Alcamenes was the most admired on account of its delicate finish; but that, when set up, the effect of the more strongly defined features in that of Phidias caused the Athenians to change their opinion. On a Roman anaglyph in the villa Albani there is the following inscription: Q. LOLLIUS ALCAMENES DEc. ET DUUMVIR. If this contains the name of the artist, he would seem to have been a descendant of an Alcamenes, who had been the slave and afterwards the freedman of one of the Lollian family, and to have attained to the dignity of decurio and duumvir in some municipium. He perhaps exercised the art ALCATHOUS. 97 of carving as an amateur. (Winckelmann, viii. 4, 5.) [C. P. M.] ALCANDER (j"AAcavpos). There are three mythical personages of this name, who are mentioned respectively in Hom. II. v. 678; Virg. Aen. ix. 766; Antonin. Lib. 14. A female Alcandra occurs in the Od. iv. 125. [L. S.] ALCANDER ("AAhcav8pos), a young Spartan, who attacked Lycurgus and thrust out one of his eyes, when his fellow-citizens were discontented with the laws he proposed. His mangled face, however, produced shame and repentance in his enemies, and they delivered up Alcander to him to be punished as he thought fit. But Lycurgus pardoned his outrage, and thus converted him into one of his warmest friends. (Plut. Lyc. 11; Aelian, V. II. xiii. 23; Val. Max. v. 3. ~ ext. 2.) ALCA'THOE or ALCITHOE ('AXacaOo% or 'AAcO0?a), a daughter of Minyas, and sister of Leucippe and Arsippe. Instead of Arsippe, Aelian( V. H. iii. 42) calls the latter Aristippa, and Plutarch (Quaest. Gr. 38) Arsino6. At the time when the worship of Dionysus was introduced into Boeotia, and while the other women and maidens were revelling and ranging over the mountains in Bacchic joy, these two sisters alone remained at home, devoting themselves to their usual occupations, and thus profaning the days sacred to the god. Dionysus punished them by changing them into bats, and their work into vines. (Ov. AM/et. iv. 1-40, 390-415.) Plutarch, Aelian, and Antoninus Liberalis, though with some differences in the detail, relate that Dionysus appeared to the sisters in the form of a maiden, and invited them to partake in the Dionysiac mysteries. When this request was not complied with, the god metamorphosed himself successively into a bull, a lion, and a panther, and the sisters were seized with madness. In this state they were eager to honour the god, and Leucippe, who was chosen by lot to offer a sacrifice to Dionysus, gave up her own son Hippasus to be torn to pieces. In extreme Bacchic frenzy the sisters now roamed over the mountains, until at last Hermes changed them into birds. Plutarch adds that down to his time the men of Orchomenos descended from that family were called 4o/o'ELs, that is, mourners, and the women 6AeLat or aloAXeat, that is, the destroyers. In what manner the neglect of the Dionysiac worship on the part of Alcathoi and her sister was atoned for every year at the festival of the Agrionia, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. 'AypahSva; comp. Buttmann, Mytholog. ii. p. 201, &c. [L. S.] ALCA'THOUS ('AAicdOoos). 1. A son of Pelops and Hippodameia, brother of Atreus and Thyestes, first married Pyrgo and afterwards Euaechme, and was the father of Echepolis, Callipolis, Iphinoe, Periboea, and Automedusa. (Pans. i. 42. ~ 1, 4, 43. ~ 4; Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 11, iii. 12. ~ 7.) Pausanias (i. 41. ~ 4) relates that, after Euippus, the son of king Megareus, was destroyed by the Cythaeronian lion, Megareus, whose elder son Timalcus had likewise fallen by the hands- of Theseus, offered his daughter Euaechme and his kingdom to him who should slay that lion. Alcathous undertook the task, conquered the lion, and thus obtained Euaechme for his wife, and afterwards became the successor of Megareus. In gratitude for this success, he built at Megara a temple of Artemis Agrotera and Apollo Agraeus. He also restored the walls of Megara, which had H
Page 98 98 ALCETAS. been destroyed by the Cretans. (Paus. i. 41. ~ 5.) In this work he was said to have been assisted by Apollo, and the stone, upon which the god used to place his lyre while he was at work, was even in late times believed, when struck, to give forth a sound similar to that of a lyre. (Paus. i. 42. ~ 1; Ov. Met. viii. 15, &c.; Virg. Cir. 105; Theogn. 751.) Echepolis, one of the sons of Alcathous, was killed during the Calydonian hunt in Aetolia, and when his brother Callipolis hastened to carry the sad tidings to his father, he found him engaged in offering a sacrifice to Apollo, and thinking it unfit to offer sacrifices at such a moment, he snatched away the wood from the altar. Alcathous imagining this to be an act of sacrilegious wantonness, killed his son on the spot with a piece of wood. (Paus. i. 42. ~ 7.) The acropolis of Megara was called by a name derived from that of Alcathous. (i. 42. ~ 7.) 2. A son of Porthaon and Euryte, who was slain by Tydeus. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 10, 8. ~ 5; Diod. iv. 65.) 3. A son of Aesyetes and husband of Hippodameia, the daughter of Anchises and sister of Aeneas, who was educated in his house. (Hom. 11. xiii. 466.) In the war of Troy he was one of the Trojan leaders, and was one of the handsomest and bravest among them. (II. xii. 93, xiii. 427.) lie was slain by Idomenens with the assistance of Poseidon, who struck Alcathous with blindness and paralyzed his limbs so that he could not flee. (II. xiii. 433, &c.)-Another personage of this name is mentioned by Virgil, Aen. x. 747. [L. S.] ALCEIDES ('AAtce[&qs), according to some accounts the name which Heracles originally bore (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 12), while, according to Diodorus, his original name was ALCAEUS. [L. S.] ALCESTIS or ALCESTE (AXKrcartis or 'ANiceTrrs), a daughter of Pelias and Anaxibia, and mother of Eumelus and Admetus. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 10, 15.) Homer (II. ii. 715) calls her the fairest among the daughters of Pelias. When Admetus, king of Pherae, sued for her hand, Pelias, in order to get rid of the numerous suitors, declared that he would give his daughter to hinm only who should come to his court in a chariot drawn by lions and boars. This was accomplished by Admetus, with the aid of Apollo. For the further story, see ADMETUs. The sacrifice of herself for Admetus was highly celebrated in antiquity. (Aelian, V. 11H. xiv. 45, Animal. i. 15; Philostr. H1er. ii. 4; Ov. Ars Am. iii. 19; Eurip. Alcestis.) Towards her father, too, she shewed her filial affection, for, at least, according to Diodorus (iv. 52; comp. however, Palaeph. De incredib. 41), she did not share in the crime of her sisters, who murdered their father. Ancient as well as modern critics have attempted to explain the return of Alcestis to life in a rationalistic manner, by supposing that during a severe illness she was restored to life by a pihysician of the name of Heracles. (Palaeph. 1. c.; Plut. Amator. p. 761.) Alcestis was represented on the chest of Cypselus, in a group shewing the funeral solemnities of Pelias. (Paus. v. 17. ~ 4.) In the museum of Florence there is an alto relievo, the I work of Cleomenes, which is believed to represent I Alcestis devoting herself to death. (Meyer, Gesch. dir bildend. Kiinste, i. p. 162, ii. 159.) [L. S.] A'LCETAS ('AAK eas), whose age is unknown, was tlse author of a work on the offerings (dsvaQ'4 - ALCIBIADES. la-ra) in Delphi, of which Athenaeus quotes the second book. (xiii. p. 591, c.) A'LCETAS I. ('AhMcras), king of EPIRUS, was the son of Tharypus. For some reason or other, which we are not informed of, he was expelled from his kingdom, and took refuge with the elder Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, by whom he was reinstated. After his restoration we find him the ally of the Athenians, and of Jason, the Tagus of Thessaly. In B. c. 373, he appeared at Athens with Jason, for the purpose of defending Timotheus, who, through their influence, was acquitted. On his death the kingdom, which till then had been governed by one king, was divided between his two sons, Neoptolemus and Arybbas or Arymbas. Diodorus (xix. 88) calls him Arybilus. (Paus. i. 11. ~ 3; Dem. Timoth. pp. 1187, 1190; Diod. xv. 13. 36.) [C. P. M.] A'LCETAS II., king of EPIRUS, was the son of Arymbas, and grandson of Alcetas 1. On account of his ungovernable temper, he was banished by his father, who appointed his younger son, Aeacides, to succeed him. On the death of Aeacides, who was killed in a battle fought with Cassander B. c. 313, the Epirots recalled Alcetas. Cassander sent an army against him under the command of Lyciscus, but soon after entered into an alliance with hinm (B. c. 312). The Epirots, incensed at the outrages of Alcetas, rose against him and put him to death, together with his two sons; on which Pyrrhus, the son of Aeacides, was placed upon the throne by his protector Glaucias, king of the Illyrians, B. c. 307. (Paus. i. 11. ~ 5; Diod. xix. 88, 89; Plut. Pyrrh. 3.) [C. P. M.] A'LCETAS ('AXKE'raS), the eighth king of MACEDONIA, counting from Caranus, and the fifth, counting from Perdiccas, reigned, according to Eusebius, twenty-nine years. He was the father of Amyntas I., who reigned in the latter part of the sixth century B. c. (Herod. viii. 139.) A'LCETAS ('AAci-ras), the brother of PERDICcas and son of Orontes, is first mentioned as one of Alexander's generals in his Indian expedition. (Arrian, iv. 27.) On the death of Alexander, he espoused his brother's party, and, at his orders, murdered in B. c. 322 Cyane, the half-sister of Alexander the Great, when she wished to marry her daughter Eurydice to Philip Arrhidaeus. (Diod. xix. 52; Polyaen. viii. 60; Arrian, ap. Phot. p. 70, ed. Bekker.) At the time of Perdiccas' murder in Egypt in 321, Alcetas was with Eumenes in Asia Minor engaged against Craterus; and the army of Perdiccas, which had revolted from him and joined Ptolemy, condemned Alcetas and all the partizans of his brother to death. The war against Alcetas, who had now left Eumenes and united his forces with those of Attalus, was entrusted to Antigonus. Alcetas and Attalus were defeated in Pisidia in 320, and Alcetas retreated to Termessus. He was surrendered by the elder inhabitants to Antigonus, and, to avoid falling into his hands alive, slew himself. (Diod. xviii. 29, 37, 44-46; Justin, xiii. 6, 8; Arrian, ap. Phot. 1. c.) ALCIBI'ADES ('AAicfa&qis), the son of Cleinias, was born at Athens about B. c. 450, or a little earlier. His father fell at Coroneia B. c. 447, leaving Alcibiades and a younger son. (Plat.Protqg. p. 320, a.) The last campaign of the war with Potidaea was in B. c. 429. Now as Alcibiades served in this war, and the young Athenians were not sent out on foreign military service before they
Page 99 ALCIBIADES. had attained their 20th year, he could not have been born later than B.c. 449. If he served in the first campaign (B. c. 432), he must have been at least five years old at the time of his father's death. Nepos (Alcib. 10) says he was about forty years old at the time of his death (B. c. 404), and his mistake has been copied by Mitford. Alcibiades was connected by birth with the noblest families of Athens. Through his father he traced his descent from Eurysaces, the son of Ajax (Plat. Alcib. I. p. 121), and through him from Aeacus and Zeus. His mother, Deinomache, was the daughter of Megacles, the head of the house of the Alcmaeonids.* Thus on both sides he had hereditary claims on the attachment of the people; for his paternal grandfather, Alcibiades, took a prominent part in the expulsion of the Peisistratids (Isocrat. De Big. 10), and his mother was descended from Cleisthenes, the friend of the commonalty. His father Cleinias did good service in the Persian war. He fitted out and manned a trireme at his own expense, and greatly distinguished himself in the battle of Artemisium. (Herod. viii. 17.) One of his ancestors of the name of Cleinias earned a less enviable notoriety by taking fraudulent advantage of the Seisachtheia of Solon. The name Alcibiades was of Laconian origin (Thuc. viii. 6), and was derived from the Spartan family to which the ephor Endius belonged, with which that of Alcibiades had been anciently connected by the ties of hospitality. The first who bore the name was the grandfather of the great Alcibiades. On the death of his father (B. c. 447), Alcibiades was left to the guardianship of his relations Pericles and Ariphron.t Zopyrus, the Thracian, is mentioned as one of his instructors. (Plat. Ale. i. p. 122.) From his very boyhood he exhibited signs of that inflexible determination which marked him throughout life. He was at every period of his life remarkable for the extraordinary beauty of his person, of which he seems to have been exceedingly vain. Even when on military service he carried a shield inlaid with gold and ivory, and bearing the device of Zeus hurling the thunderbolt. When he grew up, he earned a disgraceful notoriety by his amours and debaucheries. At the age of 18 he entered upon the possession of his fortune, which had doubtless been carefully husbanded during his long minority by his guardians. Connected as he was with the most influential families in the city, the inheritor of one of the largest fortunes in Athens (to which he afterwards received a large accession through his marriage with Hipparete, the daughter of Hipponicus ), gifted with a mind of singular ver ALCIBIADES. 99 satility and energy, possessed of great powers of eloquence, and urged on by an ambition which no obstacle could daunt, and which was not over scrupulous as to the means by which its ends were to be gained,-in a city like Athens, amongst a people like the Athenians, (of the leading features of whose character he may not unaptly be regarded as an impersonation,) and in times like those of the Peloponnesian war, Alcibiades found a field singularly well adapted for the exercise and display of his brilliant powers. Accustomed, however, from his boyhood to the flattery of admiring companions and needy parasites, he early imbibed that inordinate vanity and love of distinction, which marked his whole career; and he was thus led to place the most perfect confidence in his own powers long before he had obtained strength of mind sufficient to withstand the seductive influence of the temptations which surrounded him. Socrates saw his vast capabilities, and attempted to win him to the paths of virtue. Their intimacy was strengthened by mutual services. In one of the engagements before Potidaea, Alcibiades was dangerously wounded, but was rescued by Socrates. At the battle of Delium (B. c. 424), Alcibiades, who was mounted, had an opportunity of protecting Socrates from the pursuers. (Plat. Conviv. pp. 220, 221; Isocr. De Big. 12.) The lessons of the philosopher were not altogether without influence upon his pupil, but the evil tendencies of his character had taken too deep root to render a thorough reformation possible, and he listened more readily to those who advised him to secure by the readiest means the gratification of his desires. Alcibiades was excessively fond of notoriety and display. At the Olympic games (probably in 01. 89, B. c. 424) he contended with seven chariots in the same race, and gained the first, second, and fourth prizes. His liberality in discharging the office of trierarch, and in providing for the public amusements, rendered him very popular with the multitude, who were ever ready to excuse, on the score of youthful impetuosity and thoughtlessness, his most violent and extravagant acts, into which he was probably as often led by his love of notoriety as by any other motive. Accounts of various instances of this kind, as his forcible detention of Agatharchus, his violence to his wife Hipparete, his assault upon Taureas, and the audacious manner in which he saved Hegemon from a lawsuit, by openly obliterating the record, are given by Plutarch, Andocides, and Athenaeus. (ix. p. 407.) Even the more prudent citizens thought it safer to connive at his delinquencies, than to exasperate him by punishment. As Aeschylus is made to say by Aristophanes (Frogs, 1427), "A lion's whelp ought not to be reared in a city; but if a person rears one, he must let him have his way." Of the early political life of Alcibiades we hear but little. While Cleon was alive he probably appeared but seldom in the assembly. From allusions which were contained in the AaLraAeh of Aristophanes (acted B. c. 427) it appears that he had already spoken there. (For the story connected with his first appearance in the assembly, see Plutarch, Alcib. 10.) At some period or other son. His marriage took place before the battle of Delium (B. c. 424), in which Hipponicus was slain. (Andoc. Alcib. p. 30.) S2 "* Demosthenes (Mid. p. 561) says, that the mother of Alcibiades was the daughter of Hipponicus, and that his father was connected with the Alcmaeonidae. The latter statement may possibly be true. But it is difficult to explain the former, unless we suppose Demosthenes to have confounded the great Alcibiades with his son. t Agariste, the mother of Pericles and Ariphon, was the daughter of Hippocrates, whose brother Cleisthenes was the grandfather of Deinomache. (Herod. vi. 131; Isocr. De Big. 10; Boeckh, Eixplic. ad Pind. Pyth. vii. p. 302.) - He received a portion of 10 talents with his wife, which was to be doubled on the birth of a
Page 100 100 ALCIBIADES. before B. c. 420, he had carried a decree for increasing the tribute paid by the subject allies of Athens, and by his management it was raised to double the amount fixed by Aristeides. After the death of Cleon there was no rival able at all to cope with Alcibiades except Nicias. To the political views of the latter, who was anxious for peace and repose and averse to all plans of foreign conquests, Alcibiades was completely opposed, and his jealousy of the influence and high character of his rival, led him to entertain a very cordial dislike towards him. On one occasion only do we find them united in purpose and feeling, and that was when Hyperbolus threatened one of them with banishment. On this they united their influence, and Hyperbolus himself was ostracised. The date of this occurrence is uncertain. Alcibiades had been desirous of renewing those ties of hospitality by which his family had been connected with Sparta, but which had been broken off by his grandfather. With this view he vied with Nicias in his good offices towards the Spartan prisoners taken in Sphacteria; but in the negotiations which ended in the peace of 421, the Spartans preferred employing the intervention of Nicias and Laches. Incensed at this slight, Alcibiades threw all his influence into the opposite scale, and in B. c. 420, after tricking the Spartan ambassadors who had come for the purpose of thwarting his plans, brought about an alliance with Argos, Elis, and Mantineia. In 419 he was chosen Strategos, and at the head of a small Athenian force marched into Peloponnesus, and in various ways furthered the interests of the new confederacy. During the next three years he took a prominent part in the complicated negotiations and military operations which were carried on. Whether or not he was the instigator of the unjust expedition against the Melians is not clear; but lie was at any rate the author of the decree for their barbarous punishment, and himself purchased a Melian woman, by whom he had a son. In B. c. 415 Alcibiades appears as the foremost among the advocates of the Sicilian expedition (Thuc. vi.), which his ambition led him to believe would be a step towards the conquest of Italy, Carthage, and the Peloponnesus. (Thuc. vi. 90.) While the preparations for the expedition were going on, there occurred the mysterious mutilation of the Hermes-busts A man named Pythonicus charged Alcibiades with having divulged and profaned the Eleusinian mysteries; and another man, Androcles, endeavoured to connect this and similar offences with the mutilation of the Hermae. In spite of his demands for an investigation, Alcibiades was sent out with Nicias and Lamachus in command of the fleet, but was recalled before he could carry out the plan of operations which at his suggestion had been adopted, namely, to endeavour to win over the Greek towns in Sicily, except Syracuse and Selinus, and excite the native Sicels to revolt, and then attack Syracuse. He was allowed to accompany the Salaminia in his own galley, but managed to escape at Thurii, from which place he crossed over to Cyllene, and thence proceeded to Sparta at the invitation of the Spartan government. He now appeared as the avowed enemy of his country; disclosed to the Spartans the plans of the Athenians, and recommended them to send Gylippus to Syracuse, and' to fortify Deceleia. (iThmuc. vi. 88, &c., vii. 18, ALCIBIADES. '27, 28.) Before he left Sicily he had managed to defeat a plan which had been laid for the acquisition of Messana. At Athens sentence of death was passed upon him, his property confiscated, and a curse pronounced upon him by the ministers of religion. At Sparta he rendered himself popular by the facility with which he adopted the Spartan manners. Through his instrumentality many of the Asiatic allies of Athens were induced to revolt, and an' alliance was brought about with Tissaphernes (Thuc.viii. 6,&c.); but the machinations of his enemy Agis [AGIs II.] induced him to abandon the Spartans and take refuge with Tissaphernes (B. c. 412), whose favour he soon gained by his unrivalled talents for social intercourse. The estrangement of Tissaphernes from his Spartan allies ensued. Alcibiades, the enemy of Sparta, wished to return to Athens. He accordingly entered into correspondence with the most influential persons in the Athenian fleet at Samos, offering to bring over Tissaphernes to an alliance with Athens, but making it a condition, that oligarchy should be established there. This coinciding with the wishes of those with whom he was negotiating, those political movements were set on foot by Peisander, which ended (n. c. 411) in the establishmennt of the Four Hundred. The oligarchs, however, finding he could not perform his promises with respect to Tissaphernes, and conscious that he had at heart no real liking for an oligarchy, would not recall him. But the soldiers in the armament at Samos, headed by Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, declared their resolution to restore democracy, and passed a vote, by which Alcibiades was pardoned and recalled, and appointed one of their generals. He conferred an important benefit on his country, by restraining the soldiers from returning at once to Athens and so commencing a civil war; and in the course of the same year the oligarchy was overthrown without their assistance.. Alcibiades and the other exiles were recalled, but for the next four years he remained abroad, and under his command the Athenians gained the victories of Cynossema, Abydos,* and Cyzicus, and got possession of Chalcedon and Byzantium. In B. c. 407, he returned to Athens, where he was received with great enthusiasm. The records of the proceedings against him were sunk in the sea, his property was restored, the priests were ordered to recant their curses, and he was appointed commander-in-chief of all the land and sea forces. (Diod. xiii. 69; Plut. Ale. 33; Xen. IHell. i. 4. ~ 13-20.) He signalised his return by conducting the mystic procession to Eleusis, which had been interrupted since the occupation of Deceleia. But his unsuccessful expedition against Andros and the defeat at Notium, occasioned during his absence by the imprudence of his lieutenant, Antiochus, who brought on an engagement against his orders, furnished his enemies with a handle against him, and he was superseded in his command. (B. c. 406.) Thinking that Athens would scarcely be a safe place for him, Alcibiades went into voluntary exile. * Shortly after the victory at Abydos, Alcibiades paid a visit to Tissaphernes, who had arrived in the neighbourhood of the Hellespont, but was arrested by him and sent to Sardis. After a month's imprisonment, however, he succeeded in making his escape. (Xen. Hellen. i. 1. ~ 9.)
Page 101 ALCIDAMAS. to- his fortified domain at Bisanthe in the Thracian Chersonesus. He collected a band of mercenaries, and made war on the neighbouring Thracian tribes, by which means he considerably enriched himself, and afforded protection to the neighbouring Greek cities. Before the fatal battle of AegosPotami(B. c. 405), he gave an ineffectual warning to the Athenian generals. After the establishment of the tyranny of the Thirty (B. c. 404), he was condemned to banishment. Upon this he tookrefuge with Pharnabazus, and was about to proceed to the court of Artaxerxes, when one night his house was surrounded by a band of armed men, and set on fire. He rushed out sword in hand, but fell, pierced with arrows. (B. c. 404.) According to Diodorus and Ephorus (Diod. xiv. 11) the assassins were emissaries of Pharnabazus, who had been led to this step either by his own jealousy of Alcibiades, or by the instigation of the Spartans. It is more probable that they were either eniployed by the Spartans, or (according to one account in Plutarch) by the brothers of a lady whom Alcibiades had seduced. His corpse was taken up and buried by his mistress Timandra. Athenaeus (xiii. p. 574) mentions a monument erected to his memory at Melissa, the place of his death, and a statue of him erected thereon by the emperor Hadrian, who also instituted certain yearly sacrifices in his honour. He left a son by his wife Hipparete, named Alcibiades, who never distinguished himself. It was for him that Isocrates wrote the speech nIept TOV ZEsyovs. Two of Lysias's speeches (xiv. and xv.) are directed against him. The fortune which he left behind him turned out to be smaller than his patrimony. (Plut. Alcib. and Nicias; Thucyd. lib. v.-viii.; Xenophon, HIellen. lib. i. ii.; Andoc. in Alcib. and de Mkylster.; Isocr. De Bigis; Nepos, Alcib.; Diod. xii. 78-84, xiii. 2-5, 37-41, 45, 46, 49-51, 64-73; Athen. i. p. 3, iv. p. 184, v. pp. 215, 216, ix. p. 407, xi. p. 506, xii. pp. 525, 534, 535, xiii. pp. 574, 575.) [C. P. M.] ALCIBI'ADES ('AAmctmiasis), a Spartan exile, was restored to his country about B. c. 184, by the Achaeans, but was ungrateful enough to go as ambassador from Sparta to Rome, in order to accuse Philopoemen and the Achaeans. (Polyb. xxiii. 4, 11, 12, xxiv. 4; Liv. xxxix. 35.) ALCI'DAMAS ('AXiMdaixes), a Greek rhetorician, was a native of Elaea in Aeolis, in Asia Minor. (Quintil. iii. 1.~ 10, with Spalding's note.) lie was a pupil of Gorgias, and resided at Athens between the years B. c. 432 and 411. Here he gave instructions in eloquence, according to Eudocia (p. 100), as the successor of his master, and was the last of that sophistical school, with which the only object of eloquence was to please the hearers by the pomp and brilliancy of words. That the works of Alcidamas bore the strongest marks of this character of his school is stated by Aristotle (Rhet. iii. 3. ~ 8), who censures his pompous diction and extravagant use of poetical epithets and phrases, and by Dionysius (De Isaeo, 19), who calls his style vulgar and inflated. He is said to have been an opponent of Isocrates (Tzetz. C1hil. xi. 672), but whether this statement refers to real personal enmity, or whether it is merely an inference from the fact, that Alcidamas condemned the practice of writing orations for the purpose of delivering them, is uncertain. The ancients mention several works of Alcida ALCIMACHUS. 101 mas, such as an Eulogy on Death, in which ho enumerated the evils of human life, and of which Cicero seems to speak with great praise (Tusc. i. 48); a shew-speech, called Aoyos MeaoreoviaKds (Aristot. Rhet. i. 13. ~ 5); a work on music (Suidas, s. v.'AAF/cisasr); and some scientific works, viz. one on rhetoric (r6Xme p-ropmciK, Plut. Denmosth. 5), and another called o'yos va-eKo's (Diog. Laert. viii. 56); but all of them are now lost. Tzetzes (01il. xi. 752) had still before him several orations of Alcidamnas, but we now possess only two declamations which go under his name. 1. 'OSwv-0-evs, S'Card YlAatsu'ovus npooaoiaes, in which Odysseus is made to accuse Palamedes of treachery to the cause of the Greeks during the siege of Troy. 2. ireplt oouruio'P, in which the author sets forth the advantages of delivering extempore speeches over those which have previously been written out. These two orations, the second of which is the better one, both in form and thought, bear scarcely any traces of the faults which Aristotle and Dionysius censure in the works of Alcidamas; their fault is rather being frigid and insipid. It has therefore been maintained by several critics, that these orations are not the works of Alcidamas; and with regard to the first of them, the supposition is supported by strong probability; the second may have been written by Alcidamas with a view to counteract the influence of Isocrates. The first edition of them is that in the collection of Greek orators published by Aldus, Venice, 1513, fol. The best modern editions are those in Reiske's Oratores Graeci, vol. viii. p. 64, &c.; and in Bekker's Oratores A tici, vol. vii. (Oxford.) [L. S.] A'LCIDAS ('AAtcilas), was appointed, B. c. 428, commander of the Peloponnesian fleet, which was'sent to Lesbos for the relief of Mytilene, then besieged by the Athenians. But Mytilene surrendered to the Athenians seven days before the Peloponnesian fleet arrived on the coast of Asia-; and Alcidas, who, like most of the Spartan commanders, had little enterprise, resolved to return home, although he was recommended either to attempt the recovery of Mytilene or to make a descent upon the Ionian coast. While sailing along the coast,he captured many vessels, and put to death all the Athenian allies whom he took. From Ephesus he sailed home with the utmost speed, being chased by the Athenian fleet, under Paches, asfar as Patmos. (Thuc. iii. 16, 26-33.) After receiving reinforcements, Alcidas sailed to Corcyra, B. c. 427; and when the Athenians and Corcyraeans sailed out to meet him, he defeated them and drove them back to the island. With his habitual caution, however, he would not follow up the advantage he had gained; and being informed that a large Athenian fleet was approaching, he sailed back to Peloponnesus. (iii. 69-81.) In B. c. 426, he was one of the leaders of the colony founded by the Lacedaemonians at Heracleia, near Thermopylae. (iii. 92.) ALCI'DICE ('AAKtSIKftc), the daughter of Aleus, and wife of Salmoneus, by whom she had a daughter, Tyro. Alcidice died early, and Salmoneus afterwards married Sidero. (Diod. iv. 68; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 8.) [L. S.] ALCI'MACHUS, a painter mentioned by Pliny. (H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40.) He is not spoken of by any other writer, and all that is known about him is, that he painted a picture of Dioxippus, a victor in the pancratium at Olympia.
Page 102 102 ALCIMUS. Dioxippus lived in the time of Alexander the Great. (Aelian, V. H. x. 22; Diod. xvii. 100; Athen. vi. p. 251, a.) Alcimachus therefore probably lived about the same time. [C. P. M.] ALCI'MEDE ('AAhcqteS?), a daughter of Phylacus and Clymene, the daughter of Minyas. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 45; Schol. ad loc. and ad i. 230.) She married Aeson, by whom she became the mother of Jason (Ov. Heroid. iv. 105; Hygin. Fab. 13 and 14), who, however, is called by others a son of Polymede, Arne, or Scarphe. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 8; comp. AESON, JASON.) [L. S.] ALCIMEDON ('AAhcqiS8wv). 1. An Arcadian hero, from whom the Arcadian plain Alcimedon derived its name. He was the father of Phillo, by whom Heracles begot a son, Aechmagoras, whom Alcimedon exposed, but Heracles saved. (Paus. viii. 12. ~ 2.) [AECHMAGORAS.] 2. One of the Tyrrhenian sailors, who wanted to carry off the infant Dionysus from Naxos, but was metamorphosed, with his companions, into a dolphin. (Ov. Met. iii. 618; Hygin. Fab. 134; comp. ACOETES.) 3. A son of Laerceus, and one of the commanders of the Myrmidons under Patroclus. (Hom. II. xvi. 197, xvii. 475, &c.) [L. S.] ALCI'MEDON, an embosser or chaser, spoken of by Virgil (Eclog. iii. 37, 44), who mentions some goblets of his workmanship. [C. P. M.] ALCIMENES ('AAtKcioln). 1. A son of Glaucus, who was unintentionally killed by his brother Bellerophon. According to some traditions, this brother of Bellerophon was called Deliades, or Peiren. (Apollod. ii. 3. ~ 1.) 2. One of the sons of Jason and Medeia. When Jason subsequently wanted to marry Glance, his sons Alcimenes and Tisander were murdered by Medeia, and were afterwards buried by Jason in the sanctuary of Hera at Corinth. (Diod. iv. 54, 55.) [L. S.] ALCI'MENES ('AAic/vjys), an Athenian comic poet, apparently a contemporary of Aeschylus. One of his pieces is supposed to have been the KoAvug&o-at (the Female Swimmers). His works were greatly admired by Tynnichus, a younger contemporary of Aeschylus. There was a tragic writer of the same name, a native of Megara, mentioned by Suidas. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Comicorum Graec. p. 481; Suid. s. v. 'AAKiciAEqs and 'AAh dv.) [C. P. M.] A'LCIMUS ('AAhrclos), also called Jacimus, or Joachim ('IdclKa os), one of the Jewish priests, who espoused the Syrian cause. He was made high priest by Demetrius, about B. c. 161, and was installed in his office by the help of a Syrian army. In consequence of his cruelties he was expelled by the Jews, and obliged to fly to Antioch, but was restored by the help of another Syrian army. He continued in his office, under the protection of the Syrians, till his death, which happened suddenly (B. C. 159) while he was pulling down the wall of the temple that divided the court of the Gentiles from that of the Israelites. (Joseph. Ant. Jud. xii. 9. ~ 7; 1 Malccab. vii. ix.) A'LCIMUS ('ANKLncos), a Greek rhetorician whom Diogenes Laertius (ii. 114) calls the most distinguished of all Greek rhetoricians, flourished about B. c. 300. It is not certain whether he is the same as the Alcimus to whom Diogenes in another passage (iii. 9) ascribes a work Trpds 'Afb'vvra. Athenaeus in several places speaks of a Si ALCINOUS. cilian Alcimus, who appears to have been the author of a great historical work, parts of which are referred to under the names of 'IraAucd and 21KeALKa'. But whether he was the same as the rhetorician Alcimus, cannot be determined. (Athen. x. p. 441, xii. p. 518, vii. p. 322.) [L. S.] A'LCIMUS (AVI'TUS) ALE'THIUS, the writer of seven short poems in the Latin anthology. whom Wernsdorf has shewn (Po't. Lat. Min. vol. vi. p. 26, &c.) to be the same person as Alcimus, the rhetorician in Aquitania, in Gaul, who is spoken of in terms of high praise by Sidonius Apollinaris, (Epist. viii. 11, v. 10,) and Ausonius. (Profess. Burdigal. ii.) His date is determined by Hieronymus in his Chronicon, who says that Alcimus and Delphidius taught in Aquitania in A.D. 360. His poems are superior to most of his time. They are printed by Meier, in his " Anthologia Latina," ep. 254--260, and by Wernsdorf, vol. vi. p. 194, &c. ALCINOUS ('AhKivoos). 1. A son of Nausithous, and grandson of Poseidon. His name is celebrated in the story of the Argonauts, and still more in that of the wanderings of Odysseus. In the former Alcinous is represented as living with his queen Arete in the island of Drepane. The Argonauts, on their return from Colchis, came to his island, and were most hospitably received. When the Colchians, in their pursuit of the Argonauts, likewise arrived in Drepane, and demanded that Medeia should be delivered up to them, Alcinous declared that if she was still a maiden she should be restored to them, but if she was already the wife of Jason, he would protect her and her husband against the Colchians. The Colchians were obliged, by the contrivance of Arete, to depart without their princess, and the Argonauts continued their voyage homewards, after they had received munificent presents from Alcinous. (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 990-1225; Orph. Argon. 1288, &c.; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 25, 26.) According to Homer, Alcinous is the happy ruler of the Phaeacians in the island of Scheria, who has by Arete five sons and one daughter, Nausicaa. (Od. vi. 12, &c., 62, &c.) The description of his palace and his dominions, the mode in which Odysseus is received, the entertainments given to him, and the stories he related to the king about his own wanderings, occupy a considerable portion of the Odyssey (from book vi. to xiii.), and form one of its most charming parts. (Comp. Hygin. Fab. 125 and 126.) 2. A son of Hippothoon, who, in conjunction with his father and eleven brothers, expelled Icarion and Tyndareus from Lacedaemon, but was afterwards killed, with his father and brothers, by Heracles. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 5.) [L. S.] A'LCINOUS ('AActvovs), a Platonic philosopher, who probably lived under the Caesars. Nothing is known of his personal history, but a work entitled 'E7rTroin) c"V IThAdc'wos o'y/MiaTW, containing an analysis of the Platonic philosophy, as it was set forth by late writers, has been preserved. The treatise is written rather in the manner of Aristotle than of Plato, and the author has not hesitated to introduce any of the views of other philosophers which seemed to add to the completeness of the system. Thus the parts of the syllogism (c. 6), the doctrine of the mean and of the eýels and mvepyCeal (c. 2. 8), are attributed to Plato; as well as the division of philosophy which was common to the Peripatetics and Stoics. It
Page 103 ALCIPHRON. was impossible from the writings of Plato to get a system complete in its parts, and hence the temptation of later writers, who sought for system, to join Plato and Aristotle, without perceiving the inconsistency of the union, while everything which suited their purpose was fearlessly ascribed to the founder of their own sect. In the treatise of Alcinous, however, there are still traces of the spirit of Plato, however low an idea he gives of his own philosophical talent. He held the world and its animating soul to be eternal. This soul of the universe (i7 4vuXs o70 Kdeoov) was not created by God, but, to use the image of Alcinous, it was awakened by him as from a profound sleep, and turned towards himself, "that it might look out upon intellectual things (c. 14) and receive forms and ideas from the divine mind." It was the first of a succession of intermediate beings between God and man. The IsVai proceeded immediately from the mind of God, and were the highest object of our intellect; the "form" of matter, the types of sensible things, having a real being in themselves. (c. 9.) He differed from the earlier Platonists in confining the 184=a to general laws: it seemed an unworthy notion that God could conceive an I8Na of things artificial or unnatural, or of individuals or particulars, or of any thing relative. He seems to have aimed at harmonizing the views of Plato and Aristotle on the i'ea, as he distinguished them from the dEyj, forms of things, which he allowed were inseparable: a view which seems necessarily connected with the doctrine of the eternity and self-existence of matter. God, the first fountain of the 1''a, could not be known as he is: it is but a faint notion of him we obtain from negations and analogies: his nature is equally beyond our power of expression or conception. Below him are a series of beings (3aalAovSs) who superintend the production of all living things, and hold intercourse with men. The human soul passes through various transmigrations, thus connecting the series with the lower classes of being, until it is finally purified and rendered acceptable to God. It will be seen that his system was a compound of Plato and Aristotle, with some parts borrowed from the east, and perhaps derived from a study of the Pythagorean system. (Ritter, Geschichte der Philosoephie, iv. p. 249.) Alcinous first appeared in the Latin version of Pietro Balbi, which was published at Rome with Apuleius, 1469, fol. The Greek text was printed in the Aldine edition of Apuleius, 1521, 8vo. Another edition is that of Fell, Oxford, 1667. The best is by J. F. Fischer, Leipzig, 1783, 8vo. It was translated into French by J. J. CombesDounous, Paris, 1800, 8vo., and into English by Stanley in his History of Philosophy. [B. J.] ALCIPHRON ('AAhiqpwv), a Greek sophist, and the most eminent among the Greek epistolographers. Respecting his life or the age in which lie lived we possess no direct information whatever. Some of the earlier critics, as La Croze and J. C. Wolf, placed him, without any plausible reason, in the fifth century of our aera. Bergler, and others who followed him, placed Alciphron in the period between Lucian and Aristaenetus, that is, between" A.D. 170 and 350, while others again assign to him a date even earlier than the time of Lucian. The only circumstance that suggests anything respecting his age is the fact, that among the letters of Aristaenetus there are ALCIPPE. 103 two (1. 5 and 22) between Lucian and Alciphron; now as Aristaenetus is nowhere guilty of any great historical inaccuracy, we may safely infer that Alciphron was a contemporary of Lucian-an inference which is not incompatible with the opinion, whether true or false, that Alciphron imitated Lucian. We possess under the name of Alciphron 116 fictitious letters, in 3 books, the object of which is to delineate the characters of certain classes of men, by introducing them as expressing their peculiar sentiments and opinions upon subjects with which they were familiar. The classes of persons which Alciphron chose for this purpose are fishermen, country people, parasites, and hetaerae or Athenian courtezans. All are made to express their sentiments in the most graceful and elegant language, even where the subjects are of a low or obscene kind. The characters are thus somewhat raised above their common standard, without any great violation of the truth of reality. The form of these letters is exquisitely beautiful, and the language is the pure Attic dialect, such as it was spoken in the best times in familiar but refined conversation at Athens. The scene from which the letters are dated is, with a few exceptions, Athens and its vicinity; and the time, wherever it is discernible, is the period after the reign of Alexander the Great. The new Attic comedy was the principal source from which the author derived his information respecting the characters and manners which he describes, and for this reason these letters contain much valuable information about the private life of the Athenians of that time. It has been said, that Alciphron is an imitator of Lucian; but besides the style, and, in a few instances, the subject matter, there is no resemblance between the two writers: the spirit in which the two treat their subjects is totally different. Both derived their materials from the same sources, and in style both aimed at the greatest perfection of the genuine Attic Greek. Bergler has truly remarked, that Alciphron stands in the same relation to Menander as Lucian to Aristophanes. The first edition of Alciphron's letters is that of Aldus, in his collection of the Greek Epistolographers, Venice, 1499, 4to. This edition, however, contains only those letters which, in more modern editions, form the first two books. Seventy-two new letters were added from a Vienna and a Vatican MS. by Bergler, in his edition (Leipzig, 1715, 8vo.) with notes and a Latin translation. These seventy-two epistles form the third book in Bergler's edition. J. A. Wagner, in his edition (Leipzig, 1798, 2 vols, 8vo., with the notes of Bergler), added two new letters entire, and fragments of five others. One long letter, which has not yet been published entire, exists in several Paris MSS. [L. S.] ALCIPPE ('AAm/cisrt). 1. A daughter of Ares and Agraulos, the daughter of Cecrops. Halirrhothius, the son of Poseidon, intended to violate her, but was surprised by Ares, and killed, for which Poseidon bore a grudge against Ares. (Paus. i. 21. ~ 7; Apollod. iii. 14. ~ 2.) 2. A maiden, who was dishonoured by her own brother, Astraeus, unwittingly. When Astraeus became aware of his deed, he threw himself into a river, which received from him the name of Astraeus, but was afterwards called Caicus. (Plut. De Fluh. 21.) Other personages of this name are mentioned in
Page 104 104" ALCMAEON Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 8; Diod. iv. 16; Eustath. ad 11onm. p. 776; Hom. Od. iv. 124. [ALCYONIDES.] [L.S.] ALCIS ('Ax ic), that is, the Strong. 1. A surname of Athena, under which she was worshipped in Macedonia. (Liv. xlii. 51.) 2. A deity among the Naharvali, an ancient German tribe. (Tacit. Germ. 43.) Grimm (Deutsche Mythol. p. 39) considers Alcis in the passage of Tacitus to be the genitive of Alx, which, according to him, signifies a sacred grove, and is connected with the Greek dao-os. Another Alcis occurs in Apollodorus, ii. 1. ~ 5. [L. S.] ALCFSTHENE, a female painter spoken of by Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40), who mentions one of her pictures representing a dancer. [C. P. M.] ALC[ITHOE. [ALCATHOE.J A'LCITHUS (AKitoes), sent as ambassador by the Achaeans to Ptolemy Philometor, B.c. 169, when they heard that the Anacleteria (see Diet. of Ant. s. v.) were to be celebrated in his honour. (Polyb. xxviii. 10, 16.) ALCMAEON ('AAuaiw;), a son of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle, and brother of Amphilochus, Eurydice, and Demonassa. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 2.) His mother was induced by the necklace of Harmonia, which she received from Polyneices, to persuade her husband Amphiaraus to take part in the expedition against Thebes. (Hom. Od. xv. 247, &c.) But before Amphiaraus set out, he enjoined his sons to kill their mother as soon as they should be grown up. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 2; Hygin. Fab. 73.) When the Epigoni prepared for a second expedition against Thebes, to avenge the death of their fathers, the oracle promised them success and victory, if they chose Alcmaeon their leader. He was at first disinclined to undertake the command, as he had not yet taken vengeance on his mother, according to the desire of his father. But she, who had now received from Thersander, the son of Polyneices, the peplus of Harmonia also, induced him to join the expedition. Alcmaeon distinguished himself greatly in it, and slew Laodamus, the son of Eteocles. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 2, &c.; comp. Diod. iv. 66.) When, after the fall of Thebes, he learnt the reason for which his mother had urged him on to take part in the expedition, he slew her on the advice of an oracle of Apollo, and, according to some traditions, in conjunction with his brother Amphilochus. For this deed he became mad, and was haunted by the Erinnyes. He first came to Oicleus in Arcadia, and thence went to Phegeus in Psophis, and being purified by the latter, he married his daughter Arsino6 or Alphesiboea (Paus. viii. 24. ~ 4), to whom he gave the necklace and peplus of Harmonia. But the country in which he now resided was visited by scarcity, in consequence of his being the murderer of his mother, and the oracle advised him to go to Achelous. According to Pausanias, he left Psophis because his madness did not yet cease. Pausanias and Thucydides (ii. 102; comp. Plut. De Exil. p. 602) further state, that the oracle commanded him to go to a country which had been formed subsequent to the murder of his mother, and was therefore under no curse. The country thus pointed out was a tract of land which had been recently formed at the mouth of the river Achelous. Apollodorus agrees with this account, but gives a detailed history of Alcmaeon's wanderings until he reached the mouth of Achelous, who gave him his daughter Calirrhol in marriage. Calirrhoe had a ALCMAEON. Sdesire to possess the necklace and peplus of Harmonia, and Alcmaeon, to gratify her wish, went to Psophis to get them from Phegeus, under the pretext that he intended to dedicate them at Delphi in order to be freed from his madness. Phegeus complied with his request, but when he heard that the treasures were fetched for Calirrho6, he sent his sons Pronous and Agenor (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 6) or, according to Pausanias (viii. 24. ~ 4), Temenus and Axion, after him, with the command to kill him. This was done, but the sons of Alcmaeon by Calirrhoe took bloody vengeance at the instigation of their mother. (Apollod. Paus. 11. cc.; Ov. Met. ix. 407, &c.) The story about Alcmaeon furnished rich materials for the epic and tragic poets of Greece, and their Roman imitators. But none of these poems is now extant, and we only know from Apollodorus (iii. 7. ~ 7), that Euripides, in his tragedy " Alcmaeon," stated that after the fall of Thebes he married Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, and that he had two children by her, Amphilochus and Tisiphone, whom he gave to Creon, king of Corinth, to educate. The wife of Creon, jealous of the extraordinary beauty of Tisiphone, afterwards sold her as a slave, and Alcmaeon himself bought her, without knowing that she was his daughter. (Diod. iv. 66; Paus. vii. 3. ~ 1, ix. 33. ~ 1.) Alcmaeon after his death was worshipped as a hero, and at Thebes he seems to have had an altar, near the house of Pindar (Pyth. viii. 80, &c.), who calls him his neighbour and the guardian of his property, and also seems to suggest that prophetic powers were ascribed to him, as to his father Amphiaraus. At Psophis his tomb was shewn, surrounded with lofty and sacred cypresses. (Paus. viii. 24. ~ 4.) At Oropus, in Attica, where Amphiaraus and Amphilochus were worshipped, Alcmaeon enjoyed no such honours, because he was a matricide. (Paus. i. 34. ~ 2.) He was represented in a statue at Delphi, and on the chest of Cypselus. (x. 10. ~ 2, v. 17. ~ 4.) [L. S.] ALCMAEON (AXAt/aciowv), son of the Megacles who was guilty of sacrilege with respect to the followers of Cimon, was invited by Croesus to Sardis in consequence of the services he had rendered to an embassy sent by Croesus to consult the Delphic oracle. On his arrival at Sardis, Croesus made him a present of as much gold as he could carry out of the treasury. Alcmaeon took the king at his word, by putting on a most capacious dress, the folds of which (as well as the vacant space of a pair of very wide boots, also provided for the occasion) he stuffed with gold, and then filled his moutli and hair with gold dust. Croesus laughed at the trick, and presented him with as much again (about 590 B. c.). The wealth thus acquired is said to have contributed greatly to the subsequent prosperity of the Alcmaeonidae. (Herod. vi. 125.) Alcmaeon was a breeder of horses for chariotraces, and on one occasion gained the prize in a chariot-race at Olympia. (Herod. 1. c.; Isocrates, de Bigis, c. 10. p. 351.) We are informed by Plutarch (Solon, c. 11), that he commanded the Athenians in the Cirrhaean war, which began B. c. 600. [P. S.] ALCMAEON ('AAcMalew), one of the mosi eminent natural philosophers of antiquity, was ~ native of Crotona in Magna Graecia. His father', name was Pirithus, and he is said to have been pupil of Pythagoras, and must therefore have livec
Page 105 ALCMAEON. in the latter half of the sixth century before Christ. (Diog. Laiert. viii. 83.) Nothing more is known of the events of his life. His most celebrated anatomicaldiscovery has been noticed in the Diet. of Ant. p. 756, a; but whether his knowledge in this branch of science was derived from the dissection of animals or of human bodies, is a disputed question, which it is difficult to decide. Chalcidius, on whose authority the fact rests, merely says (Comment. in Plat. " Tim." p. 368, ed. Fabr.), " qui primus exsectionem aggredi est ausus," and the word exsectio would apply equally well to either case. - He is -said also (Ding. Laert. 1. c.; Clemens Alexandr. S/romn. i. p. 308) to have been the first person who wrote on natural philosophy (<pv-tKov Ao'yov), and to have invented fables (faba/as, Isid. Orig. i. 39). He also wrote several other medical and philosophical works, of which nothing but the titles and a few fragments have been preserved by Stobaeus (Eclog. Phys.), Plutarch (De Phys. Philos. Deer.), and Galen. (Histor. Philosoph.) A further account of his philosophical opinions may be found in Menage's Notes to Diogenes Laertius, viii. 83, p. 387; Le Clerc, Hist. de la Mid.; Alfons. Ciacconius ap. Fabric. Biblioth. Graec. vol. xiii. p. 48, ed. vet.; Sprengel, -ist. de la Mid. vol. i. p. 239; C. G. Kiihn, De Philosoph. ante Hippocr. Medicinae Cultor. Lips. 1781, 4to., reprinted in Ackermann's Opusc. ad Histor. Medic..Pertinentia, Norimb. 1797, 8vo., and in Kiihn's Opusc. Acad. Med. et Philol. Lips. 1827-8, 2 vols. 8vo.; Isensee, Gesch. der Medicin. [W. A. G.] ALCMAEONIDAE. 105 Although Alcmaeon is termed a pupil of Pythagoras, there is great reason to doubt whether he was a Pythagorean at all; his name seems to have crept into the lists of supposititious Pythagoreans given us by later writers. (Brandis, Geschichte der Philosophic, vol. i. p. 507.) Aristotle (Metaphys. A. 5) mentions him as nearly contemporary with Pythagoras, but distinguishes between the TroeiXela of opposites, under which the Pythagoreans included all things, and the double principle of Alcmaeon, according to Aristotle, less extended, although he does not explain the precise difference.- Other doctrines of Alcmaeon have been preserved to us. He said that the human soul was immortal and partook of the divine nature, because like the heavenly bodies it contained in itself a principle of motion. (Arist. de Aninza, i. 2, p. 405; Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 11.) The eclipse of the moon, which was also eternal, he supposed to arise from its shape, which he said was like a boat. All his doctrines which have come down to us, relate to physics or medicine; and seem to have arisen partly out of the speculations of the Ionian school, with which rather than the Pythagorean, Aristotle appears to connect Alcmaeon, partly from the traditionary lore of the earliest medical science. (Brandis, vol. i. p. 508.) [B. J.] ALCMAEO'NIDAE (AXcqawucu'lam), a noble family at Athens, members of which fill a space in Grecian history from 1100 to 400 B. c. The following is a genealogical table of the family. 1. Alcmaeon, founder of the family, 1100 B. c. 2. (Megacles), 6th perpetual archon. 3. (Alcmaeon), last perpetual archon. (B. c. 755-753.) 4. Megacles, archon in B. c. 612. 5. Alcmaeon, about 590 B. c. (See ALCMAEON.) 6. Megacles, the opponent=y=Agariste, daughter of Cleisthenes, of Peisistratus. tyrant of Sicyon. 7. Cleisthenes, (the re- 8. Hippocrates. (Herod.vi.131; 9. Coesyra, mar. former. See CLEIs- Schol. Pind. Pyth. vii. 17.) to Peisistratus. THENES.) 10.Alcibiades. His pa- | rentage is unknown, 11. Megacles, victor 12. Megacles. 13. Agariste.TXanthippus., but he was said to be in the Pythian (Herod. vi. (Herod. vi. an Alcmaeonid on games. (Pind. 131.) 131; Plut. the father's side.(De- Pyth. vii. 15.) Peric. 3.) mosth. inMid. p. 561.) 14. Axiochus. 15. Cleinias -16. Deinomache=Hipponicus, 17. Euryptolemus. 18. Pericles, 19.Ariphron. Plat..Eu- commanded (Plut. Ale. commanded (Plut. Cinm. 4.) (the great (Plut. Alc. thyd. p. a trireme at 1.) at Tanagra states- 1; Plat. 265.) Artemisium B. c. 246. man. PE- Prolag. p. B.c. 480;fell (Thuc.iii.91.) RICLEs.) 320.) at Coroneia He is thought B. c. 442. by some to (Herod. viii. have been 17; Plut. himself an Ale. 1.) Alcmaeonid. HJPPONIC US. m 6 c d e
Page 106 106 ALCMAEONTIDc~iAE.. ALCMAN. a b c d e 20. Alci-21.Celinias. 22. Alcibiades, 23. Cleinias. 24. Callias. 25.Isodice=Cimon. 26. Paralus. 27.Xanbiades. (Xenoph. (the great (Plat. (The rich (Plut. (Plat. Me- thippus. (Xenoph. Conviv. general. Protag. CALLIAS.) Cim. 4.) non, 94; Iellen. i. iv. 12.) ALCIBI- p. 320.) Protag.p. 2. ~ 13.) ADES.) 315; Plut. IPer. 37.) 28. Alcibiades. (ALCIImADES.) The Alcmaeonidae were a branch of the family of the NELEIDAE. The Neleidae were driven out of Pylus in Messenia by the Dorians, about 1100 B. c., and went to Athens, where Melanthus, the representative of the elder branch of the family became king, and Alcmaeon, the representative of the second branch,became a noble and the ancestor of the Alcmaeonidae. Alcmaeon was the great-grandson of Nestor. (Paus. ii. 18. ~ 7.) Among the archons for life, the sixth is named Megacles, and the last Alcmaeon. But, as the archons for life appear to have been always taken from the family of Medon, it is probable that these were only Alcmaeonids on the mother's side. The first remarkable man among the Alcmaeonids was the archon Megacles, who brought upon the family the guilt of sacrilege by his treatment of the insurgents under Cylon. (B. c. 612.) [CIMON MEGACLES.] The expulsion of the Alcmaeonids was now loudly demanded, and Solon, who probably saw in such an event an important step towards his intended reforms, advised them to submit their cause to a tribunal of three hundred nobles. The result was that they were banished from Athens and retired to Phocis, probably about 596 or 595 B. c. Their wealth having been augmented by the liberality of Croesus to Alcmaeon, the son of Megacles [ALCMIAEON], and their influence increased by the marriage of Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, to Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, they took advantage of the divided state of Athens, and by joining the party of Lycurgus, they effected their return; and shortly afterwards, by a similar union, they expelled Peisistratus soon after he had seized the government. (B. c. 559.) [PEISISTRATUS.] This state of things did not last long; for, at the end of five years, Megacles gave his daughter Coesyra in marriage to Peisistratus, and assisted in his restoration to Athens. But a new quarrel immediately arose out of the conduct of Peisistratus towards his wife, and the Alcmaeonids once more expelled him. During the following ten years, Peisistratus collected an army, with which he invaded Attica, and defeated the Alemaeonids, who were now once more driven into exile. They were, however, still formidable enemies. After the death of Hipparchus, they took possession of Lipsydicum, a fortress on the frontier of Attica, and made an attempt to restore themselves, but were defeated by Hippias. They had, however, a more important source of influence. In the year 548 B. c. the temple of Apollo at Delphi was burnt, and the Alcmaeonids having contracted with the Amphictyonic council to rebuild it, executed the work in a style of magnificence which much exceeded their engagement. They thus gained great popularity throughout Greece, while they contrived to bring the Peisistratids into odium by charging them with having caused the fire. The oracle, besides, fa voured them thenceforth; and whenever it was consulted by a Spartan, on whatever matter, the answer always contained an exhortation to give Athens freedom; and the result was that at length the Spartans expelled Hippias, and restored the Alcmaeonids. (B. c. 510.) The restored family found themselves in an isolated position, between the nobles, who appear to have been opposed to them, and the popular party which had been hitherto attached to the Peisistratids. Cleisthenes, now the head of the Alcmaeonidae, joined the latter party, and gave a new constitution to Athens. Further particulars respecting the family are given under the names of its members. (Herod. vi. 121-131; Pindar, Pyth. vii., and Bickh's notes; Clinton's Fasti, ii. p. 4, 299.) [P. S.] ALCMAN ('AAhcyd'v), called by the Attic and later Greek writers Alcmaeon ('AAhcaiwv), the chief lyric poet of Sparta, was by birth a Lydian of Sardis. His father's name was Damas or Titarus. He was brought into Laconia as a slave, evidently when very young. His master, whose name was Agesidas, discovered his genius, and emancipated him; and he then began to distinguish himself as a lyric poet. (Suidas, s. v.; Heraclid. Pont. Polit. p. 206; Vell. Pat. i. 18; Alcman, fr. 11, Welcker; Epigrams by Alexander Aetolus, Leonidas, and Antipater Thess., in Jacob's Anthol. Graec. i. p. 207, No. 3, p. 175, No. 80, ii. p. 110, No. 56; in the Anthol. Palat. vii. 709, 19, 18.) In the epigram last cited it is said, that the two continents strove for the honour of his birth; and Suidas (1. c.) calls him a Laconian of Messoa, which may mean, however, that he was enrolled as a citizen of Messoa after his emancipation. The above statements seem to be more in accordance with the authorities than the opinion of Bode, that Alcman's father was brought from Sardis to Sparta as a slave, and that Alcman himself was born at Messoa. It is not known to what extent he obtained the rights of citizenship. The time at which Alcman lived is rendered somewhat doubtful by the different statements of the Greek and Armenian copies of Eusebius, and of the chronographers who followed him. On the whole, however, the Greek copy of Eusebius appears to be right in placing him at the second year of the twenty-seventh Olympiad. (a. c. 671.) He was contemporary with Ardys, king of Lydia, who reigned from 678 to 629, B. c., with Lesches, the author of the "Little Iliad," and with Terpander, during the later years of these two poets; he was older than Stesichorus, and he is said to have been the teacher of Arion. From these circumstances, and from the fact which we learn from himself (Fr.29), that he lived to a great age, we may conclude, with Clinton, that he flourished from about 671 to about 631 B. c. (Clinton, Fast. i. pp. 189, 191, 365; Hermann, Antiq. Lacon. pp.
Page 107 ALCMAN. ALCMENE. 107 76, 77.) He is said to have died, like Sulla, of choral character we might conclude that they somethe morbus pedicularis. (Aristot. Hist. Anim. v. times had an antistrophic form, and this seems to 31 or 25; Plut. Sulla, 36; Plin. H. N. xi. 33. be confirmed by the statement of Hephaestion ~ 39.) (p. 134, Gaisf.), that he composed odes of fourteen The period during which most of Alcman's strophes, in which there was a change of metre poems were composed, was that which followed after the seventh strophe. There is no trace of an the conclusion of the second Messenian war. Dur- epode following the strophe and antistrophe, in his ing this period of quiet, the Spartans began to poems..cherish that taste for the spiritual enjoyments of The dialect of Aleman was the Spartan Doric, poetry, which, though felt by them long before, with an intermixture of the Aeolic. The popular had never attained to a high state of cultivation, idioms of Laconia appear most frequently in his while their attention was absorbed in war. In more familiar poems. this process of improvement Alcman was imme- The Alexandrian grammarians placed Alcman diately preceded by Terpander, an Aeolian poet, at the head of their canon of the nine lyric poets. who, before the year 676 B. c., had removed from Among the proofs of his popularity may be menLesbos to the mainland of Greece, and had intro- tioned the tradition, that his songs were sung, duced the Aeolian lyric into the Peloponnesus. with those of Terpander, at the first performance This new style of poetry was speedily adapted to of the gymnopaedia at Sparta (B. c. 665, Aelian, the choral form in which the Doric poetry had hither- V. H. xii. 50), and the ascertained fact, that they to been cast, and gradually supplanted that earlier were frequently afterwards used at that festival. style which was nearer to the epic. In the 33rd (Athen. xv. p. 678.) The few fragments which )r 34th Olympiad, Terpander made his great im- remain scarcely allow us to judge how far he dearovements in music. [TERPANDER.] Hence served his reputation; but some of them display a trose the peculiar character of the poetry of his true poetical spirit. Tounger contemporary, Alcman, which presented Alcman's poems comprised six books, the ex-,he choral lyric in the highest excellence which tant fragments of which are included in the col-.he music of Terpander enabled it to reach. But lections of Neander, H. Stephens, and Fulvius \lcman had also an intimate acquaintance with Ursinus. The latest and best edition is that of he Phrygian and Lydian styles of music, and he Welcker, Giessen, 1815. [P. S.] vas himself the inventor of new forms of rhythm, ALCME'NE ('AAMc-niu1n), a daughter of Elecome of which bore his name. tryon, king of Messene, by Anaxo, the daughter A large portion of Alcman's poetry was erotic. of Alcaeus. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 5.) According to n fact, he is said by some ancient writers to have other accounts her mother was called Lysidice,een the inventor of erotic poetry. (Athen. xiii. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. vii. 49; Plut. Thes. 7), or 600; Suidas, s. v.) From his poems of this Eurydice. (Diod. iv. 9.) The poet Asius reprelass, which are marked by a freedom bordering on sented Alcmene as a daughter of Amphiaraus and centiousness, he obtained the epithets of " sweet" Eriphyle. (Paus. v. 17. ~ 4.) Apollodorus mennd " pleasant" ('yAvK'Vs, Xapieis). Among these tions ten brothers of Alcmene, who, with the exoems were many hymeneal pieces. But the Par- ception of one, Licymnius, fell in a contest with enia, which form a branch of Alcman's poems, the sons of Pterelaus, who had carried off the cattle lust not be confounded with the erotic. They of Electryon. Electryon, on setting out to avenge rere so called because they were composed for the the death of his sons, left his kingdom and his urpose of being sung by choruses of virgins, and daughter Alcmene to Amphitryon, who, uninot on account of their subjects, which were very tentionally, killed Electryon. Sthenelus therearious, sometimes indeed erotic, but often reli- upon expelled Amphitryon, who, together with ious. Alcman's other poems embrace hymns to Alcmene and Licymnius, went to Thebes. Alcie gods, Paeans, Prosodia, songs adapted for diffe- mene declared that she would marry him who.nt religious festivals, and short ethical or philo- should avenge the death of her brothers. Amphi)phical pieces. It is disputed whether he wrote tryon undertook the task, and invited Creon of ly of those Anapaestic war-songs, or marches, Thebes to assist him. During his absence, Zeus, hich were called &ear'piap; but it seems very in the disguise of Amphitryon, visited Alcmene, alikely that he should have neglected a kind of and, pretending to be her husband, related to her imposition which had been rendered so popular in what way he had avenged the death of her r Tyrtaeus. brothers. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 6-8; Ov. Amor. i. His metres are very various. He is said by 13. 45; Diod. iv. 9; Hygin. Fab. 29; Lucian, lidas to have been the first poet who composed Dialog. Deor. 10.) When Amphitryon himself ty verses but dactylic hexameters. This state- returned on the next day and wanted to give an ent is incorrect; but Suidas seems to refer to the account of his achievements, she was surprised at orter dactylic lines into which Alcman broke up the repetition, but Teiresias solved the mystery. e Homeric hexameter. In this practice, how- Alcmene became the mother of Heracles by Zeus, er, he had been preceded by Archilochus, from and of Iphicles by Amphitryon. Hera, jealous mom he borrowed several others of his peculiar of Alcmene, delayed the birth of Heracles for Atres: others he invented himself. Among his seven days, that Eurystheus might be born first, Atres we find various forms of the dactylic, ana- and thus be entitled to greater rights, according to estic, trochaic, and iambic, as well as lines com- a vow of Zeus himself. (Hom. 11. xix. 95, &c.; sed of different metres, for example, iambic and Ov. Met. ix. 273, &c.; Diod. I. c.) After the apaestic. The Cretic hexameter was named death of Amphitryon, Alcmene married Rhadamancmanic, from his being its inventor. The poems thys, a son of Zeus, at Ocaleia in Boeotia. (Apollod. Alcman were chiefly in strophes, composed of ii. 4. ~ 11.) After Heracles was raised to the es sometimes of the same metre throughout the rank of a god, Alcmene and his sons, in dread of ophe, sometimes of different metres. From their Eurystheus, fled to Trachis, and thence to Athens,
Page 108 108 ALCYONE. and when Hyllus had cut off the head of Eurystheus, Alcmene satisfied her revenge by picking the eyes out of the head. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 1.) The accounts of her death are very discrepant. According to Pausanias (i. 41. ~ 1), she died in Megaris, on her way from Argos to Thebes, and as the sons of Heracles disagreed as to whether she was to be carried to Argos or to Thebes, she was buried in the place where she had died, at the command of an oracle. According to Plutarch, (De Gen. Socr. p. 578,) her tomb and that of Rhadamanthys were at Haliartus in Boeotia, and hers was opened by Agesilaus, for the purpose of carrying her remains to Sparta. According to Pherecydes (Cap. Anton. Lib. 33), she lived with her sons, after the death of Eurystheus, at Thebes, and died there at an advanced age. When the sons of Heracles wished to bury her, Zeus sent Hermes to take her body away, and to carry it to the islands of the blessed, and give her in marriage there to Rhadamanthys. Hermes accordingly took her out of her coffin, and put into it a stone so heavy that the Heraclids could not move it from the spot. When, on opening the coffin, they found -the stone, they erected it in a grove near Thebes, which in later times contained the sanctuary of Alcmene. (Paus. ix. 16. ~ 4.) At Athens, too, she was worshipped as a heroine, and an altar was erected to her in the temple of Heracles. (Cynosarges, Paus. i. 19. ~ 3.) She was represented on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. v. 18. ~ 1), and epic as well as tragic poets made frequent use of her story, though no poem of the kind is now extant. (Hes. Scut. Herc. init.; Paus. v. 17. ~ 4, 18. ~ 1.) [L. S.] ALCON or ALCO (AAKCV). 1. A son of Hippocoon, and one of the Calydonian hunters, was killed, together with his father and brothers, by Heracles, and had a heroum at Sparta. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 5; Hygin. Fab. 173; Paus. iii. 14. ~ 7, 15. ~ 3.) 2. A son of Erechtheus, king of Athens, and father of Phalerus the Argonaut. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 97; Hygin. Fab. 14.) Valerius Flaccus (i. 399, &c.) represents him as such a skilful archer, that once, when a serpent had entwined his son, he shot the serpent without hurting his child. Virgil (Eclog. v. 11) mentions an Alcon, whom Servius calls a Cretan, and of whom he relates almost the same story as that which Valerius Flaccus ascribes to Alcon, the son of Erechtheus. Two other personages of the same name occur in Cicero (de Nat. Deer. iii. 21), and in Hyginus. (Fab. 173.) [L. S.] ALCON, a surgeon (vulnerum medicus) at Rome in the reign of Claudius, A. D. 41-54, who is said by Pliny (H. N. xxix. 8) to have been banished to Gaul, and to have been fined ten million of sesterces: H.S. eenties cent. mill. (about 78,1251.). After his return from banishment, he is said to have gained by his practice an equal sum within a few years, which, however, seems so enormous (compare ALBUCIUS and AaRUNTIUS), that there must probably be some mistake in the text. A surgeon of the same name, who is mentioned by Martial (Epigr. xi. 84) as a contemporary, may possibly be the same person. [W. A. G.] ALCON, a statuary mentioned by Pliny. (H.N. xxxiv. 14. s. 40.) He was the author of a statue of Hercules at Thebes, made of iron, as symbolical of the god's endurance of labour. [C. P. M.] ALCY'ON E or HALCY'ONE ('AAXKiU'o). ALEA. 1. A Pleiad, a daughter of Atlas and Pleione, by whom Poseidon begot Aethusa, Hyrieus and Hyperenor.. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 1; Ilygin. Praef. Fab. p. 11, ed. Staveren; Ov. Heroid. xix. 133.) To these children Pausanias (ii. 30. ~ 7) adds two others, Hyperes and Anthas. 2. A daughter of Aeolus and Enarete or Aegiale. She was married to Ceyx, and lived so happy with him, that they were presumptuous enough to call each other Zeus and Hera, for which Zeus metamorphosed them into birds, dhlcUKV and Kij5v. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 65.) Hyginus relates that Ceyx perished in a shipwreck, that Alcyone for grief threw herself into the sea, and that the gods, out of compassion, changed the two into birds. It was fabled, that during the seven days before, and as many after, the shortest day of the year, while the bird dcKvWu, was breeding, there always prevailed calms at sea. An embellished form of the same story is given by Ovid, (Met. xi. 410, &c.; comp. Virg. Geory. i. 399.) 3. A surname of Cleopatra, the wife of Meleager, who died with grief at her husband beinc killed by Apollo. (Hom. II. ix. 562; Eustath ad Hom. p. 776; Hygin. Fab. 174.) [L. S.] ALCY'ONEUS ('AXcvovess). 1. A giant, wh( kept possession of the Isthmus of Corinth at th< time when Heracles drove away the oxen o Geryon. The giant attacked him, crushed twelvi waggons and twenty-four of the men of Heracle with a huge block of stone. Heracles himsel warded off the stone with his club and slew Alcy oneus. The block, with which the giant had at tempted the life of Heracles, was shewn on th Isthmus down to a very late period. (Pind. New iv. 44, with the Schol.) In another passage (Ist/ vi. 45, &c.) Pindar calls Alcyoneus a Thracia: shepherd, and places the struggle with him in th Phlegraean plains. 2. One of the giants. [GIGANTES.] [L. S.] ALCYO'NIDES ('AAholIss), the daughter of the giant Alcyoneus (2). After their father death, they threw themselves into the sea, an were changed into ice-birds. Their names ai Phthonia, Anthe, Methone, Alcippe, Pallenm Drimo, and Asteria. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 776 Suidas, s. v. 'AAcvoviass.) [L. S.] A'LEA ('AAsa), a surname of Athena, und( which she was worshipped at Alea, Mantinei; and Tegea. (Paus. viii. 23. ~ 1, 9. ~ 3, ii. 17. ~ 7 The temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, which w< the oldest, was said to have been built by Aleu the son of Apheidas, from whom the goddess pr bably derived this surname. (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 5 This temple was burnt down in B. c. 394, at a new one built by Scopas, which in size at splendour surpassed all other temples in Pelopo nesus, and was surrounded by a triple row columns of different orders. The statue of t] goddess, which was made by Endoeus all of ivor was subsequently carried to Rome by Augustus adorn the Forum Augusti. (Paus. viii. 45. ~ 4, 4 ~ 1 and 2, 47. ~ 1.) The temple of Athena Al at Tegea was an ancient and revered asylum, ai the names of many persons are recorded who say themselves by seeking refuge in it. (Paus. iii. ~ 6, ii. 17. ~ 7, iii. 7. ~ 8.) The priestess Athena Alea at Tegea was always a maiden, w held her office only until she reached the age puberty. (Paus. viii. 47. ~ 2.) Respecting t architecture and the sculptures of this temple, f
Page 109 ALEUAS. Meyer, Gesch. der bildend. Kiinste, ii. p. 99, &c. )n the road from Sparta to Therapne there was ikewise a statue of Athena Alea. (Paus. iii. 19. 3 7.) [L. S.] ALEBION. [ALBION.] ALECTO. [FURIAE.] ALECTOR ('AAEcTop). 1. The father of Leitus, the Argonaut. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16.) Honer (II. xvii. 602) calls him Alectryon. 2. A son of Anaxagoras and father of Iphis, ring of Argos. He was consulted by Polyneices is to the manner in which Amphiaraus might be:ompelled to take part in the expedition against rhebes. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 2; Paus. ii. 18. ~ 4.) r wo others of the same name are mentioned in Jomner. (Od. iv. 10; Eustath. ad Homn. pp. 303 md 1598.) [L. S.] ALE'MON, ALEMO'NIDES. [MYSCELUS.] ALE'TES ('AhATs), a son of Hippotes and a lescendant of Heracles in the fifth degree. He is aid to have taken possession of Corinth, and to lave expelled the Sisyphids, thirty years after the irst invasion of Pelopennesus by the Heraclids. iis family, sometimes called the Aletidae, mainained themselves at Corinth down to the time of lacchis. (Paus. ii. 4. ~ 3, v. 18. ~ 2; Strab. viii.,. 389; Callim. Fragm. 103; Pind. 01. xiii. 17.) /clleius Paterculus (i. 3) calls him a descendant f Heracles in the sixth degree. -He received an racle, promising him the sovereignty of Athens, if.ring the war, which was then going on, its king hould remain uninjured. This oracle became nown at Athens, and Codrus sacrificed himself )r his country. (Conon, Narrat. 26.) [CODRUs.] Other persons of this name are mentioned in tpollod. iii. 10. ~ 6; Hygin. Fab. 122, and in 'irg. Aen. i. 121, ix. 462. [L. S.] ALEUAS and ALEU'ADAE ('AAear and kAevdaSa). Aleuas is the ancestorial hero of the 'hessalian, or, more particularly, of the Larissaean imily of the Aleuadae. (Pind. Pyth. x. 8, with he Schol.) The Aleuadae were the noblest and lost powerful among all the families of Thessaly, rhence Herodotus (vii. 6) calls its members /3ano-.es. (Comp. Diod. xv. 61, xvi. 14.) The first dleuas, who bore the surname of vIppos, that is, ie red-haired, is called king (here synonymous rith Tagus, see Diet. of Ant. p. 932) of Thessaly, nd a descendant of Heracles through Thessalus, ne of the many sons of Heracles. (Suidas, s. v.,AeudSai; Ulpian, ad Dem. Olynth. i.; Schol. d Apollon. Rhod. iii. 1090; Vellei. i. 3.) Plutarch le Am. Frat. in fin.) states, that he was hated by is father on account of his haughty and savage laracter; but his uncle nevertheless contrived to at him elected king and sanctioned by the god of >eiphi. His reign was more glorious than that of ny of his ancestors, and the nation rose in power nd importance. This Aleuas, who belongs to the lythical period of Greek history, is in all probaility the same as the one who, according to Hege-. ion (ap. Ael. Anim. viii. 11), was beloved by a ragon. According to Aristotle (ap. Hlaupocrat. v. TerpapXLa) the division of Thessaly into four irts, of which traces remained down to the latest mes, took place in the reign of the first Aleuas. uttmann places this hero in the period between,e so-called return of the Heraclids and the age of eisistratus. But even earlier than the time of eisistratus the fiamily of the Aleuadae appears to ive become divided into two branches, the Aleu ALEUAS. 109 adae and the Scopadae, called after Scopas, probably a son of Aleuas. (Ov. Ibis, 512.) The Scopadae inhabited Crannon and perhaps Pharsalus also, while the main branch, the Aleuadae, remained at Larissa. The influence of the families, however, was not confined to these towns, but extended more or less over the greater part of Thessaly. They formed in reality a powerful aristocratic party (p3aOrts) in opposition to the great body of the Thessalians. (Herod. vii. 172.) The earliest historical person, who probably belongs to the Aleuadae, is Eurylochus, who terminated the war of Cirrha about B.C. 590. (Strab. ix. p. 418.) [EURYLOCHUs.] In the time of the poet Simonides we find a second Aleuas, who wa a friend of the poet. Hie is called a son of Echecratides and Syris (Schol. ad Theocrit. xvi. 34); but besides the suggestion of Ovid (Ibis, 225), that he had a tragic end, nothing is known about him. At the time when Xerxes invaded Greece, three sons of this Aleuas, Thorax, Eurypylus, and Thrasydaeus, came to him as ambassadors, to request him to go on with the war, and to promise him their assistance. (Herod. vii. 6.) [THocAx.] When, after the Persian war, Leotychides was sent to Thessaly to chastise those who had acted as traitors to their country, he allowed himself to be,bribed by the Aleuadae, although he might have subdued all Thessaly. (Herod. vi. 72; Paus. iii. 7. ~ 8.) This fact shews that the power of the Aleuadae was then still as great as before. About the year B. c. 460, we find an Aleuad Orestes, son of Echecratides, who came to Athens as a fugitive, and persuaded the Athenians to exert themselves for his restoration. (Thuc. i. 111.) Hle had been expelled either by the Thessalians or more probably by a faction of his own family, who wished to exclude him from the dignity of paoTA\'s (i. e. probably Tagus), for such feuds among the Aleuadae themselves are frequently mentioned. (Xen. Anab. i. 1. ~ 10.) After the end of the Peloponnesian war, another Thessalian family, the dynasts of Pherae, gradually rose to power and influence, and gave a great shock to the power of the Aleuadae. As early as B.C. 375, Jason of Pherae, after various struggles, succeeded in raising himself to the dignity of Tagus. (Xen. Hellen. ii. 3. ~ 4; Diod. xiv. 82, xv. 60.) When the dynasts of Pherae became tyrannical, some of the Larissaean Aleuadae conspired to put an end to their rule, and for this purpose they invited Alexander, king of Macedonia, the son of Amyntas. (Diod. xv. 61.) Alexander took Larissa and Crannon, but kept them to himself. Afterwards, Pelopidas restored the original state of things in Thessaly; but the dynasts of Pherae soon recovered their power, and the Aleuadae again solicited the assistance of Macedonia against them. Philip willingly complied with the request, broke the power of the tyrants of Pherae, restored the towns to an appearance of freedom, and made the Aleuadae his faithful friends and allies. (Diod. xvi. 14.) In what manner Philip used them for his purposes, and how little he spared them when it was his interest to do so, is sufficiently attested. (Dem. de Cor. p. 241; Polyaen. iv. 2. ~ 11; Ulpian, 1.c.) Among the tetrarchs whom he entrusted with the administration of Thessaly, there is one Thrasydaeus (Theopomp. ap. A then. vi. p. 249), who undoubtedly belonged to the Aleuadae, just as the Thessalian Medius, who is mentioned as one of
Page 110 110 ALEXANDER. ALEXANDER. the companions of Alexander the Great. (Pint. De nected with the Aleuadae, cannot be ascertained. Tranquil. 13; comp. Strab. xi. p. 530.) The fa- See Boeckh's Commentary on Pind. Pyth. x.; mily now sank into insignificance, and the last Schneider, on Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 9; but more particertain trace of an Aleuad is Thorax, a friend of cularly Buttmann, Von dem Geschlecht der Aleuaden, Antigonus. (Plut. Demetr. 29.) Whether the in his Mytlhol. ii. p. 246, &c., who has made out the sculptors Aleuas, mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. S following genealogical table of the Aleuadae. 8), and Scopas of Paros, were in any way conALEUAS ITIppor, KING, OR TAGUS, OF THESSALY. Mother Archedice. 01. 40. Echecratides.,, 45. Scopas I.,, 50. Eurylochus. / Creon. Diactorides.,, 55. Simus. Echecratides. I wife Dyseris. Scopas II.,, 70.. Aleuas II. Antiochus, Tagus. Thorax, Eurypylus, Thrasydaeus., 80. Orestes.,, 85., 90.,, 95. Medius. Eurylochus. Aristippus. Scopas III., Tagus.,, 100.,, 105. Hellanocrates.,, 110. Eurylochus. Eudicus. Simus. Thrasydaeus.,, 115. Medius. [L. S.] ALEUAS, an artist who was famous for his ALEXA'NDER ('AXaýava'poy), a saint an( statues of philosophers. (Plin. II. N. xxxiv. 8. s. martyr, whose memory is celebrated by the Romis' 19, 26.) [C. P. M.] church, together with the other martyrs of Lyon A'LEUS ('AMAds), a son of Apheidas, and and Vienne, on the second of June. He was grandson of Areas. He was king of Tegea in native of Phrygia, and a physician by professior Arcadia, and married to Neaera, and is said to and was put to death, A. D. 177, during the perse have founded the town of Alea and the first tem- cution that raged against the churches of Lyor ple of Athena Alea at Tegea. (Paus. viii. 23. ~ 1, and Vienne under the emperor Marcus Aurelium 4. ~ 3, &c.; Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 1.) [ALEA.] [L. S.] (Epist. Eccles. Lugdun. et Vienn. apud Euseb. H1is ALEXA'MENUS ('AAeeatievoss), was general Eccl. v.1.p.163.) He was condemned, together wit of the Aetolians, B. c. 196 (Polyb. xviii. 26), and another Christian, to be devoured by wild beasl was sent by the Aetolians, in B. c. 192, to obtain in the amphitheatre, and died (as the historia possession of Lacedaemon. He succeeded in his expresses it) "neither uttering a groan nor a sy object, and killed Nabis, the tyrant of Lacedae- lable, but conversing in his heart with God. mon; but the Lacedaemonians rising against him (Bzovius, Nomenclator Sanctorum Professione M shortly after, he and most of his troops were killed. dicorum; Mart yrol. Roman. ed. Baron.; Adca San. (Liv. xxxv. 34-36.) torum, June 2.) [W. A. G.] ALEXA'MENUS ('AAeaaevors), of Teos, ALEXANDER, an ACARNANIAN, who ha was, according to Aristotle, in his work upon once been a friend of Philip III. of Macedoni poets (Orepp 7roenrwv), the first person who wrote but forsook him, and insinuated himself so mu( dialogues in the Socratic style before the time of into the favour of Antiochus the Great, that I Plato. (Athen. xi. p. 505, b. c.; Diog. Laert. iii. 48.) was admitted to Ihis most secret deliberations. I ALEXANDER. [PARIS.] advised the king to invade Greece, holding out ALEXANDER ('AA^ar'apos), the defender of him the most brilliant prospects of victory over tl men, a surname of Hera under which she was Romans, B. c. 192. (Liv. xxxv. 18.) Antiochi worshipped at Sicyon. A temple had been built followed his advice. In the battle of Cynoscephala there to Hera Alexandros by Adrastus after his in which Antiochus was defeated by the Roman flight from Argos. (Schol. ad Pind. Neam. ix. 30; Alexander was covered with wounds, and in th comp. Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5.) [L. S.] state he carried the news of the defeat to his kin ALEXANDER ('AAEav8pos), a man whom who was staying at Thronium, on the Maliac gu Mithridates is charged by Sulla with having sent When the king, on his retreat from Greece, hf to assassinate Nicomedes. (Appian, De Bell. Mithr. reached Cenaeum in Euboea, Alexander died ai 57.) He seems to be the same person as Alexan- was buried there, B, c. 191. (xxxvi. 20.) [L. S der the Paphlagonian, who is afterwards (76, &c.) ALEXANDER of AEGAE ('AA4_av3pos A mentioned as one of the generals of Mithridates, 'yawos), a peripatetic philosopher, who flourished and was made prisoner by Lucullus, who kept him Rome in the first century, and a disciple of tl to adorn his triumph at Rome. [L. S.] celebrated mathematician Sosigenes, whose calcul
Page 111 ALEXANDER. tions were used by Julius Caesar for his correction of the year. He was tutor to the emperor Nero. (Saidas, s. v. 'AA4eavrpos Al-yator; Suet. Tib. 57.) Two treatises on the writings of Aristotle are attributed to him by some, but are assigned by others to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. I. On the Meteorology of Aristotle, edited in Greek by F. Asulanus, Vcn. 1527, in Latin by Alex. Piccolomini, 1540, fol. II. A commentary on the Metaphysics. The Greek has never been published, but there is a Latin version by Sepulveda, Rom. 1527. [B. J.] ALEXANDER AEGUS. [ALEXANDER IV., KING OF MACEDONIA.] ALEXANDER ('AAxEavSpos), a son of AEMETUS, was one of the commanders of the Macedonian XaKcao-mnes in the army of Antigonus Doson during the battle of Sellasia against Cleomenes III. of Sparta, in B. c. 222. (Polyb. ii. 66.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER AEMILIANUS. [AEMILIANUs, No. 3.] ALEXANDER ('A\X~avapos), son of A'EROPUS, a native of the Macedonian district called Lyncestis, whence he is usually called Alexander Lyncestes. Justin (xi. 1) makes the singular mistake of calling him a brother of Lyncestas, while in other passages (xi. 7, xii. 14) he uses the correct expression. IHe was a contemporary of Philip of Macedonia and Alexander the Great. He had two brothers, Heromenes and Arrhabaeus; ill three were known to have been accomplices in;he murder of Philip, in B. c. 336. Alexander;he Great on his accession put to death all those who had taken part in the murder, and Alexander;he Lyncestian was the only one that was parloned, because he was the first who did homage to klexander the Great as his king. (Arrian, Anab.. 25; Curtius, vii. 1; Justin, xi. 2.) But king klexander not only pardoned him, but even made tim Ihis friend and raised him to high honours. JIe was first entrusted with the command of an,rmy in Thrace, and afterwards received the comsand of the Thessalian horse. In this capacity.e accompanied Alexander on his eastern exedition. In B. c. 334, when Alexander was taying at Phaselis, he was informed, that the Jyncestian was carrying on a secret correspondence Tith king Darius, and that a large sum of money Tas promised, for which he was to murder his )vereign. The bearer of the letters from Darius 'as taken by Parmenion and brought before Alexoder, and the treachery was manifest. Yet lexander, dreading to create any hostile feeling i Antipater, the regent of Macedonia, whose:ughter was married to the Lyncestian, thought advisable not to put him to death, and had him erely deposed from his office and kept in cusdy. In this manner he was dragged about for tree years with the army in Asia, until in B. C. 30, when, Philotas having been put to death for similar crime, the Macedonians demanded that lexander the Lyncestian should likewise be tried id punished according to his desert. King Alexider gave way, and as the traitor was unable to culpate himself, he was put to death at Prophasia, in the country of the Drangae. (Curtius, I., and viii. 1; Justin. xii. 14; Diod. xvii. 32, 80.) ie object of this traitor was probably, with the 1 of Persia, to gain possession of the throne of acedonia, which previous to the reign of Amyn' II. had for a time belonged to his family. [L.S.] ALEXANDER ('AAefavfpos), an AETOLIAN, ALEXANDER. 111 who, in conjunction with Dorymachus, put himself in possession of the town of Aegeira in Achaia, during the Social war, in B. c. 220. But the conduct of Alexander and his associates was so insolent and rapacious, that the inhabitants of the town rose to expel the small, band of the Aetolians. In the ensuing contest Alexander was killed while fighting. (Polyb. iv. 57, 58.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER AETO'LUS ('AAaavspo0r ' AirwAos), a Greek poet and grammarian, who lived in the reign of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. He was the son of Satyrus and Stratocleia, and a native of Pleuron in Aetolia, but spent the greater part of his life at Alexandria, where he was reckoned one of the seven tragic poets who constituted the tragic pleiad. (Suid. s. v.; Eudoc. p. 62; Paus. ii. 22. ~ 7; Schol. ad Hom. II. xvi. 233.) He had an office in the library at Alexandria, and was commissioned by the king to make a collection of all the tragedies and satyric dramas that were extant. He spent some time, together with Antagoras and Aratus, at the court of Antigonus Gonatas. (Aratus, Phaenomiena et Diosem. ii. pp. 431, 443, &c. 446, ed. Buhle.) Notwithstanding the distinction he enjoyed as a tragic poet, he appears to have had greater merit as a writer of epic poems, elegies, epigrams, and cynaedi. Among his epic poemis, we possess the titles and some fragments of three pieces: the Fisherman (dALevrs, Athen. vii. p. 296), Kirka or Krika (Athen. vii. p. 283), which, however, is designated by Athenaeus as doubtful, aind Helena. (Bekker, Anecd. p. 96.) Of his elegies, some beautiful fragments are still extant. (Athen. iv. p. 170, xi. p. 496, xv. p. 899; Strab. xii. p. 556, xiv. p. 681; Parthen. Erot. 4; Tzetz. ad. Lycophr. 266; Schol. and Eustath. ad II. iii. 314.) His Cynaedi, or 'IwviKead roenara, are mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 648) and Athenaeus. (xiv. p. 620.) Some anapaestic verses in praise of Euripides are preserved in Gellius. (xv. 20.) All the fragments of Alexander Aetolus are collected in "Alexandri Aetoli fragmenta coll. et ill. A. Capellmann," Bonn, 1829, 8vo.; comp. Welcker, Die Griech. Tragodien, p. 1263, &c.; Diintzer, Die Fragim. der Episcli. Poesie der Griechen, von Alexand. deom Grossen, ic. p. 7, &c. [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('Ai;4avspos), (ST.,) of ALEXANDRIA, succeeded as patriarch of that city St. Achillas, (as his predecessor, St. Peter, had predicted, Martyr. S. Petri, ap. Surium, vol. vi. p. 577,) A. D. 312. He, " the noble Champion of Apostolic Doctrine," (Theodt. Hist. Eccl. i. 2,) first laid bare the irreligion of Arius, and condemned him in his dispute with Alexander Baucalis. St. Alexander was at the Oecumenical Council of Nicaea, A. D. 325, with his deacon, St. Athanasius, and, scarcely five months after, died, April 17th, A. D. 326. St. Epiphanius (adv. lHaeres. 69. ~ 4) says he wrote some seventy circular epistles against Arius, and Socrates (H. E. i. 6), and Sozomen (H. E. i. 1), that he collected them into one volume. Two epistles remain; 1. to Alexander, bishop of Con-. stantinople, written after the Council at Alexandria which condemned Arius, and before the other circular letters to the various bishops. (See Theodt. IH. E. i. 4; Galland. Bibl. Patr. vol. iv. p. 441.) 2. The Encyclic letter announcing Arius's deposition (Socr. H. E. i. 6, and Galland. I. c. p. 451), with the subscriptions from Gelasius Cyzicen. (Hist. Con. Nicaen. ii. 3, ap. Mans. Concilia. vol. ii, p. 801.) There remains, too, The Deposition of
Page 112 112 ALEX ANDER. Arius and his, i. e. an Address to the Priests and Deacons, desiring their concurrence therein (ap. S. Athanas. vol. i. Ps. 1. p. 396, Paris, 1698; see Galland. 1. c. p. 455). Two fragments more, apud Galland. (1. c. p. 456.) St. Athanasius also gives the second epistle. (Q. c. p. 397.) [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER ('AAhewavpos), commander of the horse in the army of ANTIGONUS DOSON during the war against Cleomenes III. of Sparta. (Polyb. ii. 66.) He fought against Philopoemen, then a young man, whose prudence and valour forced him to a disadvantageous engagement at Sellasia. (ii. 68.) This Alexander is probably the same person as the one whom Antigonus, as the guardian of Philip, had appointed commander of Philip's body-guard, and who was calumniated by Apelles. (iv. 87.) Subsequently he was sent by Philip as ambassador to Thebes, to persecute Megaleas. (v. 28.) Polybius states, that at all times he manifested a most extraordinary attachment to his king. (vii. 12.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('AAeavipos), of ANTIOCHIA, a friend of M. Antonius, who being acquainted with the Syriac language, acted twice as interpreter between Antonius and one Mithridates, who betrayed to him the plans of the Parthians, to save the Romans. This happened in B. c. 36. (PseudoAppian, Parth. pp. 93, 96, ed. Schweigh.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('AAedavSpos), son of ANTONIUS, the triumvir, and Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. IHe and his twin-sister Cleopatra were born 1a. c. 40. Antonius bestowed on him the titles of "Helios," and " King of Kings," and called his sister " Selene." He also destined for him, as an independent kingdom, Armenia, and such countries as might yet be conquered between the- Euphrates and Indus, and wrote to the senate to have his grants confirmed; but his letter was not suffered to be read in public. (B. c. 34.) After the conquest of Armenia Antonius betrothed Jotape, the daughter of the Median king Artavasdes, to his son Alexander. When Octavianus made himself master of Alexandria, he spared Alexander, but took him and his sister to Rome, to adorn his triumph. They were generously received by Octavia, the wife of Antonius, who educated them with her own children. (Dion Cassius, xlix. 32, 40, 41, 44, 1. 25, li. 21; Plut. Anton. 36, 54, 87; Liv. Epit. 131, 132.) [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER ('AXi\avapos), bishop of APAMEA, sent with his namesake of Hierapolis by John of Antioch to the Council of Ephesus. A letter by him is extant in Latin in the Nova Collectio Concilior.um a Stephan. Baluzio, p. 834. c. 132. fol. Paris, 1683. [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER APHRODISIENSIS ('AAEavapos 'Acppohi-levs), a native of Aphrodisias in Caria, who lived at the end of the second and the beginning of the third century after Christ, the most celebrated of the commentators on Aristotle. IHe was the disciple of Herminus and Aristocles the Messenian, and like them endeavoured to free the Peripatetic philosophy from the syncretism of Ammonius and others, and to restore the genuine interpretation of the writings of Aristotle. The -title o i iqry'r)Ts was the testimony to the extent or the excellence of his commentaries. About half his voluminous works were edited and translated into Latin at the revival of literature; there are a few more extant in the original Greek, which have never been printed, and an Arabic version is pre ALEXANDER: served of several others, whose titles may be seen in the Bibliotheca of Casiri. (Vol. i. p. 243.) If we view him as a philosopher, his merit cannot be rated highly. His excellencies and defects are all on the model of his great master; there is the same perspicuity and power of analysis, united with almost more than Aristotelian plainness of style; everywhere "a flat surface," with nothing to interrupt or strike the attention. In a mind so thoroughly imbued with Aristotle, it cannot be expected there should be much place for original thdught. His only endeavour is to adapt the works of his master to the spirit and language of his own age; but in doing so he is constantly recalled to the earlier philosophy, and attacks bygone opinions, as though they had the same living power as when the writings of Aristotle were directed against them. (Ritter, Geschiehte der Philosophie, vol. iv. p. 255.) The Platonists and earlier Stoics are his chief opponents, for he regarded the Epicureans as too sensual and unphilosophical to be worth a serious answer. Against the notion of the first, that the world, although created, might yet by the will of God be made imperishable, he urged that God could not alter the nature of things, and quoted the Platonist doctrine of the necessary coexistence of evil in all corruptible things. (Ritter, p. 262.) God himself, he said, was the very form of things. Yet, however difficult it may be to enter into this abstract notion of God, it would be unjust, as some have done, to charge him with atheism, as in many passages he attributes mind and intelligence to the divine Being. This is one of the points in which he has brought out the views of Aristotle more clearly, from his living in the light of a later age. God, he says (in Metaphys. ix. p. 320), is "properly and simply one, the self-existent substance, the author of motion himself unmoved, the great and good Deity, withoul beginning and without end:" and again (in Metaph xii. p. 381) he asserts, that to deprive God of prom vidence is the same thing as depriving honey o sweetness, fire of warmth, snow of whiteness an( coolness, or the soul of motion. The providence o God, however, is not directed in the same way t< the sublunary world and the rest of the universe the latter is committed not indeed to fate, but t, general laws, while the concerns of men are th immediate care of God, although he find not ii the government of them the full perfection of hi being. (Quaest. Nat. i. 25, ii. 21.) He saw no incon sistency, as perhaps there was none, between thes high notions of God and the materialism wit' which they were connected. As God was th form of all things, so the human soul was likewis a form of matter, which it was impossible to cor ceive as existing in an independent state. H seems however to have made a distinction betwee the powers of reflection and sensation, for he sa5 (deAnima, i. p. 138), that the soul needed not th body as an instrument to take in objects of though but was sufficient of itself; unless the latter is 1 be looked upon as an inconsistency into which I has been led by the desire to harmonize the earl Peripateticism with the purer principle of a lat( philosophy. (Brucker, vol. ii. p. 481.) The most important treatise of his which hcome down to us, is the "De Fato," an inquim into the opinions of Aristotle on the subject Fate and Freewill. It is probably one of his late
Page 113 ALEXANDER. works, and must have been written between the years 199-211, because dedicated to the joint emperors Severus and Caracalla. Here the earlier Stoics are his opponents, who asserted that all things arose from an eternal and indissoluble chain of causes and effects. The subject is treated practically rather than speculatively. Universal opinion, the common use of language, and internal consciousness, are his main arguments. That fate has a real existence, is proved by the distinction we draw between fate, chance, and possibility, and between free and necessary actions. It is another word for nature, and its workings are seen in the tendencies of men and things (c. 6), for it is an allpervading cause of real, but not absolute, power. The fatalism of the Stoics does away with freewill, and so destroys responsibility: it is at variance with every thought, word, and deed, of our lives. The Stoics, indeed, attempt to reconcile necessity and freewill; but, properly speaking, they use freewill in a new sense for the necessary co-operation of our will in the decrees of nature: moreover, they cannot expect men to carry into practice the subtle distinction of a will necessarily yet freely acting; and hence, by destroying the accountableness of man, they destroy the foundation of morality, religion, and civil government. (c. 12-20.) Supposing their doctrine true in theory, it is impossible in action. And even speculatively their argument from the universal chain is a confusion of an order of sequence with a series of causes and effects. If it be said again, that the gods have certain foreknowledge of future events, and what is certainly known must necessarily be, it is answered by denying that in the nature of things there can be any such foreknowledge, as foreknowledge is proportioned to divine power, and is a knowledge of what divine power can perform. The Stoical view inevitably leads to the conclusion, that all the existing ordinances of religion are blasphemous and absurd. This treatise, which has been edited by Orelli, gives a good idea of his style and method. Upon the whole, it must be allowed that, although with Ritter we cannot place him high as an independent thinker, he did much to encourage the accurate study of Aristotle, and exerted an influence which, according to Julius Scaliger, was still felt in his day. (Brucker, vol. ii. p. 480.) The following list of his works is abridged from Harles's Fabricius. (Vol. v. p. 650.) I. IIHep EZLapjEv'fls iclKOI 7o ' jgT,uV De Faio, deque eo quod in nostra potestate est: the short treatise mentioned above, dedicated to the emperors Severus and Caracalla; first printed by the successors of Aldus Manutius, 1534, folio, at the end of the works of Themistius: translated into Latin by Grotius in the collection entitled "Veterum Philos. Sententiae de Fato," Paris, 1648, 4to., Lond. 1688, 12mo., and edited by Orelli, Zurich, 1824, 8vo., with a fragment of Alexander Aphrodis. De Fortuna, and treatises of Ammonius, Plotinus, &c. on the same subject. II. Commentarius ('TTvr) ueia) in primum librumse Analyticorum sPriorumn Aristolelis, Venet. Aldi, 1520, fol.; Floren. 1521, 4to., with a Latin translation by J. Bap. Felicianus. III. Commentarius in VIII libros Topicorum, Ven. Aldi, 1513; with a Latin version by G. Dorotheus, Ven. 1526 and 1541, and Paris, 1542, folio; and another by Rasarius, Ven. 1563, 1573, folio. IV. Comment. in lenchlos Sophisticos; Graece, Ven. Aldi, ALEXANDER. 113 1520, fol.; Flor. 1520, fol.: translated into Latin by J. B. Rasarius. V. Comment. in M ettaphq/sicorumt XII libros; ex versione J. G. Sepulvedae, Rom. 1527, Paris, 1536, Ven. 1544 and 1561. The Greek text has never been printed, although it exists in the Paris library and several others. VI. In librumn deSensu et iis quae sub sensum caduut; the Greek text is printed at the end of the commentary of Simplicius on the De Animic, Ven. Aldi, 1527, folio; there is also a Latin version by Lucilius Philothaeus, Ven. 1544, 1549, 1554, 1559, 1573. VII. In Aristotelis I/Meterologicu; Ven. Aldi, 1527; supposed by some not to be the work of Alexander Aphrod. VIII. De Mitione; bound up in the same edition as the preceding. IX. De Animia libri duo (two distinct works), printed in Greek at the end of Themistius: there is a Latin version by Hieronymus Donatus, Ven. 1502, 1514, folio. X. Physica Scholia, dubitationes et solutiones; in Greek, Ven. Trincavelli, 1536, folio; in Latin, by Hieronymus Bagolinus, Ven. 1541, 1549, 1555, 1559, 1563. XI. 'larptKa 'A7ropmsarra ical IK voruct -ipose.'ia'ra, Quaestiones 1Medicae et Problemata Pinyicis. XII. IIlpl IHpe"rýv, Libellus de Febribus. The last two treatises are attributed by Theodore Gaza and many other writers to Alexander Trallianus. They are spoken of below. His commentaries on the Categories, on the latter Analytics (of the last there was a translation by St. Jerome), on the De Animi and Rhetorical works, and also on those 7repit ysECVews al (POopas, together with a work entitled Liber I de Theologia, probably distinct from the Commentaries on the Metaphysics, are still extant in Arabic. A Commentary on the prior Analytics, on the De Interpretatione, a treatise on the Virtues, a work entitled repi 'teamdvwv Ad'yos, a treatise against Zenobius the Epicurean, and another on the nature and qualities of Stones, also a book of Allegories from mythological fables, are all either quoted by others or referred to by himself. [B. J.] Besides the works universally attributed to Alexander Aphrodisiensis, there are extant two others, of which the author is not certainly known, but which are by some persons supposed to belong to him, and which commonly go under his name. The first of these is entitled 'la-rpaca 'A-srop-juara cKat 43vricL Upo9X-lqjLara, Qsuaestiones iiesdicae et Problemata Physica, which there are strong reasons for believing to be the work of some other writer. In the first place, it is not mentioned in the list of his works given by the Arabic author quoted by Casiri (Biblioth. Arubico-Hisp. Escurial. vol. i. p. 243); secondly, it appears to have been written by a person who belonged to the medical profession (ii. praef. et ~ 11), which was not the case with Alexander Aphrodisiensis; thirdly, the writer refers (i. 87) to a work by himself, entitled 'AAA?yoptalT Tv ejv. GeOVS 'AvaTreaT'roJiEVwv LHiOauvrv 'Irvropicmv, Allegoriae IIisloriarumi Credibiliam de Diis Fabricalrulm, which we do not find mentioned among Alexander's works; fourthly, lie more than once speaks of the soul as immortal (ii. praef. et ~ 63, 67), which doctrine Alexander Aphrodisiensis denied; and fifthly, the style and language of the work seem to belong to a later age. Several eminent critics suppose it to belong to Alexander Trallianus, but it does not seem likely that a Christian writer would have composed the mythological work mentioned above. It consists of tiwo I
Page 114 114 ALEXANDER. books, and contains several interesting medical observations along with much that is frivolous and trifling. It was first published in a Latin translation by George Valla, Venet. 1488, fol. The Greek text is to be found in the Aldine edition of Aristotle's works, Venet. fol. 1495, and in that by Sylburgius, Francof. 1585, 8vo.; it was published with a Latin translation by J. Davion, Paris. 1540, 1541, 16mo.; and it is inserted in the first volume of Ideler's Physici et Medici Graeci Minores, Berol. 1841, 8vo. The other work is a short treatise, lspi rIlvper^v, De Febribus, which is addressed to a medical pupil whom the author offers to instruct in any other branch of medicine; it is also omitted in the Arabic list of Alexander's works mentioned above. For these reasons it does not seem likely to be the work of Alexander Aphrodisiensis, while the whole of the twelfth book of the great medical work of Alexander Trallianus (to whom it has also been attributed) is taken up with the subject of Fever, and he would hardly have written two treatises on the same disease without making in either the slightest allusion to the other. It may possibly belong to one of the other numerous physicians of the name of Alexander. It was first published in a Latin translation by George Valla, Venet. 1498, fol., which was several times reprinted. The Greek text first appeared in the Cambridge JMuiseum Criiicsum, vol. ii. pp. 359-389, transcribed by Demnetrius Schinas from a manuscript at Florence; it was published, torether with Valla's translation, by Franz Passow, Vratislav. 1822, 4to., and also inl Passow's Opuscula Academica, Lips. 1835, 8vo., p. 521. The Greek text alone is contained in the first volume of Ideler's Phlysici t MTedici Graeci Minores, Perol. 1841, 8vo. [W. A. G.] ALEXANDER ('AAe^avSpos), the eldest son of ARISTOBULUS II., king of Judaea, was taken prisoner, with his father and brother, by Pompey, oni the capture of Jerusalem (B. c. 63), but made his escape as they were being conveyed to Rome. In B. c. 57, he appeared in Judaea, raised an army of 10,000 foot and 1500 horse, and fortified Alexandreion and other strong posts. -Hyrcanus applied for aid to Gabinius, who brought a large army against Alexander, and sent M. Antonius with a body of troops in advance. In a battle fought near Jerusalem, Alexander was defeated with great loss, and took refuge in the fortress of Alexandreion, which was forthwith invested. Through the mediation of his mother he was permitted to depart, on condition of surrendering all the fortresses still in his power. In the following year, during the,expedition of Gabinius into Egypt, Alexander again excited the Jews to revolt, and collected an army. He massacred all the Romans who fell in his way, and besieged the rest, who had taken refuge on Mount Gerizim. After rejecting the terms of peace which were offered to him by Gabinius, he was defeated near Mount Tabor with the loss of 10,000 men. The spirit of his adherents, however, was not entirely crushed, for in B. c. 53, on the death of Crassus, he again collected some forces, but was compelled to come to terms by Cassius. (a. c. 52.) In B. c. 49, on the breaking out of the civil war, Caesar set Aristobulus at liberty, and sent him to Judaea, to further his interests in that quarter. He was poisoned on the journey, and Alexander, who was preparing to support him, was seized at the command of Pompey, ALEXANDER. and beheaded at Antioch. (Joseph. Ant. Jiid. xiv. 5--7; Bell. Joud. i. 8, 9.) [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER, of ATHENS, a comic poet, the son of Aristion, whose name occurs in an inscription given in Bdckh (Corp. Inscr. i. p. 765), who refers it to the 145th Olympiad. (a. c. 200.) There seems also to have been a poet of the same name who was a writer of the middle comedy, quoted by the Schol. on Homer (II. ix. 216), and Aristoph. (Ran. 864), and Athen. (iv. p. 170, e. x. p. 496, c.; Meineke, Fragmn. Com. vol. i. p. 487.) [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER ('AA4eavapos), an ambassador of king ATTALUS, sent to Rome in B. c. 198, to negotiate peace with the Roman senate. (Polyb. xvii. 10.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER BALAS ('AAEavSpos Briasr), a person of low origin, usurped the throne of the Greek kingdom of Syria, in the year 150, B. c., pretending that he was the son of Antiochus Epiphanes. His claim was set up by Heracleides, who had been the treasurer of the late king Antiochus Epiphanes, but had been banished to Rhodes by the reigning king, Demetrius Soter; and he was supported by Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, Ariarthes Philopator, king of Cappadocia, and Attalus Philadelphus, king of Pergamus. Heracleides also, having taken Alexander to Rome, succeeded in obtaining a decree of the senate in his favour. Furnished with forces by these allies, Alexander entered Syria in 152, B. c., took possession of Ptolemais, and fought a batle with Demetrius Soter, in which, however, he was defeated. In the year 150 B. c. Alexander again met Demetrius in battle with better success. The army of Demetrius was completely routed, and he himself perished in the flight. No sooner had Alexander thus obtained the kingdom than he gave up the administration of affairs to his minister Ammonius, and himself to a life of pleasure. Ammonius put to death all the members of the late royal family who were in his power; but two sons of Demetrius were safe in Crete. The elder of them, who was named Demetrius, took the field in Cilicia against the usurper. Alexander applied for help to his father-in-law, Ptolemy Philometor, who marched into Syria, and then declared himself in favour of Demetrius. Alexander now returned from Cilicia, whither he had gone to meet Demetrius, and engaged in battle with Ptolemy at the river Oenoparas. In this battle, though Ptolemy fell, Alexander was completely defeated, and he was afterwards murdered by an Arabian emir with whom he had taken refuge. (a. c. 146.) The meaning of his surname (Balas) is doubtful. It is most probably a title signifying " lord" or " king." On some of his coins he is called " Epiphanes" and " Nicephorus" after his pretended father. On others " Energetes " and " Theopator." (Polyb. xxxiii. 14, 16; Liv. Epit. L liii.; Justin, xxv.; Appian, SrIviaca, c. 67; I
Page 115 ALEXANDER. Maccab. x. 11; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2. ~ 4; Euseb. CLhronicon; Clinton, Fasti, iii. p. 324.) [P. S.] ALEXANDER, of BEROEA; he and Thyrsis suffocated Demetrius, the son of Philip III. of Macedonia, at Heracleia, in B. c. 179. (Liv. xl. 24; comp. DEMETRIUS, son of PHILIP.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('AAl4avSpos), at first bishop in CAPPADOCIA, flourished A. D. 212. On the death of Severus, A. D. 211, he visited Jerusalem, and was made coadjutor of the aged Narcissus, bishop of that city, whom he afterwards succeeded. Hie founded an ecclesiastical library at Jerusalem, of which Eusebius made great use in writing his History. After suffering under Severus and Caracalla, he was at last thrown into prison at Caesarea, and, after witnessing a good confession, died A. D. 250. Eusebius has preserved fragments of a letter written by him to the Antinoites; of another to the Antiochenes (tist. Eccl. vi. 11); of a third to Origen (vi. 14); and of another, written in conjunction with Theoctistus of Caesarea, to Demetrius of Alexandria. (vi. 19.) [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER, CARBONARIUS ('AAXavvpos 6 'AvOpaecevs), flourished in the third century. To avoid the dangers of a handsome person, he disguised himself and lived as a coal-heaver at Cumae, in Asia Minor. The see of this city being vacant, the people asked St. Gregory Thaumaturgus to come and ordain them a bishop. He rejected many who were offered for consecration, and when he bade the people prefer virtue to rank, one in mockery cried out, " Well, then! make Alexander, the coal-heaver, bishop!" St. Gregory had him summoned, discovered his disguise, and having arrayed him in sacerdotal vestments, presented him to the people, who, with surprise and joy, accepted the appointment. He addressed them in homely but dignified phrase, and ruled the church till the Decian persecution, when he was burnt, A. D. 251. (S. Greg. Nyssen. Vt. S. Greg. Thauumatiurg. ~~ 19, 20, ap. Galland. Biblioth. Patr. vol. iii. pp. 457-460.) [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER ('AAhgavSpos), third son of CASSANDER, king of Macedonia, by Thessalonica, sister of Alexander the Great. In his quarrel with his elder brother Antipater for the government [ANTIPATER], he called in the aid of Pyrrhus of Epirus and Demetrius Poliorcetes. To the former he was compelled to surrender, as the price of his alliance, the land on the sea-coast of Macedonia, together with the provinces of Ambracia, Acarnania, and Amphilochia. (Plut. Pyrrh. p. 386, b.) Demetrius, according to Plutarch (Pyrre1. 386, d., Demelr. 906, a.), arrived after Pyrrhus had retired, and when matters, through his mediation, had been arranged between the brothers. Demetrius, therefore, was now an unwelcome visitor, and Alexander, while he received him with all outward civility, is said by Plutarch to have laid a plan for murdering him at a banquet, which was baffled, however, by the precaution of Demetrius. (Demetr. 906, a. b.) The next day Demetrius took his departure, and Alexander attended him as far as Thessaly. Here, at Larissa, he went to dine with Demetrius, and (taking no guards with him by a fancied refinement of policy) was assassinated, together with his friends who attended him, one of whom is said to have exclaimed, that Demetrius was only one day beforehand with them. (Plut. Demetr. p. 906, c. d.; Just. xvi. 1; Diod. xxi. Exc. 7.) [E. E.] ALEXANDER. 115 ALEXANDER ('AAiav8pos), emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, was the third son of the emperor Basilius and Eudocia. He was born about A. D. 870, and, after his father's death, he and his brother Leo, the philosopher, bore the title of imperator in common. Leo died on the 11th of May, 911, and Alexander received the imperial crown, together with the guardianship of his brother's son, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, whom he would have mutilated so as to render him unfit to govern, had he not been prevented. The reign of Alexander, which lasted only for one year and some days, was one uninterrupted series of acts of cruelty, debauchery, and licentiousness; for the restraints which he had been obliged to put on himself during the lifetime of his brother, were thrown off immediately after his accession, and the worthiest persons were removed from the court while the ministers to his lusts and passions were raised to the highest honours. He involved his empire in a war with Simeon, king of the Bulgarians, but he did not live to see its outbreak. He died on the 7th of June, 912, in consequence of a debauch, after which he took violent exercise on horseback. (Constant. in Basil. 26; Scylitz. pp. 569, 608; Zonaras, xvi. 15, &c.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER (ST.), patriarch of Constantinople. [ARmus.] ALEXANDER CORNE'LIUS ('AAChavlpos Kopv'm-4tos), surnamed POaLYISTOR (IoAvI''Trwp), a Greek writer and contemporary of Sulla. According to Suidas he was a native of Ephesus and a pupil of Crates, and during the war of Sulla in Greece was made prisoner and sold as a slave to Cornelius Lentulus, who took him to Rome and made him the paedagogus of his children. After-,wards Lentulus restored him to freedom. From Suidas it would seem as if he had received the gentile name Cornelius from Lentulus, while Servius (ad Aen. x. 388) says, that he received the Roman franchise from L. Cornelius Sulla. He died at Laurentum in a fire which consumed his house, and as soon as his wife heard of the calamity, she hung herself. The statement of Suidas that he was a native of Ephesus is contradicted by Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. Ko-rdriov), who says that he was a native of Cotiaeum in Lesser Phrygia, and a son of Asclepiades, and who is borne out by the Etymologicum Magnum (s. vv. hbe'ouca and 7Ept p i' s7), where Alexander is called Konaevs. The surname of Polyhistor was given to him on account of his prodigious learning. He is said to have written innumerable works, but the greatest and most important among them was one consisting of 42 hooks, which Stephanus Byzantius calls HIavroeSaTrr "TAsrs Aodyo. This work appears to have contained historical and geographical accounts of nearly all countries of the ancient world. Each of the forty books treated of a separate country, and bore a corresponding title, such as Phrygiaca, Carica, Lyciaca, &c. But such titles are not always sure indications of a book forming only a part of the great work; and in some cases it is manifest that particular countries were treated of in separate works. Thus we find mention of the first book of a separate work on Crete (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1492), and of another on the " Tractus Illyricus." (Val. Max. viii. 13, ext. 7.) These geograpic-hco-historical works are referred to in innumerable passages of Stephanus Byzantius and Pliny. A separate work on the Phrygian I 2
Page 116 116 ALEXANDER. musicians is mentioned by Plutarch (De iiMus. 5), and there is every probability that Alexander Polyhistor is also the author of the work AtaSoyaai ieMorod6pcv, which seems to be the groundwork of Diogenes Laertius. [ALEXANDER LYCHNUS.] A work on the symbols of the Pythagoreans is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus (Slroni. i. p. 131) and Cyrillus (adv. Julian. ix. p. 133). He also wrote a history of Judaea, of which a considerable fragment is preserved in Eusebius. (Praep. Evang. ix. 17; comp. Clem. Alexand. Strom. i. p 143; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'lovIal.) A history of Rome in five books is mentioned by Suidas, and a few fragments of it are preserved in Servius. (YAd Aen. viii. 330, x. 388.) A complete list of all the known titles of the works of Alexander Polyhistor is given in Vossius, De Hist. Graec. p. 187, &c., ed. Westermann. [L. S.] ALEXANDER I. II., kings of Egypt. [PToLEMAEUS.] ALEXANDER ('Ae'avypos) I., king of EPIRus, was the son of Neoptolemus and brother of Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great. He came at an early age to the court of Philip of Macedonia, and after the Grecian fashion became the object of his attachment. Philip in requital made him king of Epirus, after dethroning his cousin Aeacides. When Olympias was repudiated by her husband, she went to her brother, and endeavoured to induce him to make war,on Philip. Philip, however, declined the contest, and formed a second alliance with him by giving him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage. (a. c. 336.) At the wedding Philip was assassinated by Pausanias. In B. c. 332, Alexander, at the request of the Tarentines, crossed over into Italy, to aid them against the Lucanians and Bruttii. After a victory over the Samnites and Lucanians near Paestum he made a treaty with the Romans. Success still followed his arms. He took HIeraclea and Consentia from the Lucanians, and Terina and Sipontum from the Bruttii. But in B. c. 326, through the treachery of some Lucanian exiles, he was compelled to engage under unfavourable circumstances near Pandosia, on the banks of the Acheron, and fell by the hand of one of the exiles, as he was crossing the river; thus accomplishing the prophecy of the oracle of Dodona, which had bidden him beware of Pandosia and the Acheron. He left a son, Neoptolemus, and a daughter, Cadmea. (Justin, viii. 6, ix. 6, 7, xii. 2, xvii. 3, xviii. 1, xxiii. 1; Liv. viii. 3, 17, 24; Died. xvi. 72.) The head on the annexed coin of Alexander I. represents that of Jupiter. [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER II., king of EPIRus, was the son of Pyrrhus and Lanassa, the daughter of the Sicilian tyrant Agathocles. He succeeded his father in B. c. 272, and continued the war which his father had begun with Antigonus Gonatas, whom he succeeded in driving from the kingdom of Macedon. He was, however, dispossessed of both ALEXANDER. Macedon and Epirus by Demetrius, the son of Antigonus; upon which he took refuge amongst the Acarnanians. By their assistance and that of his own subjects, who entertained a great attachment for him, he recovered Epirus. It appears that he was in alliance with the Aetolians. He married his sister Olympias, by whom he had two sons, Pyrrhus and Ptolemaeus, and a daughter, Phthia. On the death of Alexander, Olympias assumed the regency on behalf of her sons, and married Phthia to Demetrius. There are extant silver and copper coins of this king. The former bear a youthful head covered with the skin of an elephant's head, as appears in the one figured below. The reverse represents Pallas holding a spear in one hand and a shield in the other, and before her stands an eagle on a thunderbolt. (Justin, xvii. 1, xxvi. 2, 3, xxviii. 1; Polyb. ii. 45, ix. 34; Plut. Pyrrh. 9.) [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER ('AVlav1 pos), a Greek GRAMMARIAN, who is mentioned among the instructors of the emperor M. Antoninus. (Capitol. M. Ant. 2; M. Antonin. i. ~ 10.) We still possess a Adyos 'rvIrdnros pronounced upon him by the rhetorician Aristeides. (Vol. i. Orat. xii. p. 142, &c.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER, son of Herod. [HERODES.] ALEXANDER ('Ai(savspos). 1. Bishop of HIERAPOLIS in Phrygia, flourished A. D. 253. He was the author of a book entitled, On the new things introduced by Christ into the world Ti KaLwdv eoi-jveyKe XPIro'rs els -i K-'PCopOV. Ke >. 0'; not extant. (Suid.) 2. Bishop of Hierapolis, A. n. 431. He was sent by John, bishop of Antioch, to advocate the cause of Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus. His hostility to St. Cyril was such, that he openly charged him with Apollinaranism, and rejected the communion of John, Theodoret, and the other Eastern bishops, on their reconciliation with him. He appealed to the pope, but was rejected, and was at last banished by the emperor to Famothis in Egypt. Twenty-three letters of his are extant in Latin in the Synodicon adversuss Tragyoediam Irenaei ap. Novem Collectionem Conciliorum a Baluzio, p. 670, &c. Paris, 1683. [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER ('AXE'avapos), ST., HIEROSOLYMITANUS, a disciple, first, of Pantaenus, then of St. Clement, at Alexandria, where lie became acquainted with Origen, (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 14,) was bishop of Flaviopolis, (Tillemont, Hist. Eccl. iii. 415,) in Cappadocia. (S. Hier. Vir. Ill. ~ 62.) In the persecution under Severrs he was thrown into prison, (circ. A.D. 204, Euseb. vi. 11,) where he remained till Asclepiades succeeded Serapion at Antioch, A. D. 211, the beginning of Caracalla's reign. (See [a] the Epistle St. Alexander sent to the Antiochenes by St. Clement of Alexandria. Euseb. HI. E. vi. 11.) Eusebius re
Page 117 ALEXANDER. lates (1. c.), that by Divine revelation he became coadjutor bishop to Narcissus, bishop of Aelia, i. e. Jerusalem, A. ). 212. (See Euseb. II. E. vi. 8; Chronic. ad A. D. 228, and Alexander's [/3] Epistle to the Antinoites ap. Euseb. II. -E. vi. 11.) During his episcopate of nearly forty years (for he continued bishop on the death of St. Narcissus), he collected a valuable library of Ecclesiastical Epistles, which existed in the time of Eusebius. (H. E. vi. 20.) He received Origen when the troubles at Alexandria drove him thence, A. D. 216, and made him, though a layman, explain the Scriptures publicly, a proceeding which he justified in [y] an epistle to Bishop Demetrius, of Alexandria, (ap. Euseb. I. E. vi. 19,) who, however, sent some deacons to bring Origen home. As Origen was passing through Palestine, on some necessary business, St. Alexander ordained him priest, (S. Hier. 1. c. ~~ 54, 62,) which caused great disturbance in the church. [ORIGEN.] A fragment of a [a] letter from St. Alexander to Origen on the subject exists, ap. Euseb. H. E. vi. 14. St. Alexander died in the Decian persecution, A. D. 251, in prison (S. Dion. Alex. ap. Euseb. II. E. vi. 46) after great sufferings (Euseb. vi. 39), and is commemorated in the Eastern church on 12th December, in the Western on 16th March. Mazabanes succeeded him. St. Clement of Alexandria dedicated to him his De Canone Ecclesiastico about the observance of Easter. (H. E. vi. 13.) His fragments have been mentioned in chronological order, and are collected in Gallandi, Bibl. Patr. ii. p. 201, and in Routh's lceliquiae Sacrae, ii. p. 39. [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER, JANNAEUS ('AAE.ayapos 'lavmvIaos), was the son of Johannes Hyrcanus, and brother of Aristobulus I., whom he succeeded, as King of the Jews, in B. c. 104, after putting to death one of his brothers, who laid claim to the crown. He took advantage of the unquiet state of Syria to attack the cities of Ptolemais (Acre), Dora, and Gaza, which, with several others, had made themselves independent. The people of Ptolema's applied for aid to Ptolemy Lathyrus, then king of Cyprus, who came with an army of thirty thousand men. Alexander was defeated on the banks of the Jordan, and Ptolemy ravaged the country in the most barbarous manner. In B. c. 102, Cleopatra came to the assistance of Alexander with a fleet and army, and Ptolemy was compelled to return to Cyprus. (B. c. 101.) Soon afterwards Alexander invaded Coele Syria, and renewed his attacks upon the independent cities. In B. c. 96 he took Gaza, destroyed the city, and massacred all the inhabitants. The result of these undertakings, and his having attached himself to the party of the Sadducees, drew upon him the hatred of the Pharisees, who were by far the more numerous party. Ile was attacked by the people in B. c. 94, while officiating as high-priest at the feast of Tabernacles; but the insurrection was put down, and six thousand of the insurgents slain. In the next year (B. c. 93) he made an expedition against Arabia, and made the Arabs of Gilead and the Moabites tributary. But in B. c. 92, in a campaign against Obedas, the emir of the Arabs of Gaulonitis, he fell into an ambush in the mountains of Gadara; his army was entirely destroyed, and he himself escaped with difficulty. The Pharisees seized the opportunity thus afforded, and broke out into open revolt. At first they were successful, and Alexander was compelled to fly to ALEXANDER. 117 the mountains (a. c. 88); but two years afterwards he gained two decisive victories. After the second of these, he caused eight hundred of the chief men amongst the rebels to be crucified, and their wives and children to be butchered before their eyes, while he and his concubines banqueted in sight of the victims. This act of atrocity procured for him the name of " the Thracian." It produced its effect, however, and the rebellion was shortly afterwards suppressed, after the war had lasted six years. During the next three years Alexander made some successful campaigns, recovered several cities and fortresses, and pushed Iis conquests beyond the Jordan. On his return to Jerusalem, in B. c. 81, his excessive drinking brought on a quartan ague, of which he died three years afterwards, while engaged in the siege of Ragaba in Gerasena, after a regn of twenty-seven years. He left his kingdom to his wife Alexandra. Coins of this king are extant, from which it appears that his proper name was Jonathan, and that Alexander was a name which he assumed according to the prevalent custom. (Josephus, Ant. Jud. xiii. 12-15.) [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER ('AAheavrpos), surnamed Isius, the chief commander of the Aetolians, was a man of considerable ability and eloquence for an Aetolian. (Liv. xxxii. 33; Polyb. xvii. 3, &c.) In B. c. 198 he was present at a calloquy held at Nicaea on the Maliac gulf, and spoke against Philip III. of Macedonia, saying that the king ought to be compelled to quit Greece, and to restore to the Aetolians the towns which had formerly been subject to them. Philip, indignant at such a demand being made by an Aetolian, answered him in a speech from his ship. (Liv. xxxii. 34.) Soon after this meeting, he was sent as ambassador of the Aetolians to Rome, where, together with other envoys, he was to treat with the senate about peace, but at the same time to bring accusations against Philip. (Polyb. xvii. 10.) In B.c. 197, Alexander again took part in a meeting, at which T. Quinctius Flamininus with his allies and king Philip were present, and at which peace with Philip was discussed. Alexander dissuaded his friends from any peaceful arrangement with Philip. (Polyb. xviii. 19, &c.; Appian, Maced. vii. 1.) In B. c. 195, when a congress of all the Greek states that were allied with Rome was convoked by T. Quinctius Flamininus at Corinth, for the purpose of considering the war that was to be undertaken against Nabis, Alexander spoke against the Athenians, and also insinuated that the Romans were acting fraudulently towards Greece. (Liv. xxxiv. 23.) When in B. c. 189 M. Fulvius Nobilior, after his victory over Antiochus, was expected to march into Aetolia, the Aetolians sent envoys to Athens and Rhodes; and Alexander Isius, together with Phaneas and Lycopus, were sent to Rome to sue for peace. Alexander, now an old man, was at the head of the embassy; but he and his colleagues were made prisoners in Cephalenia by the Epeirots, for the purpose of extorting a heavy ransom. Alexander, however, although he was very wealthy, refused to pay it, and was accordingly kept in captivity for some days, after which he was liberated, at the command of the Romans, without any ransom. (Polyb. xxii. 9.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('AIA'ýevpos), surnamed LyvHNUs (Adrvos), a Greek rhetorician amid poet. He was a native of Ephesus, whence hIe is sometimes
Page 118 118 ALEXANDER. called Alexander Ephesius, and must have lived shortly before the time of Strabo (xiv. p. 642), who mentions him among the more recent Ephesian authors, and also states, that he took a part in the political affairs of his native city. Strabo ascribes to him a history, and poems of a didactic kind, viz. one on astronomy and another on geography, in which he describes the great continents of the world, treating of each in a separate work or book, which, as we learn from other sources, bore the name of the continent of which it contained an account. What kind of history it was that Strabo alludes to, is uncertain. The so-called Aurelius Victor (de Orig. Gent. Rom. 9) quotes, it is true, the first book of a history of the Marsic war by Alexander the Ephesian; but this authority is more than doubtful. Some writers have supposed that this Alexander is the author of the history of the succession of Greek philosophers (ae rWTv <q)oao'wv a 6aSoXa), which is so often referred to by Diogenes Laertius (i. 116, ii. 19, 106, iii. 4, 5, iv. 62, vii. 179, viii. 24, ix. 61); but this work belonged probably to Alexander Polyhistor. His geographical poem, of which several fragments are still extant, is frequently referred to by Stephanus Byzantius and others. (Steph. Byz.s.vv. AdaTrOos, Taw7poC,j, AcSpos, 'Tpcavol, Mehcrafa, &c.; comp. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 388, 591.) Of his astronomical pdem a fragment is still extant, which has been erroneously attributed by Gale (Addend. ad Parthen. p. 49) and Schneider (ad Vitruv. ii. p. 23, &c.) to Alexander Aetolus. (See Naeke, Schedae Criticae, p. 7, &c.) It is highly probable that Cicero (ad Att. ii. 20, 22) is speaking of Alexander Lychnus when he says, that Alexander is not a good poet, a careless writer, but yet possesses some information. [L. S.] ALEXANDER LYCOPOLITES ('AX'iav8poT AvicoroMi'rs), was so called from Lycopolis, in Egypt, whether as born there, or because he was bishop there, is uncertain. At first a pagan, he was next instructed in Manicheeism by persons acquainted with Manes himself. Converted to the faith, he wrote a confutation of the heresy (Tractatus de Placitis ldManichaeorum) in Greek, which was first published by Combefis, with a Latin version, in the Auctarium Novissimum Bibl. ss. Pair. Ps. ii. pag. 3, &c. It is published also by Gallandi, Bibl. Patr. vol. iv. p. 73. He was bishop of Lycopolis, (Phot. Epitome de Manich. ap. Montfaucon. Bibl. Coislin. p. 354,) and probably immediately preceded Meletius. (Le Quien, Oriens YXus. vol. ii. p. 597.) [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER ('AAihav6pos), the son of LvsIMACHUS by an Odrysian woman, whom Polyaenus (vi. 12) calls Macris. On the murder of his brother Agathocles [see p. 65, a] by command of his father in a. c. 284, he fled into Asia with the widow of his brother, and solicited aid of Seleucus. A war ensued in consequence between Seleucus and Lysimachus, which terminated in the defeat and death of the latter, who was slain in battle in B. c. 281, in the plain of Cores in Phrygia. His body was conveyed by his son Alexander to the Chersonesus, and there buried between Cardia and Pactya, where his tomb was remaining in the time of Pausanias. (i. 10. ~ 4, 5; Appian, Syr. 64.) ALEXANDER I. ('Ah.Eavapos), the tenth king of MACEDONIA, was the son of Amyntas I. When Megabazus sent to Macedonia, about B. c. 507, to demand earth and water, as a token of submission ALEXANDER. to Darius, Amyntas was still reigning. At a banquet given to the Persian envoys, the latter demanded the presence of the ladies of the court, and Amyntas, through fear of his guests, ordered them to attend. But when the Persians proceeded to offer indignities to them, Alexander caused them to retire, under pretence of arraying them more beautifully, and introduced in their stead some Macedonian youths, dressed in female attire, who slew the Persians. As the Persians did not return, Megabazus sent Bubares with some troops into Macedonia; but Alexander escaped the danger by giving his sister Gygaea in marriage to the Persian general. According to Justin, Alexander succeeded his father in the kingdom soon after these events. (Herod. v. 17-21, viii. 136; Justin, vii. 2-4.) In B. c. 492, Macedonia was obliged to submit to the Persian general Mardonius (Herod. vi. 44); and in Xerxes' invasion of Greece (B. c. 480), Alexander accompanied the Persian army. He gained the confidence of Mardonius, and was sent by him to Athens after the battle of Salamis, to propose peace to the Athenians, which he strongly recommended, under the conviction that it was impossible to contend with the Persians. He was unsuccessful in his mission; but though he continued in the Persian army, he was always secretly inclined to the cause of the Greeks, and informed them the night before the battle of Plataeae of the intention of Mardonius to fight on the following day. (viii. 136, 140 -143, ix. 44, 45.) He was alive in B. c. 463, when Cimon recovered Thasos. (Plut. Cim. 14.) He was succeeded by Perdiccas II. Alexander was the first member of the royal family of Macedonia, who presented himself as a competitor at the Olympic games, and was admitted to them after proving his Greek descent, (Herod. v. 22; Justin, vii. 2.) In his reign Macedonia received a considerable accession of territory. (Thuc. ii. 99.) ALEXANDER II. ('AAIdavapos), the sixteenth king of MACEDONIA, the eldest son of Amyntas II., succeeded his father in B. c. 369, and appears to have reigned nearly two years, though Diodorus assigns only one to his reign. While engaged in Thessaly in a war with Alexander of Pherae, a usurper rose up in Macedonia of the name of Ptolemy Alorites, whom Diodorus, apparently without good authority, calls a brother of the king. Pelopidas, being called in to mediate between them, left Alexander in possession of the kingdom, but took with him to Thebes several hostages; among whom, according to some accounts, was Philip, the youngest brother of Alexander, afterwards king of Macedonia, and father of Alexander the Great. But he had scarcely left Macedonia, before Alexander was murdered by Ptolemy Alorites, or according to Justin (vii. 5), through the intrigues of his mother, Eurydice.
Page 119 ALEXANDER. ALEXANDER. 119 Demosthenes (de fals. Leg. p. 402) names Apollophanes as one of the murderers. (Diod. xv. 60, 61, 67, 71, 77; Plut. Pelop. 26, 27; Athen. xiv. p. 629, d.; Aeschin. defils. Leg. p. 31, 1. 33.) ALEXANDER III. ('AXeavapos), king of MACEDONIA, surnamed the Great, was born at Pella, in the autumn of B. c. 356. He was the son of Philip II. and Olympias, and lhe inherited much of the natural disposition of both of his parents-the cool forethought and practical wisdom of his father, and the ardent enthusiasm and ungovernable passions of his mother. His mother belonged to the royal house of Epeirus, and through her he traced his descent from the great hero Achilles. His early education was committed to Leonidas and Lysimachus, the former of whom was a relation of his mother's, and the latter an Acarnanian. Leonidas early accustomed him to endure toil and hardship, but Lysimachus recommended himself to his royal pupil by obsequious flattery. But Alexander was also placed under the care of Aristotle, who acquired an influence over his mind and character, which is manifest to the latest period of his life. Aristotle wrote for his use a treatise on the art of government; and the clear and comprehensive views of the political relations of nations and, of the nature of government, which Alexander shews in the midst of all his conquests, may fairly be ascribed to the lessons he had received in his youth from the greatest of philosophers. It is not impossible too that his love of discovery, which distinguishes him from the herd of vulgar conquerors, may also have been implanted in him by the researches of Aristotle. Nor was his physical education neglected. He was early trained in all manly and athletic sports; in horsemanship he excelled all of his age; and in the art of war he had the advantage of his father's instruction. At the early age of sixteen, Alexander was entrusted with the government of Macedonia by his father, while he was obliged to leave his kingdom to march against Byzantium. He first distinguished himself, however, at the battle of Chaeroneia (B. c. 338), where the victory was mainly owing to his impetuosity and courage. On the murder of Philip (B. c. 336), just after he had made arrangements to march into Asia at the head of the confederate Greeks, Alexander ascended the throne of Macedon, and found himself surrounded by enemies on every side. Attalus, the uncle of Cleopatra, who had been sent into Asia by Parmenion with a considerable force, aspired to the throne; the Greeks, roused by Demosthenes, threw off the Macedonian supremacy; and the barbarians in the north threatened his dominions. Nothing but the promptest energy could save him; but in this Alexander was never deficient. Attalus was seized and put to death. His rapid march into the south of Greece overawed all opposition; Thebes, which had been most active against him, submitted when he appeared at its gates; and the assembled Greeks at the Isthmus of Corinth, with the sole exception of the Lacedaemonians, elected him to the command against Persia, which had previously been bestowed upon his father. Being now at liberty to reduce the barbarians of the north to obedience, lihe marched (early in B.c. 335) across mount Haemus, defeated the Triballi, and advanced as far as the Danube, which he crossed, and received embassies from the Scythians and other nations. On his return, he marched westward, and subdued the Illyrians and Taulantii, who were obliged to submit to the Macedonian supremacy. While engaged in these distant countries, a report of his death reached Greece, and the Thebans once more took up arms. But a terrible punishment awaited them. He advanced into Boeotia by rapid marches, and appeared before the gates of the city almost before the inhabitants had received intelligence of his approach. The city was taken by assault; all the buildings, with the exception of the house of Pindar, were levelled with the ground; most of the inhabitants butchered, and the rest sold as slaves. Athens feared a similar fate, and sent an embassy deprecating his wrath; but Alexander did not advance further; the punishment of Thebes was a sufficient warning to Greece. Alexander now directed all his energy to prepare for the expedition against Persia. In the spring of B. c. 334, he crossed over the Hellespont into Asia with an army of about 35,000 men. Of these 30,000 were foot and 5000 horse; and of the former only 12,000 were Macedonians. But experience had shewn that this was a force which no Persian king could resist. Darius, the reigning king of Persia, had no military skill, and could only hope to oppose Alexander by engaging the services of mercenary Greeks, of whom he obtained large supplies. Alexander's first engagement with the Persians was on the banks of the Granicus, where they attempted to prevent his passage over it. Memnon, a Rhodian Greek, was in the army of the Persians, and had recommended them to withdraw as Alexander's army advanced, and lay waste the country; but this advice was not followed, and the Persians were defeated. Memnon was the ablest general that Darius had, and his death in the following year (a. c. 333) relieved Alexander from a formidable opponent. After the capture of Halicarnassus, Memnon had collected a powerful fleet, in which Alexander was greatly deficient; he had taken many of the islands in the Aegaean, and threatened Macedonia. Before marching against Darius, Alexander thought it expedient to subdue the chief towns on the western coast of Asia Minor. The last event of importance in the campaign was the capture of Halicarnassus, which was not taken till late in the autumn, after a vigorous defence by Memnon. Alexander marched along the coast of Lycia and Pamphylia, and then northward into Phrygia and to Gordium, where he cut or untied the celebrated Gordian knot, which, it was said, was to be loosened only by the conqueror of Asia. In B. c. 333, he was joined at Gordium by reinforcements from Macedonia, and commenced his second campaign. From Gordium he marched through the centre of Asia Mlinor into Cilicia to the city of Tarsus, where he nearly lost his life by a fever, brought on by his great exertions, or through throwing himself, when heated, into the
Page 120 120 ALEXANDER. cold waters of the Cydnus. Darius meantime had collected an immense army of 500,000, or 600,000 men, with 30,000 Greek mercenaries; but instead of waiting for Alexander's approach in the wide plain of Sochi, where lie had been stationed for some time, and which was favourable to his numbers and the evolution of his cavalry, he advanced into the narrow plain of Issus, where defeat was almost certain. Alexander had passed through this plain into Syria before Darius reached it; but as soon as he received intelligence of the movements of Darius, he retraced his steps, and in the battle which followed the Persian army was defeated with dreadful slaughter. Darius took to flight, as soon as he saw his left wing routed, and escaped across the Euphrates by the ford of Thapsacus; but his mother, wife, and children fell into the hands of Alexander, who treated them with the utmost delicacy and respect. The battle of Issus, which was fought towards the close of B. c. 333, decided the fate of the Persian empire; but Alexander judged it most prudent not to pursue Darius, but to subdue Phoenicia, which was especially formidable by its navy, and constantly threatened thereby to attack the coasts of Greece and Macedonia. Most of the cities of Phoenicia submitted as he approached; Tyre alone refused to surrender. This city was not taken till the middle of B. c. 332, after an obstinate defence of seven months, and was fearfully punished by the slaughter of 8000 Tyrians and the sale of 30,000 into slavery. Next followed the siege of Gaza, which again delayed Alexander two months, and afterwards, according to Josephus, he marched to Jerusalem, intending to punish the people for refusing to assist him, but he was diverted from his purpose by the appearance of the high priest, and pardoned the people. This story is not mentioned by Arrian, and rests on questionable evidence. Alexander next marched into Egypt, which gladly submitted to the conqueror, for the Egyptians had ever hated the Persians, who insulted their religion and violated their temples. In the beginning of the following year (B. c. 331), Alexander founded at the mouth of the western branch of the Nile, the city of Alexandria, which he intended should form the centre of commerce between the eastern and western worlds, and which soon more than realized the expectations of its founder. He now determined to visit the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and after proceeding from Alexandria along the coast to Paraetonium, he turned southward through the desert and thus reached the temple. IHe was saluted by the priests as the son of Jupiter Ammon. In the spring of the same year (B. c. 331), Alexander set out to meet Darius, who had collected another army. He marched through Phoenicia and Syria to the Euphrates, which he crossed at the ford of Thapsacus; from thence he proceeded through Mesopotamia, crossed the Tigris, and at length met with the immense hosts of Darius, said to have amounted to more than a million of men, in the plains of Gaugamela. The battle was fought in the month of October, B. c. 331, and ended in the complete defeat of the Persians, who suffered immense slaughter. Alexander pursued the fugitives to Arbela (Erbil), which place has given its name to the battle, and which was distant about fifty miles from the spot where it was-fought. Darius, who had left the field of battle early in the ALEXANDER. day, fled to Ecbatana (Hamadan), in Media. Alexander was now the conqueror of Asia; and he began to assume all the pomp and splendour of an Asiatic despot. His adoption of Persian habits and customs tended doubtless to conciliate the affections of his new subjects; but these outward signs of eastern royalty were also accompanied by many acts worthy only of an eastern tyrant; he exercised no controul over his passions, and frequently gave way to the most violent and ungovernable excesses. From Arbela, Alexander marched to Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, which all surrendered without striking a blow. He is said to have set fire to the palace of Persepolis, and, according to some accounts, in the revelry of a banquet, at the instigation of Thais, an Athenian courtezan. At the beginning of n. c. 330, Alexander marched from Persepolis into Media, where Darius had collected a new force. On his approach, Darius fled through Rhagae and the passes of the Elburz mountains, called by the ancients the Caspian Gates, into the Bactrian provinces. After stopping a short time at Ecbatana, Alexander pursued him through the deserts of Parthia, and had nearly reached him, when the unfortunate king was murdered by Bessus, satrap of Bactria, and his associates. Alexander sent his body to Persepolis, to be buried in the tombs of the Persian kings. Bessus escaped to Bactria, and assumed the title of king of Persia. Alexander advanced into Hyrcania, in order to gain over the remnant of the Greeks of Darius's army, who were assembled there. After some negotiation he succeeded; they were all pardoned, and a great many of them taken into his pay. After spending fifteen days at Zadracarta, the capital of Parthia, he marched to the frontiers of Areia, which he entrusted to Satibarzanes, the former satrap of the country, and set out on his march towards Bactria to attack Bessus, but had not proceeded far, when he was recalled by the revolt of Satibarzanes. By incredible exertions he returned to Artacoana, the capital of the province, in two days' march: the satrap took to flight, and a new governor was appointed. Instead of resuming his march into Bactria, Alexander seems to have thought it more prudent to subdue the south-eastern parts of Areia, and accordingly marched into the country of the Drangae and Sarangae. During the army's stay at Prophthasia, the capital of the Drangae, an event occurred, which shews the altered character of Alexander, and represents him in the light of a suspicious oriental despot. Philotas, the son of his faithful general, Parmenion, and who had been himself a personal friend of Alexander, was accused of a plot against the king's life. He was accused by Alexander before the army, condemned, and put to death. Parmenion, who was at the head of an army at Ecbatana, was also put to death by command of Alexander, who feared lest he should attempt to revenge his son. Several other trials for treason followed, and many Macedonians were executed. Alexander now advanced through the country of the Ariaspi to the Arachoti, a people west of the Indus, whom he conquered. Their conquest and the complete subjugation of Areia occupied the winter of this year. (B. c. 330.) In the beginning of the following year (a. c. 329), he crossed thie mountains of the Paropamrisus (the
Page 121 ALEXANDER. ALEXANDER. 121 Hindoo Coosh), and marched into Bactria against Bessus. On the approach of Alexander, Bessus fled across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Alexander followed him, and transported his army across the river on the skins of the tents stuffed with straw. Shortly after the passage Bessus was betrayed into his hands, and, after being cruelly mutilated by order of Alexander, was put to death. From the Oxus Alexander advanced as far as the Jaxartes (the Sir), which he crossed, and defeated several Scythian tribes -north of that river. After founding a city Alexandria on the Jaxartes, he retraced his steps, recrossed the Oxus, and returned to Zariaspa or Bactra, where he spent the winter of 329. It was here that Alexander killed his friend Cleitus in a drunken revel. [CLEITUS.] In the spring of B. c. 328, Alexander again crossed the Oxus to complete the subjugation of Sogdiana, but was not able to effect it in the year, and accordingly went into winter quarters at Nautaca, a place in the middle of the province. At the beginning of the following year, B. c. 327, he took a mountain fortress, in which Oxyartes, aBactrian prince, had deposited his wife and daughters. The beauty of Roxana, one of the latter, captivated the conqueror, and he accordingly made her his wife; This marriage with one of his eastern subjects was in accordance with the whole of his policy. Having completed the conquest of Sogdiana, Alexander marched southward into Bactria, and made preparations for the invasion of India. While in Bactria, another conspiracy was discovered for the murder of the king. The plot was formed by Hermolaus with a number of the royal pages, and Callisthenes, a pupil of Aristotle, was *involved in it. All the conspirators were put to death. Alexander did not leave Bactria till late in the spring of B. c. 327, and crossed the Indus, probably near the modern Attock. He now entered the country of the Penjab, or the Five Rivers. Taxilas, the king of the people immediately east of the Indus, submitted to him, and thus he met with no resistance till he reached the Hydaspes, upon the opposite bank of which Porus, an Indian king, was posted with a large army and a considerable number of elephants. Alexander managed to cross the river unperceived by the Indian king, and then an obstinate battle followed, in which Porus was defeated after a gallant resistance, and taken prisoner. Alexander restored to him his kingdoni, and treated him with distinguished ionour. Alexander remained thirty days on the Hydaspes, luring which time he founded two towns, one on;ach bank of the river: one was called Bucephala, in honour of his horse Bucephalus, who died here, ifter carrying him through so many victories; and lie other Nicaea, to commnemorate his victory. 'rom thence he marched to the Acesines (the liinab), which he crossed, and subsequently to the Iydraotes (the Ravee), which he also crossed, o attack another Porus, who had prepared o resist him. But as he approached nearer, his Porus fled, and his dominions were given 3 the one whom he had conquered on the lydaspes. The Cathaei, however, who also welt east of the Hydraotes, offered a vigorous ýsistance, but were defeated. Alexander still ressed forward till he reached the Hyphasis 3arra), which he was preparing to cross, when the Macedonians, worn out by long service, and tired of the war, refused to proceed; and Alexander, notwithstanding his entreaties and prayers, was obliged to lead them back. Hie returned to the Hydaspes, where he had previously given orders for the building of a fleet, and then sailed down the river with about 8000 men, while the remainder marched along the banks in two divisions. This was late in the autumn of 327. The people on each side of the river submitted without resistance, except the Malli, in the conquest of one of whose places Alexander was severely wounded. At the confluence of the Acesines and the Indus, Alexander founded a city, and left Philip as satrap, with a considerable lbody of Greeks. Here he built some fresh ships, and shortly afterwards sent about a third of the army, under Craterus, through the country of the Arachoti and Drangae into Carmania. He himself continued his voyage down the Indis, founded a city at Pattala, the apex of the delta of the Indus, and sailed into the Indian ocean. He seems to have reached the mouth of the Indus about the middle of 326. Nearchus was sent with the fleet to sail along the coast to the Persian gulf [NEARCHUS], and Alexander set out from Pattala, about September, to return to Persia. In his march through Gedrosia, his army suffered greatly from want of water and provisions, till they arrived at Pura, where they obtained supplies. From Pura he advanced to Carman (Kirman), the capital of Carmania, where he was joined by Craterus, with his detachment of the army, and also by Nearchus, who had accomplished the voyage in safety. Alexander sent the great body of the army, under Hephaestion, along the Persian gulf, while he himself, with a small force, marched to Pasarg adae, and from thence to Persepolis, where he appointed Peucestas, a Macedonian, governor, in place of the former one, a Persian, whom he put to death, for oppressing the province. From Persepolis Alexander advanced to Susa, which he reached in the beginning of 325. Here he allowed himself and his troops some rest from their labours; and faithful to his plan of forming his European and Asiatic subjects into one people, he assigned to about eighty of his generals Asiatic wives, and gave with them rich dowries. Hle himself took a second wife, Barsine, the eldest danghter of Darius, and according to some accounts, a third, Parysatis, the daughter of Ochus. About 10,000 Macedonians also followed the example of their king and generals, and married Asiatic women; all these received presents from the king. Alexander also enrolled large numbers of Asiatics among his troops, and taught them the Macedonian tactics. Hie moreover directed his attention to the increase of commerce, and for this purpose had the Euphrates and Tigris made navigable, by removing the artificial obstructions which had been made in the river for the purpose of irrigation. The Macedonians, who were discontented with several of the new arrangements of the king, and especially at his placing the Persians on an equality with themselves in many respects, rose in mutiny against him, which he quelled with some little difficulty, and he afterwards dismissed about 10,000 Macedonian veterains, vwho returned to Europe under the command of Craterus. Towards the close of the same year (n. c. 325) he went to Echatana,
Page 122 122 ALEXANDER. where he lost his great favourite Hephaestion; and his grief for his loss knew no bounds. From Ecbatana he marched to Babylon, subduing in his way the Cossaei, a mountain tribe; and before he reached Babylon, he was met by ambassadors from almost every part of the known world, who had come to do homage to the new conqueror of Asia. Alexander reached Babylon in the spring of B. c. 324, about a year before his death, notwithstanding the warnings of the Chaldeans, who predicted evil to him if he entered the city at that time. He intended to make Babylon the capital of his empire, as the best point of communication between his eastern and western dominions. His schemes were numerous and gigantic. His first object was the conquest of Arabia, which was to be followed, it was said, by the subjugation of Italy, Carthage, and the west. But his views were not confined merely to conquest. He sent Heracleides to build a fleet on the Caspian, and to explore that sea, which was said to be connected with the northern ocean. He also intended to improve the distribution of waters in the Babylonian plain, and for that purpose sailed down the Euphrates to inspect the canal called Pallacopas. On his return to Babylon, he found the preparations for the Arabian expedition nearly complete; but almost immediately afterwards he was attacked by a fever, probably brought on by his recent exertions in the marshy districts around Babylon, and aggravated by the quantity of wine he had drunk at a banquet given to his principal officers. He died after an illness of eleven days, in the month of May or June, B. c. 323. He died at the age of thirty-two, after a reign of twelve years and eight months. He appointed no one as his successor, but just before his death he gave his ring to Perdiccas. Roxana was with child at the time of his death, and afterwards bore a son, who is known by the name of Alexander Aegus. The history of Alexander forms an important epoch in the history of mankind. Unlike other Asiatic conquerors, his progress was marked by something more than devastation and ruin; at every step of his course the Greek language and civilization took root and flourished; and after his death Greek kingdoms were formed in all parts of Asia, which continued to exist for centuries. By his conquests the knowledge of mankind was increased; the sciences of geography, natural history and others, received vast additions; and it was through him that a road was opened to India, and that Europeans became acquainted with the products of the remote East. No contemporary author of the campaigns of Alexander survives. Our best account comes from Arrian, who lived in the second century of the Christian aera, but who drew up his history from the accounts of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, and Aristobulus of Cassandria. The history of Quintus Curtius, Plutarch's life of Alexander, and the ALEXANDER. epitomes of Justin and Diodorus Siculus, were also compiled from earlier writers. The best modern writers on the subject are: St. Croix, E,xamnen critique des anciens Historiens d' A lexandre le Grand, Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen; Williams, Life of Alexander; Thirlwall, History of Greece, vols. vi. and vii. ALEXANDER IV. ('ANAeav8pos), king of MACEDONIA, the son of Alexander the Great and Roxana, was born shortly after the death of his father, in B. c. 323. He was acknowledged as the partner of Philip Arrhidaeus in the empire, and was under the guardianship of Perdiccas, the regent, till the death of the latter in B. c. 321. He was then for a short time placed under the guardianship of Pithon and the general Arrhidaeus, and subsequently under that of Antipater, who conveyed him with his mother Roxana, and the king Philip Arrhidaeus and his wife to Macedonia in 320. (Diod. xviii. 36, 39.) On the death of Antipater in 319, the government fell into the hands of Polysperchon; but Eurydice, the wife of Philip Arrhidaeus, began to form a powerful party in Macedonia in opposition to Polysperchon; and Roxana, dreading her influence, fled with her son Alexander into Epeirus, where Olympias had lived for a long time. At the instigation of Olympias, Aeacides, king of Epeirus, made common cause with Polysperchon, and restored the young Alexander to Macedonia in 317. [AEACIDES.] Eurydice and her husband were put to death, and the supreme power fell into the hands of Olympias, (xix. 11; Justin, xiv. 5.) But in the following year Cassander obtained possession of Macedonia, put Olympias to death, and imprisoned Alexandei and his mother. They remained in prison till th(e general peace made in 311, when Alexander's titl( to the crown was recognized. Many of his par tizans demanded that he should be immediately released from prison and placed upon the throne Cassander therefore resolved to get rid of so dan gerous a rival, and caused him and his mothe: Roxana to be murdered secretly in prison. (B.C 311. Diod. xix. 51, 52, 61, 105; Justin, xv. 2 Paus. ix. 7. ~ 2.) ALEXANDER ('AAEiav8pos), a MEGALOPO LITAN. He was originally a Macedonian, but hai received the franchise and was settled at Megalc polis about B. c. 190. He pretended to be a dc scendant of Alexander the Great, and accordingl called his two sons Philip and Alexander. Hi daughter Apama was married to Amynande; king of the Athamanians. Her eldest brothe: Philip, followed her to her court, and being of vain character, he allowed himself to be tempte with the prospect of gaining possession of tl throne of Macedonia. (Liv. xxxv. 47; Appian, Sy: 13; comp. PHILIP, son of ALEXANDER.) [L. S, ALEXANDER ('AAELxvpos), brother of MOL, On the accession of Antiochus III., afterwar( called the Great, in B. c. 224, he entrusted Ale: ander with the government of the satrapy of Persi and Molo received Media. Antiochus was the only fifteen years of age, and this circumstanc together with the fact that Hermeias, a base fla terer and crafty intriguer, whom every one had fear, was all-powerful at his court, induced the tv brothers to form the plan of causing the upp satrapies of the kingdom to revolt. It was t] secret wish of Hermeias to see the king involved as many difficulties as possible, and it was on l
Page 123 ALEXANDER. advice that the war against the rebels was entrusted to men without courage and ability. In B. c. 220, however, Antiochus himself undertook the command. Molo was deserted by his troops, and to avoid falling into the hands of the king, put an end to his own life. All the leaders of the rebellion followed his example, and one of them, who escaped to Persis, killed Molo's mother and children, persuaded Alexander to put an end to his life, and at last killed himself upon the bodies of his friends. (Polyb. v. 40, 41, 43, 54.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER the MONK ('AXE6av3pos povaX.s), perhaps a native of Cyprus. All we know of his age is, that he lived before Michael Glycas, A. D. 1120, who quotes him. Two orations by him are extant. 1. A Panegyric on St. Barnabas, ap. Bollandi Acta Sanctorum, vol. xxi. p. 436. 2. Concerning the Invention of the Cross, ap. Gretser. de Cruce Ckristi, 4to. Ingolst. 1600. [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER ('AA1av3pos) of MYNDUS in Caria, a Greek writer on zoology of uncertain date. His works, which are now lost, must have been considered very valuable by the ancients, since they refer to them very frequently. The titles of his works are: KrrcVuV 'la'ropia, a long fragment of which, belonging to the second book, is quoted by Athenaeus. (v. p. 221, comp. ii. p. 65; Aelian, Hist. An. iii. 23, iv. 33, v. 27, x. 34.) This work is probably the same as that which in other passages is simply called Hiepi Zwwv, and of which Athenaeus (ix. p. 392) likewise quotes the second book. The work on birds (liep' nfrlvOv^, Plut. Mar. 17; Athen. ix. pp. 387, 388, 390, &c.) was a separate work, and the second book of it is quoted by Athenaeus. Diogenes Laertius (i. 29) mentions one Alexon of Myndus as the author of a work on myths, of which he quotes the ninth book. This author being otherwise unknown, Menage proposed to read 'AAXEýeapos 6 Mivoios instead of 'AA6ewv. But everything is uncertain, and the conjecture at least is not very probable. [L. S.] ALEXANDER NUME'NIUS ('AXEaespos Noueij/tos, or 6 Novluxviov, as Suidas calls him), a Greek rhetorician, who lived in the reign of Hadrian or that of the Antonines. About his life nothing is known. We possess two works which are ascribed to him. The one which certainly is his work bears the title Ieplt Trv rris Alavoias Kal AE'ews 2X-Lad'rwV, i. e. " De Figuris Sententiarum et Elocutionis." J. Rufinianus in his work on the same subject (p. 195, ed. Ruhnken) expressly states that Aquila Romanus, in his treatise " De Figuris Sententiarum et Elocutionis," took his materials from Alexander Numenius' work mentioned above. The second work bearing the name of Alexander Numenius, entitled i-epl 'EmLSecrsIKWv, i. e. " On Show-speeches," is admitted on all hands not to be his work, but of a later grammarian of the name of Alexander; it is, to speak more correctly, made up very clumsily from two distinct ones, one of which was written by one Alexander, and the other by Menander. (Vales. ad Euseb. Hist. Eccles. p. 28.) The first edition of these two works is that of Aldus, in his collection of the Rhetores Graeci, Venice, 1508, fol., vol. i. p. 574, &c. They are ilso contained in Walz's Rhetores Graeci, vol. viii. Ihe genuine work of Alexander Numenius has also been edited, together with Minucianus and Phoebammon, by L. Normann, with a Latin transation and useful notes, Upsala, 1690, 8vo. (See fRuhnken, ad A quil. Rom. p. 139, &c.; Wester ALEXANDER. 123 mann, esclh. der Griech. Beredisamkeit, ~ 95, n. 13, ~ 104, n. 7.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER, an Athenian PAINTER, one of whose productions is extant, painted on a marble tablet which bears his name. (Winckelmann, vol. ii. p. 47, v. p. 120, ed. Eiselein.) There was a son of king Perseus of this name, who was a skilful toreutes. (Plut. Aemil. Paul. 37.) There was also a M. Lollius Alexander, an engraver, whose name occurs in an inscription in Doni, p. 319, No. 14. [C. P. M.] ALEXANDER ('AXhaavspos), the PAPHLAGONIAN, a celebrated impostor, who flourished about the beginning of the second century (Lucian. Alex. 6), a native of Abonoteichos on the Euxine, and the pupil of a friend of Apollonius Tyanaeus. His history, which is told by Lucian with great naivet, is chiefly an account of the various contrivances by which he established and maintained the credit of an oracle. Being, according to Lucian's account, at his wit's end for the means of life, with many natural advantages of manner and person, he determined on the following imposture. After raising the expectations of the Paphlagonians with a reported visit of the god Aesculapius, and giving himself out, under the sanction of an oracle, as a descendant of Perseus, he gratified the expectation which he had himself raised, by finding a serpent, which he juggled out of an egg, in the foundations of the new temple of Aesculapius. A larger serpent, which he brought with him from Pella, was disguised with a human head, until the dull Paphlagonians really believed that a new god Glycon had appeared among them, and gave oracles in the likeness of a serpent. Dark and crowded rooms, juggling tricks, and the other arts of more vulgar magicians, were the chief means used to impose on a credulous populace, which Lucian detects with as much zest as any modern sceptic in the marvels of animal magnetism. Every one who attempted to expose the impostor, was accused of being a Christian or Epicurean; and even Lucian, who amused himself with his contradictory oracles, hardly escaped the effects of his malignity. He had his spies at Rome, and busied himself with the affairs of the whole world: at the time when a pestilence was raging, many were executed at his instigation, as the authors of this calamity. He said, that the soul of Pythagoras had migrated into his body, and prophesied that he should live a hundred and fifty years, and then die from the fall of a thunderbolt: unfortunately, an ulcer in the leg put an end to his imposture in the seventieth year of his age, just as he was in the height of his glory, and had requested the emperor to have a medal struck in honour of himself and the new god. The influence he attained over the populace seems incredible; indeed, the narrative of Lucian would appear to be a mere romance, were it not confirmed by some medals of Antoninus and M. Aurelius. [B. J.] ALEXANDER ('AAJeavSpos) of PAPHIUS, a Greek writer on mythology of uncertain date. Eustathius (ad Horn. Od. x. pp. 1658, 1713) refers to him as his authority. [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('AA6Eavspos), surnamed PiLOPLATON (iTAho-rAah rv), a Greek rhetorician of the age of the Antonines, was a son of Alexander of Seleucia, in Cilicia, and of Seleucis. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 5. ~ 1, compared with Epist. Apollon. Tyan. 13, where the father of Alexander Pelopla
Page 124 124 ALEXANDER. ton is called Straton, which, however, may be a mere surname.) His father was distinguished as a pleader in the courts of justice, by which he acquired considerable property, but he died at an age when his son yet wanted the care of a father. His place, however, was supplied by his friends, especially by Apollonius of Tyana, who is said to have been in love with Seleucis on account of her extraordinary beauty, in which she was equalled by her son. His education was entrusted at first to Phavorinus, and afterwards to Dionysius. iHe spent the property which his father had left him upon pleasures, but, says Philostratus, not contemptible pleasures. When he had attained the age of manhood, the town of Seleucia, for some reason now unknown, sent Alexander as ambassador to the emperor Antoninus Pius, who is said to have ridiculed the young man for the extravagant care he bestowed on his outward appearance. He spent the greater part of his life away from his native place, at Antiochia, Rome, Tarsus, and travelled through all Egypt, as far as the country of the tdjYvor. (Ethiopians.) It seems to have been during his stay at Antiochia that he was appointed Greek secretary to the emperor M. Antoninus, who was carrying on a war in Pannonia, about A. D. 174. On his journey to the emperor he made a short stay at Athens, where he met the celebrated rhetorician Herodes Atticus. He had a rhetorical contest with him in which he not only conquered his famous adversary, but gained his esteem and admiration to such a degree, that Herodes honoured him with a munificent present. One Corinthian, however, of the name of Sceptes, when asked what he thought of Alexander, expressed his disappointment by saying that he had found " the clay (rn-ios), but not Plato." This saying gave rise to the surname of Peloplaton. The place and time of his death are not known. Philostratus gives the various statements which he found about these points. Alexander was one of the greatest rhetoricians of his age, and he is especially praised for the sublimity of his style and the boldness of his thoughts; but he is not known to have written anything. An account of his life is given by Philostratus (Vit. Soph. ii. 5), who has also preserved several of his sayings, and some of the subjects on which he made speeches. (Comp. Suidas, s. v. 'AAEazipos AlyTaos in fin.; Eudoc. p. 52.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER ('AX*eavapos), son of PERSEUS, king of Macedonia, was a child at the conquest of his father by the Romans, and after the triumph of Aemilius Paullus in B. c. 167, was kept in custody at Alba, together with his father. He became skilful in the toreutic art, learned the Latin language, and became a public notary. (Liv. xlv. 42; Plut. Aem. Paul. 37.) ALEXANDER ('AA;Eaivpos), tyrant of PHERAE. The accounts of his usurpation vary somewhat in minor points; Diodorus (xv. 61) tells us that, on the assassination of Jason, B. c. 370, Polydorus his brother ruled for a year, and was then poisoned by Alexander, another brother. According to Xenophon (Hell. vi. 4. ~ 34), Polydorus was murdered by his brother Polyphron, and Polyphron, in his turn, B. c. 369,* by Alexander-his ncphiew, according to Plutarch, who relates also that ALEXANDER. Alexander worshipped as a god the spear with which he slew his uncle. (Plut. Pelop. p. 293, &c.; Wess. ad Diod. 1. c.) Alexander governed tyrannically, and according to Diodorus (1. c.), differently from the former rulers, but Polyphron, at least, seems to have set him the example. (Xen. 1. c.) The Thessalian states, however, which had acknowledged the authority of Jason the Tagus (Xen. Hell. vi. 1. ~ 4, 5, &c.; Diod. xv. 60), were not so willing to submit to the oppression of Alexander the tyrant, and they applied therefore (and especially the old family of the Aleuadae of Larissa, who had most reason to fear him) to Alexander, king of Macedon, son of Amyntas II. The tyrant, with his characteristic energy, prepared to meet his enemy in Macedonia, but the king anticipated him, and, reaching Larissa, was admitted into the city, obliged the Thessalian Alexander to flee to Pherae, and left a garrison in Larissa, as well as in Cranon, which had also come over to him. (Diod. xv. 61.) But the Macedonian having retired, his friends in Thessaly, dreading the vengeance of Alexander, sent for aid to Thebes, the policy of which state, of course, was to check a neighbour who might otherwise become so formidable, and Pelopidas was accordingly despatched to succour them. On the arrih al of the latter at Larissa, whence according to Diodorus (xv. 67) he dislodged the Macedonian garrison, Alexander presented himself and offered submission; but soon after escaped by flight, alarmed by the indignation which Pelopidas expressed at the tales he heard of his cruelty and tyrannical profligacy. (Diod. 1. c.; Plut. Pelop. p. 291, d.) These events appear to be referable to the early part of the year 368. In the summer of that year Pelopidas was again sent into Thessaly, in consequence of fresh complaints against Alexander. Accompanied by Ismenias, he went merely as a negotiator, and without any military force, and venturing incautiously within the power of the tyrant, was seized by him and thrown into prison. (Diod. xv. 71; Plut. Pel. p. 292, d; Polyb. viii. 1.) The language of Dcemosthenes (c. Aristocr. p. 660) will hardly support Mitford's inference, that Pelopidas was taken prisoner in battle. (See Mitford, Gr. Hist. ch. 27. sec. 5.) The Thebans sent a large army into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas, but they could not keep the field against the superior cavalry of Alexander, who, aided by auxiliaries from Athens. pursued them with great slaughter; and the destruction of the whole Theban army is said to have been averted only by the ability of Epaminondas, who was serving in the campaign, but not as general. The next year, 367, was signalized by a specimen of Alexander's treacherous cruelty, in the massacre of the citizens of Scotussa (Plut. Pel. p. 293; Diod. xv. 75; Paus. vi. 5); and also by another expedition of the Thebans under Epaminondas into Thessaly, to effect the release of Pelopidas, According to Plutarch, the tyrant did not dare tc offer resistance, and was glad to purchase even c thirty days' truce by the delivery of the prisoners (Plut. Pel. pp. 293, 294; Diod. xv. 75.) During the next three years Alexander would seem t( have renewed his attempts against the states o: Thessaly, especially those of Magnesia and Phthiotis (Plut. Pel. p. 295, a), for at the end of thai time, B. c. 364, we find them again applying t( Thebes for protection against him, The army ap "* This date is at variance with Pausanias (vi. 5); but, see Wesseling on Diod. (xv. 75.)
Page 125 ALEXANDER. pointed to march under Pelopidas is said to hav'e been dismayed by an eclipse (June 13, 364), and Pelopidas, leaving it behind, entered Thessaly at the head of three hundred volunteer horsemen and some mercenaries. A battle ensued at Cynoscephalae, wherein Pelopidas was himself slain, but defeated Alexander (Pint. Pel. pp. 295, 296; Diod. xv. 80); and this victory was closely followed by another of the Thebans under Malcites and Diogiton, who obliged Alexander to restore to the Thessalians the conquered towns, to confine himself to Pherae, and to be a dependent ally of Thebes. (Plut. Pel. p. 297, &c.; Diod. xv. 80; comp. Xen. Hell. vii. 5. ~ 4.) The death of Epaminondas in 362, if it freed Athens from fear of Thebes, appears at the same time to have exposed her to annoyance from Alexander, who, as though he felt that he had no further occasion for keeping up his Athenian alliance, made a piratical descent on Tenos and others of the Cyclades, plundering them, and making slaves of the inhabitants. Peparethus too he besieged, and " even landed troops in Attica itself, and seized the port of Panormus, a little eastward of Sunium." Leosthenes, the Athenian admiral, defeated him, and relieved Peparethus, but Alexander delivered his men from blockade in Panormus, took several Attic triremes, and plundered the Peiraeeus. (Diod. xv. 95; Polyaen. vi. 2; Demosth. c. Pol/yel. pp. 1207, 1208; 7repl (r-rep. rqs rpvqp. p. 1310; Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. v. p. 209: but for another account of the position of Panormus, see Wess. ad Diod. 1. c.) The murder of Alexander is assigned by Diodorus to B. c. 367.' Plutarch gives a detailed account of it, containing a lively picture of a semibarbarian palace. Guards watched throughout it all the night, except at the tyrant's bedchamber, which was situated at the top of a ladder, and at the door of which a ferocious dog was chained. Thebe, the wife and cousin of Alexander, and daughter of Jason (Plut. Pel. p. 293, a), concealed her three brothers in the house during the day, maused the dog to be removed when Alexander had s-etired to rest, and having covered the steps of the adder with wool, brought up the young men to ler husband's chamber. Though she had taken iway Alexander's sword, they feared to set about.he deed till she threatened to awake him and dis-.over all: they then entered and despatched him. lis body was cast forth into the streets, and!xposed to every indignity. Of Thebe's motive or the murder different accounts are given. Pluarch states it to have been fear of her husband, ogether with hatred of his cruel and brutal chaacter, and ascribes these feelings principally to he representations of Pelopidas, when she viited him in his prison. In Cicero the deed is scribed to jealousy. (Plut. Pel. pp. 293, b, 297, d; )iod. xvi. 14; Xen. Hell. vi. 4. ~ 37; Cic. de Off. 7. See also Cic. de Inv. ii. 49, where Alexrider's murder illustrates a knotty point for speal pleading; also Aristot. ap. Cic. de Div. i. 25; ie dream of Eudemus.) [E. E.] ALEXA'NDER PHILALE'THES ('AA4yae*os lhlianjO6-s), an ancient Greek physician, who called by Octavius Horatianus (iv. p. 102, d. ed..rgent. 1532), Alexander Amator Veri, and who probably the same person who is quoted by aelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Acut. ii. i, p. 74) sder the name of Alexander Laodicensis. iHe ALEXANDER. 125 lived probably towards the end of the first century before Christ, as Strabo speaks of him (xii. p. 580) as a contemporary; he was a pupil of Asclepiades (Octav. Horat. 1. c.), succeeded Zeuxis as head of a celebrated Herophilean school of medicine, established in Phrygia between Laodicea and Carura (Strab. 1. c.), and was tutor to Aristoxenus and Demosthenes Philalethes. (Galen. De Difflr. Puls. iv. 4, 10, vol. viii. pp. 727, 746.) He is several times mentioned by Galen and also by Soranus (De Arte Obstetr. c. 93, p. 210), and appears to have written some medical works, which are no longer extant. [W. A. G.] ALEXANDER ('AAC(av8pos), was appointed, governor of PHOCIS by Philip III. of Macedonia. The Phocian town of Phanoteus was commanded by Jason, to whom he had entrusted this post. In concert with him he invited the Aetolians to come and take possession of the town, promising that it should be opened and surrendered to them. The Aetolians, under the comnmand of Aegetas, accordingly entered the town at night; and when their best men were within the walls, they were made prisoners by Alexander and his associate. This happened in B.c. 217. (Polyb. v. 96.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR. [ALEXANDER CORNELIUS.] ALEXANDER ('AAi'avpos), son of POLYsPERCHON, the Macedonian. The regent Antipater, on his death (a. c. 320), left the regency to Polysperchon, to the exclusion and consequent discontent of his own son, Cassander. (Diod. xviii. 48; Plut. Phoc. p. 755, f.) The chief men, who had been placed in authority by Antipater in the garrisoned towns of Greece, were favourable to Cassander, as their patron's son, and Polysperchon's policy, therefore, was to reverse the measures of Antipater, and restore democracy where it had been abolished by the latter. It was then, in the prosecntion of this design, that his son Alexander was sent to Athens, B. c. 318, with the alleged object of delivering the city from Nicanor, who by Cassander's appointment commanded the garrison placed by Antipater in Munychia. (Plut. Phor. 755, f. 756, e.; Diod. xviii. 65.) Before his arrival, Nicanor, besides strengthening himself with fresh troops in Munychia, had also treacherously seized the Peiraeeus. To occupy these two ports himself soon appeared to be no less the intention of Alexander, -an intention which he had probably formed before any communication with Phocion, though Diodorus (I. c.) seems to imply the contrary. The Athenians, however, looked on Phocion as the author of the design, and their suspicions and anger being excited by the private conferences of Alexander with Nicanor, Phocion was accused of treason, and, fleeing with several of his friends to Alexander, was by him despatched to Polysperchon. (Diod. xviii. 66; Plut. Phoc. 756, f. 757, a.) Cassander, arriving at Athens soon after and occupying the Peiraeeus, was there besieged by Polysperchon with a large force; but the supplies of the latter being inadequate, he was obliged to withdraw a portion of his army, with which he went to attempt the reduction of Megalopolis, while Alexander was left in command of the remainder at Athens. (Diod. xviii. 68.) Here lie appears to have continued without effecting anything, till the treaty and capitulation of Athens with Cassander (Pans. i. 25; Died. xviii. 74) gave the city to the power of the latter.
Page 126 126 ALEXANDER. When Polysperchon, baffled at Megalopolis (Diod. xviii. 72), withdrew into Macedonia, his son seems to have been left with an army in Peloponnesus, where, as we read in Diodorus (xix. 35), the field was left open to him, and the friends of oligarchy were greatly alarmed by the departure of Cassander into Macedon on the intelligence of the murder of Arrhidaeus and Eurydice by Olympias, B. c. 317. (Paus. i. 11; Diod. xix. 11.) During his absence, Alexander succeeded in bringing over to himself several cities and important places in the Peloponnesus (Diod. xix. 53); but, on Cassander's return to the south, after crushing Olympias in Macedon, he in vain attempted to check him by his fortification of the Isthmus, for Cassander, passing to Epidaurus by sea, regained Argos and Hermione, and afterwards also the Messenian towns, with the exception of Ithome. (Diod. xix. 54.) In the next year, 315, Antigonus (whose ambition and successes in the east had united against him Cassander, Lysimachus, Asander, and Ptolemy Soter), among other measures, sent Aristodemus into the Peloponnesus to form a league of amity with Polysperchon and Alexander; and the latter was persuaded by Aristodemus to pass over to Asia for a personal conference with Antigonus. Finding him at Tyre, a treaty was made between them, and Alexander returned to Greece with a present of 500 talents from Antigonus, and a multitude of magnificent promises. (Diod. xix. 60, 61.) Yet, in the very same year, we find him renouncing his alliance with Antigonus, and bribed by the title of governor of the Peloponnesus to reconcile himself to Cassander. (Diod. xix. 64.) In the ensuing year, 314, we read of him as engaged for Cassander in the siege of Cyllene, which however was raised by Aristodemus and his Aetolian auxiliaries. After the return of Aristodemus to Aetolia, the citizens of Dyme, in Achaia, having besieged the citadel, which was occupied by one of Cassander's garrisons, Alexander forced his way into the city, and made himself master of it, punishing the adverse party with death, imprisonment, or exile. (Diod. xix. 66.) Very soon after this he was murdered at Sicyon by Alexion, a Sicyonian, leaving the command of his forces to one who proved herself fully adequate to the task, -his wife Cratesipolis. (B. c. 314, Diod. xix. 67.) [E. E.] ALEXANDER ('AAXEavepos), a RHODIAN. In the war against Cassius he was at the head of the popular party, and was raised to the office of prytanis, B. c. 43. (Appian, de Bell. Civ. iv. 66.) But soon after, he and the Rhodian admiral, Mnaseas, were defeated by Cassius in a sea-fight off Cnidus. (Appian, de Bell. Civ. iv. 71.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER (ST.), bishop of ROME, A. D. 109-119. (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iv. 4.) There are three Epistles falsely ascribed to him by Isidore Mercator, as well as a decree, according to Gratian. (Mansi, Concilia. vol. i. pp. 643-647.) Heracleon is said (in the book Praedeslinaius, ap. Sirmond. Opp. vol. i. p. 470) to have broached his heresy in Sicily in the time of St. Alexander, and to have been confited by him. But Heracleon was not, perhaps, yet born. [A. J. C.] ALEXANDER, who assumed the title of EMPEROR OF ROME in A. D. 311, was, according to some accounts, a Phrygian, and according to others a Pannonian. He was appointed by Maxentius governos of Africa, but discovering that Maxen ALEXANDER. tius was plotting against his life, he assumed the purple, though he was of an advanced age and a timid nature. Maxentius sent some troops against him under Rufius Volusianus, who put down the insurrection without difficulty. Alexander was taken and strangled. (Zosimus, ii. 12, 14; Aur. Vict. de Caes. 40, Epit. 40.) There are a few medals of Alexander. In the one annexed we find the words ImI. ALEXANDER. P. F. AUG.; the reverse represents Victory, with this inscription, VICTORIA ALEXANDRI AuG. N., and at the bottom, P. K. ALEXANDER OF SELEUCIA. [ALEXANDER PELOPLATON.] ALEXANDER, I. II., kings of Syria. [ALEXANDER BALAS and ZEBINA.] ALEXANDER, TIBE'RIUS (TieEp'oM 'AAEievapos), was born at Alexandria, of Jewish parents. His father held the office of Alabarch in Alexandria, and his uncle was Philo, the well-known writer. Alexander, however, did not continue in the faith of his ancestors, and was rewarded for his apostacy by various public appointments. In the reign of Claudius he succeeded Fadius as procurator of Judaea, about A. D. 46, and was promoted to the equestrian order. He was subsequently appointed by Nero procurator of Egypt; and by his orders 50,000 Jews were slain on one occasion at Alexandria in a tumult in the city. It was apparently during his government in Egypt that he accompanied Corbulo in his expedition into Armenia, A. D. 64; and he was in this campaign given ia one of the hostages to secure the safety of Tiridates when the latter visited the Roman camp. Alexander was the first Roman governor who declarec in favour of Vespasian; and the day on which h( administered the oath to the legions in the name o Vespasian, the Kalends of July, A. D. 69, is re garded as the beginning of that emperor's reign Alexander afterwards accompanied Titus in the wa: against Judaea, and was present at the takin of Jerusalem. (Joseph. An-. Jud. xx. 4. ~ 2 Bell. Jud. ii. 11. ~ 6, 15. ~ 1, 18. ~ 7, 8, iv. 10 ~ 6, vi. 4. ~ 3; Tac. Ann. xv. 28, Hist. i. 11, ii 74, 79; Suet. Vesp. 6.) ALEXANDER TRALLIA'NUS ('AAE-av3po 4 Tpa/xiad6s), one of the most eminent of the an cient physicians, was born at Tralles, a city o Lydia, from whence lie derives his name. HIi date may safely be put in the sixth century afte Christ, for lie mentions Ahtius (xii. 8, p. 346' who probably did not write till the end of th fifth or the beginning of the sixth century, ani he is himself quoted by Paulus Aegineta (iii. 21. 78, vii. 5, 11, 19, pp. 447, 495, 650, 660, 687' who is supposed to have lived in the seventh; b( sides which, he is mentioned as a contemporary b Agathias (Hist. v. p. 149), who set about writin his History in the beginning of the reign of Justi the younger, about A. D. 565. IHe had the ac vantage of being brought up under his fathes Stephanus, who was himself a physician (iv.
Page 127 ALEXANDER. p. 198), and also under another person, whose name he does not mention, but to whose son Cosmas he dedicates his chief work (xii. i. p. 313), which he wrote out of gratitude at his request. He was a man of an extensive practice, of a very long experience, and of great reputation, not only at Rome, but wherever he travelled in Spain, Gaul, and Italy (i. 15, pp. 156, 157), whence he was called by way of eminence " Alexander the Physician." Agathias speaks also with great praise of his four brothers, Anthemius, Dioscorus, Metrodorus, and Olympius, who were all eminent in their several professions. Alexander is not a mere compiler, like Aetius, Oribasius, and others, but is an author of quite a different stamp, and has more the air of an original writer. He wrote his great work (as he tells us himself, xii. 1, p. 313) in an extreme old age, from the results of his own experience, when he could no longer bear the fatigue of practice. His style in the main, says Freind, is very good, short, clear, and (to use his own term, xii. 1, p. 313) consisting of common expressions; and though (through a mixture of some foreign words occesioned perhaps by his travels) not always perfectly elegant, yet very expressive and intelligible. Fabricius considers Alexander to have belonged to..the sect of the Methodici, but in the opinion of Freind this is not proved sufficiently by the passages adduced. The weakest and most curious )art of his practice appears to be his belief in:harms and amulets, some of which may be quoted is specimens. For a quotidian ague, " Gather in olive leaf before sun-rise, write on it with comnon ink ra, pot, a, and hang it round the neck" xii. 7, p. 339); for the gout, " Write on a thin late of gold, during the waning of the moon, ide IPE, ýt6p, (Pp, Te', C a, W/V, aE, Aou, xp', ye, ýE, 5V, and wear it round the ankles; pronouncing also (, 'WV, -e, Sped, /taiv, xw/"ic" (xi. 1, p. 313), r else this verse of Homer (II. A. 95), "TeTpieX t 8' dyopo), tV i d i' a'ErovaU iero yeea, bhile the moon is in Libra; but it is much better she should be in Leo." (Ibid.) In exorcising to gout (ibid. p. 314) he says, " I adjure thee by te great name 'Iaco aeagcO," that is, n'nrS IR:12,n and a little further on, " I adjure thee T: j the holy names 'Iawc,:acadO, 'Aweald; 'EAcdH,".at is, N1 ^.ri ^ n' rr; from T i'n: T -: T hich he would appear to have been either a Jew a Christian, and, from his frequently prescribing uine's flesh, it is most probable that he was a iristian. His chief work, entitled FB'PXMa'IarptcK noIca1seca, Libri Duodecim de Re MIedica, first peared in an old, barbarous, and imperfect Latin Inslation, with the title Alexandri Yatros Prac-:, c., Lugd. 1504, 4to., which was several times )rinted, and corrected and amended by Albanus rinus, Basil. 1533, fol. It was first edited in eek by Jac. Goupylus, Par. 1548, fol., a beautiand scarce edition, containing also Rhazae de stilentia Libellus ex Syrorum LingCua is Graecams nslatus. It was published in Greek with a new tin translation by Jo. Guinterus Andernacus, sil. 1556, 8vo., which is a rare and valuable tion. Quinter's translation has been several es reprinted, and is inserted by H-. Stephens in lMedicae Artis Principes, Paris, 1567, fol.; it forms part of Haller's Collection of Medical iters, Lausann, 1772, 8vo. 2 vols. The other ALEXANDER. 127 work of Alexander's that is still extant is a short treatise, IlepL 'EAmivOwu, De Lunbricis, which was first published in Greek and Latin by Hieron. Mercurialis, Venet. 1570, 4to. It is also inserted in his work De Morbis Puerorum, Francof. 1584, 8vo., and in the twelfth volume of the old edition of Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca; the Latin translation alone is included in Haller's Collection mentioned above. An Arabic translation is mentioned by Dr. Sprenger in his dissertation De Origiinibus ilredicinae Arjdicae sub Khalifatu, Lugd. Bat. 1840, 8vo.; and also by J. G. Wenrich, De Aiuctorumn Graecoraun Versionibus et Commentariis S., riacis, Arabicis, Armeniacis, Pe'sicisque, Lips. 1842, 8vo. Alexander seems also to have written several other medical works which are now lost. He expresses his intention of writing a book on Fractures, and also on Wounds of the Head. A treatise on Urine written by him is alluded to by Joannes Actuarius (De Urin. Dficer. c. 2. p. 43), and lie himself mentions a work of his on Diseases of the Eyes, which was translated into Arabic. (Sprenger, Wenrich,.c.) The other medical treatise on Pleurisy, which is said to have been also translated into Arabic, was probably only the sixth book of his great work, which is entirely devoted to the consideration of this disease. A very full account of the life and works of Alexander Trallianus was published at London, 1734, 8vo., by Edward Milward, M. D., entitled " Trallianus Reviviscens; or, an Account of Alexander Trallian, one of the Greek Writers that flourished after Galen: shewing that these Authors are far from deserving the imputation of mere compilers," &c. Two other medical works which are sometimes attributed to Alexander Trallianus (viz. a Collection of Medical and Physical Problems, and a treatise on Fevers) are noticed under ALEXANDER APHRODISIENSIS. (Freid's Hist. of Physic, whose words have been sometimes borrowed; Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. xii. p. 593, sq. ed. vet.; Haller, Bibliotheca Medicinae lPracti/cae, tom. i.; Sprengel, Hist. de la M/edt. torn. ii.; Isensee, Geschichte der iMledicin; Choulant, HIIadbuch dier Biicherkunde fuir die Aeltere Mledicin.) [W. A. G.] ALEXANDER ('AAEhavFpos), of TricnHoNi, v in Aetolia, was commander of the Aetolians in B.. c218 and 219. HIe attacked the rear of the army of Philip on his return from Thermus, Ihut the attempt was unsuccessful, and many Aetolians fell. (Polyb. v. 13.) [L. S.] ALEXANDER ZEBINA or ZABINAS ('AAeavapos Zagivas), the son of a merchant named Protarchus, was set up by Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt, as a pretender to the crown of the Greek kingdom of Syria shortly after the death of Antiochus Sidetes and the return of Demetrius Nicator from his captivity among the Parthians. (n.c. 128.) Antioch, Apamea, and several other cities, disgusted with the tyranny of Demetrius, acknowledged the authority of Alexander, who pretended to have been adopted by Antiochus Sidetes; but he never succeeded in obtaining power over the whole of Syria. In the earlier part of the year 125 he defeated Demetrius, who fled to Tyre and was there killed; but in the middle of the same year Alexander's patron, the king of Egypt, set up against him Antiochus Grypus, a son of Demetrius, by whom he was defeated in battle. Alexander fled to Antioch, where he attempted to plunder the temple of Jupiter, in order
Page 128 128 ALEXIAS. to pay his troops; but the people rose against him and drove him out of the city. He soon fell into the hands of robbers, who delivered him up to Antiochus, by whom he was put to death, B. c. 122. He was weak and effeminate, but sometimes generous. His surname, Zebina, which means " a purchased slave," was applied to him as a term of reproach, from a report that he had been bought by Ptolemy as a slave. Several of his coins are extant. In the one figured below Jupiter is represented on the reverse, holding in the right hand a simall image of victory. (Justin. xxxix. 1, 2; Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 9, 10; Clinton, IFasti, iii. p. 334.) [P. S.] ALEXANDRA. [CASSANDRA.] ALEXANDRIDES ('AXsEavepialqs) of Delphi, a Greek historian of uncertain date. If we may judge from the subjects on which his history is quoted as an authority, it would seem that his work was a history of Delphi. (Plut. Lysand. 18; Schol. ad Eutrip. Alcest. 1, where undoubtedly the same person is meant, though the MS. reading is Anaxandrides; Schol. ad Aristoph. Plut. 926.) [L. S.] ALEXA'NOR ('AXseivowp), a son of Machaon, and grandson of Aesculapius, who built to his sire a temple at Titane in the territory of Sicyon. He himself too was worshipped there, and sacrifices were offered to him after sunset only. (Paus. ii. 23. ~ 4, 11. ~ 6, &c.) [L. S.] ALEXARCHUS ('AAE"apxos), a Greek historian, who wrote a work on the history of Italy ('Iranacd), of which Plutarch (Parallel. 7) quotes the third book. Servius (ad Aen. iii. 334) mentions an opinion of his respecting the origin of the names Epeirus and Campania, which unquestionably belonged to his work on Italy. The writer of this name, whom Plutarch mentions in another passage (De Is. et Os. p. 365), is probably a different person. [L. S.] ALEXARCHUS ('AAigapyos). 1. A brother of Cassander of Macedonia, who is mentioned as the founder of a town called Uranopolis, the site of which is unknown. Here he is said to have introduced a number of words of his own coinage, which, though very expressive, appear to have been regarded as a kind of slang. (Athen. iii. p. 98.) 2. A Corinthian, who, while the Lacedaemonians were fortifying Deceleia in Attica, B. c. 413, and were sending an expedition to Sicily, was entrusted with the command of 600 hoplites, with whom he joined the Sicilian expedition. (Thucyd. vii. 19.) [L. S.] ALE'XIAS ('AXEilas), an ancient Greek physician, who was a pupil of Thrasyas of Mantinea, and lived probably about the middle of the fourth century before Christ. Theophrastus mentions him as having lived shortly before his time (Hist. ALEXIS. Plant. ix. 16. ~ 8), and speaks highly of his abilities and acquirements. [W. A. G.] ALEX'CACUS ('AAE'icarcos), the averter of evil, is a surname given by the Greeks to several deities, as-Zeus (Orph. De Lapid. Prooem. i.),to Apollo, who was worshipped under this name by the Athenians, because he was believed to have stopped the plague which raged at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian war (Paus. i. 3. ~ 3, viii. 41. ~ 5),-and to Heracles. (Lactant. v. 3.) [L. S.] ALEXICLES ('AAevcvAcs), an Athenian general, who belonged to the oligarchial or Lacedaemonian party at Athens. After the revolution of B. c. 411, he and several of his friends quitted the city and went to their friends at Deceleia. But he was afterwards made prisoner in Peiraeeus, and sentenced to death for his participation in the guilt of Phrynichus. (Thucyd. viii. 92; Lycurg. in Leocr. p. 164.) [L. S.] ALEXICRATES ('AXemaucpcr-s),a Pythagorean philosopher who lived at the time of Plutarch, and whose disciples continued to observe thie ancient diet of the Pythagoreans, abstaining from fish altogether. (Plut. Sympos. viii. p. 728.) Another person of this name occurs in Plutarch, Pyrrh. 5.) [L. S.] ALE'XIDA ('AAe(i8i), a daughter of Amphiaraus, from whom certain divinities called Elasii ( 'EAdo-oi, i. e. the averters of epileptic fits) were believed to be descended. (Plut. Quaest. Gr. 23. [L. S.] ALEX1'NUS ('AAgchios), a philosopher of th( Dialectic or Megarian school and a disciple of Eu bulides [EUCLIDES], from his eristic propensitie facetiously named 'EAe-y'Ivos, who lived about th, beginning of the third century before Christ. HI-I was a native of Elis, and a contemporary of Zenc From Elis he went to Olympia, in the vaiii hope it is said, of founding a sect which might be calle the Olympian; but his disciples soon became dim gusted with the unhealthiness of the place an their scanty means of subsistence, and left hii with a single attendant. None of his doctrine have been preserved to us, but from the brief mei tion made of him by Cicero (Acad. ii. 24), 1 seems to have dealt in sophistical puzzles, lilt the rest of his sect. Athenaeus (xv. p. 696, e mentions a paean which he wrote in honour Craterus, the Macedonian, and which was sung; Delphi to the sound of the lyre. Alexinus al wrote against Zeno, whose professed antagonist 1 was, and against Ephorus the historian. Diogeic Laertius has preserved some lines on his deat which was occasioned by his being pierced wvi a reed while swimming in the Alpheus. (Dic Laert. ii. 109, 110.) [B. J.] ALE'XION, an ancient physician, who was pi bably (judging from his name) a native of Greec he was a friend of Cicero, who praises his medii skill, and deeply laments his sudden death, B. 44. (Ad Att. vii. 2, xiii. 25, xv. 1. d 2.) [W. A. ( ALEXI'PPUS ('AtErrrwos), an ancient Gre physician, who is mentioned by Plutarch (Al c. 41) as having received a letter from Alexanm himself, to thank him for having cured Peucest one of his officers, of an illness probably about B 327. [W. A. G.J ALEXIS CAAemts). 1. A comic poet, born Thurii, in Magna Graccia (Suidas s. v. "AA.), 1 admitted subsequently to the privileges of
Page 129 ALEXIS. ALEXIS. 129 A thenian citizen, and enrolled in the dome 070o, ALEXIS ('AAeIs), a sculptor and statuary, belonging to the tribe Leontis. (Steph. Byz. s.v.) mentioned by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19) as one of Ile was the uncle and instructor of Menander. the pupils of Polycletus. Pausanias (vi. 3. ~ 3) (Suidas s. v. AAehss; Proleg. Aristoph. p. xxx.) mentions an artist of the same name, a native of When he was born we are not expressly told, but Sicyon, and father of the sculptor Cantharus. It he lived to the age of 106 (Plut. Defect. Orac. cannot be satisfactorily settled whether these are p. 420, e.), and was living at least as late as the same, or different persons. Pliny's account B. c. 288. Now the town of Thurii was de- implies that he had the elder Polycletus in view, stroyed by the Lucanians about B. c. 390. It is in which case Alexis could not have flourished therefore not at all unlikely that the parents of later than 01. 95 (B. c. 400), whereas Eutychides, Alexis, in order to escape from the threatened de- under whom Cantharus studied, flourished about struction of their city, removed shortly before with 01. 120, B. c. 300. (Pliny, H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. their little son to Athens. Perhaps therefore we 19.) If the two were identical, as Thiersch may assign about n. c. 394 as the date of the (Epoclen der ild. Kznst. p. 276) thinks, we must birth of Alexis. He had a son Stephanus, who suppose either that Pliny made a mistake, and that also wrote comedies. (Suidas 1. c.) He appears Alexis studied under the younger Polycletus, or to have been rather addicted to the pleasures of else that the Eutychides, whose date is given by the table. (Athen. viii. p. 344.) According to Pliny, was not the artist under whom Cantharus Plutarch (De Senis Administ. Reipubl. p. 785, b.), studied. [C. P. M.] he expired upon the stage while being crowned as ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS I. COMNE'NUS victor. By the old grammarians he is commonly ("AAX-ýs, or 'AANEos Kopv-v6s), emperor of Concalled a writer of the middle comedy, and frag- stantinople, was most probably born in A. D. 1048. ments and the titles of many of his plays confirm He was the son of John Comnenus, and the this statement. Still, for more than 30 years he nephew of the emperor Isaac Comnenus, and rewas contemporary with Philippides, Philemon, Me- ceived a careful education from his mother Anna. nander, and Diphilus, and several fragments shew He accompanied the emperor Romanus Diogenes that he also wrote pieces which would be classed in the war against Alp-Arslan, sultan of the Turkswith those of the new comedy. He was a re- Seljuks, and was present at the battle of Malazmarkably prolific writer. Suidas says he wrote kerd, where this emperor was made a prisoner by 245 plays, and the titles of 113 have come down the sultan. After the deposition of Romanus Dioto hs. The Meporlis, 'AytuvAiwV, 'OhAvy7rid6pos, genes in 1071, Alexis Comnenus and his elder and lnapa'ros, in which he ridiculed Plato, were brother Isaac joined the party of the new emperor, probably exhibited as early as the 104th Olym- Michael VII. Ducas, who employed Alexis against piad. The 'A7^yos, in which he ridiculed Mis- the rebels who had produced great disturbances in golas, was no doubt written while he was alive, Asia Minor. In this war Alexis distinguished himand Aeschines (c. Timarch. pp. 6 -8) in B. c. 345, self as a successful general, and shewed that extraspeaks of him as then living. The 'ASeAcpo and ordinary shrewdness which afterwards became the r-oaT7Yiw7s, in which he satirized Demosthenes, principal feature of his character. HIe defended were acted shortly after B. c. 343. The "IrTroS, Michael VII. against the rebel Nicephorus Botain which he alluded to the decree of Sophocles niates, but the cause of Michael having becomehopeagainst the philosophers, in B. c. 316. The less, he readily joined the victorious rebel, who beITvpavvos in B. c. 312. The 4 appawoercwX'A and came emperor under the title of Nicephorus III. in 'To@oeAiluo7 in B. c. 306. As might have been 1077. The authorityof Nicephorus III. was disobeyexpected in a person who wrote so much, the same ed by several rebels, among whom Nicephorus passage frequtently occurred in several plays; nor Bryennius in Epeirus was the most dangerous; but did he scruple sometimes to borrow from other Alexis defeated them one after the other, and the poets, as, for example, from Eubulus. (Athen. i. grateful emperor conferred upon him the title of p. 25, f.) Carystius of Pergamus (ap. Athen. vi. " Sebastos." Alexis was then considered as the first p. 235, e.) says he was the first who invented the general of the Byzantine empire, but his military repart of the parasite. This is not quite correct, as nown made him suspected in the eyes of the emperor, it had been introduced before him by Epicharmus; who kept him at Constantinople and tried to get but he appears to have been the first who gave it rid of him bybase intrigues. But Alexis opposed inthe form in which it afterwards appeared upon the trigues to intrigues, and as he was not only the most stage, and to have been very happy in his exhibi- gallant, but also the most artful among his shrewd tion of it. His wit and elegance are praised by countrymen, he outdid the emperor, who at last Athenaeus (ii. p. 59, f.), whose testimony is con- gave orders, that his eyes should be put out. firmed by the extant fragments. A considerable Alexis now fled to the army on the Danube, and list of peculiar words and forms used by him is was proclaimed emperor by the troops. Assisted given by Meineke. His plays were frequently by his brother Isaac, who acted with great genetranslated by the Roman comic writers. (Gell. ii. rosity, Alexis marched to Constantinople, obtained 23.) The fragments we possess of his plays have possession of the city by a stratagem, deposed the been preserved chiefly by Athenaeus and Stobaeus. emperor, and ascended the throne in 1081. (Meineke, Fragm. Conm. vol. i. pp. 374-403; The Byzantine empire was then at the point of Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, under the years above ruin. While Alexis carried on the war against given; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. vol. ii. p. 406, &c.) the rebel Nicephorus Bryennius, and afterwards 2. A writer mentioned by Athenaeus (x. p. 418) during his forced sojourn at Constantinople, and as the author of a treatise -repi A''vapeidas. the time of his differences with Nicephorus IIL., 3. A Samian, the author of an historical work Melek-Shah, the son of Alp-Arslan, and the called ý'dtuoi'?pot or'Dpot i alriaicol (Samian An- greatest prince of the Seljuks, had conquered the als), which Athenaeu1 s quotes. (xiiin p. 572, f., Byzantine part of Asia Minor, which he ceded to ii. p. 540, d.) [C. P. M.] h Iis cousin Solimin. Thie Bulgarians threatened to K
Page 130 130 ALEXIS. invade Thrace, and Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia, with a mighty host of Norman knights, had crossed the Adriatic and laid siege to Durazzo, the ancient Dyrrachium. In this critical position Alexis evinced extraordinary activity. He concluded peace with the Seljuks, ceding Asia to them; he made an alliance with Venice and Henry IV., emperor of Germany; and he sold the sacred vessels of the churches to pay his troops. His struggle with the Normans was long and bloody, but famine, diseases, civil troubles, and a powerful diversion of Henry IV., compelled the Normans to leave Epeirus in 1084. During this time the Seljuks had recommenced hostilities, and threatened to block up Constantinople with a fleet constructed by Greek captives. In this extremity Alexis implored the assistance of the European princes. The conquest of Jerusalem by the Seljuks, the interruption of the pious pilgrimages to the holy grave, and the vexations which the Christians in -the East had to endure from the infidels, had produced an extraordinary excitement among the nations in Europe. The idea of rescuing the town of our Saviour became popular; the pope and the princes shewed themselves favourable to such an expedition, and they resolved upon it after the ambassadors of Alexis had related to them at Piacenza in 1095 the hopeless state of the Christians in Asia. The first Crusaders appeared in Constantinople in 1096. They were commanded by Peter the Hermit and Walter the Pennyless, and were rather a band of vagabonds than an army. Alexis hastened to send them over to Asia, where they were massacred by the Turks. Soon after them came a powerful army, commanded by Godfrey of Bouillon, and their continued stay in the neighbourhood of Constantinople gave occasion to serious differences between the Latins and the Greeks. However Alexis, by the alternate use of threats and persuasions, not only succeeded in getting rid of the dangerous foreigners by carrying them over to Asia, but also managed the pride of Godfrey of Bouillon and his turbulent barons with so much dexterity, that they consented to take the oath of vassalage for those provinces which they might conquer in Asia, and promised to restore to the emperor the Byzantine territories, which had been taken by the Seljuks. In his turn he promised to assist them in their enterprise with a strong army, but the dangerous state of the empire prevented him from keeping his word. However, in proportion as the Crusaders, in 1097, advanced into Asia, Alexis followed them with a chosen body, and thus gradually reunited with his empire Nicaea, Chios, Rhodes, Smyrna, Ephesus, Sardes, and finally all Asia Minor. The descendants of Bohemond, prince of Antioch, did homage to Alexis, to whom they restored Tarsus and Malmistra. During the latter years of his reign, Alexis was occupied with consolidating the domestic peace of his empire, which was then often disturbed by religious troubles; He died in 1118, at the age of seventy, and his successor was his son John, generally called Calo-Joannes. Alexis was the author of a work entitled XoyapiKrc, which was published in the 4th volume of the Analecta Graeca, Par. 1688, and also from a later manuscript by Gronovius at the end of his work De Sesteriiis, Lugd. Bat. 1691. Respecting the ecclesiastical edicts of Alexius, several of which are extant, see Fabric. BibI. Graec. vii. p. 729. ALEXIS. The life of Alexis has been carefully, though very partially, described by his daughter, Anna Comnena, in her Alexias, which is the principal source concerning this emperor. (Comp. Glycas, p. 4; AlbertusAquensis, ii. 9-19; Wilhenlmus Tyrensis, ii. 5, 23; comp. S. F. Wilken, " Rerum ab Alexio I., Joanne, Manuele et Alexio II. Comnenis gestarum libri quatuor," Heidelberg, 1811.) [W. P.] ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS II. COMNE'NUS ("AACSLs or 'AAE'tos Koluvorv's), emperor of Constantinople, the son of the emperor Manuel Comnenus, was born in 1167, according to Nicetas. In 1179, he married Agnes or Anna, the daughter of king Louis VII. of France, and succeeded his father in 1180, under the guardianship of his mother Maria, the daughter of Raymond, prince of Antioch. They both became victims of the ambition of Andronicus Comnenus, who first compelled the young emperor to sign the death of his mother, and then put Alexis to death in 1183; whereupon he succeeded him on the throne. (Nicetas, Alexis *IManuel. Comn. fil.; comp. Ducange, Familiae Byzantinae, p. 188.) [W. P.] ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS III. A'NGELUS (CAAefsr or 'ANih~os "Ayychos), the brother of the emperor Isaac II. Angelus, whom he deposed and blinded in 1195. Being a descendant of Alexis I. Comnenus by Theodora, the youngest daughter of the latter, he assumed the family-name of his great ancestor, and is therefore commonly called Alexis Angelus-Comnenus. In 1197 and 1198, he carried on war with Persia and the Seljuks of Koniah, but his armies were defeated. Being base, rapacious, and cruel, he incurred the hatred and contempt of his subjects, and prepared his ruin. He lost the crown through his nephew, Alexis, the son of Isaac II. Angelus, who, having escaped from Constantinople, succeeded in persuading the Crusaders assembled in Venice to make an expedition against the usurper. Amounting to 20,000 men, and commanded by Dandolo, doge of Venice, they attacked Constantinople in the month of July, 1203; but before they had taken this city, Alexis III. abandoned his palace and fled to Italy, carrying with him 10,000 pounds of gold. After his flight, Constantinople was occupied by the Crusaders, who recognised as emperors the blinded Isaac and his son Alexis. [ALEXIS IV.] He afterwards returned to Greece, and treacherously blinded the emperor Alexis V. Murzuphlus, who after his deposition in 1204, had fled to Alexis III., whose daughter he had married. Meanwhile, Theodore Lascaris succeeded in making himself independent at Nicaea, but was involved in a war with Ghayaith-ed-din, sultan of Koniah. In 1210, Alexis III. fled to this sultan, and persuaded him to support his claims to the throne of Byzantium, and to declare war against Theodore Lascaris. The war proved fatal for the sultan, who was killed in the battle of Antioch, and Alexis III. was made prisoner. Theodore Lascaris had married Anna Angela-Comnena, the second daughter of Alexis III., but this circumstance did not prevent him from confining his father-in-law to a monastery at Nicaea. (1210.) There Alexis III. died some years after at an advanced age; the exact year of his birth is not known. (Nicetas, Alexis Angelus, Isaacius Angelus, iii. 8, &c.; Isaacius et Alex. fil. c. 1; Villehardouin, Do la Conqueste de Constantinoble, Paris, 1838, c. 51, 56, &c.) [W. P.]
Page 131 ALEXIUS. ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS IV. A'NGELUS ( 1AAet) or 'AXAtos "Ayyseos), was the son of the emperor Isaac II. Angelus. It is mentioned under ALEXIS III. that, after the deposition of this emperor, he and his father were placed on the throne by the Crusaders. Alexis IV. was crowned together with Isaac II. on the 29th of July, 1203, and, to secure himself on the throne, engaged the Crusaders to continue at Constantinople. He had promised them to put an end to the schism of the Greek Church, but did not do anything for that purpose, nor did he fulfil his other engagements towards the Crusaders. At the same time, he did not understand how to maintain his dignity among the turbulent and haughty barons of Italy, France, and Flanders, who were assembled in his capital. Serious differences consequently arose between him and his deliverers. Alexis Ducas, surnamed Murzuphlus, an ambitious and enterprising man, took advantage of these troubles, and suddenly seized the crown. By his order Alexis IV. was put to death on the 28th of January, 1204; Isaac II. died of grief. (Nicetas, Isaacius Angelus, iii. c. 8, &c.; Isaacius et Alexis fiL.; Villehardouin, Ibid. c. 51, 56, 60, &c., 102-107.) [W. P.] I ALEXIS or ALE'XIUS V. DUCAS ('AAgis or 'AA\ioY Aoiica), surnamed "MURZUPHLUS," on account of the close junction of his shaggy eyebrows, was crowned emperor of Constantinople on the 8th of February, 1204, after having been present at the murder of Alexis IV., who was put to death by his order. His earlier life is almost unknown. Nicetas, however, states, that he had always been rapacious and voluptuous; on the other hand, he was a man of great courage and energy. Immediately after he had usurped the throne, the Crusaders, who were still assembled under the walls of Constantinople, laid siege to this city. Alexis V. disdained to conclude peace with them on dishonourable conditions, and prepared for resistance, in which he was vigorously assisted by Theodore Lascaris. However, courage suddenly abandoned him, and he fled to the deposed emperor Alexis III., whose daughter Eudoxia AngelaComnena he had just married. Constantinople was taken by storm by the Crusaders (12th of April, 1204), who, after having committed those horrors, of which Nicetas, an eye-witness, gives such an emphatical description, chose Baldwin, count of Flanders, emperor of Constantinople, but leaving him only the fourth part of the empire. After being deprived of sight by his father-in-law, Alexis V. fled to the Morea, but was arrested and carried to Constantinople, where the Crusaders put him to death by casting him from the top of the Theodosian column. (1204.) (Nicetas, MlurzupMhts; Isaacius Angelus et Alex. fil. c. 4, 5; Gesta Francorum, c. 94; Villehardouin, Ibid. c. 51, 56, 60, &c. 98, 106, 113-115, 127, &c.) [W. P.] ALE'XIUS ARISTE'NUS ('AAetos 'Apiao-rvos), Oeconomus of the Great Church at Constantinople, flourished A. D. 1166, in which year he Swas present at the Council of Constantinople. He edited a Synopsis Canonum with scholia, which is given by Bishop Beveridge in his Pandectae Canonum, Oxon. 1672, fol. vol. ii. post pag. 188, and vol. i. p. 1, &c. Other works by him are quoted. See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. xi. p. 280. [A. J. C.] ALE'XIUS ('AAhios), Patriarch of CONSTANTINOPLE, a member of the monastery of Studius (founded A. D. 460), succeeded Eustathius as Pa ALIMENTUS. 131 triarch A. D. 1025. In A. D. 1034 he crowned Michael IV. the favourite of Zof', who, to make way for him, procured the death of her husband, the Emperor Romanus. He thwarted the attempts of John (the emperor's brother) to gain the patriarchal see (A. D. 1036), and died A. D. 1043. Decrees of his are extant, ap. Jus Gr. Rom. vol. i. lib. iv. p. 250, Leunclav. Francof. 1596. See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. xi. p. 558. [A. J. C.] ALE'XIUS('AAEL'os), Metropolitan of NICAEA, composed a Canon or Hy!mn on St. Demetrius the Martyr. It is uncertain when he lived. The canon is in manuscript. See Lambecius, Biblioth. Vindobon. vol. v. p. 599, ed. Kollar. [A. J. C.] ALEXON ('AA.eiwv), an Achaean who served in the Carthaginian garrison at Lilybaeum while it was besieged by the Romans in B. c. 250. During this siege some of the Gallic mercenaries engaged in the service of the Carthaginians formed the plan of betraying the fortress into the hands of the Romans. But Alexon, who had on a former occasion saved the town of Agrigentum from a similar attempt of treacherous mercenaries, now acted in the same faithful spirit, and gave information of the plot to the Carthaginian commander Himilco. He also assisted him in inducing the mercenaries to remain faithful and resist the temptations offered by their comrades. (Polyb. i. 43, ii. 7.) [L. S.] ALEXON MYNDIUS. [ALEXANDER MYNDIUS.] -ALFE'NUS VARUS. [VARus.] A'LFIUS FLAVUS. [FLAVUS.] ALGOS ('Axyoy), is used by Hesiod (Thteog. 227) in the plural, as the personification of sorrows and griefs, which are there represented as the daughters of Eris. [L. S.] ALIACMON. [PALAESTINUS.] L. ALIE'NITS, plebeian aedile B. c. 454, accused Veturius, the consul of the former year, on account of selling the booty which had been gained in war, and placing the amount in the aerarium. (Liv. iii. 31.) ALIE'NUS CAECINA. [CAECINA.] ALIMENTUS, L. CI'NCIUS, a celebrated Roman annalist, antiquary, and jurist, who was praetor in Sicily, B. c. 209, with the command of two legions. He wrote an account of his imprisonment in the second Punic war, and a history of Gorgias Leontinus; but these works probably formed part of his Annales. (Liv. xxi. 38.) He is frequently cited by Festus, and the fragments which have been thus preserved were collected by Wasse, and may be found appended to Corte's Sallust. Niebuhr (i. p. 272) praises Alimentus as a really critical investigator of antiquity, who threw light on the history of his country by researches among its ancient monuments. That he possessed eminent personal qualities, such as strike a great man, is clear, inasmuch as Hannibal, who used to treat his Roman prisoners very roughly, made a. distinction in his behalf, and gave him an account of his passage through Gaul and over the Alps. which Alimentus afterwards incorporated in his history. It is only in his fragments that we find a distinct statement of the earlier relation between Rome and Latium, which in all the annals has been misrepresented by national pride. The point, however, upon which Niebuhr lays most stress, is the remarkable difference between Alimentus and all other chronologers in dating the building of the city about the fourth year of the 12th Olympiad. K2
Page 132 132 A. ALLIENUS. ALOEIDAE. This difference is the more important in an histo- Fr. i. 1. ~ 3), an d praetor in B. c. 49. (A Att. x. rical view, from Alimentus having written on the 15.) In the following year, he had the province old Roman calendar and having carefully ex- of Sicily, and sent to Caesar, who was then in amined the most ancient Etruscan and Roman Africa, a large body of troops. He continued in chronology. It is ingeniously accounted for by Sicily till B. c. 47, and received the title of proNiebuhr, by supposing our author to have re- consul. Two of Cicero's letters are addressed to duced the ancient cyclical years, consisting of him. (Hirt. Bell. Afr. 2, 34; Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 'ten months, to an equivalent number of common 78, 79.) His name occurs on a coin, which has years of twelve months. Now, the pontiffs on one side C. CAES. IMP. COS. ITERt., and on the reckoned 132 cyclical years before the reign of other A. ALLIENVS PROCOS. Tarquinius Priscus, from which time, according to 2. Was sent by Dolabella, B. c. 43, to bring to Julius Gracchanus, the use of the old calendar was him the legions which were in Egypt. On his rediscontinued. The reduction makes a difference turn from Egypt with four legions, he was surf 22 years, for 132 13210 = 22, and 22years prised by Cassius in Palestine, who was at the 12 head of eight legions. As his forces were so infeadded to the era of Polybius and Nepos, viz. 01. rior, Allienus joined Cassius. (Appian, B. 0. iii. 7. 2, bring us to the very date of Alimentus, 01. 78, iv. 59; Cic. Phil. xi. 12, 13; Cassius, ap. Cic. 12. 4. ad Fam. xii. 11, 12.) This Allienus may perhaps Alimentus composed a treatise Do Officio Ju2is- be the same person as No. 1. consU'ti, containing at least two books; one book ALLUCIUS, a prince of the Celtiberi, betrothed Dc Verbis priscis, one De Consulum Potestate, one to a most beautiful virgin, who was taken prisoner De Comitiis, one De Fastis, two, at least, Mystago- by Scipio in Spain, B. c. 209. Scipio generously gicon, and several De Re Mlilitari. In the latter gave her to Allucms, and refused the presents her work he handles the subjects of military levies, of parents offered him. The story is beautifully told the ceremonies of declaring war, and generally of in Livy (xxvi. 50), and is also related by other the Jus Feciale. (Gell. xvi. 4; Voss. Hist. Gr. iv. writers. (Polyb. x. 19; Val. Max. iv. 3. ~ 1; Sil. 413, fin., Hist. Lat. i. 4; F. Lachmani, de Fontib. Ital. xv. 268, &c.) Histor. Tit. Livii Con. i. 17, 4to. 1822; Zimmern, ALMO, the god of a river in the neighbourhood Rim. Rechts-qesch. i. i. 73.) [J. T. G.] of Rome, who, like Tiberinus and others, were ALIMENTUS, M. CI'NCIUS, tribune of the prayed to by the augurs. In the water of Almo plebs B. c. 204, proposed in his tribuneship the law the statue of the mother of the gods used to be known. by the name of Cincia Lex de Donis et washed. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 20; comp. Varro, lMuneribuls, or Muneralis Lex. (Liv. xxxiv. 4; de Ling. Lat. v. 71, ed. Muller.) [L. S.] Cic. Cato, 4, de Orat. ii. 71, ad Att. i. 20; Festus, ALMOPS ( AAgn4), a giant, the son of Poseidon s. v. Mnneralis.) This law was confirmed in the and Helle, from whom the district of Almopia and time of Augustus. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Cincia Lex.) its inhabitants, the Almopes in Macedonia, were ALIPHlE'RUS or H ALIPHE'RUS ('AXAi`ppos), believed to have derived their name. (Steph. Byz. one of the sons of Lycaon, killed by Zeus with a s. v. AAeuw7ria.) [L. S.] flash of lightning for their insolence. (Apollod. iii. ALOEIDAE, ALOI'ADAE, or ALO'ADAE 8. ~ 1.) The town of Aliphera or Alipheira in ('AAwe.at, AwidFac or 'AAdasnt), are patronymic Arcadia was believed to have been founded by forms from Aloeus, but are used to designate the him, -and to have derived its name from him. two sons of his wife Iphimedeia by Poseidon: viz. (Paus. viii. 3. ~ 1, 26. ~ 4; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AXi- Otus and Ephialtes. The Aloeidae are renowned cbpepa.) [L. S.] in the earliest stories of Greece for their extraorALITTA or ALTLAT('AAirTa or'AAthrc), the dinary strength and daring spirit. When they name by which, according to Herodotus (i. 131, iii. were nine years old, each of their bodies measured 8), the Arabs called Aphrodite Urania. [L. S.] nine cubits in breadth and twenty-seven in height. ALLECTUS, was raised to the highest digni- At this early age, they threatened the Olympian ties in Britain during the dominion of Carausius; gods with war, and attempted to pile mount Ossa but the crimes which he committed, and the fear upon Olympus, and Pelion upon Ossa. They of punishment on account of them, led him in A. n. would have accomplished their object, says Homer, 293 to murder Carausius and assume the impe- had they been allowed to grow up to the age of rial title in Britain for himself. He enjoyed his manhood; but Apollo destroyed them before their honours for three years, at the end of which Con- beards began to appear. (Od. xi. 305, &c.) In stantius sent Asclepiodotus with an army and fleet the Iliad (v. 385, &c.; comp. Philostr. de Vit. Soph. against him. Allectus was defeated in A. D. 296, ii. 1. ~ 1) the poet relates another feat of their and Britain was thus cleared of usurpers. (Aurel. early age. They put the god Ares in chains, and Vict. de Caes. 39; Eutrop. ix. 14.) On the an- kept him imprisoned for thirteen months; so that nexed coin the inscription is IeMp. C. ALLECTUS. he would have perished, had not Hermes been inP. F. AUG. [L. S.] formed of it by Eriboea, and secretly liberated the prisoner. The same stories are related by Apollodorus (i. 7. ~ 4), who however does not make them perish in the attempt upon Olympus. According to him, they actually piled the mountains upon -R:15 one another, and threatened to change land into sea and sea into land. They are further said to 7 have grown every year one cubit in breadth and 'si Xthree in height. As another proof of their daring, A. ALLIE'NUS. 1. A friend of Cicero's, who it is related, that Ephialtes sued for the hand of is spoken of by him in high terms. He was thle Hera, and Otus for that of Artemis. But this led legate of Q. Cicero in Asia, B. c. 60 (Cic. ad Qu. to their destruction in the island of Naxos. (Comp.
Page 133 ALOPE. Pind. Pyth. iv. 156, &c.) Here Aitemis appeared to them in the form of a stag, and ran between the two brothers, who, both aiming at the animal at the same time, shot each other dead. Hyginus (Fab. 28) relates their death in a similar manner, but makes Apollo send the fatal stag. (Comp. Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 264; Apollon. Rhod. i. 484, with the Schol.) As a punishment for their presumption, they were, in Hades, tied to a pillar with serpents, with their faces turned away from each other, and were perpetually tormented by the shrieks of an owl. (Munck, ad Hyqin... c.; Virg. Aen. vi. 582.) Diodorus (v. 50, &c.), who does not mention the Homeric stories, contrives to give to his account an appearance of history. According to him, the Aloeidae are Thessalian heroes who were sent out by their father Aloeus to fetch back their mother Iphimedeia and her daughter Pancratis, who had been carried off by Thracians. After having overtaken and defeated the Thracians in the island of Strongyle (Naxos), they settled there as rulers over the Thracians. But soon after, they killed each other in a dispute which had arisen between them, and the Naxians worshipped them as heroes. The foundation of the town of Aloi'um in Thessaly was ascribed to them. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) In all these traditions the Aloeidae are represented as only remarkable for their gigantic physical strength; but there is another story which places them in a different light. Pausanias (ix. 29. ~ 1) relates, that they were believed to have been the first of all men who worshipped the Muses on mount Helicon, and to have consecrated this mountain to them; but they worshipped only three Muses-Melete, Mneme, and Aoide, and founded the town of Ascra in Boeotia. Sepulchral monuments of the Aloeidae were seen in the time of Pausanias (ix. 22. ~ 5) near the Boeotian town of Anthedon. Later times fabled of their bones being seen in Thessaly. (Philostr. i. 3.) The interpretation of these traditions by etymologies from E"'w and dAcid, which has been attempted by modern scholars, is little satisfactory. [L. S.] ALO'EUS ('AAWeds). 1. A son of Poseidon and Canace. He married Iphimedeia, the daughter of Triops, who was in love with Poseidon, and used to walk by the sea-side, take her hands full of its water, and sprinkle her bosom with it. The two sons whom she had by Poseidon were called Aloeidae. (Hom. II. v. 385, Od. xi. 305; Apollod. i. 7. ~ 4.) [ALOEIDAE.] 2. A son of Helios by Circe or Antiope, who received from his father the sovereignty over the district of Asopia. (Paus. ii. 1. ~ 6, 3. ~ 8.) [L. S.] A'LOPE ('AAdo'Tr), a daughter of Cercyon, who was beloved by Poseidon on account of her great beauty, and became by him the mother of a son, whom she exposed immediately after his birth. But a mare came and suckled the child until it was found by shepherds, who fell into a dispute as to who was to have the beautiful kingly attire of the boy. The case was brought before Cercyon, who, on recognising by the dress whose child the boy was, ordered Alope to be imprisoned in order to be put to death, and her child to be exposed again. The latter was fed and found in the same manner as before, and the shepherds called him Hippothous. [HIPPOTHOUS.] The body of Alope was changed by Poseidon into a well, which bore the same name. (Hygin. Fab. 187; Pans. i. 5. ~ 2; Aristoph. Av. 533.) The town of Alope, ALPHEIURS. 133 in Thessaly, was believed to have derived its name from her. (Pherecyd. ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AA/'rl, where, however, Philonides speaks of an Alope as a daughter of Actor.) There was a monument of Alope on the road from Eleusis to Megara, on the spot where she was believed to have been killed by her father. (Paus. i. 39. ~ 3.) [L. S.] ALO'PECUS. [AsTRABACUS.] ALORCUS, a Spaniard in Hannibal's army, who was a friend and hospes of the Saguntines, went into Saguntum, when the city was reduced to the last extremity, to endeavour to persuade the inhabitants to accept Hannibal's terms. (Liv. xxi. 12, &c.) ALPHAEA, ALPHEAEA, or ALPHEIU'SA ('AA(a7a, 'AAeata, or 'AAkeoso'a), a surname of Artemis, which she derived from the river god Alpheius, who loved her, and under which she was worshipped at Letrini in Elis (Paus. vi. 22. ~ 5; Strab. viii. p. 343), and in Ortygia. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. ii. 12, Nem. i. 3.) [L. S.] ALPHEIAS, a name by which Ovid (Met. v. 487) designates the nymph of the Sicilian well Arethusa, because it was believed to have a subterraneous communication with the river Alpheius, in Peloponnesus. [L. S.] ALPHEIUS or A'LPHEUS ('AAselds or 'AApeo'd), the god of the river Alpheius in Peloponnesus, a son of Oceanus and Thetys. (Pind. Nem. i. 1; Hes. Theog. 338.) According to Pausanias (v. 7. ~ 2) Alpheius was a passionate hunter and fell in love with the nymph Arethusa, but she fled from him to the island of Ortygia near Syracuse, and metamorphosed herself into a well, whereupon Alpheius became a river, which flowing from Peloponnesus under the sea to Ortygia, there united its waters with those of the well Arethusa. (Comp. Schol. ad Pind. Nerm. i. 3.) This story is related somewhat differently by Ovid. (Met. v. 572, &c.) Arethusa, a fair nymph, once while bathing in the river Alpheius in Arcadia, was surprised and pursued by the god; but Artemis took pity upon her and changed her into a well, which flowed under the earth to the island of Ortygia. (Comp. Serv. ad Virg. Eel. x. 4; Virg. Aen. iii. 694; Stat. Silv. i. 2, 203; Theb. i. 271, iv. 239; Lucian, Dial. Marin. 3.) Artemis, who is here only mentioned incidentally, was, according to other traditions, the object of the love of Alpheius. Once, it is said, when pursued by him she fled to Letrini in Elis, and here she covered her face and those of her companions (nymphs) with mud, so that Alpheius could not discover or distinguish her, and was obliged to return. (Paus. vi. 22. ~ 5.) This occasioned the building of a temple of Artemis Alphaea at Letrini. According to another version, the goddess fled to Ortygia, where she had likewise a temple under the name of Alphaea. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. ii. 12.) An allusion to Alpheius' love of Artemis is also contained in the fact, that at Olympia the two divinities had one altar in common. (Paus. v. 14. ~ 5; Schol. ad Pind. 01. v. 10.) In these accounts two or more distinct stories seem to be mixed up together, but they probably originated in the popular belief, that there was a natural subterraneous communication between the river Alpheius and the well Arethusa. For, among several other things it was believed, that a cup thrown into the Alpheius would make its reappearance in the well Arethusa in Ortygia. (Strab. vi. p. 270, viii. p.
Page 134 134 ALTHAEA. 343; Senec. Quaest. Nat. iii. 26; Fulgent. AMyth. iii. 12.) Plutarch (de Fluv. 19) gives an account which is altogether unconnected with those mentioned above. According to him, Alpheius was a son of Helios, and killed his brother Cercaphus in a contest. Haunted by despair and the Erinnyes he leapt into the river Nyctimus which hence received the name Alpheius. [L. S.] ALPHE'NOR. [NIOBE.] ALPHE'NUS VARUS. [VARUs.] ALPHESIBOEA ('AApe-tGoT7a). 1. The mother of Adonis. [ADONIS.] 2. A daughter of Phegeus, who married Alcmaeon. [ALCMAEON.] 3. According to Theocritus (iii. 45) a daughter of Bias, and the wife of Pelias. The latter, however, is usually called Anaxibia. 4. An Indian nymph, who was passionately loved by Dionysus, but could not be induced to yield to his wishes, until the god changed himself into a tiger, and thus compelled her by fear to allow him to carry her across the river Sollax, which from this circumstance received the name of Tigris. (Plut. de Fluv. 24.) [L. S.] ALPHE'US MYTILENAEUS ('AA\(eos Mv"TIAr7vwtos), the author of about twelve epigrams in the Greek Anthology, some of which seem to point out the time when he wrote. In the seventh epigram (Jacobs) he refers to the state of the Roman empire, as embracing almost all the known world; in the ninth he speaks of the restored and flourishing city of Troy; and in the tenth he alludes to an epigram by Antipater Sidonius. Now Antipater lived under Augustus, and Troy had received great favours from Julius Caesar and Augustus. (Strab. xiii. p. 889.) Hence it is not improbable that Alpheus wrote under Augustus. It is true that in the fourth epigram he addresses a certain Macrinus, but there is no reason to suppose that this was the emperor Macrinus. Another difficulty has been started, on the ground that the eleventh epigram was inscribed, as we learn from Pausanias (viii. 52. ~ 3), on the statue of Philopoemen in Tegea, and that it is very improbable that such a statue should have stood without an inscription till the time of Alpheus. But the simple fact is, that no reason can be discovered for attributing this epigram to Alpheus. (Jacobs, Anthol. Grace. xiii. p. 839.) [P. S.] ALPHIUS AVI'TUS. [AvITus.] ALPI'NUS, a name which Horace (Sat. i. 10. 36) gives in ridicule to a bombastic poet. He probably means M. Furius Bibaculus. [BIBACULUS.] ALPI'NUS MONTA'NUS, one of the Treviri, the most powerful of the Belgic people, and the commander of a cohort in the army of Vitellius, was sent into Germany after the battle of Cremona, A. D. 70. Together with his brother, D. Alpinus, he joined Civilis in the next year. (Tac. Hist. iii. 35, iv. 31, v. 59.) [CIvILIs.] ALTHAEA ('AXOafa), a daughter of the Aetolian king Thestius and Eurythemis, and sister of Leda, Hypermnestra, Iphiclus, Euippus, &c. She was married to Oeneus, king of Calydon, by whom she became the mother of Troxeus, Thyreus, Clymenus, and Meleager, and of two daughters, Gorge and Deianeira. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 10, 8. ~ 1.) Apollodorus states, that according to some, Meleager was regarded as the fruit of her intercourse with Ares, and that she was mother of Deianeira by Dionysus. (Comp. Hygin. Fab. 129, ALYATTES. 171, 174.) Althaea is especially celebrated in ancient story on account of the tragic fate of her son Meleager, who also became the cause of her death. Some say that she hung herself, others that she killed herself with a dagger. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 3; Ov. Met. viii. 445, &c.) [L. S.] ALTHE'MENES or ALTHAE'MENES ('AAO7OJfivm1s or 'AAOace'vays), a son of Catreus, king of Crete. In consequence of an oracle, that Catreus would lose his life by one of his children, Althemenes quitted Crete together with his sister Anemosyne, in order to avoid becoming the instrument of his father's death. He landed in Rhodes at a place which he called Cretenia, and in remembrance of the god of his own native island, he erected on mount Atabyrus an altar to Zeus Atabyrius. His sister was seduced in Rhodes by Hermes, but Althemenes, disbelieving her account, killed her by kicking her with his foot. When Catreus had become advanced in years, he had an invincible desire to see his only son once more, and to place his crown in his hands. He accordingly sailed to Rhodes. On his landing there, he and his companions were attacked by shepherds, who mistook them for pirates. During the ensuing struggle, Althemenes came to the protection of his subjects, and shot his own father dead. When he became aware of what he had done, he prayed to the gods, and was swallowed up by the earth. This is the account of Apollodorus (iii. 2. ~ 1, &c.), with which Diodorus (v. 59) agrees in the main points, except that he represents Althemenes as wandering about after the murder, and at last dying with grief. He adds, that the Rhodians subsequently worshipped him as a hero. [L. S.] ALTHE'PUS ("AANXnros), a son of Poseidon and Leis, a daughter of Orus, king of Troezen. The territory of Troezen was called after him Althepia. In his reign Pallas and Poseidon disputed the possession of the country with each other. (Paus. ii. 30. ~ 6.) [L. S.] ALYATTES ('Avcir'rOs), king of Lydia, succeeded his father Sadyattes, B. c. 618. Sadyattes during the last six years of his reign had been engaged in a war with Miletus, which was continued by his son five years longer. In the last of these years Alyattes burnt a temple of Athena, and fall ing sick shortly afterwards, he sent to Delphi for advice; but the oracle refused to give him an answer till he had rebuilt the temple. This he did, and recovered in consequence, and made peace with Miletus. He subsequently carried on war with Cyaxares, king of Media, drove the Cimmerians out of Asia, took Smyrna, and attacked Clazomenae. The war with Cyaxares, which lasted for five years, from B. c. 590 to 585, arose in consequence of Alyattes receiving under his protection some Scythians who had fled to him after injuring Cyaxares. An eclipse of the sun, which happened while the armies of the two kings were fighting, led to a peace between them, and this was cemented by the marriage of Astyages, the son of Cyaxares, with Aryenis, the daughter of Alyattes. Alyattes died B. c. 561 or 560, after a reign of fifty-seven years, and was succeeded by his son Croesus, who appears to have been previously associated with his father in the government. (Herod. i. 16-22, 25, 73, 74.) The tomb (aoi-Ia) of Alyattes is mentioned by Herodotus (i. 93) as one of the wonders of Lydia. It was north of Sardis, near the lake Gygaea, and consisted of a large mound of earth, raised upon a
Page 135 ALYPIUS. foundation of great stones. It was erected by the tradespeople, mechanics, and courtezans, and on the top of it there were five pillars, which Herodotus saw, and on which were mentioned the different portions raised by each; from this it appeared that the courtezans did the greater part. It measured six plethra and two stadia in circumference, and thirteen plethra in breadth. According to some writers, it was called the "tomb of the courtezan," and was erected by a mistress of Gyges. (Clearch. ap. Athen. xiii. p. 573, a.) This mound still exists. Mr. Hamilton says (Researches in Asia M'inor, vol. i. p. 145), that it took him about ten minutes to ride round its base, which would give it a circumference of nearly a mile; and he also states, that towards the north it consists of the natural rock-a white, horizontally stratified earthy limestone, cut away so as to appear part of the structure. The upper portion, he adds, is sand and gravel, apparently brought from the bed of the Hermus. He found on the top the remains of a foundation nearly eighteen feet square, on the north of which was a huge circular stone ten feet in diameter, with a flat bottom and a raised edge or lip, evidently placed there as an ornament on the apex of the tumulus. ALY'PIUS ('Akuiros), the author of a Greek musical treatise entitled eloaywy-j gjlovo-iK. There are no tolerably sure grounds for identifying him with any one of the various persons who bore the name in the times of the later emperors, and of whose history anything is known. According to the most plausible conjecture, he was that Alypius whom Eunapius, in his Life of lamblichus, celebrates for his acute intellect (o iaXesuriKrTarosS 'AAhTros) and diminutive stature, and who, being a friend of lamblichus, probably flourished under Julian and his immediate successors. This Alypius was a native of Alexandria, and died there at an advanced age, and therefore can hardly have been the person called by Ammianus Marcellinus Alypius Antiochensis, who was first prefect of Britain, and afterwards employed by Julian in his attempt to rebuild the Jewish temple. Julian addresses two epistles (29 and 30) to Alypius ('JovAtavs 'AXnrri dse<py Kaoa'aplov), in one of which he thanks him for a geographical treatise or chart; it would seem more likely that this was the Antiochian than that lie was the Alexandrian Alypius as Meursius supposes, if indeed he was either one or the other. Iamblichus wrote a life, not now extant, of the Alexandrian. (Meursius, Not. ad Alyp. p. 186, &c. c.; Julian, Epist. xxix. xxx. and not. p. 297, ed. Heyler; Eunapius, Vit. lamblich. and not. vol. ii. p. 63, ed. Wyttenbach; Amm. Marcell. xxiii. 1. ~ 2; De la Borde, Essai sur la Musique, vol. iii. p. 133.) The work of Alypius consists wholly, with the exception of a short introduction, of lists of the symbols used (both for voice and instrument) to lenote all the sounds in the forty-five scales proSauced by taking each of the fifteen modes in the three genera. (Diatonic, Chromatic, Enharmonic.) It treats, therefore, in fact, of only one (the fifth, lamely) of the seven branches into which the subect is, as usual, divided in the introduction; and nay possibly be merely a fragment of a larger vork. It would have been most valuable if any:onsiderable number of examples had been left us,f the actual use of the system of notation decribed in it; unfortunately very few remain (see AMAESIA. 135 Burney, Hist. of Music, vol. i. p. 83), and they seem to belong to an earlier stage of the science. However, the work serves to throw some light on the obscure history of the modes. (See Bdckh, de Metr. Pind. c. 8. p. 235, c. 9. 12.) The text, which seemed hopelessly corrupt to Meursius, its first editor, was restored, apparently with success, by the labours of the learned and indefatigable Meibomius. (Antiquae Musicae Auctores Septem, ed. Marc. Meibomius, Amstel. 1652; Aristoxenus, Nicomachus, Alypius, ed. Joh. Meursius, Lugd. Bat. 1616.) [W. F. D.] ALY'PIUS ('A;Arrto), priest of the great church at Constantinople, flourished A. D. 430. There is extant an epistle from him to St. Cyril (in Greek), exhorting him to a vigorous resistance against the heresy of Nestorius. (See Conciliorum Nova Collectio, a Mansi, vol. v. p. 1463.) [A.J.C.] ALYPUS ('AXvros), a statuary, a native of Sicyon. He studied under Naucydes, the Argive. His age may be fixed from his having executed bronze statues of some Lacedaemonians who shared in the victory of Lysander at Aegospotami. (n c. 405.) Pausanias also mentions some statues of Olympic victors made by him. (vi. 1. ~ 2, x. 9. ~ 4, vi. 1. ~ 2, 8. ~ 3.) [C. P. M.] ALYZEUS ('AAhvues), a son of Icarius and brother of Penelope and Leucadius. After his father's death, he reigned in conjunction with his brother over Acarnania, and is said to have founded the town of Alyzeia there. (Strab. x. p. 452; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AAv'eia.) [L. S.] AMA'DOCUS ('AdMoicos) or ME'DOCUS (M'Soecos), a common name among the Thracians. It was also, according to Ptolemy, the name of a people and mountains in Thrace. Pausanias (i. 4. ~ 4) speaks of an Amadocus who came from the Hyperboreans. 1. King of the Odrysae in Thrace, was a friend of Alcibiades, and is mentioned at the time of the battle of Aegospotami, B. c. 405. (Diod. xiii. 105.) He and Seuthes were the most powerful princes in Thrace when Xenophon visited the country in B. c. 400. They were, however, frequently at variance, but were reconciled to one another by Thrasybulus, the Athenian commander, in B. c. 390, and induced by him to become the allies of Athens. (Xen. Anab. vii. 2. ~ 32, 3. ~ 16, 7. ~ 3, &c., Hell. iv. 8. ~ 26; Diod. xiv. 94.) This Amadocus may perhaps be the same as the one mentioned by Aristotle, who, he says, was attacked by his general Seuthes, a Thracian. (Pol. v. 8, p. 182, ed. Ghttling.) 2. A Ruler in Thrace, who inherited in conjunction with Berisades and Cersobleptes the dominions of Cotys, on the death of the latter in B. c. 358. Amadocus was probably a son of Cotys and a brother of the other two princes, though this is not stated by Demosthenes. (Dem. in Aristocr. p. 623, &c.) [CERSOBLEPTES.] Amadocus seems to have had a son of the same name. (Isocr. Philipp. p. 83, d. compared with Harpocrat. s. v. 'ALdioKos.) 3. One of the princes of Thrace, who was defeated and taken prisoner by Philip, king of Macedonia, B. c. 184. (Liv xxxix. 35.) AMAE'SIA SE'NTIA is mentioned by Valerius Maximus (viii. 3. ~ 1) as an instance of a female who pleaded her own cause before the praetor. (About B. c. 77.) She was called Androgyne, from having a man's spirit with a female form. Compare AFRANIA and HIORTENSIA.
Page 136 136 AMALTHEIA. C. AMAFA'NIUS or AMAFI'NIUS was one of the earliest Roman writers in favour of the Epicurean philosophy. He wrote several works, which are censured by Cicero as deficient in arrangement and style. He is mentioned by no other writer but Cicero. (A cad. i. 2, Tusc. iv. 3.) AMALTHEIA ('AaA.hOeia). 1. The nurse of the infant Zeus after his birth in Crete. The ancients themselves appear to have been as uncertain about the etymology of the name as about the real nature of Amaltheia. Hesychius derives it from the verb dojaNXeVivw, to nourish or to enrich; others from d4idA0acros, i. e. firm or hard; and others again from adtaXj and efea, according to which it would signify the divine goat, or the tender goddess. The common derivation is from d,ucA-7Yw, to milk or suck. According to some traditions Amaltheia is the goat who suckled the infant Jove (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 13; Arat. Phaen. 163; Callim. IHymn. in Jov. 49), and who was afterwards rewarded for this service by being placed among the stars. (Comp. Apollod. i. 1. ~ 6.) [AEGA.] According to another set of traditions Amaltheia was a nymph, and daughter of Oceanus, Helios, Haemonius, or of the Cretan king Melisseus (Schol. ad Horn. II. xxi. 194; Eratosth. Catast. 13; Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 5; Lactant. Instit. i. 22; Hygin. 1. c., and Fab. 139, where he calls the nymph Adamanteia),and is said to have fed Zeus with the milk of agoat. When this goat once broke off one of her horns, the nymph Amaltheia filled it with fresh herbs and fruit and gave it to Zeus, who transplaced it together with the goat among the stars. (Ovid, Fast. v. 115, &c.) According to other accounts Zeus himself broke off one of the horns of the goat Amaltheia, gave it to the daughters of Melisseus, and endowed it with such powers that whenever the possessor wished, it would instantaneously become filled with whatever might be desired. (Apollod. 1. c.; Schol. ad Callim. 1. c.) This is the story about the origin of the celebrated horn of Amaltheia, commonly called the horn of plenty or cornucopia, which plays such a prominent part in the stories of Greece, and which was used in later times as the symbol of plenty in general. (Strab. x. p. 458, iii. p. 151; Diod. iv. 35.) [ACHELOUs.] Diodorus (iii. 68) gives an account of Amaltheia, which differs from all the other traditions. According to him the Libyan king Ammon married Amaltheia, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, and gave her a very fertile tract of land which had the form of a bull's horn, and received from its queen the name of the horn of Amaltheia. This account, however, is only one of the many specimens of a rationalistic interpretation of the ancient mythus. The horn appears to be one of the most ancient and simplest vessels for drinking, and thus we find the story of Amaltheia giving Zeus to drink from a horn represented in an ancient work of art still extant. (Galeria Giustiniani, ii. p. 61.) The horn of plenty was frequently given as an attribute to the representations of Tyche or Fortuna. (Paus. iv. 30. ~ 4, vii. 26. ~ 3; comp. Bi3ttiger, Amaltheia, oder der Cretensisiel Zeus s e Sa iigling; Welcker, Ueber eine Cretische Colonie in Tl'eben, p. 6.) 2. One of the Sibyls (Tibull, ii. 5. 67), whom Lactantius (i. 6) identifies with the Cumaean Sibyl, who is said to have sold to king Tarquinius the celebrated Sibylline books. The same is stated AMASIS. by Servius (ad Aen. vi. 72) and by Lydus (de. Mens. iv. 34); comp. Klausen, Aeneas und die. Penaten, p. 299, &c. [L. S.] AMANDUS. [AELIANUS, p. 28, a.] AMARANTUS ('Aadcpavros), of Alexandria, wrote a commentary upon one of Theocritus' Idyls (Etymol. 3i. p. 273. 40, ed. Sylb.), and a work entitled rvepi oc'wvi's. Respecting his time. we only know that he lived subsequently to Juba. king of Mauretania. (Athen. viii. p. 343, e., x. p. 414, f.) AMARYNCEUS ('ApapvyKIEs), a chief of the Eleans, and son of Onesimachus or of Acetor. (Hygin. Fab. 97; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 303.) According to Hyginus, Amarynceus himself joined the expedition against Troy with nineteen ships. Homer, on the other hand, only mentions his son Diores (Amarynceides) as partaking in the Trojan war. (II. ii. 622, iv. 517.) When Amarynceus died. his sons celebrated funeral games in his honour, in which Nestor, as he himself relates (II. xxiii. 629, &c.), took part. According to Pausanias (v. i. ~ 8) Amarynceus had been of great service to Augeas against IHeracles, in return for which Augeas shared his throne with him. [L. S.] AMARYNTHUS ('AdapwvOos), a hunter of Artemis, from whom the town of Amarynthus in Euboea (Steph. Byz. says Euboea itself) was believed to have derived its name. (Strab. x. p. 448.) From this hero, or rather from the town of Amarynthus, Artemis derived the surname Amarynthia or Amarysia, under which she was worshipped there and also in Attica. (Paus. i. 31. ~ 3, comp. Diet. of Ant. s. v. 'APapdviOia.) [L. S.] AMA'SIS ("Aearts). 1. King of Egypt in early times, according to Diodorus (i. 60), in whose reign Egypt was conquered by Actisanes, king of Ethiopia. [ACTISANES.] 2. King of Egypt, succeeded Apries, the last king of the line of Psammetichus, in B. c. 569. He was of comparatively low origin (Herodotus, ii. 172, calls him S-qudr-s), and was born at Siuph, a town in the Saitic nome. When the Egyptians revolted against Apries, Amasis was sent to quell the insurrection, but went over to the side of the rebels, and was proclaimed king by them. He defeated Apries in a battle near Momemphis, and took him prisoner. iHe seemed disposed to treat his captive with great mildness, but was induced to deliver hilm up into the hands of the Egyptians, who put him to death. It was probably to strengthen himself against a powerful party formed against him amongst the warrior-caste, that he cultivated the friendship of the Greeks. He not only gave up to them the city of Naucratis, which had hitherto been their only mart, but opened all the mouths of the Nile to them, and allowed them to biUild temples to their own deities. He contracted an alliance with the Greeks of Cyrene, and himself married Ladice, a Cyrenaic lady. (Herod. ii. 181.) He removed tls lonians and Carians, who were settled on th( Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, to Memphis, anc formed them into a body-guard for himself (ii. 154.) He also entered into alliance witi Croesus (i. 77) and with Polycrates, the tyran of Samos (iii. 39, 40), who is said to have in troduced Pythagoras to him by letter. (Diog Laert. viii. 3.) Amasis also sent presents t, several of the Greek cities. (Herod. ii. 182. Solon in the course of his travels visited hi:m
Page 137 AMASTRIS. (i. 30; Plut. Solon, 26; Plat. Tiomaeus, p. 21.) It would appear from Xenophon (Cyrop. viii. 6. ~ 20) that, after the overthrow of Croesus by Cyrus, Amasis was compelled to pay tribute. He strove to win the favour of the priest-caste by building them temples. During the reign of Amasis agriculture, commerce, and the arts flourished greatly. The extension of Egyptian commerce was much favoured by the conquest of Cyprus, which he made tributary. His reign was one of almost uninterrupted peace and prosperity, which gave him leisure for adorning Egypt with several magnificent buildings and works of art. (ii. 175, 176.) The plans of conquest which Cyrus had been unable to carry into effect, were followed out by Cambyses, who in B. c. 525 led an army against Egypt. According to the story told by Herodotus (iii. 1), Cambyses had been incensed by a deception practised upon him by Amasis, who, pretending to comply with a demand of the Persian king, that he should send him his daughter to adorn his harem, substituted the daughter of Apries for his own. Amnasis however did not live to see the fall of his country. He died before Cambyses reached the borders, after a reign of 44 years, and was buried at Sais in the tomb which he had constructed in the temple of Athena. (iii. 10, ii. 169.) His corpse was afterwards taken out of the tomb and shamefully insulted by the order of Cambyses. (iii. 16.) As a governor he exhibited great abilities, and was the anthor of several useful regulations (ii. 177), but he appears to have indulged in more familiarity towards those about him than was altogether consistent with his kingly dignity. (Herod. ii. 161-182, iii. 1-16; Diod. i. 68, 95.) 3. A Persian of the tribe of the Maraphii, who was sent by Aryandes, the governor of Egypt under Cambyses, at the head of an army, to assist Pheretime, the mother of Arcesilaus III., king of Cyrene. He took Barca by stratagem and treachery, and made an unsuccessful attempt upon Cyrene. He was then recalled by Aryandes. On its march back the Persian army suffered severely from the Libyans. (Herod. iv. 167, 201, 203.) [C. P. M.]I AMASTRIS or AMESTRIS ("A{aorpis or "Au-qo-rpts). 1. The wife of Xerxes, and mother of Artaxerxes I. According to Herodotus, she was the daughter of Otanes, according to Ctesias, who calls her Amistris, of Onophas. She was cruel and vindictive. On one occasion she sacrificed fourteen youths of the noblest Persian families to the god said to dwell beneath the earth. The tale of her horrible mutilation of the wife of Masistes, recorded by Herodotus, gives us a lively picture of the intrigues and cruelties of a Persian harem. She survived Xerxes. (Herod. vii. 61, 114, ix. 108-113; Ctesias, Persic. c. 20. 30. ed. Lion; Plut. Alcib. p. 123, c.) 2. A daughter of Artaxerxes II., whom her father promised in marriage to Teribazus. Instead of fulfilling his promise, he married her himself. (Plut. Artax. c. 27.) 3. Also called Amastrine ('Aucao-Tp(i), the daughter of Oxyartes, the brother of Darius, was given by Alexander in marriage to Craterus. (Arrian. Alnab. vii. 4.) Craterus having fallen in love with Phila, the daughter of Antipater, Amastris married Dionysius, tyrant of Heracleia, in Bithynia, a. c. 322. After the death of Dionysius, AMAZONES. 137 in B. c. 306, who left her guardian of their children, Clearchus, Oxyathres, and Amastris, she married Lysimachus, B. c. 302. Lysimachus, however, abandoned her shortly afterwards, and married Arsino6, the daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus; whereupon Amastris retired to Heracleia, which she governed in her own right. She also founded a city, called after her own name, on the sea-coast of Paphlagonia. She was drowned by her two sons about B. c. 288. (Memnon, c. 4, 5; Diod. xx. 109.) -The head figured below probably represents Amastris: the woman on the reverse holds a small figure of victory in her hand. (Eckhel, ii. p. 421.) AMA'TA, the wife of king Latinus and mother of Lavinia, who, when Aeneas sued for the hand of the latter, opposed him, because she had already promised Lavinia to Turnus. At the same time she was instigated by Alecto, who acted according to the request of Juno, to stir up the war with Turnus. This story fills the greater part of the seventh book of Virgil's Aeneid. When Anmata was informed that Turnus had fallen in battle, she hung herself. (Virg. Aen. xii. 600; Dionys. i. 64.) [L. S.] A'MATHES ('Aeudam7s), a son of Heracles, from whom the town of Amathus in Cyprus was believed to have derived its name. According to some traditions, however, its name was derived from Amathusa, the mother of Cinyras. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AiuaeOos.) [L. S.] AMATHU'SIA or AMATHU'NTIA ('AuaBovrsia or 'AbsaOovvrTa), a surname of Aphrodite, which is derived from the town of Amathus in Cyprus, one of the most ancient seats of her worship. (Tac. Annal. iii. 62; Ov. Amor. iii. 15. 15; Virg. Cir. 242; Catull. Ixviii. 51.) [L. S.] AMA'TIUS, surnamed Pseudomarius, a person of low origin, who pretended to be either the son or grandson of the great Marius. On the death of Julius Caesar B. c. 44, he came forward as a popular leader, and erected an altar to Caesar on the spot where his body had been burnt. He was, however, shortly afterwards seized by the consul Antony and put to death without a trial. This illegal act was approved of by the senate in consequence of the advantages they derived from it. Valerius Maximus (ix. 15. ~ 2) says, that his name was Herophilus. (Appian, B. C. iii. 2, 3; Liv. Epit. 116; Cic. ad Att. xii. 49, xiv. 6-8, Philsipp. i. 2; Nicolaus Damascenus, Vit. Aug. c. 14. p. 258, ed. Coraes.) AMA'ZONES ('AjaJv6esr), a warlike race of females, who act a prominent part in several of the adventures of Greek mythology. All accounts of them agree in the statement, that they came from the country about the Caucasus, and that their principal seats were on the river Thermodon, in the neighbourhood of the modern Trebizond. From thence they are said to have at different times invaded Thrace, Asia Minor, the islands of the Ae
Page 138 138 AMAZONES. AMBIORIX. gean, Greece, Syria, Arabia, Egypt, and Libya. ways in which it has been attempted to account The country about the Thermodon with its capital for the origin of the story about the Amazons, two Themiscyra was inhabited only by the Amazons, deserve to be mentioned. One opinion is, that the who were governed by a queen. The Gargareans, peculiar way in which the women of some of the a race of men, were separated from them by a Caucasian districts lived, and performed the duties mountain, but once every year the Amazons met which in other countries devolve upon men, togethe Gargareans in the mountains for the purpose of ther with the many instances of female bravery propagating their race, and then returned to their and courage which are noticed as remarkable even own country. Their children, when of the female by modern travellers, were conveyed to the inhasex, were brought up by the Amazon mothers, and bitants of western Asia and the Greeks in vague and trained in their customary pursuits of war, riding, obscure reports, and thus gave rise to the belief in hunting, and cultivating the land; but each girl the existence of such a warlike race of women, and had her right breast cut off: their male children, that these rumours and reports were subsequently on the other hand, were sent to the Gargareans, or worked out and embellished by popular tradition put to death. (Strab. xi. p. 503, &c.; Diod. ii. 45, and poetry. Others think that the Amazons &c., iii. 52, &c.; Justin, ii. 4.) The principal gods were originally priestesses of Artemis (the moon), they worshipped were Ares and Artemis Tauro- whose worship was widely spread in Asia, and polos. The foundation of several towns in Asia which they are said to have established in various Minor and in the islands of the Aegean is ascribed parts. It is further inferred, from the name Amato them, e. g. of Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, Myrina, zones, that these priestesses mutilated their bodies by and Paphos. Strabo doubts the existence of such cutting off their breasts in a manner similar to that a race of females, while Diodorus attempts to give in which the Galli and other priests mutilated their an account of them, which assumes all the appear- bodies, and that thus the Amazons represented the ance of history. That the Amazons were regarded male ideal in the female sex, just as the Galli repreas a real historical race down to a late period, is sented the female ideal in the male sex. But it would evident from the tradition, that, when Alexander be difficult, in the first place, to prove the existence the Great approached the country of the Amazons, of such priestesses, and in the second, to show how their queen Thalestris hastened to him, in order to they could have occasioned the belief in a whole become mother by the conqueror of Asia. (Plut. female race of this kind. Neither the poetical nor Ales. 46.) historical traditions about the Amazons contain But we confine ourselves here to noticing some anything to render this opinion very plausible; of the mythical adventures with which the Ama- and, in the absence of all positive evidence, the zons are connected. They are said to have in- first opinion has much more to recommend it. vaded Lycia in the reign of lobates, but were de- (Comp. Miiller, Orchom. p. 356, &c.) stroyed by Bellerophontes. who happened to be The representation of these warlike women ocstaying at the king's court. (Hom. II. vi. 186, &c.; cupied the Greek artists very extensively, and we Schol. ad Lycoph. 17.) [BELLEROPHONTES, LAO- still possess a large series of the most beautiful MEDON.] At the time when Priam was yet a works of art, such as paintings on vases and walls, young man, they invaded Phrygia, and fought bronzes, reliefs, and gems, in which the Amazons with the Phrygians and Trojans. (Hom. II. iii. and their battles with men are represented. The 189, &c.) The ninth among the labours imposed most celebrated works of this kind in antiquity upon Heracles by Eurystheus, was to take from were the battle of the Amazons with the Athenians Hippolyte, the queen of the Amazons, her girdle, in the Poecile at Athens, by Nicon (Paus. i. 15. the ensign of her kingly power, which she had re- ~ 2), on the shield of Athena, and on the footceived as a present from Ares. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 9; stool of the Olympian Zeus, by Phidias. (i. 17. ~ 2.) Diod. iv. 16; Hygin. Fab. 30; Quint. Smyrn. xi. Amazons were also represented by Aicamenes in 244.) [HERACLES.] In the reign of Theseus they the pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, invaded Attica. (Paus. i. 2; Plut. Thes. 31, 33.) (v. 10. ~ 2.) Respecting the extant representations [THESEUS.] Towards the end of the Trojan war, of Amazons and their costumes, see MUller, Handb. the Amazons, under their queen Penthesileia, d. Arch/iol. ý~ 365, 417. [L. S.] came to the assistance of Priam; but the queen AMAZO'NIUS ('Apadvios), a surname of was killed by Achilles. (Quint. Smyrn. i. 669; Apollo, under which he was worshipped, and had Paus. v. 11. ~ 2; Philostr. Her. xix. 19.) [PEN- a temple at Pyrrhichus in Laconia. The name THESILEIA.] was derived either from the belief that the AmaThe question as to what the Amazons really zons had penetrated into Peloponnesus as far as were, or rather, what gave rise to the belief that Pyrrhichus, or that they had founded the temple there was such a race of women, has been much there. (Paus. iii. 25. ~ 2.) [L. S.] discussed by ancient as well as modern writers. AMBIGA'TUS, king of the Celts in Gaul in Herodotus (iv. 110) says, that in the Scythian the reign of Tarquinius Priscus. He belonged to language their name was Oiorpata, which he trans- the Bituriges, the most powerful of the Celtic peolates by dvapoIecTvoi. The Greek name Amazones ple. When Ambigatus was advanced in years, he is usually derived from peao's, the breast, and is sup- sent out Bellovesus and Sigovesus, the sons of his posed to mean "breastless," or "not brought up by sister, with large swarms of his people to seek new the breast," "beings with strong breasts," or "with settlements, in consequence of the great number of one breast." (Philostr. 1. c.; Eustath. ad Homr. p. the population. Bellovesus and Sigovesus drew 402.) Others derive it from the Circassian word lots as to the course they should take; the latter maza, said to signify the moon, or from Emmesetc, in consequence went to the Hercynian forest and which, according to a Caucasian tradition, is said the former into Italy. (Liv. v. 34.) to have been their original name. (Sprengel, Apo- AMBI'ORIX, a chief of the Eburones, a Gallic logic des HIippocrates, ii. p. 597; Klaproth, Reise people between the Meuse and the Rhine, who nach dem Caucasus, i. p. 655.) Among the various were formerly tributary to the Aduatici, but were
Page 139 AMBROSIUS. delivered by Caesar from the payment of this tribute. In B. c. 54, Caesar placed a legion and five cohorts, under the command of Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta, in the territories of the Eburones for the purpose of passing the winter there. But fifteen days after they had been stationed in their territories, the Eburones revolted at the instigation of Ambiorix and Cativolcus, another chief, besieged the Roman camp, and destroyed almost all the Roman troops, after they had been induced by Ambiorix to leave their camp under promise of a safe-conduct. After their destruction Ambiorix hastened to the Aduatici and Nervii, and induced them, in conjunction with the Eburones, to attack the camp of Q. Cicero, who was stationed for the winter among the Nervii. The firmness of Cicero, and the defeat of the Gauls on the arrival of Caesar, compelled Ambiorix to raise the siege. In the following years Ambiorix continued to prosecute the war against Caesar, but though all his plans were thwarted, and the different troops he raised were defeated by Caesar, he always escaped falling into the hands of the conqueror. (Caes. B. G. v. 24, 26-51, vi. 5, 29 -43, viii. 24, &c.; Dion Cass. xl. 5-10, 31, &c.; Liv. Epit. 106.) According to Florus (iii. 10. ~ 8) he escaped the vengeance of the Romans by leeing beyond the Rhine. L. AMBI'VIUS TU'RPIO. [TURPIO.] AMBOLOGE'RA ('ApoAo7Xy4pa), from dvca-?dXUw and ijpasr " delaying old age," as a suriame of Aphrodite, who had a statue at Sparta mder this name. (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 1; Plut. ynympos. iii. 6.) [L. S.] AMBRA'CIA ('Auparica), a daughter of Au-,eas, from whom the town of Ambracia derived its lame. (Steph. Byz. s. v.; Eustath. ad Dionys. Pe'ieg. 492.) Other traditions represent her as a rand-daughter of Apollo, and a daughter of Melaleus, king of the Dryopes. (Anton. Lib. 4.) A hird account derived the name of the town from Umbrax, a son of Thesprotus and grandson of Aycaon. (Steph. Byz. i. c.) [L. S.] AMBRO'SIUS ('A~p6pdoaos) ALEXANDRI' qUS, a nobleman and courtier (S. Epiph. adv. Taer. 64. [44] ~ 3) flourished A. D. 230. At first Valentinian (Euseb. IH. E. vii. 18) and Marcionist, Le was won to the faith by Origen, whose contant fellow-student he became (Origen, Ep. ad Ifrican. vol. i. p. 29), and was ordained deacon. S. Hier. Vir. Illusr. 56.) He plied Origen with uestions, and urged him to write his Comlentaries (ipYyoiWKmcTjs), supplying him with ranscribers in abundance. He shone as a Conmssor during the persecution of Julius Maximinus Euseb. vi. 18) A. D. 236, and died between A. D. 47 and 253. His letters to Origen (praised by t. Jerome) are lost; part of one exists ap. Origen, \ib. de Orat. c. 5. p. 208, A. B, (See Routh's eliquiae Sacr. ii. p. 367.) Origen dedicated to im his Exhortation to Martyrdoma; Books against elsus; Commentary on St. John's Gospel; and On srayer. [A. J. C.] AMBRO'SIUS, ST., bishop of MILAN, was wrn probably at Augusta Trevirorum (Treves), hich was the seat of government for the province Gaul, of which his father was prefect. His ographers differ as to whether the date of his rth was 333 or 340 A. D., but the latter is proibly the true date. Circumstances occurred in s infancy which were understood to portend his AMBROSIUS. 139 future greatness. His father having died, Ambrose, then a boy, accompanied his mother to Rome, where he received the education of an advocate under Anicius Probus and Symmachus. He began pleading causes at Milan, then the imperial residence, and soon gained a high reputation for forensic eloquence. This success, together with the influence of his family, led to his appointment (about 370 A. D., or a little later) as consular prefect of the provinces of Liguria and Aemilia, whose seat of government was Milan. The struggle between the Catholics and Arians was now at its height in the Western Church, and upon the death of Auxentius, bishop of Milan, in 374, the question of the appointment of his successor led to an open conflict between the two parties. Ambrose exerted his influence to restore peace, and addressed the people in a conciliatory speech, at the conclusion of which a child in the further part of the crowd cried out "Anmbrosiues episcopus." The words were received as an oracle from heaven, and Ambrose was elected bishop by the acclamation of the whole multitude, the bishops of both parties uniting in his election. It was in vain that he adopted the strangest devices to alter the determination of the people; nothing could make them change their mind (Paulin. Vit. Ambros. pp. 2, 3): in vain did he flee from Milan in the night; he mistook his way, and found himself the next morning before the gate of the city. At length he yielded to the express "command of the emperor (Valentinian I.), and was consecrated on the eighth day after his baptism, for at the time of his election he was only a catechumen. Immediately after his election he gave all his property to the church and the poor, and adopted an ascetic mode of life, while the public administration of his office was most firm and skilful. He was a great patron of monasticism: about two years after his consecration he wrote his three books " De Virginibus," and dedicated them to his sister Marcellina. In the Arian controversy he espoused the orthodox side at his very entrance on his bishopric by demanding that his baptism should be performed by an orthodox bishop. He applied himself most diligently to the study of theology under Simplician, a presbyter of Rome, who afterwards became his successor in the bishopric. His influence soon became very great, both with the people and with the emperor Valentinian and his son Gratian, for whose instruction he composed his treatises " De Fide," and "De Spiritu Sancto." In the year 377, in consequence of an invasion of Italy by the northern barbarians, Ambrose fled to Illyricum, and afterwards (in Cave's opinion) visited Rome. After his return to Milan, he was employed by the court on important political affairs. When Maximus, after the death of Gratian (383), threatened Italy, Justina, the mother of the young emperor Valentinian II., sent Ambrose on an embassy to the usurper, whose advance the bishop succeeded in delaying. At a later period (387), Ambrose went again to Treves on a like mission; but his conduct on this occasion gave such offence to Maximus, that he was compelled to return to Italy in haste. While rendering these political services to Justina and Valentinian, Ambrose was at open variance with them on the great religious question of the age. Justina was herself an Arian, and had brought up the young emperor in the same tenets.
Page 140 140 AMBROSIUS. Her contest with Ambrose began in the year 380, when she appointed an Arian bishop to the vacant see of Sirmium; upon which Ambrose went to Sirmium, and, a miraculous judgment on an Arian who insulted him having struck terror into his opponents, he consecrated Anemmius, who was of the orthodox party, as bishop of Sirmium, and then returned to Milan, where Justina set on foot several intrigues against him, but without effect. In the year 382, Palladius and Secundianus, two Arian bishops, petitioned Gratian for a general council to decide the Arian controversy; but, through the influence of Ambrose, instead of a general council, a synod of Italian, Illyrian and Gallic bishops was assembled at Aquileia, over which Ambrose presided, and by which Palladius and Secundianus were deposed. At length, in the years 385 and 386, Ambrose and Justina came to open conflict. Justina, in the name of the emperor, demanded of Ambrose the use of at least one of the churches in Milan, for the performance of divine worship by Arian ecclesiastics. Ambrose refused, and the people rose up to take his part. At Easter (385) an attempt was made by Justina to take forcible possession of the basilica, but the show of resistance was so great, that the attempt was abandoned, and the court was even obliged to apply to Ambros6 to quell the tumult. He answered, that he had not stirred up the people, and that God alone could still them. The people now kept guard about the bishop's residence and the basilica, which the imperial forces hesitated.to attack. In fact, the people were almost wholly on the side of Ambrose, the Arian party consisting of few beyond the court and the Gothic troops. Auxentius, an Arian bishop, who was Justina's chief adviser in these proceedings, now challenged Ambrose to a public disputation in the emperor's palace; but Ambrose refused, saying that a council of the church was the only proper place for such a discussion. He was next commanded to leave the city, which he at once refused to do, and in this refusal the people still supported him. In order to keep up the spirits of the people, he introduced into the church where they kept watch the regular performance of antiphonal hymns, which had been long practised in the Eastern Church, but not hitherto introduced into the West. At length, the contest was decided about a year after its commencement by the miracles which are reported to have attended the discovery of the reliques of two hitherto unknown martyrs, Gervasius and Protasius. A blind man was said to have been restored to sight, and several demoniacs dispossessed. These events are recorded by Ambrose himself, by his secretary Paulinus, and by his disciple Augustine, who was in Milan at the time; but a particular discussion of the truth of these miracles would be out of place here. They were denied by the Arians and discredited by the court, but the impression made by them upon the people in general was such, that Justina thought it prudent to desist from her attempt. (Ambros. Epist. xii. xx. xxi. xxii. ~ 2, liii. liv.; Paulin. Vit. Ambros. ~ 14-17, p. 4, Ben.; Augustin. Confess. ix. 7. ~ 14 -16, De Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. ~ 2, Serm. 318, 286.) An imperial rescript was however issued in the same year for the toleration of all sects of Christians, any offence against which was made high treason (Cod. Theodos. IV. De Fide Catlolica)e; but we have no evidence that its execution was AMBRYON. attempted; and the state of the parties was quite altered by the death of Justina in the next year (387), when Valentinian became a Catholic, and still more completely by the victory of Theodosius over Maximus (388). This event put the whole power of the empire into the hands of a prince who was a firm Catholic, and over whom Ambrose speedily acquired such influence, that, after the massacre at Thessalonica in 390, he refused Theodosius admission into the church of Milan for a period of eight months, and only restored him after he had performed a public penance, and had confessed that he had learnt the difference between an emperor and a priest. Ambrose was an active opponent not only of the Arians, but also of the Macedonians, Apollinarians, and Novatians, and of Jovinian. It was probably about the year 384 that he successfully resisted the petition of Symmachus and the heathen senators of Rome for the restoration of the altar ol Victory. He was the principal instructor of Augustine in the Christian faith. [AUG USTINUS.] The latter years of his life, with the exception of a short absence from Milan during the usurpation of Eugenius (392), were devoted to the carc of his bishopric. He died on the 4th of April, A.D. 397. As a writer, Ambrose cannot be ranked high notwithstanding his great eloquence. His theo logical knowledge scarcely extended beyond a fai acquaintance with the works of the Greek fathers from whom he borrowed much. His works bea also the marks of haste. He was rather a mai of action than of letters. His works are very numerous, though several o them have been lost. They consist of Letters Sermons, and Orations, Commentaries on Scrip ture, Treatises in commendation of celibacy an< monasticism, and other treatises, of which the mos important are: "Hexaemeron," an account of th creation; "Do Officiis Ministrorum," which is gc nerally considered his best work; "De Mysteriis; "De Sacramentis;" "De Poenitentia;" and th above-mentioned works, "De Fide," and "De Spi *'itu Sancto," which are both upon the Trinit3 The well-known hymn, "Te Deum landamus," he been ascribed to him, but its date is at least a cer tury later. There are other hymns ascribed t him, but upon doubtful authority. He is believe to have settled the order of public worship in th churches of Milan in the form which it had till th eighth century under the names of "Officium An brosianum" and "Missa Ambrosiana." The best edition of his works is that of tli Benedictines, 2 vols. fol., Paris, 1686 and 169( with an Appendix containing a life of Ambrose b his secretary Paulinus, another in Greek, which anonymous, and is chiefly copied from Theodoret Ecclesiastical History, and a third by the Benedii tine editors. Two works of Ambrose, Explanat; Symboli ad initiandos, and Epistola de 'ide, hal been discovered by Angelo Maii, and are publishe by him in the seventh volume of his &Sriptorua Veterum Nova Collectio. [P. S.] AMBRO'SIUS, a hearer of Didymus, at Ale: andria, lived A. D. 392, and was the author Commeontaries on Job, and a book in verse again Apollinaris of Laodicea. Neither is extant. (i Hieron. de Vir. Illust. ~ 126.) [A. J. C.] A'MBRYON ('A..gpmwv) wrote a work o Theocritus the Chian, from which Diogenes Lae:
Page 141 AMBUSTUS. tius (v. 11) quotes an epigram of Theocritus against Aristotle. AMBRYSSUS (AuCppo'oos), the mythical founder of the town of Ambryssus or Amphryssus in Phocis. (Paus. x. 36. ~ 2.) [L. S.] AMBU'LIA, AMBU'LII, and AMBU'LIUS ('ApouvXa, 'AouAihor, and 'AsXo;heos), surnames under which the Spartans worshipped Athena, the Dioscuri, and Zeus. (Paus. iii. 13. ~ 4.) The meaning of the name is uncertain, but it has been supposed to be derived from dvaegda'w, and to designate those divinities as the delayers of death. [L. S,] AMBUSTUS, the name of a family of the patrician FABIA GENS. The first member of the Fabia gens, who acquired this cognomen, was Q. Fabius Vibulanus, consul in B. c. 412, who appears to have been a son of N. Fabius Vibulanus, consul in n. c. 421. From this time the name Vibulanus was dropt, and that of Ambustus took its place. The latter was in its turn supplanted by that of Maximus, which was first acquired by Q. Fabius, son of No. 7 [see below], and was handed down by him to his descendants. 1. Q. FABIUS M. F. Q. N. VIBULANUS ANIBUSTUS, consul in B.c. 412. (Liv. iv. 52.) 2. M. FABIUs AIBUSTUS, Pontifex Maximus in the year that Rome was taken by the Gauls, B. c. 390. His three sons [see Nos. 3, 4, and 5] were sent as ambassadors to the Gauls, when the latter were besieging Clusium, and took part in a sally of the besieged against the Gauls. The Dauls demanded that the Fabii should be sur-:endered to them for violating the law of nations; mnd upon the senate refusing to give up the guilty parties, they marched against Rome. The three ions were in the same year elected consular tri)unes. (Liv. v. 35, 36, 41; Plut. Cam. 17.) 3. K. FABIUS M. F. Q. N. AMBUSTUS, son of 4o. 2 and brother to Nos. 4 and 5, was quaestor n B. c. 409, with three plebeians as his colleagues, vhich was the first time that quaestors were:hosen from the plebs. (Liv. iv. 54.) He was:onsular tribune for the first time in 404 (iv. 61), gain in 401 (v. 10), a third time in 395 (v. 24),,nd a fourth time in 390. [See No. 2.) 4. N. FABIUS M. F. Q. N. AMBUSTUS, son of qo. 2 and brother to Nos. 3 and 5, consular triune in B. c. 406 (Liv. iv. 58), and again in 390. See No. 2.] 5. Q. FABIUS M. F. Q. N. AMIBUSTUS, son of 4o. 2 and brother to Nos. 3 and 4, consular triune in B. c. 390. [See No. 2.] 6. M. FABIUS K. F. M. N. AMBUSTUS, son, as Sappears, of No. 3, was consular tribune in B. c. 81. (Liv. vi. 22.) He had two daughters, of drom the elder was married to Ser. Sulpicius, and ie younger to C. Licinius Stolo, the author of the licinian Rogations. According to the story re)rded by Livy, the younger Fabia induced her ither to assist her husband in obtaining the conflship for the plebeian order, into which she had!arried. (vi. 34.) Ambustus was consular tribune second time in 369, and took an active part in ipport of the Licinian Rogations. (vi. 36.) fie as censor in 363. (Fast. Capitol.) 7. M. FABIUS N. F. M. N. AnABUSTUS, son, as appears, of No. 4, was consul in B. c. 360, and rried on the war against the Hernici, whom he nquered, and obtained an ovation in consequence. Aiv. vii. 11; Fast. Triumpk.) He was consul a AMEIPSIAS. 141 second time in 356, and carried on the war against the Falisci and Tarquinienses, whom he also conquered. As he was absent from Rome when the time came for holding the comitia, the senate, which did not like to entrust them to his colleague, who had appointed a plebeian dictator, and still less to the dictator himself, nominated interreges for the purpose. The object of the patricians was to secure both places in the consulship for their own order again, which was effected by Ambustus, who seems to have returned to Rome meantime. He was appointed the eleventh interrex, and declared two patricians consuls in violation of the Licinian law. (Liv. vii. 17.) He was consul a third time in 354, when he conquered the Tiburtes and obtained a triumph in consequence. (vii. 18, 19; Fast. Triumph.) In 351 he was appointed dictator merely to frustrate the Licinian law again at the comitia, but did not succeed in his object. (Liv. vii. 22.) He was alive in 325, when his son, Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus, was master of the horse to Papirius, and fled to Rome to implore protection from the vengeance of the dictator. He interceded on his son's behalf both with the senate and the people. (viii. 33.) 8. C. FABIUS (C. F. M. N.) AMBUSTUS, consul in B. c. 358, in which year a dictator was appointed through fear of the Gauls. (Liv. vii. 12.) 9. M. FABIus M. F. N. N. AMBUSTUS, son apparently of No. 7, and brother to the great Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus, was master of the horse in B. c. 322. (Liv. viii. 38.) 10. Q. FABIus (Q. F. Q. N.) AMBUSTUS, dictator in B. c. 321, but immediately resigned through some fault in the election. (Liv. ix. 7.) 11. C. FABIvs M. F. N. N. AMBUSTUS, son apparently of No. 7, and brother to No. 9, was appointed master of the horse in B. c. 315 in place of Q. Aulins, who fell in battle. (Liv. ix. 23.) AMEINIAS. [NARcIssus.] AMEI'NIAS ('AgEtvias), a younger brother of Aeschylus, of the Attic demos of Pallene according to Herodotus (viii. 84, 93), or of that of Decelea according to Plutarch (Them. 14), distinguished himself at the battle of Salamis (B. c. 480) by making the first attack upon the Persian ships, and also by his pursuit of Artemisia. Hie and Eumenes were judged to have been the bravest on this occasion among all the Athenians. (Herod. Plut. 1I. cc.; Diod. xi. 27.) Aelian mentions (V. II. v. 19), that Ameinias prevented the condemnation of his brother Aeschylus by the Areiopagus. [AESCHYLUS, p. 41, a.] AMEINOCLES ('Ajetvoichjs), a Corinthian shipbuilder, who visited Samos about B. c. 704, and built four ships for the Samians. (Thuc. i. 13.) Pliny (H1. N. vii. 56) says, that Thucydides mentioned Ameinocles as the inventor of the trireme; but this is a mistake, for Thucydides merely states that triremes were first built at Corinth in Greece, without ascribing their invention to Ameinocles. According to Syncellus (p. 212, c), triremes were first built at Athens by Ameinocles. AMEI'PSIAS ('Aeý'lpias), a comic poet of Athens, contemporary with Aristophanes, whom he twice conquered in the dramatic contests, gaining the second prize with his Kdovos when Aristophanes was third with the " Clouds" (423 B. c.), and the first with his Kwpaao-ral, when Aristophanes gained the second with the " Birds." (414 B. C.; Argum. in Aristoph. Nub. et Av.) The
Page 142 142 AMERIAS. AMMIANUS. Kdvvor appears to have had the same subject and 176, c, e, xv. p. 681, f, &c.; Schol. ad Apoll.Rhod. aim as the " Clouds." It is at least certain that ii. 384, 1284; Kuster, ad Hesych. s. v. 'A087savsos.) Socrates appeared in the play, and that the Chorus AMERISTUS ('A4piarros), the brother of the consisted of povruTraL. (Diog. Laert. ii. 28; poet Stesichorus, is mentioned by Proclus (ad Athen. v. p. 218.) Aristophanes alludes to Euclid. ii. p. 19) as one of the early Greek geoAmeipsias in the " Frogs" (v. 12-14), and we meters. He lived in the latter end of the seventh are told in the anonymous life of Aristophanes, century B. c. that when Aristophanes first exhibited his plays, AMESTRIS. [AMASTRIS.] in the names of other poets, Ameipsias applied to AMIA'NUS, whom Cicero mentions in a letter him the proverb treTpdit yeyovws, which means to Atticus (vi. 1. ~ 13), written a. c. 50, was pro" a person who labours for others," in allusion to bably a debtor of Atticus in Cilicia. Heracles, who was born on the fourth of the AMISO'DARUS('A/rao-ciapos), aking of Lycia, month. who was said to have brought up the monster ChiAmeipsias wrote many comedies, out of which maera. (Hom. II. xvi. 328; Eustath. ad Homn. p. there remain only a few fragments of the follow- 1062; Apollod. ii. 3. ~ 1; Aelian, H.A. ix. 23.) in: -'ArroKscOTraiovres, KaTreaiwv (doubtful), His sons Atymnius and Maris were slain at Troy Kovvos, Moroti, sarrpw', ev3o'vny, and of some by the sons of Nestor. (I/. xvi. 317, &c.) [L. S.] the names of which are unknown. Most of his A'MITON ('AILTnw'), of Eleutherae in Crete, plays were of the old comedy, but some, in all is said to have been the first person who sung to probability, were of the middle. (Meineke, Fray. the lyre amatory poems. His descendants were Corn. i. p. 199, ii. p. 701.) [P. S.] called Amitores ('AirTopes). (Athen. xiv. p. 638,b.) AMELESA'GORAS ('A)ueAo1eaydpas) or ME- There seems some corruption in the text of AtheLESA'GORAS (M~Ao-raydpas), as he is called by naeus, as the two names Aniton and Amitores do others, of Chalcedon, one of the early Greek histo- not correspond. Instead of the former we ought rians, from whom Gorgias and Eudemus of Naxos perhaps to read Anmetor. (Comp. Etym. M. p. 83, borrowed. (Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. p. 629, a; 15, ed. Sylburg.; Hesych. s. v. 'Aiesrrop/,as.) Schol. ad Eurip. Alcest. 2; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3, AMMIA'NUS ('AqLavo's), a Greek epigramwhere Heyne has substituted Mesa-oaydpas for matist, but probably a Roman by birth. ThE Mv'a-aydpas.) Maximus Tyrius (Serm. 38. ~ 3) Greek Anthology contains 27 epigrams by hinr speaks of a Melesagoras, a native of Elensis, and (Jacobs, iii. pp. 93-98), to which must be addec Antigonus of Carystus (Hist. Mirab. c. 12) of an another contained in the Vatican MS. (Jacobs Amelesagoras of Athens, the latter of whom wrote xiii. p. 693), and another, which is placed amoni an account of Attica; these persons are probably the anonymous epigrams, but which some MSS the same, and perhaps also the same as Amelesa- assign to Ammianus. (Jacobs, iv. p. 127, No. xlii.' goras of Chalcedon. (Vossius, de Hist. Grace. p. They are all of a facetious character. In th< 22, ed. Westermann.) Planudean MS. he is called Abbianus, whicl AME'LIUS ('AjuAtos), a native of Apamea Wernsdorf supposes to be a Greek form of Aviana according to Suidas (s. V. 'Age'Aos), but a Tuscan or Avienus. (Poet. Lat. Min. v. p. ii. p. 675.) according to Porphyry (vit. Plotin.), belonged to The time at which he lived may be gathered the new Platonic school, and was the pupil of with tolerable certainty, from his epigrams. Tha Plotinus and master of Porphyry. He quoted the he was a contemporary of the epigrammatist Lucil opinion of St. John about the Ao'yos without men- lius, who lived under Nero, has been inferred fron tioning the name of the Apostle: this extract has the circumstance that both attack an orator namei been preserved by Eusebius. (Praep. Erang. xi. Flaccus. (Anmmian. Ep. 2; Lucil. Ep. 86, ay 19.) See Suid. Porphyr. II. cc.; Syrian. xii. Jacobs.) One of his epigrams (13) is identice Metapligs. p. 47, a. 61, b. 69, a. 88, a.; Bentley, with the last two lines of one of Martial's (ix. 30' Renmarks on Free-Thinking, p. 182, &c., Lond. who is supposed by some to have translated thes 1743; Fabric. Bibl. Gracec. iii. p. 160. lines from Ammianus, and therefore to have live, AMENTES ('A Egi/ s), an ancient Greek sur- after him. But the fact is equally well explaine geon, mentioned by Galen as the inventor of some on the supposition that the poets were contempt ingenious bandages. (De Fasciis, c. 58, 61, 89, rary. From two other epigrams of Ammiane vol. xii. pp. 486, 487, 493, ed. Chart.) Some (Jacobs, vol. iv. p. 127, No. 42, and vol. xii fragments of the works of a surgeon named p. 125), we find that he was contemporary wit Amyntas (of which name Amentes is very possibly the sophist Antonius Polemo, who flourished undi a corruption) still exist in the manuscript Collec- Trajan and Hadrian. (Jacobs, Antlol. Graec. x tion of Surgical Writers by Nicetas (Fabricius, pp. 312, 313, xiii. p. 840.) [P. S.] Bibl. Gr. vol. xii. p. 778, ed. vet.), and one ex- AMMIA'NUS MARCELLI'NUS, "the la, tract is preserved by Oribasius (Coll. Medic. xlviii. subject of Rome who composed a profane histor 30) in the fourth volume of Cardinal Mai's Collec- in the Latin language," was by birth a Greek, a tion of Classici Auctores e Vaticanis Codicibus, p. he himself frequently declares (xxxi. sub fin 99, Rom. 1831, 8vo. His date is unknown, ex- xxii. 8. ~ 33, xxiii. 6. ~ 20, &c.), and a native < cept that he must have lived in or before the second Syrian Antioch, as we infer from a letter addresse century after Christ. He may perhaps be the same to him by Libanius. (See Vales. praeIf in Ammisa person who is said by the Scholiast on Theocritus Marcellin.) At an early age he embraced the pre (Idyll. xvii. 128) to have been put to death by fession of arms, and was admitted among tl Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B. c. 264, for plotting protectores domestici, which proves that he belonge against his life. [W. A. G.] to a distinguished family, since none were enrolle AME'RIAS ('Ageplas), of Macedonia, a gram- in that corps except young men of noble blood, ( marian, who wrote a work entitled rcwacrai, officers whose valour and fidelity had been prove which gave an account of the meaning of words, in long service. Of his subsequent promotion I( land another called 'Ppo-rousKds. (Athen. iv. p. thing is known. He was attached to the staff <
Page 143 AMMIANUS. fUrsicinus, one of the most able among the generals )f Constantius, and accompanied him to the East in 350. He returned with his commander to Italy Four years afterwards, from thence passed over into Gaul, and assisted in the enterprise against Sylvaaus, again followed Ursicinus when despatched for i second time to the East, and appears to have aever quitted him until the period of his final disgrace in 360. Ammianus subsequently attended;he emperor Julian in his campaign against the Persians, was present at Antioch in 371, when the >lot of Theodorus was detected in the reign of Valens, and witnessed the tortures inflicted upon lhe conspirators. (xxix. i. ~ 24.) Eventually ie established himself at Rome, where he composed his history, and during the progress of the ask read several portions publicly, which were eceived with great applause. (Liban. Epist. )CCCCLXXXIII. p. 60, ed. Wolf.) The precise date >f his death is not recorded, but it must have hap)ened later than 390, since a reference occurs to he consulship of Neoterius, which belongs to that,ear. The work of Ammianus extended from the ac-,ession of Nerva, A. D. 96, the point at which the iistories of Tacitus and the biographies of Suetoius terminated, to the death of Valens, A. D. 378, omprising a period of 282 years. It was divided nto thirty-one books, of which the first thirteen.re lost. The remaining eighteen embrace the acts f Constantius from A.D. 353, the seventeenth year f his reign, together with the whole career of jallus, Julianus, Jovianus, Valentinianus, and Talens. The portion preserved includes the transctions of twenty-five years only, which proves hat the earlier books must have presented a very ondensed abridgment of the events contained in he long space over which they stretched; and ence we may feel satisfied, that what has been aved is much more valuable than what has peished. Gibbon (cap. xxvi.) pays a well deserved triute to the accuracy, fidelity, and 'impartiality of Lmmianus. We are indebted to him for a knowsdge of many important facts not elsewhere reorded, and for much valuable insight into the lodes of thought and the general tone of public seling prevalent in his day. His history must not, owever, be regarded as a complete chronicle of that ra; those proceedings only are brought forward rominently in which he himself was engaged, and early all the statements admitted appear to be )unded upon his own observations, or upon the in)nnation derived from trustworthy eye-witnesses, L considerable number of dissertations and digresons are introduced, many of them highly interestig and valuable. Such are his notices of the istitutions and manners of the Saracens (xiv. 4), 4 the Scythians and Sarmatians (xvii. 12), of the [uns and Alani (xxxi. 2), of the Egyptians and ieir country (xxii. 6, 14-16), and his geogratical discussions upon Gaul (xv. 9), the Pontus cxii. 8), and Thrace (xxvii. 4), although the:curacy of many of his details has been called in jestion by D'Anville. Less legitimate and less idicious are his geological speculations upon earthlakes (xvii. 7), his astronomical inquiries into;lipses (xx. 3), comets (xxv. 10), and the regution of the calendar (xxvi. 1), his medical rearches into the origin of epidemics (xix. 4), his ological theory on the destruction of lions by AMMIANUS. 143 mosquitoes (xviii. 7), and his horticultural essay on the impregnation of palms (xxiv. 3). But in addition to industry in research and honesty of purpose, he was gifted with a large measure of strong common sense which enabled him in many points to rise superior to the prejudice of his day, and with a clear-sighted independence of spirit which prevented him from being dazzled or overawed by the brilliancy and the terrors which enveloped the imperial throne. The wretched vanity, weakness, and debauchery of Constantius, rendering him an easy prey to the designs of the profligate minions by whom he was surrounded, the female intrigues which ruled the court of Gallus, and the conflicting elements of vice and virtue which were so strongly combined in the character of Valentinian, are all sketched with boldness, vigour, and truth. But although sufficiently acute in detecting and exposing the follies of others, and especially in ridiculing the absurdities of popular superstition, Ammianus did not entirely escape the contagion. The general and deepseated belief in magic spells, omens, prodigies, and oracles, which appears to have gained additional strength upon the first introduction of Christianity, evidently exercised no small influence over his mind. The old legends and doctrines of the Pagan creed and the subtle mysticism which philosophers pretended to discover lurking below, when mixed up with the pure and simple but startling tenets of the new faith, formed a confused mass which few intellects, except those of the very highest class, could reduce to order and harmony. A keen controversy has been maintained with regard to the religious creed of our author. (See Bayle.) There is nothing in his writings which can entitle us to decide the question positively. In several passages he speaks with marked respect of Christianity and its professors (xxi. sub fin., xxii. 11, xxvii. 3; compare xxii. 12, xxv. 4); but even his strongest expressions, which are all attributed by Gibbon " to the incomparable pliancy of a polytheist," afford no conclusive evidence that he was himself a disciple of the cross. On the other hand he does not scruple to stigmatize with the utmost severity the savage fury of the contending sects (xxii. 5), nor fail to reprobate the bloody violence of Damasus and Ursinus in the contest for the see of Rome (xxvii. 3): the absence of all censure on the apostacy of Julian, and the terms which he employs with regard to Nemesis (xiv. 11, xxii. 3), the Genius (xxi. 14), Mercurius (xvi. 5, xxv. 4), and other deities, are by many considered as decisive proofs that he was a pagan. Indeed, as Heyne justly remarks, many of the writers of this epoch seem purposely to avoid committing themselves. Being probably devoid of strong religious principles, they felt unwilling to hazard any declaration which might one day expose them to persecution and prevent them from adopting the various forms which the faith of the court might from time to time assume. Little can be said in praise of the style of Ammianus. The melodious flow and simple dignity of the purer models of composition had long ceased to be relished, and we too often detect the harsh diction and involved periods of an imperfectly educated foreign soldier, relieved occasionally by the pompous inflation and flashy glitter of the rhetorical schools. His phraseology as it regards the signification, grammatical inflexions, and syntactical
Page 144 144 AMMON. combinations of words, probably represents the current language of the age, but must be pronounced fill of barbarisms and solecisms when judged according to the standard of Cicero and Livy. The Editio Princeps of Ammianus Marcellinus, edited by Angelus Sabinus, was printed at Rome, in folio, by George Sachsel and Barth. Golsch in the year 1474. It is very incorrect, and contains 13 books only, from the 14th to the 26th, both inclusive. The remaining five were first published by Accorsi, who, in his edition printed in folio at Augsburg in 1532, boasts that he had corrected five thousand errors. The most useful modern editions are thosd of Gronovius, 4to., Lugd. Bat. 1693; of Ernesti, 8vo. Lips., 1773; but above all, that which was commenced by Wagner, completed after his death by Erfurdt, and published at Leipsic, in 3 vols. 8vo. 1808. [W. R.] AMMON ('A1ttwv), originally an Aethiopian or Libyan divinity, whose worship subsequently spread all over Egypt, a part of the northern coast of Africa, and many parts of Greece. The real Egyptian name was Amun or Ammun (Herod. ii. 42; Plut. de Is. et Os. 9); the Greeks called him Zeus Ammon, the Romans Jupiter Ammon, and the Hebrews Amon. (Jerem. xlvi. 25.) That in the countries where his worship was first established he was revered in certain respects as the supreme divinity, is clear from the fact, that the Greeks recognised in him their own Zeus, although the identity of the two gods in later times rests upon philosophical speculations, made at a period when the original character of Ammon was almost lost sight of, and a more spiritual view of him substituted in its place. The most ancient seat of his worship appears to have been Meroe, where he had a much revered oracle (Herod. ii. 29); thence it was introduced into Egypt, where the worship took the firmest root at Thebes in Upper Egypt, which was therefore frequently called by the Greeks Diospolis, or the city of Zeus. (Herod.ii. 42; Diod. i. 15.) Another famous seat of the god, with a celebrated oracle, was in the oasis of Ammonium (Siwah) in the Libyan desert; the worship was also established in Cyrenaica. (Paus. x. 13. ~ 3.) The god was represented either in the form of a ram, or as a human being with the head of a ram (Herod. 1. c.; Strab. xvii. p. 812); but there are some representations in which he appears altogether as a human being with only the horns of a ram. Tertullian (de Pall. 3) calls him dives ovium. If we take all these circumstances into consideration, it seems clear that the original idea of Ammon was that of a protector and leader of the flocks. The Aethiopians were a nomadic people, flocks of sheep constituted their principal wealth, and it is perfectly in accordance with the notions of the Aethiopians as well as Egyptians to worship the animal which is the leader and protector of the flock. This view is supported by various stories about Ammon. Hyginus (Poet. Astr. i. 20) whose account is only a rationalistic interpretation of the origin of the god's worship, relates that some African of the name of Ammon brought to Liber, who was then in possession of Egypt, a large quantity of cattle In return for this, Liber gave him a piece of land near Thebes, and in commemoration of the benefits lie had conferred upon the god, he was represented as a human being with horns. What Pausanias (iv. 23. AMMON. ~5) and. Eustathius (ad Dionys. PcrisC. 212) remark, as well as one of the many etymologies of the name of Ammon from the Egyptian word Amoni, which signifies a shepherd, or to feed, likewise accord with the opinion that Ammon was originally the leader and protector of flocks. Herodotus relates a story to account for the ram's head (ii. 42): Heracles wanted to see Zeus, but the latter wished to avoid the interview; when, however, Her cles at last had recourse to entreaties, Zeus contrived the following expedient: he cut off the head of a ram, and holding this before his own head, and having covered the remaining part of his bod3 with the skin of the ram, lie appeared before Heracles. Hence, Herodotus adds, the Thebans nevei sacrifice rams except once a year, and on this one occasion they kill and flay a ram, and with its skir they dress the statue of Zeus (Ammon); by th( side of this statue they then place that of Heracles A similar account mentioned by Servius (ad A en iv. 196)may serve as a commentary upon Herodotus When Bacchus, or according to others, Henrcles went to India and led his army through the desert of Libya, he was at last quite exhausted witl thirst, and invoked his father, Jupiter. HereupoI a ram appeared, which led Heracles to a place where it opened a spring in the sand by scrapinu with its foot. For this reason, says Servius Jupiter Ammon, whose name is derived fron dact'os (sand), is represented with the horns of ram. (Comp. Hygin. Fab. 133, Poet. Astr. i. 20 Lucan, Pharsal. ix. 511.) There are several othe traditions, with various modifications arising fron the time and place of their origin; but all agree ii representing the ram as the guide and deliverer o the wandering herds or herdsmen in the deserts either in a direct way, or by giving oracles. Am mon, therefore, who is identical with the ram, i the guide and protector of man and of all his pos sessions; he stands in the same relation to man kind as the common ram to his flock. The introduction of the worship of Ammon fror Aethiopia into Egypt was symbolically represente in a ceremony which was performed at Thebe once in every year. On a certain day, the imnig of the god was carried across the river Nile int Libya, and after some days it was brought back, a if the god had arrived from Aethiopia. (D)iod. i. 97. The same account is given by Eustathius (ad Hon II. v. p. 128), though in a somewhat different form for he relates, that according to some, the Aethic pians used to fetch the images of Zeus and othe gods from the great temple of Zeus at Thebe! With these images they went about, at a certai period, in Libya, celebrated a splendid festival fc twelve days-for this, he adds, is the number ( the gods they worship. This number twelve coi tains an allusion to the number of signs in th zodiac, of which the ram (caper) is one. Thus w arrive at the second plhasis in the character ( Ammon, who is here conceived as the sun in th sign of Caper. (Zeus disguised in the skin of a ran See Hygin. Fab. 133, Poet. Astr. i. 20; Macrol Sat. i. 21. 18; Aelian, V. H. x. 18.) This astr( nomical character of Ammon is of later origin, an perhaps not older than the sixth century befoi Christ. The speculating Greeks of still later time assigned to Ammon a more spiritual nature. Thi Diodorus, though in a passage (iii. 68, &c.) I makes Ammon a king of Libya, describes him ( 11, &c.) as the spirit pervading the universe, an
Page 145 AMMONAS. as the author of all life in nature. (Comp. Pint. deo Is. et Os. 9, 21.) The new Platonists perceived in Ammon their demiurgos, that is, the creator and preserver of the world. As this subject belongs more especially to the mythology of Egypt, we cannot here enter into a detailed discussion about the nature and character which the later Greeks assigned to him, or his connexion with Dionysus and Heracles. Respecting these points and the various opinions of modern critics, as well as the ditferent representations of Ammon still extant, the reader may consult Jablonsky, Pantheon Aegypt.; Bohlen, Das alte Indien, mit besonderer Riicksicht auf E gp/ten, ii. c. 2. ~ 9; J. C. Prichard, Egyptian lyhkoology; J. F. Champollion, Pantheon Egyptien, oil Colection des Personages de l'ancienne Eggypte, 4c., Paris, 1823. The worship of Ammon was introduced into Greece at an early period, probably through the medium of the Greek colony in Cyrene, which must have formed a connexion with the great oracle of Anmmon in the Oasis soon after its establishment. Ammon had a temple and a statue, the gift of Pindar, at Thebes (Paus. ix. 16. ~ 1), and another at Sparta, the inhabitants of which, as Pausanias (iii. 18. ~ 2) says, consulted the oracle of Ammon in Libya from early times more than the other Greeks. At Aphytis, Ammon was worshipped, from the time of Lysander, as zealously as in Ammonium. Pindar the poet honoured the god with a hymn. At Megalopolis the god was represented with the head of a ram (Paus. viii. 32. ~ 1), and the Greeks of Cyrenaica dedicated at Delphi a chariot with a statue of Ammon. (x. 13. ~ 3.) The homage which Alexander paid to the god in the Oasis is well known. [L. S.] AMMON ("Appwv), a geometrician, who made a measurement of the walls. of Rome, about the tiume of the first invasion of the Goths, and found them to be 21 miles in circuit. (Olympiodorus, ap. Phot. Cod. 80, p. 63, ed. Bekker.) [P. S.] AMMON (CAypwv). 1. Bishop of Hadrianople, A. D. 400, wrote (in Greek) On the Resusrrection against Origenism (not extant). A fragment of Ammon, from this work possibly, may be found ap. S. Cyril. Alex. Lib. de 1ecta Fide. (Vol. v. pt; 2, ad fin. p. 50, ed. Paris. 1638.) He was present at the Council of Constantinople A. D. 394, held on occasion of the dedication of Rufinus's church, near Chalcedon. (Soz. [list. Eccl. viii. 8. 3; Mansi, Concilia. vol. iii. p. 851.) 2. Bishop of Elearchia, in the Thebaide, in the 4th and 5th centuries. To him is addressed the Canonical Epistle of Theophilus of Alexandria, ap. Synodicon Beveregii, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 170. Papebrochius has published in a Latin version his Epistle to Theophilus, De Vita et Conversatione SS. Paclhomii et Theodori (ap. Bolland. Acta Sanc-e torusm, vol. xiv. p. 347, &c.). It contains an Epistle of St. Antony. [A. J. C.] AMMONAS ('A adwvas) or AMOUN ('Apoe ), founder of one of the most celebrated monastic communities in Egypt. Obliged by his relations to marry, he persuaded his bride to perpetual continence (Sozom. Hist. Eccl. i. 14) by the authority )f St. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians. (Socr. flisi. Eccl. iv. 23.) They lived together thus for 18 years, when at her wish, for greater perfection, 'hey parted, and he retired to Scetis and Mt. Nitria, to the south of Lake Mareotis, where he ived 22 years, visiting his sister-wife twice in the AMMONIUS. 145 year. (Ibid. and Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 7; Ruffin. Fit.Pair. c. 29.) He died before St. Antony (from whom there is an epistle to him, S. Athan. Opp. vol. i. pt. 2, p. 959, ed. Bened.), i. e. before A. D. 365, for the latter asserted that he beheld the soul of Amoun borne by angels to heaven ( Vit. S Asntonii ia S. Athanas. ~ 60), and as St. Athanasius's history of St. Antony preserves the order of time, he died perhaps about A. D. 320. There are -eventeen or nineteen RuIes of Asceticism, (KcpdhAam) ascribld ta him; the Greek original exists in MS. (Lambeciusi Biblioth. Vindol. lib. iv. cod. 156, No. 6); they are published in the Latin version of Gerhard Vossius in the Biblioth. PP. Ascetica, vol. ii. p. 484, Paris. 1661. Tewenty-twro Ascetic Institutions of the same Amoun, or one bearing the same name, exist also in MS. (Lamibec. 1. Cod. 155, No. 2.) [A. J. C.] AMMO'NIA ('Acpnla), a surname of Hera, under which she was worshipped in Elis. The inhabitants of Elis bad fromn the earliest times been in the habit of consulting the oracle of Zeus Ammon in Libya. (Paus. v. 15. ~ 7.) [L. S.] AMMONIA'NUS ('Auwvtoavo's), a Greek grammarian, who lived in the fifth century after Christ. He was a relation and a friend of the philosopher Syrianus, and devoted his attention to the study of the Greek poets. It is recorded of him that he had an ass, which became so fond of poetry from listening to its master, that it neglected its food. (Damascius, alp. Plot. p. 339, a., ed. Bekker; Suid. s. v. 'ApyiwvrJvi's and 'Ovos xv'pas.) AMMO'NIUS, a favourite of ALEXANDERI Balas, king of Syria, to whom Alexander entrusted the entire management of public affairs. Ammonius was avaricious and cruel; he put to death numerous friends of the king, the queen Laodice, and Antigonus, the son of Demetrius. Being detected in plotting against the life of Ptolemy Philometor, about B. c. 147, the latter required Alexander to surrender Ammnionius to him; but though Alexander refused to do this, Ammonius was put to death by the inhabitants of Antioch, whom Ptolemy had induced to espouse his cause. (Liv. Epit. 50; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4. ~ 5; Diod. Erc. 29, p. 628, ed. Wess.) AMMO'NIUS ('Aj1ciuvnos) of ALEXANDRIA, the son of Ammonius, was a pupil of Alexander, and one of the chief teachers in the griammatical school founded by Aristarchus. (Suid. s. v. 'A,uPdvios.) He wrote commentaries upon Homer, Pindar, and Aristophanes, none of which are extant. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. v. p. 712; Matter, Essais historiques sur Vi ecole d'Alexandre, i. pp. 179, 233.) AMMO'NIUS ('Aaucvitos), of ALEXANDRIA, Presbyter and Oeconomus of the Church in that city, and an Egyptian by birth, A. D. 458. Ile subscribed the Epistle sent by the clergy of Egypt to the emperor Loo, in behalf of the Council of Chalcedon. (Concilia, ed. Labbei, vol. iv. p. 387, b.) He wrote (in Greek) Ont the Dtference bet/ceen Nature and Persoen, against the Monophysite heresy of Eutyches and Dioscorus (snot extant); an Expositions of the Book of Acts (ap. Catena Grace. Patr. in Act. SS. Apostolorunm, 8vo., Oxon. 1838, ed. Cramer); a Commentasy on the PsIalms (used by Nicetas in his Catena; see Cod. 189, Biblioth. Coislin., ed. Mont/auc. p. 244); On the HeNoaEimseron (no remains); On St. Johsb's Gospel, which exists in the Catena Grasecorsms Peatrum in S. Joas. ed. Corderi, foL,
Page 146 146 AMMONIUS. Antw. 1630. He is quoted in the Catenae on the History of Susannah and on Daniel. (Nova Collect. Script. Vet. ab Angelo Maio, p. 166, &c. vol. i. A. D. 1825.) [A. J. C.] AMMONIUS ('Ap1ecivos) GRAMMATICUS, professor of grammar at Alexandria, with Helladius, at the close of the 4th century. He was also priest of the Egyptian Ape. On the vigorous overthrow of idolatry in Egypt by the bishop Theophilus A. D. 389-391, Ammonius and Helladius fled to Constantinople and there resumed their profession. (Socr. Hist. Eccl. v. 16.) Ammonius wrote, in Greek, On the Differences tf Words of like Signification (Orepit ltolwv sal 8taedPpwv X.ewCv), which is appended to many lexicons, e. g. to that of Scapula. It was edited by Valckneaer, 4to., Lugd. Bat. 1739, and with further notes by Chr. Frid. Ammon, 8vo., Erlang. 1787. There is another work by this Ammonius, 7repl daevpoXoeylas, which has not yet been printed. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. v. p. 715.) The historian Socrates was a pupil of Ammonius. (Hist. Eccl. v. 16.) [A. J. C.] AMMONIUS ('AjjC'vios), son of HERMEAS, studied with his brother Heliodorus at Athens under Proclus (who died A. D. 484), and was the master of Simplicius, Asclepius Trallianus, John Philoponus, and Damascius. His Commentaries (in Greek) on Plato and Ptolemy are lost, as well as many on Aristotle. His extant works are Commentaries on the Isagoge of Porphyry, or the Five Predicables, first published at Venice in 1500, and On the Chategories of Aristotle, and De Interpretatione, first published at Venice in 1503. See too ap. Alexand. Aphrodis. De Fato, p. 180, 8vo. Lond. 1658. The above-named Commentaries on Aristotle are also published in the Scholia ins Aristot. ed. Brandis. In MS. are his Commentaries on Aristotle's Topics and Metaphysics, and his Mlethodus construendi Astrolabium. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. v. p. 707.) [A. J. C.] AMMONIUS, of LAMPRAEt, a village of Attica, a Peripatetic philosopher, who lived in the first century of the Christian aera. He was the instructor of Plutarch, who praises his great learning (Symp. iii. 1), and introduces him discoursing on religion and sacred rites. (ix. 15.) Corsini endeavours to shew (in vita Plutarchi, p. 6), that Ammonius of Lamprae is really the same person with Ammonius the Egyptian mentioned by Eunapius, and concludes that it was from this source Plutarch obtained the minute knowledge of Egyptian worship which he has shewn in his treatise on Isis and Osiris. Ammonius of Lamprae is mentioned by Ammonius, the author of the work De Differentiis Verborum, under the word fS3,us', as having written a treatise liepi BoeAosiv, or as the fuller title is given by Athenaeus, H lpl Bwluc Kical Ovea-cv. (xi. p. 476, f.) Whether the same Ammonius was the author of another work, Hiepl TrV 'AO'vdreiv "Esrapiawv, mentioned by Athenaes (xiii. p. 567, a), is uncertain. [B. J.] AMMO'NIUS ('Afpzvios) LITHO'TOMUS, an eminent surgeon of Alexandria, mentioned by Celsus (De Med. vii. Praef. p. 137), whose exact date is not known, but who probably lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, B. c. 283-247, as his name occurs in Celsus together with those of several other surgeons who lived at that time. He is chiefly celebrated for having been the first person who thought of breaking a stone within the AMMONIUS. bladder when too large for extraction entire; on which account he received the cognomen of AtLoro'Yos. An account of his mode of operation, as described by Celsus (De Ml/ed. vii. 26, p. 161i), is given in the Dict. of Ant. p. 220. Some medical preparations used by a physician of the same name occur also in Aetius and Paulus Aegineta, but whether they all belong to the same person is uncertain. [W. A. G.] AMMO'NIUS, the MONK, flourished A.D. 372. He was one of the Four Great Brothers (so called from their height), disciples of Pambo, the monk of Mt. Nitria (Vitae Patrum, ii. 23; Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 12, ed. Rosweyd. p. 543.) He knew the Bible by heart, and carefully studied Didymus, Origen, and the other ecclesiastical authors. In A. D. 339-341 he accompanied St. Athanasius to Rome. In A. D. 371-3, Peter II. succeeded the latter, and when he fled to Rome from his Arian persecutors, Ammonius retired from Canopus into Palestine. He witnessed the cruelties of the Saracens against the monks of Mount Sinai A. D. 377, and received intelligence of the sufferings of others near the Red Sea. On his return to Egypt, he took up his abode at Memphis, and described these distresses in a book which he wrote in Egyptian. This being found at Naucratis by a priest, named John, was by him translated into Greek, and in that form is extant, in Christi Martyrum Electi triumphi (p. 88, ed. Combefis, 8vo., Par. 1660). Ammonius is said to have cut off an ear to avoid promotion to the episcopate. (Socr. iv. 23; Pallad. Hist. Laus. c. 12.) [A. J. C.] AMMO'NIUS ('Ayeiedvios) the PERIPaATETIC, who wrote only a few poems and declamations. He was a different person from Ammonius, the teacher of Plotinus. (Longin. ap. Porphyr. in Plotin. vit. c. 20; Philostr. ii. 27; Ruhnken, Diss. de Longino.) AMMO'NIUS ('Apw'ivtos), a Greek POET. who lived in the reign of the emperor Theodosius II. He wrote an epic poem on the insurrection of the Goths under Gainas (A. D. 400), which he called raevla, and is said to have read in A. D. 438 to the emperor, who received it with great approbation (Socrat. Hist. Eccles. vi. 6; Nicephor. xii. 6.' Who this Ammonius was, and whether the linee quoted in the Etymologicum Magnum (s.v.Mliavrosc from one Ammonius, and the two epigrams in th( Anthologia Graeca (iii. 3, p. 841, ed. Jacobs) which bear the same name, belong to him, is un certain. [L. S.] AMMO'NIUS or HAMMONIUS, an am bassador of PTOLEMAEUS Auletes, who was sen to Rome B. c. 56 to seek assistance against th, Alexandrians, who had opposed the king. (Cic ad Fam. i. 1.) He is perhaps the same person a the Ammonius who is spoken of as one of th agents of Cleopatra in B. c. 44. (Ad Alt. xv. 15.) AMMO'NIUS, called SACCAS ('A/p.CVeio afcvcids, i.e. ecatceo qpoe), or sack-carrier, becaus his official employment was carrying the corn, lande. at Alexandria, as a public porter (saccarius, se Gothofred ad Cod. Theodos. 14, tit. 22), was bor of Christian parents. Porphyry asserts (lib. I adv. Christian. ap. Euseb. L. E.. vi. 19), Eusebiu (1. c.) and St. Jerome (Vir. Ill. ~ 55) deny, thi he apostatized from the faith. At any rate h combined the study of philosophy with Christianit3 and is regarded by those who maintain his apostas as the founder of the later Platonic Schoo
Page 147 AMOR. Among his disciples are mentioned Longinus, I-Terennius, Plotinus (Amm. Marcell. xxii.), both Origens, and St. Heraclas. He died A. D. 243, at the age of more than 80 years. A life of Aristotle, prefixed to the Commentary of his namesake on the Categories, has been ascribed to him, but it is probably the work of John Philoponus. The Pagan disciples of Ammonius held a kind of philosophical theology. Faith was derived by inward perception; God was threefold in essence, intelligence, (viz. in knowledge of himself) and power (viz. in activity), the two latter notions being inferior to the first; the care of the world was entrusted to gods of an inferior race, below those again were daemons, good and bad; an ascetic life and theurgy led to the knowledge of the Infinite, who was worshipped by the vulgar, only in their national deities. The Alexandrian physics and psychology were in accordance with these principles. If we are to consider him a Christian, he was, besides his philosophy (which would, of course, then be represented by Origen, and not by the pagan Alexandrian school as above described) noted for his writings (Euseb. H.E. vi. 19), especially on the Scriptures. (Euseb. Epist. ad Caspian. a Gallandi's Bibl. Pair. vol. ii.) He composed a Diatessaron, or Harmony of the Gospels, which exists in the Latin version of Victor, bishop of Capua (in the 6th cent., who wrongly ascribed it to Tatian) and of Luscinius. (See Monumenta Pair. Ortiodoxograpiha, i. pt. 2, per Grynaeum, pp. 661-747, fol., Basil., 1569; E Graeco versa per Ottomar. Luscinium. Aug. Vind. 4to., 1523; and in German, Augsb., 8vo., 1524; the version of Victor, Mogunt., 8vo., 1524; Colon., 8vo., 1532; in Reg-Imp. et Consist. Monast. B. M. V. de Salem, 8vo., 1774; Biblioth. Patr. a Galland., vol. ii. p. 531, Venet., 1766; where vid. Prolegom.) Besides the Harmony, Ammonius wrote De Consensu Moysis et Jesu (Euseb. II. E. vi. 19), which is praised by St. Jerome (Vir. Illustr. ~ 55), but is lost. [A. J. C.] AMNISIADES ('AguVo-tcIa8s or 'AiAuories), the nymphs of the river Amnisus in Crete, who are mentioned in connexion with the worship of Artemis there. (Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 15, 162; Apollon. Rhod. iii. 881.) [L. S.] AMOME'TUS ('Ais'rtpos), a Greek writer of uncertain date, who wrote a work on the people called Attaci (Plin. H. N. vi. 17. s. 20), and another entitled'AvdirXovs eic M (peews. (Antigon. Caryst. Hist. Mir. c. 164; comp. Aelian, V. H. xvii. 6.) We ought probably to read 'Audtyp-ros instead of 'ATpo'-?Tos in Schol. ad Apoll. iii. 179, and Eudoc. Viol. p. 248. AMOMPHA'RETUS ('AjoLPappeTroS), commander of the Pitanatan lochus in the Spartan army, who refused to march previously to the battle of Plataea (B. c. 479) to a part of the plain near the city, as Pausanias ordered, because he thought that such a movement was equivalent to a flight. He at length changed his mind when he had been left by the other part of the army, and set out to join Pausanias. He fell in the battle which followed, after distinguishing himself by his bravery, and was buried among the Irenes. (Herod. ix. 53-57, 71, 85; Pint. Aristid. 17.) As to the meaning of the last word see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Eipnv, and Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, ii. p. 350. AMOR, the god of love and harmony. He had AMPELIUS. 147 no place in the religion of the Romans, who know and speak of him only from what they had heard from the Greeks, and translate the Greek name Eros into Amor. [EROS.] [L. S.] AMORAEUS ('AgopaToy), king of the Derbicae, in a war against whom, according to Ctesias (Persic. c. 6, ed. Lion), Cyrus, the first king of Persia, fell. AMORGES ('AfAop-y ). 1. A king of the Sacae, according to Ctesias, whom Cyrus, king of Persia, conquered in battle, but afterwards released, when he himself was vanquished and taken prisoner by Spamithra, the wife of Amorges. Ctesias represents Amorges as subsequently one of the firmest allies of Cyrus. (Persic. cc. 3, 4, 7, 8, ed. Lion.) 2. A Persian commander, killed in Caria, in the revolt of the province, B. c. 498. (Herod. v. 121.) 3. The bastard son of Pissuthus, who revolted in Caria about B. c. 413. The Peloponnesians assisted Tissaphernes in putting down this revolt, and took lasus, B. c. 412, which was held by Amorges. The latter fell into their hands on the capture of the place, and was surrendered by them to Tissaphernes. (Thuc. viii. 5, 19, 28, 54.) AMPE'LIIS. We possess a short tract bearing the title Lucii Anmpelii Liber Memorialis. It was first made known by Salmasius, in 1638, from a MS. in the library of Juretus, and subsequent editors following his example have generally appended it to editions of Florus. We conclude from internal evidence (cc. 29, 47), that it must have been composed after the reign of Trajan, and before the final division of the Roman empire. Himerius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Symmachus make frequent mention of an Ampelius, who enjoyed the high dignities of magister officiorum, proconsul and praefectus urbi under Valentinian and his immediate successors, and the name occurs in connexion with thirteen laws of the Theodosian code. Sidonius Apollinaris also (ix. 301) commemorates the learning of an Ampelius, but we nowhere find any allusion which would enable us to establish a connexion between the person or persons spoken of by these writers and the compiler of the Liber Memorialis. On the contrary Gliiser has adduced reasons (in RlReinisches Museum for 1842, p. 145), which render it probable that the author of the Liber Memorialis lived at an earlier time than the above-mentioned persons. It is stated in c. 18 of this book, " Sulla ---- primus invasit imperium, solusque deposuit." Now as Diocletian and Maximianus resigned the government in A. D. 305, and this event is spoken of by all the historians who treat of that period, the Liber Memorialis would seem to have been composed at least before that year. This work, which is dedicated to a certain Macrinus or Marinus, equally unknown with the author himself, is a sort of common-place-book, containing within a short compass a condensed and meagre summary, collected from various sources, of the most striking objects and phaenomena of the material universe and the most remarkable events in the history of the world, the whole classified systematically under proper heads, and divided "into fifty chapters. It is of little value in any point of view. Nearly all the facts recorded are to be found elsewhere in a more detailed and satisfactory form, and truth is so blended with falseL2
Page 148 148 AMPHIAPRAUS. hood, and the blunders committed so numerous, that it cannot be used with safety for reference. The style, where it is not a mere catalogue of names, is simple and unaffected, but both in the construction of the sentences and in the use of particular words, we can detect many traces of corrupted latinity. The commentaries and criticisms of Salmasius, Muretus, Freinsheim, Heinsius, Perizonius and other scholars will be found in the edition of Duker at the end of his Florus. (Lug. Bat. 1722-1744, and reprinted at Leips. 1832.) Ampelius was first published in a separate form, with very useful prolegomena, by Tzschucke (Leips. 1793), and subsequently by Pockwitz (Liinenb. 1823), and F. A. Beck. (Leips. 1826.) [W. R.] AMPHIANAX ('AppLdcvae), a king of Lycia. When Proetus was expelled from Argos by his twin-brother Acrisius, Amphianax received him at his court, gave him his daughter Anteia (some call her Stheneboea) in marriage, and afterwards led him back to Argolis, where his share in the government and Tiryns were restored to him. Some traditions called this Lycian king lobates. (Apollod. ii. 2. ~ 1; Hom. 11. vi. 157, &c.) [L. S.] AMPIIIA'NUS, a Greek tragic poet at Alexandria. (Schol. ad German. Arat. 332, p. 78, ed. Buhl.) AMPHIARAI'DES, a patronymic from Amphiaraus, by which Ovid (Fast. ii. 43) calls his son Alcmaeon. [L. S.] AMPHIARA'US ('A1tctdpaos), a son of Oicles and IIypermnestra, the daughter of Thestius. (Hom. Od. xv. 244; Apollod. i. 8. ~ 2; Hygin. Fab. 73; Paus. ii. 21. ~ 2.) On his father's side he was descended from the famous seer Melampus. (Paus. vi. 17. ~ 4.) Some traditions represented him as a son of Apollo by Hypermnestra, which, however, is merely a poetical expression to describe him as a seer and prophet. (Hygin. Fab. 70.) Amphiaraus is renowned in ancient story as a brave hero: he is mentioned among the hunters of the Calydonian boar, which he is said to have deprived of one eye, and also as one of the Argonauts. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 2, 9. ~ 16.) For a time lie reigned at Argos in common with Adrastus; but, in a feud which broke out between them, Adrastus took to flight. Afterwards, however, he became reconciled with Amphiaraus, and gave him his sister Eriphyle in marriage [ADRASTUS], by whom Amphiaraus became the father of Alcmaeon, Amphilochus, Eurydice, and Demonassa. On marrying Eriphyle, Amphiaraus had sworn, that he would abide by the decision of Eriphyle on any point in which he should differ in opinion from Adrastus. When, therefore, the latter called upon him to join the expedition of the Seven against Thebes, Amphiaraus, although he foresaw its unfortunate issue and at first refused to take any part in it, was nevertheless persuaded by his wife to join his friends, for Eriphyle had been enticed to induce her husband by the necklace of Harmonia which Polyneices had given her. Amphiaraus on leaving Argos enjoined his sons to avenge his death on their. heartless mother. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 2; Hygin. Fab. 73; Diod. iv. 65; Hom. Od. xv. 247, &c.) On their way to Thebes the heroes instituted the Nemean games, and Amphiaraus won the victory in the chariot-race and in throwing the discus. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 4.) During the war against Thebes, Amphiaraus fought bravely AMPHICRATES. (Pind. 01. vi. 26, &c.), but still he could not suppress his anger at the whole undertaking, and when Tydeus, whom he regarded as the originator of the expedition, was severely wounded by Melanippus, and Athena was hastening to render him immortal, Amphiaraus cut off the head of Melanippus, who had in the mean time been slain, and gave Tydeus his brains to drink, and Athena, struck with horror at the sight, withdrew. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 8.) When Adrastus and Amphiaraus were the only heroes who survived, the latter was pursued by Periclymenus, and fled towards the river Ismenius. Here the earth opened before he was overtaken by his enemy, and swallowed up Amphiaraus together with his chariot, but Zeus made him immortal. (Pind. Nem. ix. 57, 01. vi. 21, &c.; Plut. Parall. 6; Cic. de Divn. i. 40.) Henceforth Amphiaraus was worshipped as a hero, first at Oropus and afterwards in all Greece. (Paus. i. 34. ~ 2; Liv. xlv. 27.) He had a sanctuary at Argos (Paus. ii. 23. ~ 2), a statue at Athens (i. 8. ~ 3), and a heroum at Sparta. (Muller, Orcsiom. pp. 146, 486.) The departure of Amphiaraus from his home when he went to Thebes, was represented on the chest of Cypselus. (Paus. v. 17. ~ 4.) Respecting some extant works of art, of which Amphiaraus is the subject, see Griineisen, Die alt gricchische Bronze des T ix'sclen Kabinets in Tubingen, Stuttg. and Tiibing. 1835. The prophetic power, which Amphiaraus was believed to possess, was accounted for by his descent from Melampus or Apollo, though there was also a local tradition at Phlins, according to which he had acquired them in a night which he spent in the prophetic house (olioss iavwrlKs) of Phlius. (Paus. ii. 13. ~ 6; comp. i. 34. ~ 3.) He was, like all seers, a favourite of Zeus and Apollo. (Hom. Od. xv. 245.) Respecting the oracle of Amphiaraus see Dict. of Ant. s.v. Oraculam. It should be remarked here, that Virgil (Aen. vii. 671) mentions three Greek heroes as contemporaries of Aeneas, viz. Tiburtus, Catillus, and Coras, the first of whom was believed to be the founder of Tibur, and is described by Pliny (H. N. xvi. 87) as a son of Amphiaraus. [L. S.] AMPHICLEIA ('Aplfi"cXhea), the daughter of Ariston, and the wife of the son of lamblichus, received instruction in philosophy from Plotinus. (Porphyr. vit. Plotin. c. 9.) AMPHI'CRATES ('Awpiucpcdrs), king of Samos in ancient times, in whose reign the Samians invaded Aegina. (Herod. iii. 59.) AMPHICRATES ('AQPlacpdrssT), a Greek sophist and rhetorician of Athens. Ile was a contemporary of Tigranes (B. c. 70), and being exiled (we know not for what reason) from Athens, he went to Seleuceia on the Tigris. The inhabitants of this place requested him to teach rhetoric in their city, but he haughtily refused, saying, that the vessel was too small to contain a dolphin. He then went to Cleopatra, the daughter of Mithridates, who was married to Tigranes, and who seems to have become attached to him. Amphicrates soon drew suspicions upon himself, and was forbidden to have any intercourse with the Greeks, whereupon he starved himself to death. (Plut. Lucull. 22.) Longinus (de Sublinm. p. 54, ed. Toup) mentions him along with Hegesias and Matris, and censures him for his affectation of sublimity. Whether he is the same person as the Amphicrates who wrote a work on celebrated men (irepi ivdo5wv
Page 149 AMPHIDAMAS. avmp'v, Athen. xiii. p. 576; Diog. Laert. ii. 101), is uncertain. [L. S.], AMPHI'CRATES, a Greek sculptor, probably of Athens, since he was the maker of a statue which the Athenians erected in honour of a courtezan, who having learnt from Harmodius and Aristogeiton their conspiracy against Hippias and Hipparchus, was tortured to death by the tyrants, without disclosing the secret. Her name was Leana (a lioness): and the Athenians, unwilling openly to honour a courtezan, had the statue made in the form of a lioness; and, to point out the act which it was meant to commemorate, the animal's tongue was omitted. We know nothing of the sculptor's age, unless we may infer from the narrative that the statue was made soon after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae. (B. c. 510.) In the passage of Pliny, which is our sole authority (xxxiv. 19. ~ 12), there is a manifest corruption of the text, and the reading A mphicratis is only a conjecture, though a most probable one, by Sillig. (Catalogus Artficzunz, s. v.) [P. S.] AMPHICTYON ('Ap4PKriUw), a son of Deucalion and Pyrrha (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 2), or according to others an autochthon, who after having married CranaO,-the daughter of Cranaus, king of Attica, expelled his father-in-law from his kingdom and usurped his throne. He ruled for twelve years, and was then in turn expelled by Erichthonius. (Apollod. iii. 14. ~ 5, &c.; Paus. i. 2. ~ 5.) According to Eustathius (ad Hom. p. 277), he was married to Chthonopatra, by whom he had a son, Physcus, the father of Locrus. According to Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. loitcos), however, Aetolus was a son and Physcus a grandson of Amphictyon. He was believed to have been the first who introduced the custom of mixing wine with water, and to have dedicated two altars to Dionysus Orthos and the nymphs. (Eustath. ad Ionm. p. 1815.) Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iv. 25), who calls him a son of Hellen, Pausanias (x. 8. ~ 1), and others, regard Amphictyon as the founder of the amphictyony of Thermopylae, and in consequence of this belief a sanctuary of Amphictyon was built in the village of Anthela on the Asopus, which was the most ancient place of meeting of this amphictyony. (Herod. vii. 200.) But this belief is without any foundation, and arose from the ancients assigning the establishment of their institutions to some mythical hero. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Amphyctions.) [L. S.] AMPHIICTY'ONIS ('AwpmKrcvovis), a surname of Demeter, derived from Anthela, where she was worshipped under this name, because it was the place of meeting for the amphictyons of Thermopylae, and because sacrifices were offered to her at the opening of every meeting. (Herod. vii. 200; Strab. ix. p. 429.) [L. S.] AMPH1'DAMAS ('AArPLdUias). 1. A son of Lycurgus and Cleophile, and father of Antimache, who married Eurystheus. (Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 2.) According to Pausanias (viii. 4. ~ 6) and Apollonius Rhodius (i. 163) he was a son of Aleus, and consequently a brother of Lycurgus, Cepheus, and Auge, and took part in the expedition of the Argonauts. (Hygin. Fab. 14.) 2. A king of Chalcis in Euboea, after whose death his sons celebrated funeral games, in which Hesiod won the prize in a poetical contest. It consisted of a golden tripod, which lie dedicated to thile Muses of Helicon. (Hoes. Op. el D. 654, &c.).AMPIILOCHUS. 149 3. The father of Clysonymus, whom Patroclus killed when yet a child. (Hom. II. xxiii. 87; Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 8.) Other mythical personages of this name occur in Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 11; IHygin. Fab. 14; Hom. II. x. 266, &c. [L. S.] AMPHI'DAMAS or AMPHI'DAMUS ('AAtsMidas, 'AiPpl6aaos), general of the Eleans in B. c. 218, was taken prisoner by Philip, king of Macedonia, and carried to Olympia, but was set at liberty on his undertaking to bring over his countrymen to Philip's side. But not succeeding in his attempt, he went back to Philip, and is spoken of as defending Aratus against the charges of Apelles. (Polyb. iv. 75, 84, 86.) AMPHIDICUS ('Ag uio;cos), a Theban who, in the war of the Seven against his native city, slew Parthenopaeus. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 8.) According to Euripides (Phoen. 1156), however, it was Periclymenus who killed Parthenopaeus. Pausanias (ix, 18. ~ 4) calls him Asphodicus, whence some critics wish to introduce the same name in Apollodorus. [L. S.] AMPHI'ETES or AMPHIE'TERUS ('Apt(sIE6rs), a surname of Dionysus. (Orph. 11Hymn. 52. 1, 51. 10.) It is believed that at Athens, where the Dionysiac festivals were held annually, the name signified yearly, while at Thebes, where they were celebrated every third year, it was interpretated to be synonymous with 7rptM's. [L.S.1 AMPHIGYEEIS ('AmIyvies), lame or limping on both feet, a surname of Hephaestus, given him because Zeus threw him from Olympus upon the earth for having wished to support Ilera. (Hom. II. i. 599; comp. Apollod. i. 3. ~ 5.) [HEPHAESTUS.] [L. S.] AMPHI'LOCHUS ('A14'XAoXos), a son of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle, and brother of Alcmaeon. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 2; Hom. Od. xv. 248.) When his father went against Thebes, Amphilochus was, according to Pausanias (v. 17. ~ 4), yet an infant, although ten years afterwards lie is mentioned as one of the Epigoni, and according to some traditions assisted his brother in the murder of his mother. [ALCMAEON.] He is also mentioned among the suitors of Helen, and as having taken part in the Trojan war. On the return from this expedition he together with Mopsus, who was like himself a seer, founded the town of Mallos in Cilicia. Hence he proceeded to his native place, Argos. But as he was not satisfied with the state of affairs there, lie returned to Mallos. When Mopsus refused to allow him any share in the government of their common colony, the two seers fought a single combat in which both were killed. This combat was described by some as having arisen out of a dispute about their prophetic powers. Their tombs, which were placed in such a manner that the one could not be seen from the other, existed as late as the time of Strabo, near mount Margasa, not far from Pyramus. (Strab. xiv. p. 675; Lycophron, 439, with the Schol.) According to other traditions (Strab. xiv. p. 642), Amphilochus and Calchas, on their return from Troy, went on foot to the celebrated grove of the Clarian Apollo near Colophon. In some accounts he was said to have been killed by Apollo. (Hes. ap. Strab. xiv. p. 676.) According to Thucydides (ii. 68) Amphilochus returned from Troy to Argos, but being dissatisfied there, he emigrated and founded Argos Amphilochium on the Ambracian gulf. Other accounts, however,
Page 150 150 AMPHILOCHIUS. ascribe the foundation of this town to Alcmaeon (Strab. vii. p. 326), or to Amphilochus the son of Alcmaeon. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 7.) Being a son of the seer Amphiaraus, Amphilochus was likewise believed to be endowed with 'prophetic powers; atnd at Mallos in Cilicia there was an oracle of Amphilochus, which in the time of Pausanias (i. 34. ~ 2) was regarded as the most truthful of all. (Dict. of Ant. p. 673.) He was worshipped together with his father at Oropus; at Athens he had an altar, and at Sparta a heroum. (Paus. i. 34. ~ 2, iii. 15. ~ 6.) There are two other mythical personages of this name, one a grandson of our Amphilochus (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 7), and the other a son of Dryas. (Parthen. Erot. 27.) [L. S.] AMPHI'LOCHUS, of ATHENS, a writer on agriculture mentioned by Varro (R. R. i. 1) and Columella (i. 1). Pliny also speaks of a work of his " De Medica et Cytiso." (H. N. xviii. 16. s. 43.) AMPHILO'CHIUS ('A4iLX6XLos), metropolitan of CYzIcus in the middle of the ninth century, to whom Photius, the patriarch of Constantinople, wrote several letters, and whose answers are still extant in manuscript. (Fabric. Bibl. Grae. viii. p. 382.) AMPHILO'CHIUS, ST., bishop of ICONIUM, the friend of St. Basil and St. Gregory of Nazianzus, was born at Caesareia, and began life as a pleader. (Basnage, Annal. Politic. Eccl. iii. p. 145, A.; and Gallandii Biblioth. Patr. vol. vi. Prolegom.; Epist. S. Greg. Naz. 9 [159]. Paris. 1840.) He lived in retirement with his father at Ozizalis in Cappadocia, till he was summoned to preside over the see of Iconium in Lycaonia, or Pisidia 2da, A. D. 373-4. St. Basil's Congratulatory Epistle on the occasion is extant. (Ep. 393, al. 161, vol. iii. p. 251, ed. Bened.) Hie soon after paid St. Basil a visit, and persuaded him to undertake his work "On the Holy Ghost" (vol. iii. p. 1), which he finished A. D. 375-6. St. Basil's Canonical Epistles are addressed to St. Amphilochius (1. c. pp. 268, 290, 324, written A. D. 374, 375). The latter had received St. Basil's promised book on the Divinity of the Holy Ghost, when in A. D. 377 he sent a synodical letter (extant, ap. Mansi's Concilia. vol. iii. p. 505) to certain bishops, probably of Lycia, infected with, or in danger of, Macedonianism, The Arian persecution of the church ceased on the death of Valens (A. D. 378), and in 381, Amphilochius was present at the Oecumenical Council of Constantinople. While there, he signed, as a witness, St. Gregory Nazianzen's will (Opp. S. Greg. p. 204, A. B.), and he was nominated with Optimus of Antioch in Pisidia as the centre of catholic communion in the diocese of Asia. In A. D. 383, he obtained from Theodosius a prohibition of Arian assemblies, practically exhibiting the slight otherwise put on the Son of God by a contemptuous treatment of the young Arcadius. (Fleury's Eccl. Hist. xviii. c. 27.) This same year he called a council at Side in Pamphylia, and condemned the Massalian heretics, who made the whole of religion consist in prayer. (Theodt. Haeret. Fab. iv. 11.) In A. D. 394 he was at the Council of Constantinople [see AMMON of Hadrianople], which confirmed Bagadius in the see of Bostra. This is the last we hear of him. Hie died before the persecution of St. Chrysostom, probably A. D. 395, and he is conmmemorated on Nov. 23rd. His re AMPHIMEDON. mains (in Greek) have been edited by Combefis, with those of Methodius of Patara and Andreas of Crete, fol. Par. 1644. Of Eight Homilies ascribed to him, some at least are supposititious (Gallandi gives five among his works, vol. vi. Biblioth. Patr.), as is the Life of St. Basil. There is attributed to him an iambic poem of 333 verses (in reference to the Trinity) addressed to Seleucus, nephew of St. Olympias (who had herself been brought up by Theodosia, sister to St. Amphilochius) and grandson of the general Trajan, who perished with his master, Valens, at Hadrianople, A. D. 378. Gallandi adds the testimony of Cosmas Indicopleustes (6th cent.) to that of John Damascene, Zonaras, and Balsamon, in favour of the authenticity of this poem. Combefis has collected his fragments (1. c. pp. 138-154), and Gallandi has added to them (1. c. p. 497, &c., and Proleg. p. 12). His work on the Holy Ghost is lost. (St. Jerome, de Script. Eccl. c. 133; Fabric. Bibl. G)rac. vol. viii. pp. 375-381.) St. Gregory Nazianzon states, that " by prayers, adoration of the Trinity, and sacrifices, he subdued the pain of diseases." (Carm. ad Vital. vol. ii. pp. 1030, v. 244.) The 9th, 25-28th, 62nd, 171st, and 184th Epistles of St. Gregory are addressed to him. [A. J. C.] AMPHILO'CHIUS, bishop of SIDE ill Pamphylia, who was present at the council of Ephesus, in which Nestorius was condemned, A. D. 421, and who was probably the author of some homilies that go under the name of Amphilochius of Iconium. (Phot. God. 52, p. 13, a., God. 230, p. 283, a., ed. Bekk.; Labbeus, de Script Eccl. vol. i. p. 63.) AMPH1'LYTUS ('Aupl\vros), a celebrated seer in the time of Peisistratus. Herodotus (i. 62) calls him an Acarnanian, but Plato ( Theag. p.124, d) and Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. i. p. 333) speak of him as an Athenian. He may have been originally an Acarnanian, and perhaps received the franchise at Athens from Peisistratus. This supposition removes the necessity of Valckenaer's emendation. (Ad Herod. 1. c.) AMPHI'MACHUS ('Aip.LaXeos). 1. A son of Cteatus and Theronice, and grandson of Actor or of Poseidon. He is mentioned among the suitors of Helen, and was one of the four chiefs who led the Epeians against Troy. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8; Paus. v. 3. ~ 4; Hom. II. ii. 620.) He was slain by Hector. (II. xiii. 185, &c.) 2. A son of Nomion, who together with his brother Nastes led a host of Carians to the assistance of the Trojans. He went to battle richly adorned with gold, but was thrown by Achilles into the. Scamander. (Hom. II. ii. 870, &c.) Conon (Narrat. 6) calls him a king of the Lycians. Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 5, and Paus. v. 3. ~ 4. [L.S.] AMPHI'MACHUS ('AIpi'aXos), obtained the satrapy of Mesopotamia, together with Arbelitis, in the division of the provinces by Antipater in B. c. 321. (Arrian, ap. Phot. p. 71, b., 26, ed. Bekker; Diod. xviii. 39.) AMPHI'MEDON ('Ayg s5Fv), a son of Melaneus of Ithaca, with whom Agamemnon had been staying when he came to call upon Odysseus to join the Greeks against Troy, and whom he afterwards recognised in Hades. (Hom. Od. xxiv. 103, &c.) He was one of the suitors of Penelope and was slain by Telemachus. (Od. xxii. 284.' Another mythical personage of this name occurs i, Ovid. (Met. v. 75.) [L. S.]
Page 151 AMPHION. AMPHI'NOME ('Ajwpipto' ), the wife of Aeson and mother of Jason. When her husband and her son Promachus had been slain by Pelias, and she too was on the point of sharing their fate, she fled to the hearth of Pelias, that his crime might be aggravated by murdering her on that sacred spot. She then cursed the murderer of her relatives, and plunged a sword into her own breast. (Diod. iv. 50; Apollon. Rhod. i. 45.) Two other mythical personages of this name are mentioned in Diod. iv. 53, and in the Iliad, xviii. 44. [L. S.] AMPHI'ON ('AjuPiw,). I. A son of Zeus and Antiope, the daughter of Nycteus of Thebes, and twin-brother of Zethus. (Ov. Met. vi. 110, &c.; Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 5.) When Antiope was with child by the father of the gods, fear of her own father induced her to flee to Epopeus at Sicyon, whom she married. Nycteus killed himself in despair, but charged his brother Lycus to avenge him on Epopeus and Antiope. Lycus accordingly marched againt Sicyon, took the town, slew Epopeus, and carried Antiope with him to Eleutherae in Boeotia. During her imprisonment there she gave birth to two sons, Amphion and Zethus, who were exposed, but found and brought up by shepherds. (Apollod. 1. c.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 7), Antiope was the wife of Lycus, and was seduced by Epopeus. Hereupon she was repudiated by her husband, and it was not until after this event that she was visited by Zeus. Dirce, the second wife of Lycus, was jealous of Antiope, and had her put in chains; but Zeus helped her in escaping to mount Cithaeron, where she gave birth to her two sons. According to Apollodorus, she remained in captivity for a long time after the birth of her sons, who grew up among the shepherds, and did not know their descent. Hermes (according to others, Apollo, or the Muses) gave Amphion a lyre, who henceforth practised song and music, while his brother spent his time in hunting and tending the flocks. (Horat. Epist. i. 18. 41, &c.) The two brothers, whom Euripides (Phoen. 609) calls "the Dioscuri with white horses," fortified the town of Entresis near Thespiae, and settled there. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) Antiope, who had in the meantime been very ill-treated by Lycus and Dirce, escaped from her prison, her chains having miraculously been loosened; and her sons, on recognising their mother, went to Thebes, killed Lycus, tied Dirce to a bull, and had her dragged about till she too was killed, and then threw her body into a well, which was from this time called the well of Dirce. After having taken possession of Thebes, the two brothers fortified the town by a wall, the reasons for which are differently stated. It is said, that when Amphion played his lyre, the stones not only moved of their own accord to the place where they were wanted, but fitted themselves together so as to form the wall. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 740, 755, with the Schol.; Syncell. p. 125, d.; Horat. ad Pison. 394, &c.) Amphion afterwards married Niobe, who bore him many sons and daughters, all of whom were killed by Apollo. (Apollod, iii. 5. ~ 6; Gellius, xx. 7; Hygin. Fab. 7, 8; Hem. Od. xi. 260, &c.; Paus. ix. 5. ~ 4; comp. NIOBE.) As regards the death of Amphion, Ovid (Met. vi. 271) relates, that he killed himself with a sword from grief at the loss of his children. According to others, he was killed by Apollo because he made an assault on the Pythian temple of the god. (Hygin. Fab. 9.) Amphion was buried together with AMPHIISSUS. 151 his brother at Thebes (or, according to Stephanus Byzantius, s. v. TtOopaia, at Tithoraea), and the Tithoraeans believed, that they could make their own fields more fruitful by taking, at a certain time of the year, from Amphion's grave a piece of earth, and putting it on the grave of Antiope. For this reason the Thebans watched the grave of Amphion at that particular season. (Paus. ix. 17. ~ 3, &c.) In Hades Amphion was punished for his conduct towards Leto. (ix. 5. ~ 4.) The following passages may also be compared: Paus. ii. 6. ~ 2, vi. 20. ~ 8; Propert. iii. 13. 29. The punishment inflicted by Amphion and his brother upon Dirce is represented in one of the finest works of art still extant-the celebrated Farnesian bull, the work of Apollonius and Tauriscus, which was discovered in 1546, and placed in the palace Farnese at Rome. (Pliny, H.N. xxxvi. 4; Heyne, Antiqntar. Aifs:tze, ii. p. 182, &c.; comp. M'iller, Orchom. p. 227, &c.) 2. A son of Jasus and husband of Persephone, by whom he became the father of Chloris. (Hom. Od. xi. 281, &c.) In Homer, this Amphion, king of Orchomenos, is distinct from Amphion, the husband of Niobe; but in earlier traditions they seem to have been regarded as the same person. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1684; Miller, Orchom. pp. 231, 370.) There are three other mythical personages of this name, one a leader of the Epeians against Troy (Hom. II. xiii. 692), the second one of the Argonauts (Apollon. Rhod. i. 176; Orph. Arg. 214; Hygin. Fab. 14), and the third one of the sons of Niobe. [NIOBE.] [L. S.] AMPHION ('Apeuiw). 1. A sculptor, son of ACESTOR, pupil of Ptolichus of Corcyra, and teacher of Piso of Calaureia, was a native of Cnossus, and flourished about B. c. 428 or 424. He executed a group in which Battus, the colonizer of Cyrene, was represented in a chariot, with Libya crowning him, and Cyrene as the charioteer. This group was dedicated at Delphi by the people of Cyrene. (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 2, x. 15. ~ 4.) 2. A Greek painter, was contemporary with Apelles (B. c. 332), who yielded to him in arrangement or grouping (cedebat Amphioni dispositione, Plin. xxv. 36. ~ 10: but the reading Amphioni is doubtful: Melanthio is Brotier's conjecture; MELANTHIUS). [P. S.] AMPHIS ("AupPis), an Athenian comic poet, of the middle comedy, contemporary with the philosopher Plato. A reference to Phryne, the Thespian, in one of his plays (Athen. xiii. p. 591, d.), proves that he was alive in B. c. 332. We have the titles of twenty-six of his plays, and a few fragments of them. (Suidas, s. v.; Pollux, i. 233; Diog. Laert. iii. 27; Athen. xiii. p. 567, f.; Meineke, i. p. 403, iii. p. 301.) [P. S.] AMPHISSA ("Ateqo-o-a), a daughter of Macareus and grand-daughter of Aeolus, was beloved by Apollo, and is said to have given the name to the town of Amphissa in Phocis, where her memory was perpetuated by a splendid monument. (Paus. x. 38. ~ 2, &c.) [L. S.] AMPHISSUS ("Apqcroos), a son of Apollo and Dryope, is said to have been of extraordinary strength, and to have built the town of Oeta on the mountain of the same name. Here he also founded two temples, one of Apollo and the other of the Nymphs. At the latter, games were celebrated down to a late period. (Anton. Lib. 32.) [L. S.]
Page 152 152 AMPHJITRITE. AMPHISTRATUS ('APf.nr'paros) and his brother Rhecas were the charioteers of the Dioscuri. They were believed to have taken part in the expedition of Jason to Colchis, and to have occupied a part of that country which was called after them Heniochia, as sjvioxos signifies a charioteer. (Strab. xi. p. 495 Justin. xlii. 3.) Pliny (H. N. vi. 5) calls them Amphitus and Thelchius. (Comp. Mela, i. 19. ~ 110; Isidor. Orig. xv. 1; Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 8.) [L. S.] AMPHI'STRATUS ('A.UporpaTros), a Greek sculptor, flourished about B. c. 324. From the notices of two of his works by Pliny (xxxvi. 4. ~ 10) and Tatian (Orat. in Graec. 52, p. 114, Worth.), it is supposed that most of his statues were cast in bronze, and that many of them were likenesses. [P. S.] AMPHI'THEMIS ('APuOlEius), a son of Apollo and Acacallis, who became the father of Nasamon and Caphaurus, or Cephalion, by the nymph Tritonis. (Hygin. Fab. 14; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1494.) [L. S.] AMPHITRI'TE ('AstquTp"il), according to tlesiod (Theog. 243) and Apollodorus (i. 2. ~ 7) a Nereid, though in other places Apollodorus (i. 2. ~ 2, i. 4. ~ 6) calls her an Oceanid. She is represented as the wife of Poseidon and the goddess of the sea (the Mediterranean), and she is therefore a kind of female Poseidon. In the Homeric poems she does not occur as a goddess, and Amphitrite is merely the name of the sea. The most ancient passages in which she occurs as a real goddess is that of Hesiod above referred to and the Homeric hymn on the Delian Apollo (94), where she is represented as having been present at the birth of Apollo. When Poseidon sued for her hand, she fled to Atlas, but her lover sent spies after her, and among them one Delphinus, who brought about the marriage between her and Poseidon, and the grateful god rewarded his service by placing him among the stars. (Eratosth. Catast. 31; Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 17.) When afterwards Poseidon shewed some attachment to Scylla, Amphitrite's jealousy was excited to such a degree, that she threw some magic herbs into the well in which Scylla used to bathe, and thereby changed her rival into a monster with six heads and twelve feet. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 45, 649.) She became by Poseidon the mother of Triton, Rhode, or Rhodes, and Benthesicyme. (Hesiod. Tlheog. 930, &c.; Apollod. i. 4. ~ 6; iii. 15. ~ 4.) Later poets regard Amphitrite as the goddess of the sea in general, or the ocean. (Eurip. (ycl. 702; Ov. Met. i. 14.) Amphitrite was frequently represented in ancient works of art; her figure resembled that of Aphrodite, but she was usually distinguished from her by a sort of net which kept her hair together, and by the claws of a crab on her forehead. She was sometimes represented as riding on marine animals, and sometimes as drawn by them. The temple of Poseidon on the Corinthian isthmus contained a statue of Amphitrite (Paus. ii. 1. ~ 7), and her figure appeared among the relief ornaments of the temple of Apollo at Amyclae (iii. 19. ~ 4), on the throne of the Olympian Zeus, and in other places. (v. 2. ~ 3, comp. i. 17. ~ 3, v. 26. ~ 2.) We still possess a considerable number of representations of Amphitrite. A colossal statue of her exists in the Villa Albani, and she frequently appears on coins of Syracuse, The most beautiful specimen extant is AMPHITRYON. that on the arch of Augustus at Rimini. (Winckehnann, Alto Denkm'iler, i. 36; HIirt, Myithol. Bilderbuch, ii. p. 159.) [L. S.] AMPHITRYON or AMPHI'TRUO ('Auqmrpovwv), a son of Alcaeus, king of Troezen, by Hipponome, the daughter of Menoeceus. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 5.) Pausanias (viii. 14. ~ 2) calls his mother Laonome. While Electryon, the brother of Alcaeus, was reigning at Mycenae, the sons of Pterelaus together with the Taphians invaded his territory, demanded the surrender of the kingdom, and drove away his oxen. The sons of Electryon entered upon a contest with the sons of Pterelaus, but the combatants on both sides all fell, so that Electryon had only one son, Licymnius, left, and Pterelaus likewise only one, Eueres. The Taphians, however, escaped with the oxen, which they entrusted to Polyxenus, king of the Eleans. Thence they were afterwards brought back to Mycenae by Amphitryon after he had paid a ransom. Electryon now resolved upon avenging the death of his sons, and to make war upon the Taphians. During his absence he entrusted his kingdom and his daughter Alcmene to Amphitryon, on condition that he should not marry her till after his return from the war. Amphitryon now restored to Electryon the oxen he had brought back to Mycenae; one of them turned wild, and as Amphitryon attempted to strike it with his club, he accidentally hit the head of Electryon mnd killed him on the spot. Sthenelus, the brother of Electryon, availed himself of this opportunity for the purpose of expelling Amphitryon, who together with Alcmene and Licymnius went to Thebes. Here he was purified by Creon, his uncle. In order to win the hand of Alcmene, Amphitryon prepared to avenge the death of Alcmene's brothers on the Taphians (Teleboans), and requested Creon to assist him in his enterprise, which the latter promised on condition that Amphitryon should deliver the Cadmean country from a wild fox whichl was making great havoc there. But'as it was decreed by fate that this fox should not be overtaken by any one, Amphitryon went to Cephalus of Athens, who possessed a famous dog, which, according to another decree of fate, overtook every animal it pursued. Cephalus was induced to lend Amphitryon his dog on condition that he should receive a part of the spoils of the expedition against the Taphians. Now when the dog was hunting the fox, Fate got out of its dilemma by Zeus changing the two animals into stone. Assisted by Cephalus, Panopeus, Heleius, and Creon, Amphitryon now attacked and ravaged the islands of the Taphians, but could not subdue them so long as Pterelaiis lived. This chief had on his head one golden hair, the gift of Poseidon, which rendered him immortal. His daughter Comaetho, who was in love with Amphitryon, cut off this hair, and after Pterelaus had died in consequence, Amphitryon took possession of the islands; and having put to death Comaetho, and given the islands to Cephalus and Heleius, he returned to Thebes with his spoils, out of which he dedicated a tripod to Apollo Ismenius. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 6, 7; Paus. ix. 10. ~ 4; Herod. v. 9.) Respecting the amour of Zeus with Alcmene during the absence of Amphitryon see ALCMENE. Amphitryon fell in a war against Erginus, king of the Minyans, in which he and Heracles delivered Thebes from the tribute which the city had to pay to Erginus as an atone
Page 153 AMULIUS. ment for the murder of Clymenus. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 8, &c.) His tomb was shown at Thebes in the time of Pausanias. (i. 41. ~ 1; compare Hoem. Od. xi. 266, &c.; Hes. Scut. Herc. init.; Diod. iv. 9, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 29, 244; Muller, Orchom. p. 207, &c.) Aeschylus and Sophocles wrote each a tragedy of the name of Amphitryon, which are now lost. We still possess a comedy of Plautus, the " Amphitruo," the subject of which is a ludicrous representation of the visit of Zeus to Alcmene in the disguise of her lover Amphitryon. [L. S.] AMPHITRYONI'ADES or AMPHITRYO'NIDES ('A1PnTrpvwviodSys), a patronymic from Amphitryon, by which Heracles is sometimes designated, because his mother was married to Amphitryon. (Ov. Met. ix. 140, xv. 49; Pind. 01. iii. 26, Ist/. vi. 56.) [L. S.] A'\IPHIUS ("'AIopros), a son of Merops and brother of Adrastus. These two brothers took part in the Trojan war against their father's advice, and were slain by Diomedes. (Hom. II. ii. 828, &c., xi. 328, &c.)!Another hero of this name, who was an ally of the Trojans, occurs in II. v. 612. [L. S.] AMPHO'TERUS ('ApofTrepos), a son of Alcmaeon by Calirrhoe, and brother of Acarnan. [ACARINAN.] A Trojan of this name occurs Hom. II. xvi. 415. [L. S.] AMPHO'TERUS ('Al orepos), the brother of Craterus, was appointed by Alexander the Great commander of the fleet in the Hellespont, B. c. 333. Amphoterus subdued the islands between Greece and Asia which did not acknowledge Alexander, cleared Crete of the Persians and pirates, and sailed to Peloponnesus B. c. 331, to put down a rising against the Macedonian power. (Arrian, i. 25, iii. 6; Curt. iii. 1, iv. 5, 8.) T. A'MPIUS BALBUS. [BALBUS.] T. A'MPIUS FLAVIA'NUS. [FLAVIANUS.] AMPY'CIDES ('ArWvscls8s), a patronymic from Ampycus or Ampyx, applied to Mopsus. (Ov. Met. viii. 316, 350, xii. 456, 524; Apollon. Rhod. i. 1083; comp. Orph. Arg. 721.) [L. S.] A'MPYCUS ("Apervicos). 1. A son of Pelias, husband of Chloris, and father of the famous seer Mopsus. (Hygin. Fab. 14, 128; Apollon. Rhod. i. 1083; Ov. Met. xii. 456.) Pausanias (v. 17. 5 4, vii. 18. ~ 4) calls him Ampyx. 2. A son of Japetus, a bard and priest of Ceres, cilled by Pettalus at the marriage of Perseus. (Ov. liet. v. 110, &c.) Another personage of this name )ccurs in Orph. Arg. 721. [L. S.] AMPYX ("Auaru). 1. [AMPvYus.] 2. There ire two other mythical personages of this name. Ov. Met. v. 184, xii. 450.) [L. S.] AMU'LIUS. [ROMULUS.] AMU'LIUS, a Roman painter, who was chiefly mnployed in decorating the Golden House of Nero. )ne of his works was a picture of Minerva, which Iways looked at the spectator, whatever point of iew he chose. Pliny calls him "gravis et severus, lemque floridus," and adds, that lie only painted or a few hours in the day, and that with such a egard for his own dignity, that he would not lay side his toga, even when employed in the midst f scaffolding and machinery. (Plin. xxxV. 37: Toss, in an emendation of this passage, among ther alterations, substitutes Fabullus for Asmulius. lis reading is adopted by Junius and Sillig; but here seems to be no sufficient ground to reject the Id reading.) [P. S ] AMY CUS. 153 AMYCL AEUS ('AusiecAa7os), a surname of Apollo, derived from the town of Amyclae in Laconia, where lie had a celebrated sanctuarv. Ilis colossal statue there is estimated by Pausanias (iii. 19. ~ 2) at thirty cubits in height. It appears to have been very ancient, for with the exception of the head, hands, and feet, the whole resembled more a brazen pillar than a statue. This figure of the god wore a helmet, and in his hands he held a spear and a bow. The women of Amyclae made every year a new Xirwd for the god, and the place where they made it was also called the Chiton. (Paus. iii. 16. ~ 2.) The sanctuary of Apollo contained the throne of Amyclae, a work of Bathycles of Magnesia, which Pausanias saw. (iii. 18. ~ 6, &c.; comp. Welcker, Zeitschrift filr Gesch. der alt. IfKest. i. 2, p. 280, &c.) [L. S.] AMYCLAEUS ('AguvcAa7os), a Corinthian sculptor, who, in conjunction with Diyllus, executed in bronze a group which the Phocians dedicated at Delphi, after their victory over the Thessalians at the beginning of the Persian war, n. c. 480. (Paus. x. 1. ~ 4, 13. ~ 4; Herod. viii. 27.) The subject of this piece of sculpture was the contest of Heracles with Apollo for the sacred tripod. Heracles and Apollo were represented as both having hold of the tripod, while Leto and Artemis supported Apollo, and Heracles was encouraged by Athene. The legend to which the group referred is related by Pausanias (x. 13. ~ 4); the reason for such a subject being chosen by the Phocians on this occasion, seems to be their own connexion with Apollo as guardians of the Delphiic oracle, and, on the other hand, because the Thessalian chiefs were HIeracleidae, and their war-cry "Athene Itonia." (Miiller, Archaol. der Kunst, ~ 89, an. 3.) The attempt of Heracles to carry off the tripod seems to have been a favourite subject with the Greek artists: two or three representations of it are still extant. (Winckelmnann, Werke, ix. p. 256, ed. 1825; Sillig, s.v.; compare DIYLLUS, CHIONIS.) [P. S.] AMYCLAS ('AduhAscas), a son of Lacedaemon and Sparta, and father of Hyacinthus by Diomede, the daughter of Lapithus. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3; Paus. x. 9. ~ 3, vii. 18. ~ 4.) He was king of Laconia, and was regarded as the founder of the town of Amyclae. (Paus. iii. 1. ~ 3.) Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Parthen. Erot. 15, and Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 1. [L.S.] AMYCLI'DES, a patronymic from Amyclas, by which Ovid (Met. x. 162) designates Hyacinthus, who, according to some traditions, was a son of Amyclas. [L. S.] AMYCLUS ("ApicVKOS), or AMYCLAS ('AyidKcAXs) of Heracleia, one of Plato's disciples. (Diog. Laert. iii. 46; Aelian, V. II. iii. 19.) A'MYCUS ("Auvicos). 1. A son of Poseidon by Bithynis, or by the Bithynian nymph Melia. He was ruler of the country of the Bebryces, and when the Argonauts landed on the coast of his dominions, he challenged the bravest of them to a boxing match. Polydeuces, who accepted the. challoenge, killed him. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 20; Hygin. Fab. 17; Apollon. Rhod. ii. init.) The Scholiast on Apollonius (ii. 98) relates, that Polydeuces bound Amycus. Previous to this fatal encounter with the Argonauts, Amycus had had a feud with Lycus, king of Mysia, who was supported by Heracles, and in it Mydon, the brother of Amycus, fell by the hands of Heracles. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 9;
Page 154 154 AMYNANDER. Apollon. Rhod. ii. 754.) Pliny (H1. N. xvi. 89) relates, that upon the tomb of Amycus there grew a species of laurel (leawus insana), which had the effect that, when a branch of it was taken on board a vessel, the crew began to quarrel, and did not cease until the branch was thrown overboard. Three other mythical personages of this name occur in Ov. lMet. xii. 245; Virg. Aen. x. 705, compared with Hom. II. vi. 289; Virg. Aen. xii. 509, compared with v. 297. [L. S.] AMYMO'NE ('Aiugcvidv), one of the daughters of Danaus and Elephantis. When Danaus arrived in Argos, the country, according to the wish of Poseidon, who was indignantatat Inachus, was suffering from a drought, and Danaus sent out Amymone to fetch water. Meeting a stag, she shot at it, but hit a sleeping satyr, who rose and pursued her. Poseidon appeared, and rescued the maiden from the satyr, but appropriated her to himself, and then shewed her the wells at Lerna. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 4.) According to another form of the tradition, Amymone fell asleep on her expedition in search of water, and was surprised by a satyr. She invoked Poseidon, who appeared and cast his trident at the satyr, which however struck into a rock, so that the Satyr escaped. Poseidon, after ravishing the maiden, bade her draw the trident from the rock, from which a threefold spring gushed forth immediately, which was called after her the well of Amymone. Her son by Poseidon was called Nauplius. (Hygin. Fab. 169; Lucian, Dial. Marin. 6; Paus. ii. 37. ~ 1.) The story of Amymone was the subject of one of the satyric dramas of Aeschylus, and is represented upon a vase which was discovered at Naples in 1790. (Bottiger, Amaltlhea, ii. p. 275.) [L. S.] AMYNANDER ('ApmvavSpos), king of the Athamanes, first appears in history as mediator between Philip of Macedonia and the Aetolians. (B. c. 208.) When the Romans were about to wage war on Philip, they sent ambassadors to Amynander to inform him of their intention. On the commencement of the war he came to the camp of the Romans and promised them assistance: the task of bringing over the Aetolians to an alliance with the Romans was assigned to him. In B.c. 198 he took the towns of Phoca and Gomphi, and ravaged Thessaly. He was present at the conference between Flaminius and Philip, and during the short truce was sent by the former to Rome. He was again present at the conference held with Philip after the battle of Cynoscephalae. On the conclusion of peace he was allowed to retain all the fortresses which he had taken from Philip. In the war which the Romans, supported by Philip, waged with Antiochus III. Amynander was induced by his brother-in-law, Philip of Megalopolis, to side with Antiochus, to whom he rendered active service. But in B. c. 191 he was driven from his kingdom by Philip, and fled with his wife and children to Ambracia. The Romans required that he should be delivered up, but their demand was not complied with, and with the assistance of the Aetolians he recovered his kingdom. -He sent ambassadors to Rome and to the Scipios in Asia, to treat for peace, which was granted him. (B. c. 189.) He afterwards induced the Ambraciots to surrender to the Romans. He married Apamia, the daughter of a Megalopolitan named Alexander. Respecting his death we have no accounts. (Liv. xxvii. 30, xxix. 12, AMYNTAS. xxxi. 28, xxxii. 14, xxxiii. 3, 34, xxxv. 47, xxxvT 7-10, 14, 28, 32, xxxviii. 1, 3, 9; Polyb. xvi. 27, xvii. 1, 10, xviii. 19, 30, xx. 10, xxii. 8, 12; Appian, Syr. 17.) [C. P. M.] AMYNO'MACIIUS ('ALnvvdraXos), the son of Philocrates, was, together with Timocrates, the heir of Epicurus. (Diog. Laert. ix. 16, 17; Cic. de Fin. ii. 31.) AMYNTAS ('AgVivra3) I., king of Macedonia, son of Alcetas, and fifth in descent from Perdiccas, the founder of the dynasty. (Herod. viii. 139; comp. Thucyd. ii. 100; Just. vii. 1, xxxiii. 2; Paus. ix. 40.) It was under him that Macedonia became tributary to the Persians. Megabazus, whom Darius on his return from his Scythian expedition had left at the head of 80,000 men in Europe (Herod. iv. 143), sent after the conquest of Paeonia to require earth and water of Amyntas, who immediately complied with his demand. The Persian envoys on this occasion behaved with much insolence at the banquet to which Amyntas invited them, and were murdered by his son Alexander. (See p. 118, b.) After this we find nothing recorded of Amyntas, except his offer to the Peisistratidae of Anthemus in Chalcidice, when Hippias had just been disappointed in his hope of a restoration to Athens by the power of the Spartan confederacy. (Herod. v. 94; Mill. Dor. App. i. ~ 16; Wasse, ad Thce. ii. 99.) Amyntas died about 498 B. c. leaving the kingdom to Alexander. Herodotus (viii. 136) speaks of a son of Bubares and Gygaea, called Amyntas after his grandfather. 2. II. king of Macedonia, was son of Philip,* the brother of Perdiccas II. (Thuc. ii. 95.) He succeeded his father in his appanage in Upper Macedonia, of which Perdiccas seems to have wished to deprive him, as he had before endeavoured to wrest it from Philip, but had been hindered by the Athenians. (Thuc. i. 57.) In the year 429 B. c. Amyntas, aided by Sitalces, king of the Odrysian Thracians, stood forward to contest with Perdiccas the throne of Macedonia itself; but the latter contrived to obtain peace through the mediation of Seuthes, the nephew of the Thracian king (Thuc. ii. 101); and Amyntas was thus obliged to content himself with his hereditary principality. In the thirtyfifth year, however, after this, B. c. 394, he obtained the crown by the murder of Pausanias, son of the usurper AEropus. (Diod. xiv. 89.) It was nevertheless contested with him by Argaeus, the son of Pausanias, who was supported by Bardylis, the Illyrian chief: the result was, that Amyntas was driven from Macedonia, but found a refuge among the Thessalians, and was enabled by their aid to recover his kingdom. (Diod. xiv. 92; Isocr. Archid. p. 125, b. c.; comp. Diod. xvi. 4; Cic. de Off. ii. 11.) But before his flight, when hard pressed by Argaeus and the Illyrians, he had given up to the Olynthians a large tract ol territory bordering upon their own,-despairing. as it would seem, of a restoration to the throne, and willing to cede the land in question to Olyn. thus rather than to his rival. (Diod. xiv. 92, xv, 19.) On his return he claimed back what he pro * There is some discrepancy of statement or this point. Justin (vii. 4) and Aelian (xii. 43 call Amyntas the son of Menelaus. See, too Diod. xv.. 60, and Wesseling, ad lor.
Page 155 AMYNTAS. fessed to have entrusted to them as a deposit, and as they refused to restore it, he applied to Sparta for aid. (Diod. xv. 19.) A similar application was also made, B. c. 382, by the towns of Acanthus and Apollonia, which had been threatened by Olynthus for declining to join her confederacy. (Xen. Hell. v. 2. ~ 11, &c.) With the consent of the allies of Sparta, the required succour was given, under the command successively of Eudamidas (with whom his brother Phoebidas was associated), Teleutias, Agesipolis, and Polybiades, by the last of whom Olynthus was reduced, B. c. 379. (Diod. xv. 19-23; Xen. Hell. v. 2, 3.) Throughout the war, the Spartans were vigorously seconded by Amyntas, and by Derdas, his kinsman, prince of Elymia. Besides this alliance with Sparta, which he appears to have preserved without interruption to his death, Amyntas united himself also with Jason of Pherae (Diod. xv. 60), and carefully cultivated the friendship of Athens, with which state he would have a bond of union in their common jealousy of Olynthus and probably also of Thebes. Of his friendship towards the Athenians he gave proof, 1st, by advocating their claim to the possession of Amphipolis (Aesch. Iscpl nlaparp. p. 32); and, 2ndly, by adopting Iphicrates as his son. (Id. p. 32.) It appears to have been in the reign of Amyntas, as is perhaps implied by Strabo (Exc. vii. p. 330), that the seat of the Macedonian government was removed from Aegae or Edessa to Pella, though the former still continued to be the burying-place of the kings. Justin (vii. 4) relates, that a plot was laid for.his assassination by his wife Eurydice, who wished to place her son-in-law and paramour, Ptolemy of Alorus, on the throne, but that the design was discovered to Amyntas by her daughter. Diodorus (xv. 71) calls Ptolemy of Alorus the son of Amyntas; but see Wesseling's note ad loc., and Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. v. p. 162. Amyntas died in an advanced age, a. c. 370, leaving three legitimate sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and the famous Philip. (Just. 1. c.; Diod. xv. 60.) A NA COIN OF AMYNTAS II. 3. Grandson of Amyntas II., was left an infant n nominal possession of the throne of Macedonia, vhen his father Perdiccas III. fell in battle against he Illyrians, B. c. 360. (Diod. xvi. 2.) He was luietly excluded from the kingly power by his mncle Philip, B. c. 359, who had at first acted nerely as regent (Just. vii. 5), and who felt him-.elf so safe in his usurpation, that he brought up kmyntas at his court, and gave him one of his laughters in marriage In the first year of the eign of Alexander the Great, B. c. 336, Amyntas vas executed for a plot against the king's life. Thirlw. Gr. Hist. vol. v. pp. 165, 166, 177, vol. i. p. 99, and the authorities to which he refers; ust. xii. 6, and Freinsheim, ad Curt.. vi. 9, 17.) AMYNTAS. 155 4. A Macedonian officer in Alexander's army, son of Andromenes. (Diod. xvii. 45; Curt. v. 1. ~ 40; Arrian, iii. p. 72, f., ed. Steph.) After the battle of the Granicus, B. c. 334, when the garrison of Sardis was quietly surrendered to Alexander, Amyntas was the officer sent forward to receive it from the commander, Mithrenes. (Arr. i. p. 17, c.; Freinsh. Sup. in Curt. ii. 6. ~ 12.) Two years after, 332, we again hear of him as being sent into Macedonia to collect levies, while Alexander after the. siege of Gaza advanced to Egypt; and he returned with them in the ensuing year, when the king was in possession of Susa. (Arr. iii. p. 64, c.; Curt. iv. 6. ~ 30, v. 1. ~ 40, vii. 1. ~ 38.) After the execution of Philotas on a charge of treason, B. c. 330, Amyntas and two other sons of Andromenes (Attanlus and Simmias) were arrested on suspicion of having been engaged in the plot. The suspicion was strengthened by their known intimacy with Philotas, and by the fact that their brother Polemo had fled from the camp when the latter was apprehended (Arr. iii. pp. 72, f., 73, a.), or according to Curtius (vii. 1. ~ 10), when he was given up to the torture. Amyntas defended himself and his brothers ably (Curt. vii. 1. ~ 18, &c.), and their innocence being further established by Polemo's re-appearance (Curt. vii. 2. ~ 1, &c.; Arr. iii. p. 73, a.), they were acquitted. Some little time after, Amyntas was killed by an arrow at the siege of a village. (Arr. iii. 1. c.) It is doubtful whether the son of Andromenes is the Amyntas mentioned by Curtius (iii. 9. ~ 7) as commander of a portion of the Macedonian troops at the battle of Issus, B. c. 333; or again, the person spoken of as leading a brigade at the forcing of the "Persian Gates," B. c. 331. (Curt. v. 4. ~ 20.) But "Amyntas" appears to have been a common name among the Macedonians. (See Curt. iv. 13. ~ 28, v. 2. ~ 5, viii. 2. ~ 14, 16, vi. 7. ~ 15, vi. 9. ~ 28.) 5. The Macedonian fugitive and traitor, son of Antiochus. Arrian (p. 17, f.) ascribes his flight from Macedonia to his hatred and fear of Alexander the Great; the ground of these feelings is not stated, but Mitford (ch. 44. sect. 1) connects him with the plot of Pausanias and the murder of Philip. He took refuge in Ephesus under Persian protection; whence, however, after the battle of the Granicus, fearing the approach of Alexander, he escaped with the Greek mercenaries who garrisoned the place, and fled to the court of Dareius. (Arr. 1. c.) In the winter of the same year, B. c. 333, while Alexander was at Phaselis in Lycia, discovery was made of a plot against his life, in which Amyntas was implicated. He appears to have acted as the channel through whom Dareius had been negotiating with Alexander the Lyncestian, and had promised to aid him in mounting the throne of Macedonia on condition of his assassinating his master. The design was discovered through the confession of Asisines, a Persian, whom Dareius had despatched on a secret mission to the Lyncestian, and who was apprehended by Parmenio in Phrygia. (Arr. i. pp. 24, e., 25, b.) At the battle of Issus we hear again of Amyntas as a commander of Greek mercenaries in the Persian service (Curt. iii. 11. ~ 18; comp. Arr. ii. p. 40, b.); and Plutarch and Arrian mention his advice vainly given to Darius shortly before, to await Alexander's approach in the large open plains to the westward of Cilicia. (Plut. Alex. p. 675, b., Arr. ii. pp. 33, e., 34, a.)
Page 156 156 AMYNTAS. On the defeat of the Persians at the battle of Issus, Amyntas fled with a large body of Greeks to Tripolis in Phoenicia. There he seized some ships, with which he passed over to Cyprus, and thence to Egypt, of the sovereignty of which--a double traitor-he designed to possess himself. The gates of Pelusium were opened to him on his pretending that he came with authority from Dareius: thence he pressed on to Memphis, and being joined by a large number of Egyptians, defeated in a battle the Persian garrison under Mazaces. But this victory made his troops over-confident and incautious, and, while they were dispersed for plunder, Mazaces sallied forth upon them, and Amyntas himself was killed with the greater part of his men. (Diod. xvii. 48; Arr. ii. p. 40, c; Curt. iv. 1. ~ 27, &c., iv. 7. ~ 1, 2.) It is possible that the subject of the present article may have been the Amyntas who is mentioned among the ambassadors sent to the Boeotians by Philip, B. c. 338, to prevent the contemplated alliance of Thebes with Athens. It may also have been the son of Andromenes. (Plut. Dem. pp. 849, 854; Diod. xvi. 85.) 6. A king of Galatia and several of the adjacent countries, mentioned by Strabo (xii. p. 569) as contemporary with himself. He seems to have first possessed Lycaonia, where he maintained more than 300 flocks. (Strab. xii. p. 568.) To this he added the territory of Derbe by the murder of its prince, Antipater, the friend of Cicero (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 73), and Isaura and Cappadocia by Roman favour. Plutarch, who enumerates him among the adherents of Antony at Actium (Ant. p. 944, c.), speaks probably by anticipation in calling him king of Galatia, for he did not succeed to that till the death of De'otarus (Strab. xii. p. 567); and the latter is mentioned by Plutarch himself (Ant. p. 945, b.) as deserting to Octavius, just before the battle, together with Amyntas. While pursuing his schemes of aggrandizement, and endeavouring to reduce the refractory highlanders around him, Amyntas made himself master of Homonada (Strab. xii. p. 569), or Homonna (Plin. I.N. v. 27), and slew the prince of that place; but his death was avenged by his widow, and Amyntas fell a victim to an ambush which she laid for him. (Strab. 1. c.) [E. E.] AMYTIIA ON. AMYNTIA'NUS ('Auvvnavo's), the author of a work on Alexander the Great, dedicated to the emperor M. Antoninus, the style of which Phiotius blames. He also wrote the life of Olympias, the mother of Alexander, and a few other biographies. (Phot. Cod. 131, p. 97, a., ed. Bekker.) The Scholiast on Pindar (ad 01. iii. 52) refers to a work of Amyntianus on elephants. AMYNTOR ('A/iLv'Wwp), according to Homer (II. x. 266), a son of Ormenus of Eleon in Thessaly, where Autolycus broke into his house and stole the beautiful helmet, which afterwards came into the hands of Meriones, who wore it during the war against Troy. Amyntor was the father of Crantor, Euaemon, Astydameia, and Phoenix. The last of these was cursed and expelled by Amyntor for having entertained, at the instigation of his mother Cleobule or Hippodameia, an unlawful intercourse with his father's mistress. (1Hom. 11. ix. 434, &c.; Lycophr. 417.) According to Apollodorus (ii. 7. ~ 7, iii. 13. ~ 7), who states, that Amyntor blinded his son Phoenix, he was a king of Ormenium, and was slain by Heracles, to whom he refused a passage through his dominions, and the hand of his daughter Astydameia. (Conip. Diod. iv. 37.) According to Ovid (Met. viii. 307, xii. 364, &c.), Amyntor took part in the Calydonian hunt, and was king of the Dolopes, and when conquered in a war by Peleus, he gave him his son Crantor as a hostage. [L. S.] A'MYRIS ( A/vpis), of Sybaris in Italy, surnamed "the Wise," whose son was one of the suitors of Agarista, at the beginning of the sixth century, B. c. Amyris was sent by his fellow-citizens to consult the Delphic oracle. His reputation for wisdom gave rise to the proverb,"Aýwpits sialverra,. "the wise man is mad." (Herod. vi. 126; Athen. xii. p. 520, a.; Suidas, s. v.; Eustath. ad II. ii. p. 298; Zenobius, Paroemiogr. iv. 27.) AMYRTAEUS ('AyvpraToos). 1. The name, according to Ctesias (ap. Phot. Cod. 72, p. 37, Bekker), of the king of Egypt who was conquered by Cambyses. [PSAMME1NITUS.] 2. A Sa'te, who, having been invested with the title of king of Egypt, was joined with Inarus the Libyan in the command of the Egyptians when they rebelled against Artaxerxes Longimanus (B. c. 460). After the first success of the Egyptians, B. C. 456 [ACHAEMENES], Artaxerxes sent a second immense army against them, by which they were totally defeated. Amyrtaeus escaped to the island of Elbo, and maintained himself as king in the marshy districts of Lower Egypt till about the year 414 B. c., when the Egyptians expelled the Persians, and Amyrtaeus reigned six years, being the only king of the 28th dynasty. His name on the monuments is thought to be Aomahorte. Eusebius calls him Amyrtes and Amyrtanus ('Aglvpramvos). (Herod. ii. 140, iii. 15; Thuc. i. 110; Diod. xi. 74, 75; Ctesias. ap. Phot. pp. 27. 32, 40, Bekker; Euseb. Chron. Armen. pp. 10I.' 342, ed. Zohrab and IMai; Wilkinson's Ant, Egypt. i. p. 205.) [P. S.] A'MYRUS ("A.vpos), a son of Poseidon, flron whom the town and river Amyrus in Thessaly were believed to have derived their name. (Stephl Byz. s. v.; Val. Flacc. ii. 11.) [L. S.] AMYTHA'ON ('Av0awfciv), a son of Cretheu, and Tyro (Hom. Od. xi. 235, &c.), and brothel of Aeson and Pheres. (Hornm. Od. xi. 259.) HI dwelt at Pylos in Messenia, and by Idomene lbe COIN OF AMYNTAS, KING OF GALATIA. AMYNTAS ('Amv'vras), a Greek writer of a work entitled:'raOPof, which was probably an account of the different halting-places of Alexander the Great in his Asiatic expedition. He perhaps accompanied Alexander. (N ike, /Moerilis, p. 205.) From the references that are made to it, it seems to have contained a good deal of historical information. (Athen. ii. p. 67, a., x. p. 442, b., xi. p. 500, d., xii. pp. 514, f., 529,e.; Aelian, H.N. v. 14, xvii. 17.) AMYNTAS, surgeon. [AMENTES.]
Page 157 ANACREON. came the father of Bias, Melampus, and Aeolia. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 11, 7. ~ 7.) According to Pindar (Pyth. iv. 220, &c.), he'and several other members of his family went to lolcus to intercede with Pelias on behalf of Jason. Pausanias (v. 8. ~ 1) mentions him among those to whom the restoration of the Olympian games was ascribed. [L. S.] AMYTHAO'NIUS, a patronymic from Amythaon, by which his son, the seer Melampus, is sometimes designated. (Virg. Georg. iii. 550; Columell. x. 348.) The descendants of Amythaon in general are called by the Greeks Amythaonidae. (Strab. viii. p. 372.) [L. S.] A'MYTIS ("A/ums). 1. The daughter of Astyages, the wife of Cyrus, and the mother of Cambyses, according to Ctesias. (Pers. c. 2, 10, &c., ed. Lion.) 2. The daughter of Xerxes, the wife of Megabyzus, and the mother of Achaemenes, who perished in Egypt, according to Ctesias. (Pers. c. 20, 22, 28, 30, 36, 39, &c.) A'NACES. [ANAX, No. 2.] ANACHARSIS ('AvdXapots), a Scythian of princely rank, according to Herodotus (iv. 76), the son of Gnurus, and brother of Saulius, king of Thrace; according to Lucian (Scytha) the son of Daucetas. He left his native country to travel in pursuit of knowledge, and came to Athens just at the time that Solon was occupied with his legislative measures. He became acquainted with Solon, and by the simplicity of his way of living, his talents, and his acute observations on the institutions and usages of the Greeks, he excited general attention and admiration. The fame of his wisdom was such, that he was even reckoned by some among the seven sages. Some writers affirmed, that after having been honoured with the Athenian franchise, he was initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries. According to the account in Herodotus, mn his return to Thrace, he was killed by his brother Saulius, while celebrating the orgies of Cybele it Hylaea. Diogenes Lacrtius gives a somewhat lifferent version--that he was killed by his bro-;her while hunting. He is said to have written a netrical work on legislation and the art of war. 3icero (Tusc. Disp. v. 32) quotes from one of his etters, of which several, though of doubtful au-;henticity, are still extant. Various sayings of his lave been preserved by Diogenes and Athenaeus. Herod. iv. 46, 76, 77; Plut. So!. 5, Conviv. 'ept. Sapient.; Diog. Laert. i. 101, &c.; Strab. vii. >. 303; Lucian, Scypla and Anacharsis; Athen. v. p. 159, x. pp. 428, 437, xiv. p. 613; Aelian, V.H. v. 7.) [C. P. M.] ANA'CREON ('Avalcpewv), one of the principal Ireek lyric poets, was a native of the Ionian city,f Teos, in Asia Minor. The accounts of his life re meagre and confused, but he seems to have pent his youth at his native city, and to have removed, with the great body of its inhabitants, to kbdera, in Thrace, when Teos was taken by Haragus, the general of Cyrus (about B. c. 540; Strab. iv. p. 644). The early part of his middle life ras spent at Samos, under the patronage of Polyrates, in whose praise Anacreon wrote many 'ngs. (Strab. xiv. p. 638; Herod. iii. 121.) He njoyed very high favour with the tyrant, and is aid to have softened his temper by the charms of lusic. (Maxim. Tyr. Diss. xxxvii. 5.) After re death of Polycrates (B. c. 522), he went to,thens at the invitation of the tyrant Hipparchus, ANACYNDARA X ES. 157 who sent a galley of fifty oars to fetch him. (Plat. IIHipparch. p. 228.) At Athens he became acquainted with Simonides and other poets, whom the taste of Hlipparchus had collected round him, and he was admitted to intimacy by other noble families besides the Peisistratidae, among whom he especially celebrated the beauty of Critias, the son of Dropides. (Plat. Charm. p. 157; Berghk's Anacreon, fr. 55.) He died at the age of 85, probably about B. c. 478. (Lucian, M1 crob. c. 26.) Simonides wrote two epitaphs upon him (Anthol. Pal. vii. 24, 25), the Athenians set up his statue in the Acropolis (Paus. i. 25. ~ 1), and the Teians struck his portrait on their coins. (Visconti, Icon. (Grecuee, pl. iii. 6.) The place of his death, however, is uncertain. The second epitaph of Simonides appears to say clearly that he was buried at Tees, whither he is supposed to have returned after the death of Hipparchus (B. c. 514); but there is also a tradition that, after his return to Teos, lie fled a second time to Abdera, in consequence of the revolt of Histiaeus. (B. c. 495; Suidas, s. v. 'AvaicpEwv and Te'.) This tradition has, however, very probably arisen from a confusion with the original emigration of the Teians to Abdera. The universal tradition of antiquity represents Anacreon as a most consummate voluptuary; and his poems prove the truth of the tradition. Though Athenaeus (x. p. 429) thought that their drunken tone was affected, arguing that the poet must have been tolerably sober while in the act of writing, it is plain that Anacreon sings of love and wine with hearty good will, and that his songs in honour of Polycrates came less from the heart than the expressions of his love for the beautiful youths whom the tyrant had gathered round him. (Anthol. Pal, vii. 25; Maxim. Tyr. Diss. xxvi. 1.) We see in him the luxury of the Ionian inflamed by the fervour of the poet. The tale that he loved Sappho is very improbable. (Athen. xiii. p. 599.) His death was worthy of his life, if we may believe the account, which looks, however, too like a poetical fiction, that he was choked by a grape-stone. (Plin. vii. 5; Val. Max. ix. 12. ~ 8.) The idea formed of Anacreon by nearly all ancient writers, as a grey-haired old man, seems to have been derived from his later poems, in forgetfulness of the fact that when his fame was at its height, at the court of Polycrates, he was a very young man; the delusion being aided by the unabated warmth of his poetry to the very last. In the time of Suidas five books of Anacreon's poems were extant, but of these only a few genuine fragments have come down to us. The " Odes" attributed to him are now universally admitted to be spurious. All of them are later than the time of Anacreon. Though some of them are very graceful, others are very deficient in poetical feeling; and all are wanting in the tone of earnestness which the poetry of Anacreon always breathed. The usual metre in these Odes is the Iambic Dimeter Catalectic, which occurs only once in the genuine fragments of Anacreon. His favourite metres are the Choriambic and the Ionic a Minore. The editions of Anacreon are very numerous. The best are those of Brunck, Strasb. 1786; Fischer, Lips. 1793; Mehlhorn, Glogau, 1825; and Bergk, Lips. 1834. [P. S.] ANACYNDARAXES ('AvaKvvovapdcns), the father of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria. (Arrian,
Page 158 158 ANANIUS. An. ii. 5; Strab. xiv. p. 672; Athen. viii. p. 335, f., xii. pp. 529, e, 530, b.) ANADYO'MENE ('AvaSvoAvl), the goddess rising out of the sea, a surname given to Aphrodite, in allusion to the story of her being born from the foam of the sea. This surname had not much celebrity previous to the time of Apelles, but his famous painting of Aphrodite Anadyomene, in which the goddess was represented as rising from the sea and drying her hair with her hands, at once drew great attention to this poetical idea, and excited the emulation of other artists, painters as well as sculptors. The painting of Apelles was made for the inhabitants of the island of Cos, who set it up in their temple of Asclepius. Its beauty induced Augustus to have it removed to Rome, and the Coans were indemnified by a reduction in their taxes of 100 talents. In the time of Nero the greater part of the picture had become effaced, and it was replaced by the work of another artist. (Strab. xiv. p. 657; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 36. ~~ 12. and 15; Auson. Ep. 106; Paus.ii. 1. ~ 7.) [L. S.] ANAEA ('Avaia), an Amazon, from whom the town of Anaea in Caria derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s.v.; Eustath. adDionys. Perieg. 828.) [L. S.] ANAGALLIS. [AGALLIS.] ANAGNOSTES, JOANNES ('Iwodvv'sr 'Ava"yvydo'rm'j), wrote an account of the storming of his native city, Thessalonica, by the Turks under Amurath II. (A. D. 1430), to which is added a "Monodia," or lamentation for the event, in prose. The work is printed, in Greek and Latin, in the:vi'iKc-Ta of Leo Allatius, Rom. 1653, 8vo., pp. 318-380. The author was present at the siege, after which he left the city, but was induced to return to it by the promises of the conqueror, who two years afterwards deprived him of all his property. (Hanekius, de Hist. Byz. Script. i. 38, p. 636; Wharton, Supp. to Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p. 130.) [P. S.] ANAI'TIS ('Avatrts), an Asiatic divinity, whose name appears in various modifications, sometimes written Anaea (Strab. xvi. p. 738), sometimes Aneitis (Plut. Aritan. 27), sometimes Tanals (Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 43), or Nanaea. (Maccab. ii. 1, 13.) Her worship was spread over several parts of Asia, such as Armenia, Cappadocia, Assyria, Persis, &c. (Strab. xi. p. 512, xii. p. 559, xv, p. 733.) In most places where she was worshipped we find numerous slaves (lepOSovAXo) of both sexes consecrated to her, and in Acilisene these slaves were taken from the most distinguished families. The female slaves prostituted themselves for a number of years before they married. These priests seem to have been in the enjoyment of the sacred land connected with her temples, and we find mention of sacred cows also being kept at such temples. (Plut. Lucull. 24.) From this and other circumstances it has been inferred, that the worship of Anaitis was a branch of the Indian worship of nature. It seems, at any rate, clear that it was a part of the worship so common among the Asiatics, of the creative powers of nature, both male and female. The Greek writers sometimes identify Anaitis with their Artemis (Paus. iii. 16. ~ 6; Plut. 1. c.), and sometimes with their Aphrodite. (Clem. Alex. 1. c.; Agathias, i. 2; Ammian. Marc. xxiii. 3; Spartian. Carac. 7; comp. Creuzer, Symbol_ ii. p. 22, &c.) [L. S.] ANA'NIUS ('A'dmuos), a Greek iambic poet, contemporary with Hipponax (about 540 B. c.) ANASTASIUS. The invention of the satyric iambic verse called Scazon is ascribed to him as well as to Hipponax. (Hephaest. p. 30, 11, Gaisf.) Some fragments of Ananius are preserved by Athenaeus (pp. 78, 282, 370), and all that is known of him has been collected by Welcker. (Hipponactis et Ananii Iambographorum Fragmenta, p. 109, &c.) [P. S.] ANAPHAS ('Avaýe6s), was said to have been one of the seven who slew the Magi in B. c. 521, and to have been lineally descended from Atossa, the sister of Cambyses, who was the father of the great Cyrus. The Cappadocian kings traced their origin to Anaphas, who received the government of Cappadocia, free from taxes. Anaphas was succeeded by his son of the same name, and the latter by Datames. (Diod. xxxi. Eel. 3.) ANASTA'SIA, a noble Roman lady, who suffered martyrdom in the Diocletian persecution. (A. D. 303.) Two letters written by her in prison are extant in Suidas, s. v. xpvUroyovos. [P. S.] ANASTA'SIUS ('Avaoardaoros), the author of a Latin epigram of eighteen lines addressed to "a certain Armatus, "De Ratione Victus Salutaris post Incisam Venam et Emissum Sanguinem,"' which is to be found in several editions of the Regimen SanitatisSalernitanum. (e.g. Antverp. 1557, 12mo.) The life and date of the author are quite unknown, but he was probably a late writer, and is therefore not to be confounded with a Greek physician of the same name, whose remedy for the gout, which was to be taken during a whole year, is quoted with approbation by Aetius (tetrab. iii. serm. iv. 47, p. 609), and who must therefore have lived some time during or before the fifth century after Christ. [W. A. G.] ANASTA'SIUS I. II., patriarchs of ANTIoc, [ANASTASIUS SINAITA.] ANASTA'SIUS I. ('Avao-rT'ios), emperoi of CONSTANTINOPLE, surnamed Dicorus (Abcopos) on account of the different colour of his eye-balls, was born about 430 A. D., at Dyrrachium in Epeirus. He was descended from ar unknown family, and we are acquainted witt only a few citcumstances concerning his life pro viously to his accession. We know, however that he was a zealous Eutychian, that he was no married, and that he served in the imperial life guard of the Silentiarii, which was the cause of hi being generally called Anastasius Silentiarius. Thi emperor Zeno, the Isaurian, having died in 49' without male issue, it was generally believed tha his brother Longinus would succeed him; but ii consequence of an intrigue carried on during somn time, as it seems, between Anastasius and the em press Ariadne, Anastasius was proclaimed emperoi Shortly afterwards he married Ariadne, but it doe not appear that he had had an adulterous intem course with her during the life of her husbanc When Anastasius ascended the throne of th Eastern empire he was a man of at least sixty, bu though, notwithstanding his advanced age, h evinced uncommon energy, his reign is one of th most deplorable periods of Byzantine history, di. turbed as it was by foreign and intestine wars an by the still greater calamity of religious trouble Immediately after his accession, Longinus, t1 brother of Zeno, Longinus Magister Officiorun and Longinus Selinuntius, rose against him, an being all natives of Isauria, where they had grei influence, they made this province the centre < their operations against the imperial troops. Th
Page 159 ANASTASIUS. war, which is known in history under the name of the Isaurian war, lasted till 497, and partly till 498, when it was finished to the advantage of the emperor by the captivity and death of the ringleaders of the rebellion. John the Scythian, John the Hunchbacked, and under them Justinus, who became afterwards emperor, distinguished themselves greatly as commanders of the armies of Anastasius. The following years were signalized by a sedition in Constantinople occasioned by disturbances between the factions of the Blue and the Green, by religious troubles which the emperor was able to quell only by his own humiliation, by wars with the Arabs and the Bulgarians, and by earthquakes, famine, and plague. (A. D. 500.) Anastasius tried to relieve his people by abolishing the Xpveadp-yvpos, a heavy poll-tax which was paid indifferently for men and for domestic animals. Immediately after these calamities, Anastasius was involved in a war with Cabadis, the king of Persia, who destroyed the Byzantine army commanded by Hypacius and Patricius Phrygius, and ravaged Mesopotamia in a dreadful manner. Anastasius purchased peace in 505 by paying 11,000 pounds of gold to the Persians, who, being threatened with an invasion of the Huns, restored to the emperor the provinces which they had overrun. From Asia Anastasius sent his generals to the banks of the Danube, where they fought an unsuccessful but not inglorious campaign against the East-Goths of Italy, and tried, but in vain, to defend the passage of the Danube against the Bulgarians. These indefatigable warriors crossed that river in great numbers, and ravaging the greater part of Thrace, appeared in sight of Constantinople; and no other means were left to the emperor to secure the immediate neighbourhood of his capital but by constructing a fortified wall across the isthmus of Constantinople from the coast of the Propontis to that )f the Pontus Euxinus. (A. D. 507.) Some parts )f this wall, which in a later period proved useful igainst the Turks, are still existing. Clovis, king )f the Franks, was created consul by Anastasius. The end of the reign of Anastasius cannot well )e understood without a short notice of the state >f religion during this time, a more circumstantial iccount of which the reader will find in Evagrius Ind Theophanes cited below. As early as 488, Anastasius, then only a Sileniarius, had been active in promoting the Eutyhian Palladius to the see of Antioch. This act vas made a subject of reproach against him by the rthodox patriarch of Constantinople, Euphemius, vho, upon Anastasius succeeding Zeno on the hrone, persuaded or compelled him to sign a con3ssion of faith according to the orthodox principles lid down in the council of Chalcedon. Notwithtanding this confession, Anastasius continued an dherent to the doctrines of Eutychius, and in 96 he had his enemy, Euphemius, deposed and anished. It is said, that at this time Anastasius rewed great propensities to the sect of the Acehali. The successor of Euphemius was Macedoius, who often thwarted the measures of the em2ror, and who but a few years afterwards was riven from his see, which Anastasius gave to the utychian Timotheus, who opposed the orthodox I many matters. Upon this, Anastasius was iathematized by pope Symmrachus, whose succes>r, Hormisdas, sent deputies to Constantinople r the purpose of restoring peace to the Church of ANASTASIUS. 159 the East. However, the religious motives of these disturbances were either so intimately connected with political motives, or the hatred between the parties was so great, that the deputies did not succeed. In 514, Vitalianus, a Gothic prince in the service of the emperor, put himself at the head of a powerful army, and laid siege to Constantinople, under the pretext of compelling Anastasius to put an end to the vexations of the orthodox church. In order to get rid of such an enemy, Anastasius promised to assemble a general council, which was to be presided over by the pope, and he appointed Vitalianus his commander-in-chief in Thrace. But no sooner was the army of Vitalianus disbanded, than Anastasius once more eluded his promises, and the predomination of the Eutychians over the orthodox lasted till the death of the emperor. Anastasius died in 518, at the age of between eighty-eight and ninety-one years. Evagrius states, that after his death his name was erased from the sacred "Diptychs" or tables. Religious hatred having more or less guided modern writers as well as those whom we must consider as the sources with regard to Anastasius, the character of this emperor has been described in a very different manner. The reader will find these opinions carefully collected and weighed with prudence and criticism in Tillemont's " Histoire des Empereurs." Whatever were his vices, and however avaricious and faithless he was, Anastasius was far from being a common man. Tillemont, though he is often misled by bigotry, does not blame him for many actions, and praises him for many others for which he has been frequently reproached. Le Beau, the author of the "Histoire du Bas Empire," does not condemn him; and Gibbon commends him, although principally for his economy. (Evagrius, iii. 29, seq.; Cedrenus, pp. 354-365, ed. Paris; Theophanes, pp. 115-141, ed. Paris; Gregor. Turon. ii. 38.) [WT. P.] ANASTA'SIUS II., emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE. The original name of this emperor was Artemius, and he was one of the ministers (Protoasecretis) of the emperor Philippicus, who had his eyes put out by the traitor Rufus, in the month of June A. D. 713. Artemius, universally esteemed for his character and his qualities, was chosen in his stead, and, although his reign was short and disturbed by troubles, he gave sufficient proofs of being worthy to reign. After having punished Rufus and his accomplices, lie appointed the Isaurian Leo, who became afterwards emperor, his general in chief against the Lazes and other Caucasian nations, and himself made vigorous preparations agarinst the Arabs, by whom the southern provinces of the empire were then continually harassed. He formed the bold plan of burning the naval stores of the enemy on the coast of Syria, stores necessary for the construction of a large fleet, with which the Arabs intended to lay siege to Constantinople. The commander of the Byzantine fleet was John, who combined the three dignities of grand treasurer of the empire, admiral, and dean of St. Sophia, and who left Constantinople in 715. But the expedition failed, and a mutiny broke out on board the ships, in consequence of which John was massacred, and Theodosius, once a receiver of the taxes, proclaimed emperor. It is probable that thie rebel had many adherents in the Asiatic provinces; for while he sailed with his fleet to Constantirnople,
Page 160 160 ANASTASIUS. Anastasius, after having left a strong garrison for the defence of his capital, went to Nicaea for the purpose of preventing all danger from that side. After an obstinate resistance during six months, Constantinople was taken by surprise in the month of January 716, and Anastasius, besieged in Nicaea, surrendered on condition of having his life preserved. This was granted to him by the victorious rebel, who ascended the throne under the name of Theodosius III. Anastasius retired to a convent at Thessalonica. In the third year of the reign of Leo III. Isaurus (721), Anastasius conspired against this emperor at the instigation. of Nicetas Xylonites. They hoped to be supported by Terbelis or Terbelius, king of Bulgaria; but their enterprise proved abortive, and the two conspirators were put to death by order of Leo. (Theophanes, pp.321, &c., 335, ed. Paris; Zonaras, xiv. 26, &c.; Cedrenus, p. 449, ed. Paris.) [WA. P.] ANASTA'SIUS, abbot of ST. EUTHYMIUsMu in Palestine, about 741 A. D., wrote a Greek work against the Jews, a Latin version of which by Turrianus is printed in Canisii Antiquar. Lect iii. pp. 123-186. The translation is very imperfect. A MS. of the original work is still extant. (Catal. Vindobon. pt. 1, cod. 307, num. 2, p. 420.) [P. S.] ANASTA'SIUS, a Graeco-Roman JURIST, who interpreted the Digest. He is cited in the Basilica (ed. Hleimbach. ii. p. 10; ed. Fabrot. iv. p. 701, vii. p. 258), in which, on one occasion, his opinion is placed in opposition to that of Stephanus. Beyond this circumstance, we can discover in his fragments no very strong reason for supposing him to have been contemporary with Justinian; Reitz, however, considered it certain that he was so, and accordingly marked his name with an asterisk ins the list of jurists subjoined to his edition of Theophilus. (ELcurs. xx. p. 1234.) The name is so conmmon, that it would be rash to identify the jurist with contemporary Anastasii; but it may be stated, that among more than forty persons of the name, Fabricius mentions one who was consul.A. D. 517. Procopius (de Bell. Pers. ii. 4, 5) relates, that Anastasius, who had quelled an attempt to usurp imperial power in his native city Dara, and had acquired a high reputation for intelligence, was sent on an embassy to Chosroes, A. D. 540. This Anastasius was at first detained against his will by Chosroes, but was sent back to Justinian, after Chosroes had destroyed the city of Sura. [J. T. G.] ANASTA'SIUS, metropolitan bishop of NICE (about 520-536 A. D.), wrote or dictated, in Greek, a work on the Psalms, which is still extant. (Bibl. Coislin. p. 389.) [P. S.] ANASTA'SIUS I., bishop of ROME, from 398 to his death in 402, took the side of Jerome in his controversy with Rufinus respecting Origen. He excommunicated Rufinus and condemned the works of Origen, confessing, however, that he had never heard Origen's name before the translation of one of his works by Rufinus. (Constant, Epist. Pontif. Rom. p. 715.) Jerome praises him in the highest terms. (Epist. 16.) [P. S.] ANASTA'SIUS II., bishop of ROME from 496 to his death in 498, made an unsuccessfal attempt to compose the quarrel between the Greek and Latin Churches, which had been excited by Acacius. There are extant two letters which he wrote to tihe emperor Anastasius on this occasion, and one which he wrote to Clovis, king of the Franks, in Baluzius, Nov, Collect. Concil. p. 1457. [P.S.] ANATOLIUS. ANASTA.'S-IUS SINAITA ('Aa(ro7rdoos 2:vairnsy). Three persons of this name are mentioned by ecclesiastical writers, and often confounded with one another. 1. ANAsTASIUS I., made patriarch of Antioch A. D. 559 or 561, took a prominent part in the controveisy with the Aphthartodocetae, who thought that the body of Christ before the resurrection was incorruptible. He opposed the edict lwhich Justinian issued in favour of this opinion, and was afterwards banished by the younger Justin. (570.) In 593 he was restored to his bishopric at Antioch, and died in 599. 2. ANASTASIUS II., succeeded Anastasius I. in the bishopric of Antioch, A. D. 599. He translated into Greek the work of Gregory the Great, " de Cura Pastorali," and was killed by the Jews in a tunmult, 609 A. D. 3. ANASTASIus, a presbyter and monk of Mt. Sinai, called by later Greek writers "the New Moses" (Mwo-ijs vios), lived towards the end of 7th century, as is clear from the contents of his " Hodegus." There is some doubt whether the two patriarchs of Antioch were ever monks of Sinai, and whether the application of the epithet " Sinaita" to them has not arisen from their being confounded with the third Anastasius. The "Hodegus" t(d5syds), or "Guide," above mentioned, a work against the Acephali, and other heretics who recognized only one nature in the person of Christ, is ascribed by Nicephorus and other writers to Anastasius I., patriarch of Antioch; but events are mentioned in it which occurred long after his death. Others have thought that he was the author of the work originally, but that it has been greatly interpolated. It was, however, most probably the production of the third Anastasius. It was published by Gretser in Greek and Latin, Ingolstadt, 1606, 4to. It is a loose, illogical rhapsody, without any graces of style, and very inaccurate as to facts. An account of the other writings ascribed to these three Anastasii, and discussions respecting their authorship, will be found in Fabricius (Bib. Graec. x. p. 571), and Cave. (Jist. Lit.) [P. S.] ANATO'LIUS, of BERYTUS, afterwards P. P. (praefectus praelorio) of Illyricumn, received a lega education in the distinguished law-school of hi; native place, and soon acquired great reputation ir his profession of jurisconsult. Not content, how ever, with forensic eminence, from Berytus he pro ceeded to Rome, and gained admission to the pa lace of the emperor. Here lie rapidly obtainet favour, was respected even by his enemies, anm was successively promoted to various honours. HI became consularis of Galatia, and we find hin named vicarius of Asia under Constantius, A. D. 33.9 (Cod. Th. 11. tit. 30. s. 19.) A constitution of th same year is addressed to him, according to th vulgar reading, with the title vicarius Africae; bu the opinion of Godefroi, that here also the tru reading is Asiae, has met with the approbation c the learned. (Cod. Th. 12. tit. 1. s. 28.) He a[ pears with the title P. P. in the years 346 an 349, but without mention of his district. (Cod. TI 12. tit. 1. s. 38, ib. s. 39.) He is, however, dib tinctly mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus - P. P. of Illyricum, A. D. 359 (Am. Marc. xi: 11. ~ 2), and his death in that office is recorded 1) the same author, A. D. 361. (xxi. 6. ~ 5.) Wheth( he were at first praefect of some other district, < whether he held the same office continuously fro:
Page 161 ANATOLIUS, A. D. 346 to A. D. 361, cannot now be determined. His administration is mentioned by Marcellinus as an era of unusual improvement, and is also recorded by Aurelius Victor (Trajan) as a bright but solitary instance of reform, which checked the downward progress occasioned by the avarice and oppression of provincial governors. He is often spoken of in the letters of Libanius; and several letters of Libanius are extant addressed directly to Anatolius, and, for the most part, asking favours or recommending friends. We would refer especially to the letters 18, 466, 587, as illustrating the character of Anatolius. When he received from Constantius his appointment to the praefecture of Illyricum, he said to the emperor, " Henceforth, prince, no dignity shall shelter the guilty from punishment; henceforth, no one who violates the laws, however high may be his judicial or military rank, shall be allowed to depart with impunity." It appears that he acted up to his virtuous resolution. He was not only an excellent governor, but extremely clever, of very various abilities, eloquent, indefatigable, and ambitious. Part of a panegyric upon Anatolius composed by the sophist Himerius, has been preserved by Photius, but little if anything illustrative of the real character of Anatolius is to be collected from the remains of this panegyric. (Wernsdorff, ad H-imerium, xxxii. and 297.) If we would learn something of the private history of the man, we must look into the letters of Libanius and the life of Proaeresius by Eunapius. In the 18th letter of Libanius, which is partly written in a tone of pique and persiflage, it is difficult to say how far the censure and the praise are ironical. Libanius seems to insinuate, that his powerful acquaintance was stunted and ill-favoured in person; did not scruple to enrich himself by accepting presents voluntarily offered; was partial to the Syrians, his own countrymen, in the distribution of patronage; and was apt, in his prosperity, to look down upon old friends. Among his accomplishments it may be mentioned that he was fond of poetry, and so much admired the poetic effusions of Milesius of Smyrna, that he called him Milesius the Muse. Anatolius himself received from those who wished to detract from his reputation the nickname 'Agvrp'wv, a word which has puzzled the whole tribe of commentators and lexicographers, including Faber, Ducange, and Toup. It is probably connected in some way with the stage, as Eunapius refers for its explanation to the KcalKoad5ltrwV,r jE AuAv XopJs. He was a heathen, and clung to his religion at a time when heathenism was unfashionable, and when the tide of opinion had begun to set strongly towards Christianity. It is recorded, that, upon his arrival in Athens, he rather ostentatiously performed sacrifices, and visited the temples of the gods. An error of importance concerning Anatolius )ccurs in a work of immense learning and deservedly high authority. Jac. Godefroi states, in the Prosopographia attached to his edition of the Theoldosian Code, that 16 letters of St. Basil the Great viz. letters 391-406) are addressed to Anatolius. Chis error, which we have no doubt originated "rom the accidental descent of a sentence that beonged to the preceding article on A mphilochius, Las been overlooked in the revision of Ritter. The Anatolius who was P. P. of Illyricum is,elieved by some to have been skilled in agriculare and medicine as well as in law. It is possible ANATOLIUS. 161 that he was identical with the Anatolius who is often cited in the Geoponica by one or other of the three names, Anatolius, Vindanius, (or Vindanianus,) Berytius. These names have sometimes been erroneously supposed to designate three different individuals. (Niclas, Prolegom. ad Geopon. p. xlviii. n.) The work on Agriculture written by this Anatolius, Photius (Cod. 163) thought the best work on the subject, though containing some marvellous and incredible things. Our Anatolius may also be identical with the author of a treatise concerning Sympathies and An tipalhies (repi t svi.uraae0EtSv ial 'AvrTiraOeEI), the remains of which may be found in Fabricius (Bib!. Gr. iv. p. 29); but we are rather disposed to attribute this work to Anatolius the philosopher, who was the master of lamblichus (Brucker, Hist. Phil. vol. ii. p. 260), and to whom Porphyry addressed Hiomerio Questions. Other contemporaries of the same name are mentioned by Libanius, and errors have frequently been committed from the great number of Anatolii who held office under the Roman emperors. Thus our Anatolius has been confounded with the magister qoiciorum who fell in the battle against the Persians at Maranga, A. D. 363, in which Julian was slain. (Am. Marc. xx. 9. ~ 8, xxv. 6. ~ 5.) [J. T. G.] ANATO'LIUS, professor of law at BeERYTUS. In the second preface to the Digest (Const. Tanta. ~ 9), he is mentioned by Justinian, with the titles vir illustris, emagister, among those who were employed in compiling that great work, and is complimented as a person descended from an ancient legal stock, since both his father Leontius and his grandfather Eudoxius " optimam sui memoriams in leqibus reliquerunt." He wrote notes on the Digest, and a very concise commentary on Justinian's Code. Both of these works are cited in the Basilica. Matthaeus Blastares (in Prwaef Syntag.) states, that the " professor (dVrlKiverwp) Thalelaeus edited the Code at length; Theodorus Hermopolites briefly; Anatolius still more briefly; Isidorus more succinctly than Thalelaeus. but more diffusely than the other two." It is possibly from some misunderstanding or some misquotation of this passage, that Terrasson (Histoire de la Juerisp. Rom. p. 358) speaks of an Anatolius different from the contemporary of Justinian, and says that this younger Anatolius was employed by the emperor Phocas, conjointly with Theodorus Hermopolites and Isidorus, to translate Justinian's Code into Greek. This statement, for which we have been able to find no authority, seems to be intrinsically improbable. The Constitutio, Omnem (one of the prefaces of the Digest), bears date A. D. 533, and is addressed, among others, to Theodorus, Isidorus, and Anatolius. Now, it is very unlikely that three jurists of similar name should be employed conjointly by the emperor Phocas, who reigned A. D. 602-610. There was probably some confusion in the mind of Terrasson between the emperor Phocas and a jurist of the same name, who was contemporary with Justinian, and commented upon the Code. Anatolius held several offices of importance. He was advocatusfisci, and was one of the majores judices nominated by Justinian in Nov. 82. c. 1. Finally, he filled the office of consul, and was appointed curator divinae domus et rei privatae. In the exercise of his official functions he became unpopular, by appropriating to himself, under colour of confiscations to the emperor, the effects of deM
Page 162 162 ANAXAGORAS. ceased persons, to the exclusion of their rightful heirs. He perished in A. D. 557, in an earthquake at Byzantium, whither he had removed his residence from Berytus. (Agath.IHist. v. 3.) [J. T. G.] ANATO'LIUS ('AvardAtos), Patriarch of CONSTANTINOPLE (A. D. 449), presided at a synod at Constantinople (A. D. 450) which condemned Eutyches and his followers, and was present at the general council of Chalcedon (A. D. 451), out of the twenty-eighth decree of which a contest sprung up between Anatolius and Leo, bishop of Rome, respecting the relative rank of their two sees. A letter from Anatolius to Leo, written upon this subject in A. D. 457, is still extant. (Cave, Hist. Lit. A. D. 449.) [P. S.] ANATO'LIUS ('Arer6AtoS), Bishop of LAoDICEA (A. D. 270), was an Alexandrian by birth. Eusebius ranks him first among the men of his age, in literature, philosophy, and science, and states, that the Alexandrians urged him to open a school of Aristotelian philosophy. (H. E. vii. 32.) IHe was of great service to the Alexandrians when they were besieged by the Romans, A. D. 262. From Alexandria he went into Syria. At Caesarea he was ordained by Theotechnus, who destined him to be his successor in the bishopric, the duties of which he discharged for a short time as the vicar of Theotechnus. Afterwards, while proceeding to attend a council at Antioch, he was detained by the people of Laodicea, and became their bishop. Of his subsequent life nothing is known; but by some he is said to have suffered martyrdom. He wrote a work on the chronology of Easter, a large fragment of which is preserved by Eusebius. (1. c.) The work exists in a Latin translation, which some ascribe to Rufinus, under the title of " Volumen de Paschate," or " Canones Paschales," and which was published by Aegidius Bucherius in his Doctrina Temporum, Antverp., 1634. He also wrote a treatise on Arithmetic, in ten books (Hieron. de Vir. Illust. c. 73), of which some fragments are preserved in the GeoAoyoedueva TrS 'ApO erTncrs. Some fragments of his mathematical works are printed in Fabric. Bib. Grace. iii. p. 462. [P. S.] ANAX (Ava(). 1. A giant, son of Uranus and Gaea, and father of Asterius. The legends of Miletus, which for two generations bore the name of Anactoria, described Anax as king of Anactoria; but in the reign of his son the town and territory were conquered by the Cretan Miletus, who changed the name Anactoria into Miletus. (Paus. i. 35. ~ 5, vii. 2. ~ 3.) 2. A surname or epithet of the gods in general, characterizing them as the rulers of the world; but the plural forms, "AMCzes, or 'AvatcrTs, or "AvaMes Tra7cs8, were used to designate the Dioscuri. (Paus. ii. 22. ~ 7, x. 38. ~ 3; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 31; Aelian. V. H. v. 4; Plut. Thes. 33.) In the second of the passages of Pausanias here referred to, in which he speaks of a temple of the "Avaices 7ra7Ts at Amphissa, he states, that it was a doubtful point whether they were the Dioscuri, the Curetes, or the Cabeiri; and from this circumstance a connexion between Amphissa and Samothrace has been inferred. (Comp. Eustath. ad Horn. pp. 182, 1598.) Some critics identify the Anaces with the Enakim of the Hebrews. [L. S.] ANAXA'GORAS ('Avaa-ydpas), a Greek philosopher, was born at Clazomenae in lonia about the year B. c. 499. His father, Hegesibulus, left him in the possession of considerable property, but ANAXAGORAS. as he intended to devote his life to higher ends, lie gave it up to his relatives as something which ought not to engage his attention. He is said to have gone to Athens at the age of twenty, during the contest of the Greeks with Persia, and to have lived and taught in that city for a period of thirty years. He became here the intimate friend and teacher of the most eminent men of the time, such as Euripides and Pericles; but while he thus gained the friendship and admiration of the most enlightened Athenians, the majority, uneasy at being disturbed in their hereditary superstitions, soon found reasons for complaint. The principal cause of hostility towards him must, however, be looked for in the following circumstance. As he was a friend of Pericles, the party which was dissatisfied with his administration seized upon the -disposition of the people towards the philosopher as a favourable opportunity for striking a blow at the great statesman. Anaxagoras, therefore, was accused of impiety. His trial and its results are matters of the greatest uncertainty on account of the different statements of the ancients themselves. (Diog. Laert. ii. 12, &c.; Plunt. Pericl. 32, Nicias, 23.) It seems probable, however, that Anaxagoras was accused twice, once on the ground of impiety, and a second time on that of partiality to Persia. In the first case it was only owing to the influence and eloquence of Pericles that he was not put to death; but he was sentenced to pay a fine of five talents and to quit Athens. The philosopher now went to Lampsacus, and it seems to have been during his absence that the second charge of /7eito'Jds was brought against him, in consequence of which he was condemned to death. He is said to have received the intelligence of his sentence with a smile, and to have died at Lampsacus at the age of seventy-two. The inhabitants of this place honoured Anaxagoras not only during his lifetime, but after his death also. (Diog. Laert. ii. c. 3; Diet. of Ant. s. v. 'Avaea'yopeia.) Diogenes Laertius, Cicero, and other writers, call Anaxagoras a disciple of Anaximenes; but this statement is not only connected with some chronological difficulties, but is not quite in accordance with the accounts of other writers. Thus much, however, is certain, that Anaxagoras struck into a new path, and was dissatisfied with the systems of his predecessors, the Ionic philosophers. It is he who laid the foundation of the Attic philosophy, and who stated the problem which his successors laboured to solve. The Ionic philosophers had endeavoured to explain nature and its various phenomena by regarding matter in its different forms and modifications as the cause of all things. Anaxagoras, on the other hand, conceived the necessity of seeking a higher cause, independent of matter, and this cause he considered to be voes, that is, mind, thought, or intelligence. This vo0s, however, is not the creator of the world, but merely that which originally arranged the world and gave motion to it; for, according to the axiomn that out of nothing nothing can come, he supposed the existence of matter from all eternity, though. before the voms was exercised upon it, it was in m chaotic confusion. In this original chaos ther( was an infinite number of homogeneous partl (dcoItogesp5) as well as heterogeneous ones. Th( vods united the former and separated from then what was heterogeneous, and out of this proces: arose the things we see in this world. Thi
Page 163 ANAXANDRIDES. union and separation, however, were made in such a manner, that each thing contains in itself parts of other things or heterogeneous elements, and is what it is, only on account of the preponderance of certain homogeneous parts which constitute its character. The vovs, which thus regulated and formed the material world, is itself also cognoscent, and consequently the principle of all cognition: it alone can see truth and the essence of things, while our senses are imperfect and often lead us into error. Anaxagoras explained his dualistic system in a work which is now lost, and we know it only from such fragments as are quoted from it by later writers, as Plato, Aristotle, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, Cicero, and others. For a more detailed account see Ritter, Gesch. d. lonisch. Philos. p. 203, &c.; Brandis, Rhein. Mius. i. p. 117, &c., Iandb, der Gesch. der Philos. i. p. 232, &c.; J. T. Hemsen, Anaxagoras Clazomenius, sive de Vita eius atque Philosophia, GBtting. 1821, 8vo.; Breier, Die Philosophie des Anaxagoras von Klazomeni nzaci Aristoteles, Berlin, 1840. The fragments of Anaxagoras have been collected by Schaubach: Anaocagorae Fragcmenta collegit, c(c., Leipzig, 1827, 8vo., and much better by Schorn, A naxagorae Fragmenta dispos. et illustr., Bonn, 1829, 8vo. [L. S.] ANAXA'GORAS ('Avaa-yo'pas), of Aegina, a sculptor, flourished about B. c. 480, and executed the statue of Jupiter in bronze set up at Olympia by the states which had united in repelling the invasion of Xerxes. (Paus. v. 23. ~ 2.) He is supposed to be the same person as the sculptor mentioned in an epigram by Anacreon (Anthol. Graec. i. p. 55, No. 6, Jacobs), but not the same as the writer on scene-painting mentioned by Vitruvius. [AGATHnARCHUs.] [P. S.] ANAXANDER ('AYvdavOpos), king of Sparta, 12th of the Agids, son of Eurycrates, is named by Pausanias as commanding against Aristomenes, and to the end of the second Messenian war, B. c. 668; but probably on mere conjecture from the statement of Tyrtaeus (given by Strabo, viii. p. 362), that the grandfathers fought in the first, the grandsons in the second. (Paus. iii. 3, 14. ~ 4, iv. 15. ~ 1, 16. ~ 5, 22. ~ 3; Plut. Apophth. Lac.) [A. H. C.] ANAXANDRA ('AvadvO'pa) and her sister Lathria, twin daughters of Thersander, Heraclide king of Cleonae, are said to have been married to the twin-born kings of Sparta, Eurysthenes and Procles; Anaxandra, it would seem, to Procles. An altar sacred to them remained in the time of Pausanias. (iii. 16. ~ 5.) [A. H. C.] ANAXANDRA, the daughter of the painter Nealces, was herself a painter about B. c. 228. (Didymus, ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 523, b., Sylb.) [P. S.] ANAXA'NDRIDES ('AvamavmpIans). 1. Son of Theopompus, the 9th Eurypontid king of Sparta; himself never reigned, but by the accession of Leotychides became from the seventh generation the father of the kings of Sparta of that branch. (See for his descendants in the interval Clinton's Fasti, ii. p. 204, and Herod. viii. 131.) 2. King of Sparta, 15th of the Agids, son of Leon, reigned from about 560 to 520 B. c. At the time when Croesus sent his embassy to form alliance with " the mightiest of the Greeks," i. e. about 554, the war with Tegea, which in the late reigns went against them, had now been decided ANAXARCHIUS. 163 in the Spartans' favour, under Anaxandrides and Ariston. Under them, too, was mainly carried on the suppression of the tyrannies, and with it the establishment of the Spartan hegemony. Having a barren wife whom he would not divorce, the ephors, we are told, made him take with her a second. By her he had Cleomenes; and after this, by his first wife Dorieus, Leonidas, and Cleombrotus. (Herod. i. 65-69, v. 39-41; Paus. iii. 3.) Several sayings are astribed to him in Plut. Apophth. Lac. (where the old reading is Alexandridas). With the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston commences the period of certain dates, the chronology of their predecessors being doubtful and the accounts in many ways suspicious; the only certain point being the coincidence of Polydorus and Theopompus with the first Messenian war, which itself cannot be fixed with certainty. (See for all this period Clinton's Fasti, i. app. 2 and 6, ii. p. 205, and Miiller's Dorians, bk. i. c. 7.) [A. H. C.] ANAXA'NDRIDES('Avamav3p6Ls), of Delphi, a Greek writer, probably the same as Alexandrides. [ALEXANDRIDES, and Plut. Quaest. Graec. c. 9.] ANAXA'NDRIDES ('AvaeavSpiS/'s), an Athenian comic poet of the middle comedy, was the son of Anaxander, a native of Cameirus in Rhodes. He began to exhibit comedies in B. c. 376 (MCarm. Par. Ep. 34), and 29 years later he was present, and probably exhibited, at the Olympic games celebrated by Philip at Dium. Aristotle held him in high esteem. (Rliet. iii. 10-12; Eth. Eud. vi. 10; Nicom. vii. 10.) He is said to have been the first poet who made love intrigues a prominent part of comedy. He gained ten prizes, the whole number of his comedies being sixty-five. Though he is said to have destroyed several of his plays in anger at their rejection, we still have the titles of thirty-three. Anaxandrides was also a dithyrambic poet, but we have no remains of his dithyrambs. (Suidas, s.v.; Athen. ix. p. 374; Meineke; Bode.) [P. S.] ANAXARCHUS ('Ava'dpXos), a philosopher of Abdera, of the school of Democritus, flourished about 340 B. c. and onwards. (Diog. Laert. ix. 58, p. 667, Steph.) lie accompanied Alexander into Asia, and gained his favour by flattery and wit. From the easiness of his temper and his love of pleasure he obtained the appellation of evSarioviKcos. When Alexander had killed Cleitus, Anaxarchus consoled him with the maxim "a king can do no wrong." After the death of Alexander, Anaxarchus was thrown by shipwreck into the power of Nicocreon, king of Cyprus, to whom he had given mortal offence, and who had him pounded to death in a stone mortar. The philosopher endured his sufferings with the utmost fortitude. Cicero (Tusc. ii. 21, de Nat. Deor. iii. 33) is the earliest authority for this tale. Of the philosophy of Anaxarchus we know nothing. Some writers understand his title ev3iailjovIKds as meaning, that he was the teacher of a philosophy which made the end of life to be e03asiovia, and they made him the founder of a sect called ev'Saeuovcos, of which, however, he himself is the only person mentioned. Strabo (p. 594) ascribes to Anaxarchus and Callisthenes the recension of Homer, which Alexander kept in Darius's perfume-casket, and which is generally attributed to Aristotle. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 10; Plut. Alex. 52; Plin. vii. 23; Aelian, V. I. ix. c. 37; Brucker, Hist. Philos. i. p. 1207; Dathe, Prolusio de Anaxarciho, Lips. 1762.) [P. S.] M 2
Page 164 164 ANAXIBIUS. ANAXA'RETE ('AvagapEfT?), a maiden of the island of Cyprus, who belonged to the ancient family of Teucer. She remained unmoved by the professions of love and lamentations of Iphis, who at last, in despair, hung himself at the door of her residence. When the unfortunate youth was going to be buried, she looked with indifference from her window at the funeral procession; but Venus punished her by changing her into a stone statue, which was preserved at Salamis in Cyprus, in the temple of Venus Prospiciens. (Ov. Mct. xiv. 698, &c.) Antoninus Liberalis (39), who relates the same story, calls the maiden Arsinoe, and her lover Arceophon. [L. S.] ANA'XIAS or ANAXIS ('Avagfas or'Avaeis), a son of Castor and Elaeira or Hilaeira, and brother of Mnasinus, with whom he is usually mentioned. The temple of the Dioscuri at Argos contained also the statues of these two sons of Castor (Paus. ii. 22. ~ 6), and on the throne of Amyclae both were represented riding on horseback. (iii. 18. ~ 7.) [L. S.] ANAXI'BIA ('AvatVifa). 1. A daughter of Bias and wife of Pelias, by whom she became the mother of Acastus, Peisidice, Pelopia, Hippothod, and Alcestis. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 10.) 2. A daughter of Cratieus, and second wife of Nestor. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 9.) 3. A daughter of Pleisthenes, and sister of Agamemnon, married Strophius and became the mother of Pylades. (Paus. i. 29. ~ 4; Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 764, 1235.) Hyginus (Fab. 117) calls the wife of Strophius Astyochea. Eustathius (ad II. ii. 296) confounds Agamemnon's sister with the daughter of Cratieus, saying that the second wife of Nestor was a sister of Agamemnon. There is another Anaxibia in Plut. de Flum. 4. [L. S.] ANAXIBIUS ('AYvatGosr), was the Spartan admiral stationed at Byzantium, to whom the Cyrean Greeks, on their arrival at Trapezus on the Euxine, sent Cheirisophus, one of their generals, at his own proposal, to obtain a sufficient number of ships to transport them to Europe. (B. c. 400. Xen. Anab. v. 1. ~ 4.) When however Cheirisophus met them again at Sinope, he brought back nothing from Anaxibius but civil words and a promise of employment and pay as soon as they came out of the Euxine. (Anab. vi. 1. ~ 16.) On their arrival at Chrysopolis, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, Anaxibius, being bribed by Pharnabazus with great promises to withdraw them from his satrapy, again engaged to furnish them with pay, and brought them over to Byzantium. Here he attempted to get rid of them, and to send them forward on their march without fulfilling his agreement. A tumult ensued, in which Anaxibius was compelled to fly for refuge to the Acropolis, and which was quelled only by the remonstrances of Xenophon. (Anab. vii. 1. ~ 1-32.) Soon after this the Greeks left the town under the command of the adventurer Coeratades, and Anaxibius forthwith issued a proclamation, subsequently acted on by Aristarchus the Harmost, that all Cyrean soldiers found in Byzantium should be sold for slaves. (Anab. vii. 1. ~ 36, 2. ~ 6.) Being however soon after superseded in the command, and finding himself neglected by Pharnabazus, he attempted to revenge himself by persuading Xenophon to lead the army to invade the country of the satrap; but the enterprise was stopped by the prohibition and threats of Aristarchus. (AZnab. vii. 2. ~ 5-14.) In ANAXILAUS. the year 389, Anaxibius was sent out from Sparta to supersede Dercyllidas in the command at Abydus, and to check the rising fortunes of Athens in the Hellespont. Here he met at first with some successes, till at length Iphicrates, who had been sent against him by the Athenians, contrived to intercept him on his return from Antandrus, which had promised to revolt to him, and of which he had gone to take possession. Anaxibius, coming suddenly on the Athenian ambuscade, and foreseeing the certainty of his own defeat, desired his men to save themselves by flight. His own duty, he said, required him to die there; and, with a small body of comrades, lie remained on the spot, fighting till he fell, B. c. 388. (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. ~ 32-39.) [E. E.] ANAXI'CRATES ('Avaerrcpi'rs), a Greek writer of uncertain date, one of whose statements is compared with one of Cleitodemus. He wrote a work on Argolis. (Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 19, ad Androm. 222.) ANAXIDA'MUS ('AvaSIaauos),king of Sparta, 11th of the Eurypontids, son of Zeuxidamus, contemporary with Anaxander, and lived to the conclusion of the second Messenian war, B. c. 668. (Paus. iii. 7. ~ 5.) [A. IH. C.] ANAXIDA'MUS ('Avai3eacos), an Achaean ambassador, sent to Rome in B. c. 1 64, and again in B.C. 155. (Polyb. xxxi. 6, 8, xxxiii. 2.) ANA'XILAS or ANAXILA'US ('Ava'Aaus, 'AviAmaos), an Athenian comic poet of the middle comedy, contemporary with Plato and Demosthenes, the former of whom he attacked in one of his plays. (Diog. Laert. iii. 28.) We have a few fragments and thle titles of nineteen of his comedies, eight of which are on mythological subjects. (Pollux, ii. 29, 34; x. 190; Athen. pp. 95, 171, 374, 416, 655; Meineke; Bode.) [P. S.] ANAXILA'US ('Ava(LAaos), a Greek historian, of uncertain date. (Dionys. Ant. Rom. i. 1; Diog. Laert. i. 107.) ANAXILA'US ('AmvcAsaos), of BYZANTIUM, one of the parties who surrendered Byzantium to the Athenians in B.c. 408. Hle was afterwards brought to trial at Sparta for this surrender, but was acquitted, inasmuch as the inhabitants were almost starving at the time. (Xen. Hell. i. 3. ~ 19; Plut. Ale. pp. 208, d., 209, a.; comp. Diod. xiii. 67, and Wesseling's note; Polyaen. i. 47. ~ 2.) ANAXILA'US ('Ava/haos) or ANA'XILAS ('AvaSiAas), tyrant of RHEGIUM, was the son of Cretines, and of Messenian origin. He was master of Rhegium in B. c. 494, when the Samians and other Ionian fugitives seized upon Zancle. Shortly afterwards he drove them out of this town, peopled it with fresh inhabitants, and changed its name into Messene. (Herod. vi. 22, 23; Thuc. vi. 4; comp. Aristot. Pol. v. 10. ~ 4.) In 480 lihe obtained the assistance of the Carthaginians for his father-in-law, Terillus of Himera, against Theron. (Herod. vii. 165.) The daughter of Anaxilaus was married to Hiero. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyti. i. 112.) Anaxilaus died in 476, leaving Micythus guardian of his children, who obtained possession of their inheritance in 467, but was soon afterwards deprived of the sovereignty by the people. (Diod. xi. 48, 66, 76.) The chronology of Anaxilaus has been discussed by Bentley (Diss. on Picalaris, p. 105, &c., ed. of 1777), who has shewu that the Anaxilaus of Pausanias (iv. 23. ~ 3) is the same as the one mentioned above.
Page 165 ANAXIMANDER. ANAXILA'US ('AvaiADos), a physician and Pythagorean philosopher, was born at Larissa, but at which city of that name is not certain. He was banished by the Emperor Augustus from Rome and Italy, B. c. 28, on account of his being accused of being a magician (Euseb. Chron. ad Olymp. clxxxviii.), which charge, it appears, originated in his possessing superior skill in natural philosophy, and thus performing by natural means certain wonderful things, which by the ignorant and credulous were ascribed to magic. These tricks are mentioned by St. Irenaeus (i. 13. ~ 1, p. 60, ed. Paris, 1710) and St. Epiphanius (Adv. ITaeres. lib. i. torn. iii. Haer. 14, vol. i. p. 232. ed. Colon. 1682), and several specimens are given by Pliny (I1. N. xix. 4, xxv. 95, xxviii. 49, xxxii. 52, xxxv. 50), which, however, need not be here mentioned, as some are quite incredible, and the others may be easily explained. (Cagnati, Variae Observat. iii. 10, p. 213, &c., ed. Rom. 1587.) [W. A. G.] ANAXI'LIDES ('AzvathiXfs), a Greek writer, of uncertain date, the author of a work upon philosophers. (Diog Laert. iii. 2; Hieron. c. Jovin. 1.) ANAXIMANDER ('Avate'av3pos) of Miletus, the son of Praxiades, born B. c. 610 (Apollod. ap. Diog. Laert. ii. 1, 2), was one of the earliest philosophers of the Ionian school, and is commonly said to have been instructed by his friend and countryman Thales, its first founder. (Cic. Acad. ii. 37; Simplic. in Aristot. Phys. lib. i. fol. 6, a, ed. Ald.) He was the first author of a philosophical treatise in Greek prose, unless Pherecydes of Syros be an exception. (Themist. Orat. xxvi.) His work consisted, according to Diogenes, of summary statements of his opinions (reroihlrat KEcaAchaluy 77jV Oce'iE), and was accidentally found by Apollodorus. Suidas gives the titles of several treatises supposed to have been written by him; but they are evidently either invented, or derived from a misunderstanding of the expressions of earlier writers. The early Ionian philosophy did not advance beyond the contemplation of the sensible world. But it was not in any proper sense experimental; nor did it retain under the successors of Thales the mathematical character which seems to have belonged to him individually, and which so remarkably distinguished the contemporary Italian or Pythagorean school. (Comp. Cousin, Hist. de la Phil. Lee. vii.) The physiology of Anaximander consisted chiefly of speculations concerning the generation of the existing universe. He first used the word dpX) to denote the origin of things, or rather the material out of which they were formed: he held that this dpys was the infinite (-rb crEpov), everlasting, and divine (Arist. Phys. iii. 4), though not attributing to it a spiritual or intelligent nature; and that it was the substance into which all things were resolved on their dissolution. (Simplic. 1. c.) We have several more particular accounts of his opinions on this point, but they differ materially from each other. According to some, the direipov was a single determinate substance, having a middle nature between water and air; so that Anaximander's theory would hold a middle place between those of Thales and Anaximenes, who deduced everything from the two latter elements respectively; and the three systems would exhibit a gradual progress from the contemplation of the sensible towards ANAXIMANDER. I65 that of the intelligible (compare the doctrine of Anaximenes concerning air, Plut. de Plac. Phil. i. 3), the last step of which was afterwards to be taken by Anaxagoras in the introduction of vovs. But this opinion cannot be distinctly traced in any author earlier than Alexander of Aphrodisias (ap. Simpl. Phys. fol. 32, a.), though Aristotle seems to allude to it (de Coel. iii. 5). Other accounts represent Anaximander as leaving the nature of the d-areipov indeterminate. (Diog. Laert. 1. c.; Simplic. Piys. fol. 6, a; Plut. Plac. Ph.. i. 3.) But Aristotle in another place (Metaph. xi. 2), and Theophrastus (ap. Simpl. Phys. fol. 6, b, 33, a), who speaks very definitely and seems to refer to Anaximander's own words, describe him as resembling Anaxagoras in making the direipov consist of a mixture of simple unchangeable elements (the dsozoIEPdj of Anaxagoras). Out of this material all things were organized, not by any change in its nature, but by the concurrence of homogeneous particles already existing in it; a process which, according to Anaxagoras, was effected by the agency of intelligence (voss), whilst Anaximander referred it to the conflict between heat and cold, and to the affinities of the particles. (Plut. ap Euseb. Praep. Evang. i. 8.) Thus the doctrines of both philosophers would resemble the atomic theory, and so be opposed to the opinions of Thales, Anaximenes, and Diogenes of Apollonia, who derived all substances from a single but changeable principle. And as the elemental water of Thales corresponded to the ocean, from which Homer makes all things to have sprung, so the drespov of Anaximander, including all in a confused unorganized state, would be the philosophical expression of the Chaos of Hesiod. (Ritter, art. Anaximander, in Ersch and Gruber's Encycl.) In developing the consequences of his fundamental hypothesis, whatever that may really have been, Anaximander did not escape the extravagances into which a merely speculative system of physics is sure to fall. He held, that the earth was of a cylindrical form, suspended in the middle of the universe, and surrounded by water, air, and fire, like the coats of an onion; but that the exterior stratum of fire was broken up and collected into masses; whence the sun, moon, and stars; which, moreover, were carried round by the three spheres in which they were respectively fixed. (Euseb. 1. c.; Plut. de Plac. ii. 15, 16; Arist. de Coel. ii. 13.) According to Diogenes, he thought that the moon borrowed its light from the sun, and that the latter body consisted of pure fire and was not less than the earth; but the statements of Plutarch (de Plac. ii. 20, 25) and Stobaeus (Eel. i. 26, 27) are more worthy of credit; namely, that he made the moon 19 and the sun 28 times as large as the earth, and thought that the light of the sun issued through an orifice as large as the earth; that the moon possessed an intrinsic splendour, and that its phases were caused by a motion of rotation. For his theory of the original production of animals, including man, in water, and their gradual progress to the condition of land animals, see Plut. de Plac. v. 19; Euseb. I. c.; Plut. Symnpos. viii. 8; Orig. Phil. c. 6; and compare Diod. i. 7. He held a plurality of worlds, and of gods; but in what sense is not clear. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 10; Plut. de Plac. i. 7.) The use of the Gnomon was first introduced
Page 166 166 ANAXIMENES. into Greece by Anaximander or his contemporaries. (Favorin. ap. Diog. 1. c.; Plin. ii. 8; Herod. ii. 109.) The assertion of Diogenes that he invented this instrument, and also geographical maps, cannot be taken to prove more than the extent of his reputation. On the subject of the Gnomon, see Salmas. Plin. Exercit. p. 445, b, G, ed. Utrecht, 1689, and Schaubach, Gesch. cd. Griech. Astronomite, p. 119, &c. It probably consisted of a style on a horizontal plane, and its first use would be to determine the time of noon and the position of the meridian by its shortest shadow during the day; the time of the solstices, by its shortest and longest meridian shadows; and of the equinoxes, by the rectilinear motion of the extremity of its shadow: to the latter two purposes Anaximander is said to have applied it; but since there is little evidence that the ecliptic and equinoctial circles were known in Greece at this period, it must be doubted whether the equinox was determined otherwise than by a rough observation of the equality of day and night. (Schaubach, p. 140, &c.) Anaximander flourished in the time of Polycrates of Samos, and died soon after the completion of his 64th year, in 01. Iviii. 2 (B. c. 547), according to Apollodorus. (ap. Diog. 1. c.) But since Polycrates began to reign B. c. 532, there must be some mistake in the time of Anaximander's death, unless the elder Polycrates (mentioned by Suidas, s. v. "IgvICo) be meant. (Clinton, Fast. Hlell.) (For the ancient sources of information see Preller, H[list. Philosoph. Graeco-Romanaen ex fintium locis contexta.) [W. F. D.] ANAXI'MENES ('Avaue'is), who is usually placed third in the series of Ionian philosophers, was born at Miletus, like Thales and Anaximander, with both of whom he had personal intercourse: for besides the common tradition which makes him a disciple of the latter, Diogenes Laertius quotes at length two letters said to have been written to Pythagoras by Anaximenes; in one of which he gives an account of the death of Thales, speaking of him with reverence, as the first of philosophers, and as having been his own teacher. In the other, he congratulates Pythagoras on his removal to Crotona from Samos, while he was himself at the mercy of the tyrants of Miletus, and was looking forward with fear to the approaching war with the Persians, in which he foresaw that the lonians must be subdued. (Diog. Laert. ii. 3, &c.) There is no safe testimony as to the exact periods of the birth and death of Anaximenes: but since there is sufficient evidence that he was the teacher of Anaxagoras, B. c. 480, and he was in repute in B. c. 544, he must have lived to a great age. (Strab. xiv. p. 645; Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 11; Origen, vol. iv. p. 238.) The question is discussed by Clinton in the Philological Museum. (Vol. i. p. 86, &c.) Like the other early Greek philosophers, he employed himself in speculating upon the origin, and accounting for the phenomena, of the universe: and as Thales held water to be the material cause out of which the world was made,, so Anaximenes considered air to be the first cause of all things, the primary form, as it were, of matter, into which the other elements of the univerj were resolvable. (Aristot. Melaph. i. 3.) For both philosophers seem to have thought it possible to simplify physical science by tracing all material things up to a single element: while Anaximander, on the con ANAXIMENES. trary, regnrded the substance out of which the universe was formed as a mixture of all elements and qualities. The process by which, according to Anaximenes, finite things were formed from the infinite air, was that of compression and rarefaction produced by motion which had existed from all eternity: thus the earth was created out of air made dense, and from the earth the sun and the other heavenly bodies. (Plut. ap. Euseb. Praep..Evang. i. 8.) According to the same theory, heat and cold were produced by different degrees of density of the primal element: the clouds were formed by the thickening of the air; and the earth was kept in its place by the support of the air beneath it and by the flatness of its shape. (Plut. de Pr. Frig. 7, de Plac. Ph. iii. 4; Aristot. Metaph. ii. 13.) Hence it appears that Anaximenes, like his predecessors, held the eternity of matter: nor indeed does he seem to have believed in the existence of anything immaterial; for even the human soul, according to his theory, is, like the body, formed of air (Plut. de Plac. Ph. i. 3); and he saw no necessity for supposing an Agent in the work of creation, since he held that motion was a natural and necessary law of the universe. It is therefore not unreasonable in Plutarch to blame him, as well as Anaximander, for assigning only the material, and no efficient, cause of the world in his philosophical system. (Plut. 1. c.) [C. E. P.] ANAXI'MENES ('Aevaerpjs) of LAMFlsACUS, son of Aristocles, and pupil of Zoilus and Diogene, the Cynic. He was a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom he is said to have instructed, and whom he accompanied on his Asiatic expedition. (Suidas, s. v.; Eudoc. p. 51; comp. Diog. Laert. v. 10; Diod. xv. 76.) A pretty anecdote is related by Pausanias (vi. 18. ~ 2) and Suidas, about the manner in which he saved his native town from the wrath of Alexander for having espoused the cause of the Persians. His grateful fellow-citizens rewarded him with a statue at Olympia. Anaximenes wrote three historical works: 1. A history of Philip of Macedonia, which consisted at least of eight books. (Harpocrat. s. v. KagevAs, 'XAAdvro'ros; Eustratius. ad Aristot. Eth. iii. 8.) 2. A history of Alexander the Great. (Diog. Laert. ii. 3; Harpocrat. s. v. 'AAbriaXos, who quotes the 2nd book of it.) 3. A history of Greece, which Pausanias (vi. 18. ~ 2) calls 7rd v "EAieow dpxalia, which, however, is more commonly called Trpcra lo'ropiaI or 7rpcdrmT lorTopia. (Athen. vi. p. 231; Diod. xv. 89.) It comprised in twelve books the history of Greece from the earliest mythical ages down to the battle of Mantineia and the death of Epaminondas. He was a very skilful rhetorician, and wrote a work calumniating the three great cities of Greece, Sparta, Athens, and Thebes, which he published under the name of Theopompus, his personal enemy, and in which he imitated the style of the latter so perfectly, that every one thought it to be really his work. This production Anaximenes sent to those cities, and thus created exasperation against his enemy in all Greece. (Paus. vi. 8. ~ 3; Suid. I. c.) The histories of Anaximenes, of which only very few fragments are now extant, are censured by Plutarch (Praec. Pol. 6) for the numerous prolix and rhetorical speeches he introduced in them. (Comp. Dionys. Hal. De Isaeo, 19; De admn. vi die. Dnemosth. 8.) The fact that we possess so little of his histories, shews that the ancients did not
Page 167 ANCAEUS. think highly of them, and that they were more of a rhetorical than an historical character. He enjoyed some reputation as a teacher of rhetoric and as an orator, both in the assembly of the people and in the courts of justice (Dionys. Hal. 1. c.; Paus. 1. c.), and also wrote speeches for others, such as the one which Euthias delivered against Phryne. (Athen. xiii. p. 591; comp. Harpocr. s. v. Edieas.) There have been critics, such as Casaubon (ad Dioy. Laert. ii. 3), who thought that the rhetorician and the historian Anaximenes were two distinct persons; but their identity has been proved by very satisfactory arguments. What renders him a person of the highest importance in the history of Greek literature, is the following fact, which has been firmly established by the critical investigations of our own age. He is the only rhetorician previous to the time of Aristotle whose scientific treatise on rhetoric is now extant. This is the so-called 'PwropIcsK Trpos 'AXEiav~pov, which is usually printed, among the works of Aristotle, to whom, however, it cannot belong, as all critics agree. The opinion that it is a work of Anaximenes was first expressed by P. Victorius in his preface to Aristotle's Rhetoric, and has been firmly established as a fact by Spengel in his swvvaywry) "rEXvcv, "Sive Artium Scriptores ab initiis usque ad editos Aristotelis de rhetorica libros," Stuttgard, 1828, p. 182. &c. (Comp. Quintil. iii. 4. ~ 9 with the notes of Gesner and Spalding.) This Rhetoric is preceded by a letter which is manifestly of later origin, and was probably intended as an introduction to the study of the Rhetoric of Aristotle. The work itself is much interpolated, but it is at any rate clear that Anaximenes extended his subject beyond the limits adopted by his predecessors, with whose works he was well acquainted. He divides eloquence into forensic and deliberative, but also suggests that a third kind, the epideictic, should be separated from them. As regards the plan and construction of the work, it is evident that its author was not a philosopher: the whole is a series of practical suggestions how this or that subject should be treated under various circumstances, as far as argumentation, expression, and the arrangement of the parts of a speech are concerned. (Vossius, de Histor. Graec. p. 92, &c., ed. Westermann; Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. p. 86; Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredtsamkeit, ~ 69.) [L. S.] ANAXIPPUS ('Avitrrros), an Athenian comic poet of the new comedy, was contemporary with Antigonus and Demetrius Poliorcetes, and flourished about B. c. 303. (Suidas, s. v.) We have the titles of four of his plays, and perhaps of one more. (Meineke, i. pp. 469-70.) [P. S.] ANAXIS (CAvages), a Boeotian, wrote a history of Greece, which was carried down to B. c. 360, the year before the accession of Philip to the kingdom of Macedonia. (Diod. xv. 95.) ANAXO ('AvaCws). 1. [ALCMENE.] 2. A woman of Troezen, whom Theseus was said to have -arried off. After slaying her sons, he violated her laughters. (Plut. Thes. 29.) [L. S.] ANCAEUS ('AyiaoLo). 1. A son of the Ariadian Lycurgus and Creophile or Eurynome, and Father of Agapenor. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 2, iii. 9. S2, 10. ~ 8; Hygin. Fab. 173; Hornm. II. ii. 609.) tie was one of the Argonauts and partook in the Lalydonian hunt, in which he was killed by the ANCHIALUS. 167 boar. (Apollod. i. 9. ~~ 16 and 23; comp. Paus. viii. 5. ~ 2, 45. ~ 2; Apollon. Rhod. ii. 894; Ov. Met. viii. 400.) 2. A son of Poseidon and Astypalaea or Alta, king of the Leleges in Samos, and husband of Samia, the daughter of the river-god Maeander, by whom he became the father of Perilaus, Enodos, Samos, Alitherses, and Parthenope. (Paus. vii. 4. ~ 2; Callim. Hymn. in Del. 50.) This hero seems to have been confounded by some mythographers with Ancaeus, the son of Lycurgus; for, according to Hyginus (Fab. 14), Ancaeus, the son of Poseidon, was one of the Argonauts, but not the other; and Apollonius Rhodius (ii. 867, &c.) relates, that after the death of Tiphys, Ancaeus, the son of Poseidon, became the helmsman of the ship Argo, which is just what Apollodorus relates of Ancaeus, the son of Lycurgus. Lycophron (449), moreover, in speaking of the death of the son of Lycurgus by the Calydonian boar, mentions a proverb, which, according to the Scholiast on Apollonius (i. 185), originated with Ancaeus, the son of Poseidon. The story of the proverb runs thus" Ancaeus was fond of agricultural occupations, and planted many vines. A seer said to him that he would not live to taste the wine of his vineyard. When Ancaeus afterwards was on the point of putting a cup of wine, the growth of his own vineyard, to his mouth, he scorned the seer, who, however, answered, roAA IETOerad dA.is C'S TE ical xezAwo dicpwv, " There is many a slip between the cup and the lip." At the same instant a tumult arose, and Ancaeus was informed that a wild boar was near. He put down his cup, went out against the animal, and was killed by it. Hence this Greek phrase was used as a proverb, to indicate any unforeseen occurrence by which a man's plans might be thwarted. (See Thirlwall in Philolog. Museum, vol. i. p. 106, &c.) A third Ancaeus occurs in II. xxiii. 635. [L. S.] Q. ANCHA'RIUS. 1. A senator, and of praetorian rank, was killed by Marius on the return of the latter from Africa to Rome in B. c. 87 (Appian, B. C. i. 73.) 2. Tribune of the plebs in the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, B. c. 59. He took an active part in opposing the agrarian law of Caesar, and in consequence of his services to the aristocratical party obtained the praetorship in B. c. 56. He succeeded L. Piso in the province of Macedonia in the following year. (Cic. pro Sest. 53, in Pison. 36; Schol. Bob. pro Sest. p. 304, in Vatin. p. 317, ed. Orelli.) One of Cicero's letters is written to him (ad Fam. xiii. 40). ANCIHA'RIUS PRISCUS. [PRIscus.] ANCHE'SMIUS ('AyXao-ios), a surname of Zeus derived from the hill Anchesmus in Attica, on which, as on several Attic hills, there was a statue of the god. (Paus. i. 32. ~ 2.) [L. S.] ANCHI'ALE (7'Ayyali), a daughter of Japetus and mother of Cydnus, who was believed to have founded the town of Anchiale in Cilicia. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) Another personage of this name occurs in Apollon. Rhod. i. 1130. [L. S.] ANCHI'ALUS ('AyXiaAos). Three mythical personages of this name occur in Horn. Od. i. 180, viii. 112; 11. v. 60t [L. S.] ANCHI'ALUS, MICHAEL ('AyxaAos), patriarch of Constantinople from 1167 to 1185 A. D., was a warm opponent of the union of the Greek and Roman churches, and an eminent Aristotelian
Page 168 168 ANCHISES. ANDOCIDES. philosopher. His extant works are, 1. Five synodal gulf of Thermus near the Hellespont. (Conon, 46.) decrees, published in Greek and Latin in the JKs According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. ~ 2), Anchises Gr. Romn. (iii. p. 227), and 2. A dialogue with the had by Aphrodite a second son, Lyrus or Lyrnus, emperor Manuel Comnenus concerning the claims and Homer (II. xiii. 429) calls Hippodameia the of the Roman pontiff. Of the latter work only eldest of the daughters of Anchises, but does not some extracts have been published, by Leo Alla- mention her mother's name. An Anchises of tius. (De Eccles. Occident. atpque Orient. perpet. Sicyon occurs in II. xxiii. 296. [L. S.] Consens.) [P. S.] ANCHISI'ADES ('AyXlcriais), a patronymic ANCHI'NOE. [ACHIROE.] from Anchises, used to designate his son Aeneas ANCHIMO'LIUS ('AyXrLdo'Aos), the son of (Hom. II. xvii. 754; Virg. Aen. vi. 348), and Aster, was at the head of the first expedition sent Echepolus, the son of Anchises of Sicyon. (Horn. by the Spartans to drive the Peisistratidae out of II. xxiii. 296.) [L. S.] Athens; but he was defeated and killed, about ANCHU'RUS ('AyXvopos), a son of the Phryu. c. 511, and was buried at Alopecae in Attica. gian king Midas, in whose reign the earth opened (Herod. v. 63.) in the neighbourhood of the town of Celaenae in ANCII'SES ('AyXtorl), a son of Capys and Phrygia. Midas consulted the oracle in what Themis, the daughter of Ilus. His descent is manner the opening might be closed, and he was traced by Aeneas, his son (Hom. II. xx. 208, &c.), commanded to throw into it the most precious thing from Zeus himself. (Comp. Apollod. iii. 1 2. ~ 2; he possessed. He accordingly threw into it a great Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1232.) Hyginus (Fab. 94)makes quantity of gold and silver, but when the chasm him a son of Assaracus and grandson of Capys. still did not close, his son Anchurus, thinking that Anchises was related to the royal house of Troy life was the most precious of all things, mounted and king of Dardanus on mount Ida. In beauty his horse and leapt into the chasm, which closed he equalled the immortal gods, and was beloved by immediately. (Plut. Parall. 5.) [L. S.] Aphrodite, by whom he becamre the father of ANCUS MA'RCIUS, the fourth king of Rome, Aeneas. (Hom. II. ii. 820; Hes. Theoj. 1008; is said to have reigned twenty-three or twentyApollod. Iygin. II. cc.) According to the Homeric four years, from about B. c. 638 to 614. Accordhymn on Aphrodite (45, &c.), the goddess had ing to tradition he was the son of Numa's daughter, visited him in the disguise of a daughter of the and sought to tread in the footsteps of his grandPhrygian king Otreus. On parting from him, father by reestablishing the religious ceremonies she made herself known, and announced to him which had fallen into neglect. But a war with that he would be the father of a son, Aeneas, but the Latins called him from the pursuits of peace. she commanded him to give out that the child was He conquered the Latins, took many Latin towns, a son of a nymph, and added the threat that Zeus transported the inhabitants to Rome, and gave would destroy him with a flash of lightning if he them the Aventine to dwell on. These conquered should ever betray the real mother. When, there- Latins, according to Niebuhr's views, formed the fore, on one occasion Anchises lost controul over original Plebs. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Plebs.) It is his tongue and boasted of his intercourse with the related further of Ancus, that he founded a colony 'goddess, he was struck by a flash of lightning, at Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber; built a fortress which according to some traditions killed, but ac- on the Janiculum as a protection against Etruria. cording to others only blinded or lamed him. and united it with the city by a bridge across the (Hygin. 1. c.; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 648.) Virgil in Tiber; dug the ditch of the Quirites, as it was his Aeneid makes Anchises survive the capture of called, which was a defence for the open ground Troy, and Aeneas carries his father on his shoul- between the Caelian and the Palatine; and built a ders from the burning city, that he might be prison to restrain offenders, who were increasing assisted by his wise counsel during the voyage, for (Liv. i. 32, 33; Dionys. iii. 36-45; Cic. deRep Virgil, after the example of Ennius, attributes pro- ii. 18; Plut. Num. 21; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i phetic powers to Anchises. (Aen. ii. 687, with p. 352, &c.; Arnold, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 19.) Serv. note.) According to Virgil, Anchises died ANDO'BALES. [INDIBILIS.] soon after the first arrival of Aeneas in Sicily, and ANDO'CIDES ('AvS3omc'3s), one of the tei was buried on mount Eryx. (Aen. iii. 710, v. Attic orators, whose works were contained in th< 759, &c.) This tradition seems to have been Alexandrine Canon, was the son of Leogoras, an( firmly believed in Sicily, and not to have been was born at Athens in B. c. 467. He belonged ti merely an invention of the poet, for Dionysius of the ancient eupatrid family of the Ceryces, whI Halicarnassus (i. 53) states, that Anchises had a traced their pedigree up to Odysseus and the go( sanctuary at Egesta, and the funeral games cele- Hermes. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 834, b., Alcib. 21 brated in Sicily in honour of Anchises seem to comp. Andoc. de Redit. ~ 26; de IMy/ster. ~ 141. have continued down to a late period. (Ov. Fast. Being a noble, he of course joined the oligarchica iii. 543.) According to other traditions Anchises party at Athens, and through their influence ob died and was buried in Italy. (Dionys. L 64; tained, in B. c. 436, together with Glaucon, th Strab. v. p. 229; Aurel. Vict. De Orig. Gent. Rom. command of a fleet of twenty sail, which was t 10, &c.) A tradition preserved in Pausanias (viii. protect the Corcyraeans against the Corinthian, 12. ~ 5) states, that Anchises died in Arcadia, and (Thuc. i. 51; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. 1. c.) After thi was buried there by his son at the foot of a hill, he seems to have been employed on various occa which received from him the name of Anchisia. sions as ambassador to Thessaly, Macedonia, Me There were, however, some other places besides lossia, Thesprotia, Italy, and Sicily (Andoc. c. A, which boasted of possessing the tomb of Anchises; cib. ~ 41); and, although he was frequently a' for some said, that he was buried on mount Ida, in tacked for his political opinions (c. Alcib. ~ 8), h accordance with the tradition that he was killed yet maintained his ground, until in B. c. 415, whe there by Zeus (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 894), and he became involved in the charge brought again, others, that lihe was initerred in a place on the Alcibiades for having profaned the mysteries an
Page 169 ANDOCIDES. ANDOCIDES. 169 mutilated the IIermae. It appeared the more Thirty by Thrasybulus, when the gneral amnesty likely that Andocides was an accomplice in the then proclaimed made him hope that its benefit latter of these crimes, which was believed to be a would be extended to him also. He himself says preliminary step towards overthrowing the demo- (de Myst. ~ 132), that he returned to Athens from cratical constitution, since the Hermes standing Cyprus, from which we may infer, that although close to his house in the phyle Aegeis was among he was settled in Elis, he had gone from thence to the very few which had not been injured. (Plut. Cyprus for commercial or other purposes; for it 11. cc.; Nepos, Alcib. 3; Sluiter, Lee. A ndoc. c. 3.) appears that he had become reconciled to the Andocides was accordingly seized and thrown into princes of that island, as he had great influence prison, but after some time recovered his liberty and considerable landed property there. (De Red. by a promise that he would reveal the names of ~ 20, De lMyst. ~ 4.) In consequence of the gethe real perpetrators of the crime; and on the sug- neral amnesty, he was allowed to remain at Athens, gestion of one Charmides or Timaeus (de Myst. enjoyed peace for the next three years, and soon ~ 48; Plut. Alcib. 1. c.), he mentioned four, all of recovered an influential position. According to whom were put to death. He is said to have also Lysias (c. Andoc. ~ 33, comp. ~ 11), it was scarcely denounced his own father, but to have rescued ten days after his return that he brought an accuhim again in the hour of danger. But as Ando- sation against Archippus or Aristippus, which, cides was unable to clear himself from the charge, however, he dropped on receiving a sum of money. he was deprived of his rights as a citizen, and left During this period Andocides became a member Athens. (De Red. ~ 25.) He now travelled about of the senate, in which he appears to have posin various parts of Greece, and was chiefly engaged sessed great influence, as well as in the popular in commercial enterprises and in forming con- assembly. He was gymnasiarch at the Hephaenexions with powerful and illustrious persons. (De staea, was sent as architheorus to the Isthmian.lMyst. ~ 137; Lys. c. Andoc. ~ 6.) The means he and Olympic games, and was at last even enemployed to gain the friendship of powerful men trusted with the office of keeper of the sacred were sometimes of the most disreputable kind; treasury. But these distinctions appear to have among which a service he rendered to a prince in excited the envy and hatred of his former eneCyprus is particularly mentioned. (Comp. Plut. I.c.; mies; for in the year n. c. 400, Callias, supported Phot. Bibl. p. 488, ed. Bekker; Tzetz. Chil. vi. by Cephisius, Agyrrhius, Meletus, and Epichares, 373, &c.) In B. c. 411, Andocides returned to urged the necessity of preventing Andocides from Athens on the establishment of the oligarchical attending the assembly, as he had never been government of the Four Hundred, hoping that a formally freed from the civil disfranchisement. certain service he had rendered the Athenian ships But as Callias had but little hope in this case, he at Samos would secure him a welcome reception. brought against him the charge of having profaned (De Red. ~~ 11, 12.) But no sooner were the the mysteries and violated the laws respecting the oligarchs informed of the return of Andocides, than temple at Eleusis. (De Myst. ~ 110, &c.) The their leader Peisander had him seized, and accused orator pleaded his case in the oration still extant, him of having supported the party opposed to them "on the Mysteries" (Tr-p' rTv ouvo-rLTplwvv), and was at Samos. During his trial, Andocides, who per- acquitted. After this attempt to crush him, he ceived the exasperation prevailing against him, again enjoyed peace and occupied his former posileaped to the altar which stood in the court, and tion in the republic for upwards of six years, at the there assumed the attitude of a suppliant. This end of which, in B c. 394, he was sent as ambassaved his life, but he was imprisoned. Soon after- sador to Sparta respecting the peace to be conwards, however, he was set free, or escaped from cluded in consequence of Conon's victory off Cniprison. (De Red. ~ 15; Plut. 1. c.; Lysias. c. An- dus. On his return he was accused of illegal condoc. ~ 29.) duct during his embassy (7rapaTrpeceeias). The Andocides now went to Cyprus, where for a speech " On the peace with Lacedaemon" (Trepl His time he enjoyed the friendship of Evagoras; but, rpos AaKea.aaoUtovs elps'vrs), which is still extant, by some circumstance or other, he exasperated his refers to this affair. It was spoken in B. c. 393. friend, and was consigned to prison. Here again (Clinton places it in 391.) Andocides was found he escaped, and after the victory of the democra- guilty, and sent into exile for the fourth time. He tical party at Athens and the abolition of the Four never returned afterwards, and seems to have Iundred, he ventured once more to return to died soon after this blow. Athens; but as he was still suffering under the Andocides appears to have left no issue, since at sentence of civil disfranchisement, he endeavoured the age of seventy he had no children (de Myst. )y means of bribes to persuade the prytanes to ~~ 146, 148), though the scholiast on Aristophanes illow him to attend the assembly of the people. (Vesp. 1262) mentions Antiphon as a son of AnFhe latter, however, expelled him from the city. decides. This was probably owing to his wanderLys. c. Andoo. ~ 29.) It was on this occasion, ing and unsteady life, as well as to his dissolute 3. c. 411, that Andocides delivered the speech still character. (De Myst. ~ 100.) The large fortune xtant "on his Return" (repl -rs deavrou KaBOdov), which he had inherited from his father, or acquired n which he petitioned for permission to reside at in his commercial undertakings, was greatly dimithens, but in vain. In this his third exile, An- nished in the latter years of his life. (De Myst. ocides went to reside in Elis (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. ~ 144; Lys. c. Andoc. ~ 31.) Andocides has no,. 835, a.; Phot. 1. c.), and during the time of his claims to the esteem of posterity, either as a man bsence from his native city, his house there was or as a citizen. Besides the three orations already ccupied by Cleophon, a manufacturer of lyres, mentioned, which are undoubtedly genuine, there iho had placed himself at the head of the demo- is a fourth against Alcibiades (KcTa 'AhAsuciCov), ratical party. (De Myst. ~ 146.) said to have been delivered by Andocides in B. c. Andocides remained in exile till the year B. c. 415; but it is in all probability spurious, though 03, after the overthrow of the tyranny of the it appears to contain genuine historical matter,
Page 170 170 ANDRAGATHUS. Taylor ascribed it to Phaeax, while others think it more probable that it is the work of some of the later rhetoricians, with whom the accusation or defence of Alcibiades was a standing theme. Besides these four orations we possess only a few fragments and some very vague allusions to other orations. (Sluiter, Lect. And. p. 239, &c.) As an orator Andocides does not appear to have been held in very high esteem by the ancients, as he is seldom mentioned, though Valerius Theon is said to have written a commentary on his orations. (Suidas, s. V. eo'wv.) We do not hear of his having been trained in any of the sophistical schools of the time, and he had probably developed his talents in the practical school of the popular assembly. Hence his orations have no mannerism in them, and are really, as Plutarch says, simple and free from all rhetorical pomp and ornament. (Comp. Dionys. Hal. de Lys. 2, de Thucyd. Jud. 51.) Sometimes, however, his style is diffuse, and becomes tedious and obscure. The best among the orations is that on the Mysteries; but, for the history of the time, all are of the highest importance. The orations are printed in the collections of the Greek orators by Aldus, H. Stephens, Reiske, Bekker, and others. The best separate editions are those of C. Schiller, Leipzig, 1835, 8vo., and of Baiter and Sauppe, Zurich, 1838. The most important works on the life and orations of Andocides are: J, 0. Sluiter, Lectiones A ndocideae, Leyden, 1804, pp. 1-99, reprinted at Leipzig, 1834, with notes by C. Schiller; a treatise of A. G. Becker prefixed to his German translation of Andocides, Quedlinburg, 1832, 8vo.; Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. pp. 47-57; Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredtsamkeit, ~~ 42 and 43. [L. S.] ANDRAEMON ('Avpaecuv). 1. The husband of Gorge, the daughter of the Calydonian king Oeneus, and father of Thoas. When Diomedes delivered Oeneus, who had been imprisoned by the sons of Agrius, he gave the kingdom to Andraemon, since Oeneus was already too old. (Apollod. i. 8. ~~ 1 and 6; Hoem. II. ii. 638; Paus. v. 3. ~ 5.) Antoninus Liberalis (37) represents Oeneus as resuming the government after his liberation. The tomb of Andraemon, together with that of his wife Gorge, was seen at Amphissa in the time of Pausanias. (x. 38. ~ 3.) Apollodorus (ii. 8. ~ 3) calls Oxylus a son of Andraemon, which might seem to allude to a different Andraemon from the one we are here speaking of; but there is evidently some mistake here; for Pausanias (1. c.) and Strabo (x. p. 463, &c.) speak of Oxylus as the son of Haemon, who was a son of Thoas, so that the Oxylus in Apollodorus must be a great-grandson of Andraemon. Hence Heyne proposes to read Ai'uoros instead of 'Avapaijoros. 2. A son of the Oxylus mentioned above, and husband of Dryope, who was mother of Amphissus by Apollo. (Ov. Met. ix. 363; Anton. Lib. 32.) There are two other mythical personages of this name, the one a son of Codrus (Paus. vii. 3. ~ 2), and the other a Pylian, and founder of Colophon. (Strab, xiv. p. 633.) [L. S.] ANDRAEMO'NIDES ('AvSpaijCovi'qs), a patronymic from Andraemon, frequently given to his son Thoas. Hom. II. ii. 638, vii. 168, &c.) [L. S.] ANDRA GATHUS ( ASapdyaOos) was left by PDemetrius in command of Amphipolis, B. c. 287, bat treacherously surrendered it to Lysimachus. (Polyaen. iv. 12. ~ 2.) ANDREAS. ANDRANODO'RUS, the son-in-law of Hiero, was appointed guardian of IHieronymus, the grandson of Iliero, after the death of the latter. He advised Hieronymus to break off the alliance with the Romans, and connect himself with Hannibal. After the assassination of Hieronymus, Andranodorus seized upon the island and the citadel with the intention of usurping the royal power; but finding difficulties in the way, he judged it more prudent to surrender them to the Syracusans, and was elected in consequence one of their generals. But the suspicions of the people becoming excited against him, he was killed shortly afterwards, B. c. 214. (Liv. xxiv. 4-7, 21-25.) A'NDREAS ('Av'piEas), of uncertain date, wrote a work on the cities of Sicily, of which the thirty-third book is referred to by Athenaeus. (xiv. p. 634, a.) A'NDREAS ('Avapeas), of Argos, a sculptor, whose time is not known. He made a statue of Lysippus, the Elean, victor in the boys'-wrestling. (Paus. vi. 16. ~ 5.) [P. S.] A'NDREAS ('AvapEs), the name of several Greek physicians, whom it is difficult to distinguish from each other. The Andreas Comes, quoted several times by Aetius (which title means Comes A rchiatrorum), was certainly the latest of all, and probably lived shortly before Aetius himself (that is, in the fourth or fifth century after Christ), as the title was only introduced under the Roman emperors. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Archiater.) If, for want of any positive data, all the other passages where the name Andreas occurs be supposed to refer to the same person (which may possibly be the case), he was a native of Carystus in Euboea (Cassius latros. Problem. Phys. ~ 58), the son of Chrysar or Chrysaor (d TUv Xpv'crapos or Xpvcrdopos), if the name be not corrupt (Galen, Explicat. Vocumn Hippocr. s. v. 'IvSucKV, vol. xix., p. 105), and one of the followers of Herophilus, (Cels. De Medic. v. Praef. p. 81; Soran. D( Arte Obstetr. c. 48. p. 101.) He was physiciar to Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt, and wam killed while in attendance on that prince, shortl) before the battle of Raphia (B. c. 217), by Theo dotus the Aetolian, who had secretly entered the tent with the intent to murder the king. (Polyb v. 81.) He wrote several medical works, of whicl nothing remains but the titles, and a few extract preserved by different ancient authors. He wa probably the first person who wrote a treatise o0 hydrophobia, which he called Kvvo'Xavoros. (Cae lius Aurel. De Morb. Acut. iii. 9, p. 218.) I one of his works Tepl 7Js 'clamrPIKjs FeveaAo-yia On iMledical Genealogy, lie is said by Soranus, i his life of Hippocrates (Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. I 851), to have given a false and scandalous accour of that great physician, saying that lie had bee obliged to leave his native country on account < his having set fire to the library at Cnidos; story which, though universally considered to I totally unfounded, was repeated with some vari tions by Varro (in Pliny, H. N. xxix. 2) ai John Tzetzes (Clil. vii. Hist. 155, in Fabriciu Biblioth. Graeca, vol. xii. p. 681, ed. vet.), and w, much embellished in the middle ages. (See Hi: of the Seven Wise lMasters, in Ellis's Specimens Early English Metrical Romances, vol. iii. p. 41 Eratosthenes is said to have accused Andreas plagiarism, and to have called him BmgXaiyiromr tihe Aegisthius^ (or Adulterer) of Books. (Etyms
Page 171 ANDREUS. ZiIagn. s. v. BidiaTiyurOos.) The name occurs in several ancient authors (Pliny, H. N. xx. 76, xxii. 19, xxxii. 27; St. Epiphanius, Adv. Haeres. i. 1. } 3, p. 3, ed. Colon. 1682; Schol. ad Aristoph. "Aves," v. 267; Schol. ad Nicand. " Theriaca," vv. 384, 823, &c.), but no other facts are related of im tVhat need be noticed here. (Le Clerc, Hist. de "a Mied; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. xiii. p. 57, ed. Tet.; Haller, Bibliok. Botan., Chirurg., and Medic. Pract.; Sprengel, Hist. de la M1d.; Isensee, Geshichte der Med.) [W. A. G.] ANDREAS, bishop of CAESAREA in Cappadoia, probably about 500 A. n., wrote a Commentary,n the Apocalypse, which is printed in the princilal editions of Chrysostom's works. He also wrote, work entitled " Therapeutica Spiritualis," fragients of which are extant in the " Eclogae tsceticae" of John, patriarch of Antioch. (Nessel, kat. Vindob. Pt.i., cod. 276, No. 1. p. 381.) [P.S.] ANDREAS, archbishop of CRETE, was a native f Damascus. He was first a monk at Jerusalem, 7hence he is called in some ancient writings " of erusalem" ('leporoAVjALr-s, d 'lepooArXvpAwv), then deacon at Constantinople, and lastly archbishop f Crete. His time is rather doubtful, but Cave as shewn that he probably flourished as early as. D. 635. (Hist. Lit. sub ann.) In 680 he was mnt by Theodorus, the patriarch of Jerusalem, to le 6th council of Constantinople, against the lonothelites, where he was ordained a deacon. ome lambics are still extant in which he thanks 'gathe, the keeper of the documents, for commuicating to him the acts of the synod. It seems to Ave been soon after this council that he was made 'chbishop of Crete. A doubtful tradition relates iat he died on the 14th of June, 724. (Fabric. 'ibl. Grace. xi. p. 64.) The works ascribed to im, consisting of Homilies, and Triodia and other ymns, were published by Combefisius, Par. 1644, 1., and in his Actuar-Nov, Par. 1648. A " Comitus Paschalis," ascribed to Andreas, was pubshed in Greek and Latin by Petavius. (Doctr. emp. iii. p. 393.) There is great doubt as to the muineness of several of these works. [P. S.] ANDREAS, bishop of SAMOSATA, about 430 SD., took part in the Nestorian controversy rainst Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, in answer whose anathemas he wrote two books, of the ast of which a large part is quoted by Cyril, in s Apol. adv. Orientales, and of the second some agments are contained in the Hodegus of Anastaas Sina'ita. Though prevented by illness from aing present at the council of Ephesus (A. D. 11), he joined Theodoret -in his opposition to e agreement between Cyril and John, and, like heodoret, he changed his course through fear, it at a much earlier period. About 436 he elded to the persuasions of John, and joined in e condemnation of Nestorius. Eight letters by m are extant in Latin in the " Epistolae Ephemae" of Lupus. [P. S.] ANDREOPU'LUS. [SYNTIPAS.] ANDREUS ('AvlSpeis), a son of the river-god meius in Arcadia, from whom the district about rchomenos in Boeotia was called Andreis. 'aus. ix. 34. ~ 5.) In another passage (x. 13. 3) Pausanias speaks of Andreus (it is, however, icertain whether he means the same man as the rmer) as the person who first colonized Andros. Tcording to Diodorus (v. 79) Andreus was one of e generals of Rhadamanthys, from whom he re ANDROCLUS. 171 ceived the island afterwards called Andros as a present. Stephanus of Byzantium, Conon (41), and Ovid (Met. xiv. 639), call this first colonizer of Andros, Andrus and not Andreus. [L.S.] ANDRISCUS ('Avpie-oos). 1. A man of low origin, who pretended to be a natural son of Perseus, king of Macedonia, was seized by Demetrius, king of Syria, and sent to Rome. He escaped, however, from Rome, and finding many partizans, assumed the name of Philip and obtained possession of Macedonia. His reign, which was marked by acts of cruelty, did not last much more than a year. He defeated the praetor Juventius, but was conquered by Caecilius Metellus, and conducted to Rome in chains to adorn the triumph of the latter, B. c. 148. (Liv. Epit. 49, 50, 52; Diod. Exc. xxxii. p. 590, &c., ed. Wess.; Polyb. xxxvii. Exc. Vatic. ed. Mai; Flor. ii. 14; Vellei. i. 11; Paus. vii. 13. ~ 1.) 2. A writer of uncertain date, the author of a work upon Naxos. (Athen. iii. p. 78, c.; Parthen. c. 9, 19.) ANDRO. [ANDRON.] ANDRO'BIUS, a painter, whose time and country are unknown. He painted Scyllis, the diver, cutting away the anchors of the Persian fleet. (Plin. xxxv. 40. ~ 32.) [P. S.] ANDROBU'LUS, a sculptor, celebrated as a maker of statues of philosophers. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. ~26.) [P. S.] ANDROCLEIDES ('AvIpoucA1iE s), a Theban, who was bribed by Timocrates, the emissary of Tissaphernes in n. c. 395, in order to induce t) Thebans to make war upon the Spartans, and thi bring back Agesilaus from Asia. (Xen. Hell. ii. 5.~ 1; Plut. Lys. 27; Paus. iii. 9. ~ 4.) An drocleides is mentioned in B. c. 382 as one of the leaders of the party opposed to Phoebidas, who had seized the citadel. (Xen. Hell. v. 2. ~ 31.) A'NDROCLES ('AvpoKc-As), an Athenian demagogue and orator. He was a contemporary and enemy of Alcibiades, against whom he brought forward witnesses, and spoke very vehemently in the affhir concerning the mutilation of the Hermae, B. c. 415. (Plut. Alcib. 19; Andocid. de Myster. ~ 27.) It was chiefly owing to his exertions that Alcibiades was banished. After this event, Androcles was for a time at the head of the democratical party; but during the revolution of B. c. 411, in which the democracy was overthrown, and the oligarchical government of the Four Hundred was established, Androcles was put to death. (Thuc. viii. 65.) Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 23) has preserved P sentence from one of Androcles' speeches, in whicJ he used an incorrect figure. [L. S.] ANDROCLUS, the slave of a Roman consular of whom the following story is related by Aulu Gellius (v. 14) on the authority of Appion Plistonices, who lived in the reigns of Tiberius and Caligula, and who affirmed that he himself had been a witness of the scene:-Androclus was sentenced to be exposed to the wild beasts in the circus; but a lion which was let loose upon him, instead of springing upon his victim, exhibited signs of recognition, and began licking him. Upon inquiry it appeared that Androclus had been compelled by the severity of his master, while in Africa, to run away from him. Having one day taken refuge in a cave from the heat of the sun, a lion entered, apparently in great pain, and seeing him, went up to him and held out his paw. An
Page 172 172 ANI~DROGEU'S. ANDROMACHUS. droclus found that a large thorn had pierced it, that originally Androgeus was worshipped as the which he drew out, and the lion was soon able to introducer of agriculture into Attica. [L. S.] use his paw again. They lived together for some ANDRO'MACHE ('Avppoadx?), a daughter of time in the cave, the lion catering for his benefac- Eetion, king of the Cilician Thebae, and one of the tor. But at last, tired of this savage life, Androclus noblest and most amiable female characters in the left the cave, was apprehended by some soldiers, Iliad. Her father and her seven brothers were brought to Rome, and condemned to the wild slain by Achilles at the taking of Thebae, and hei beasts. He was pardoned, and presented with the mother, who had purchased her freedom by a large lion, which he used to lead about the city. [C. P. M.] ransom, was killed by Artemis. She was marrie ANDROCY'DES ('AvapoicV'Ss), of Cyzicus, a to Hector, by whom she had a son, Scamandriui Greek painter, a contemporary and rival of Zeuxis, (Astyanax), and for whom she entertained the mos flourished from 400 to 377 B. c. (Plin. xxxv. 36. tender love. (Apollod. iii. 11. ~ 6.) See th( ~ 3.) He painted, partly on the spot and partly beautiful passage in Homer, II. vi. 390-502 in Thebes, a skirmish of horse which took place where she takes leave of Hector when he is goinj near Plataeae shortly before the battle of Leuctra to battle, and her lamentations about his fall, xxii (Plut. Pelop. 25), and a picture of Scylla sur- 460, &c.; xxiv. 725, &c. On the taking of Tro: rounded by fishes. The latter picture was much her son was hurled from the wall of the city, an< praised for the beauty of the fishes, on which the she herself fell to the share of Neoptolemu artist was supposed to have bestowed the more (Pyrrhus), the son of Achilles, who took her t pains, on account of his being fond of fish. (Plut. Epeirus, and to whom she bore three sons, Molos Quaest. Conv. iv. 4. ~ 2; Polemo, ap. Athen. viii. sus, Pielus, and Pergamus. Here she was foun p. 341, a.) [P. S.] by Aeneas on his landing in Epeirus, at the me ANDROCY'DES ('AvepoKicu1s), a Greek phy- ment she was offering up a sacrifice at the tomb ( sician, who lived in the reign of Alexander the her beloved Hector. (Virg. Aen. iii. 295, &c. Great, B. c. 336-323. There is a story told of comp. Paus. i. 11. ~ 1; Pind. Nem. iv. 82, vii. 50. him by Pliny (H. N. xiv. 7), that he wrote a let- After the death of Neoptolemus, or according 1 ter to that prince cautioning him against the im- others, after his marriage with Hermione, th moderate use of wine, which he called "the blood daughter of Menelaus and Helen, Andromach of the earth." It is mentioned also by the same became the wife of Helenus, a brother of her firn author (xvii. 37. ~ 10), that he ordered his pa- husband, Hector, who is described as a king ( tients to eat a radish as a preservative against Chaonia, a part of Epeirus, and by whom she bi intoxication, from having observed (it is said) that came the mother of Cestrinus. (Virg. 1. c.; Pau the vine always turned away from a radish if 1. c., ii. 23. ~ 6.) After the death of Helenu growing near it. It is very possible that this An- who left his kingdom to Molossus, Andromacl drocvdes may be the same person who is mentioned followed her son Pergamus to Asia. She was su] by Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. iv. 16 [al. 20] 20), posed to have died at Pergamus, where in aft( and also by Athenaeus. (vi. p. 258, b.) [W. A. G.] times a heroum was erected to her memory. (Pan ANDROETAS ('Avypoiras), of Tenedos, the i. 11. ~ 2; comp. Dictys Cret. vi. 7, &c.; Euri author of a lspirrAovs T7s U-IporrovTisos. (Schol. ad Andromache.) Andromache and her son Scamal Apoll. Rhod. ii. 159.) drius were painted in the Lesche at Delphi I ANDRO'GEUS ('Avapo6'yws), a son of Minos Polygnotus. (Paus. x. 25, in fin.) [L. S.] and PasiphaS, or Crete, who is said to have con- ANDRO'MACHIUS ('Avspo'yaXos). 1. Cor quered all his opponents in the games of the mander of the Eleans in B. c. 364, was defeated 1 Panathenaea at Athens. This extraordinary good the Arcadians and killed himself in consequenc luck, however, became the cause of his destruction, (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. ~ 19.) though the mode of his death is related differently. 2. Ruler of Tauromenium in the middle of ti According to some accounts Aegeus sent the man fourth century B. c., and the father of the histori: he dreaded to fight against the Marathonian bull, Timaeus, is said to have been by far the best who killed him; according to others, he was assas- the rulers of Sicily at that time. He assist, sinated by his defeated rivals on his road to Thebes, Timoleon in his expedition against Dionysius, B. whither he was going to take part in a solemn 344. (Diod. xvi. 7, 68; Plut. Timol. 10.) R contest. (Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 2, 15. ~ 7; Paus. i. specting the statement of Diodorus that he found 27. ~ 9.) According to Diodorus (iv. 60) it was Tauromenium, see Wesseling, ad Diod. xiv. 59. Aegeus himself who had him murdered near Oenoe, 3. The commander of the Cyprian fleet at t on the road to Thebes, because he feared lest An- siege of Tyre by Alexander, B.. 332. (Arrian, Anc drogeus should support the sons of Pallas against ii. 20.) He may have been the same Andromach him. Hyginus (Fab. 41) makes him fall in a who was shortly afterwards appointed governor battle during the war of his father Minos against Coele-Syria, and was burnt to death by the E the Athenians. (See some different accounts in maritans. (Curt. iv. 5, 8.) Plut. Thes. 15; Serv. ad Aen. vi. 14.) But the 4. The father of Achaeus [see p. 8, a], and t common tradition is, that Minos made war on the brother of Laodice, who married Seleucus Cali: Athenians in consequence of the death of his son. cus, was detained as a prisoner by Ptolemy Propertius (ii. 1. 64) relates that Androgeus was Alexandria, but was liberated about B. c. 320 restored to life by Aesculapius. He was worship- the intercession of the Rhodians. (Polyb. iv. I ped in Attica as a hero, an altar was erected to viii. 22.) him in the port of Phalerus (Paus. i. 1. ~ 4), and 5. Of Aspendus, one of Ptolemy Philopato games, advapoyew'va, were celebrated in his honour commanders at the battle of Raphia, in whi every year in the Cerameicus. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Antiochus the Great was defeated, B. c. 2. 'Avapo-yeCdQa.) He was also worshipped under After the battle Ptolemy left Andromachus the name Epvwyns, i. e. he who ploughs or pos- command of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. (Pol; sesses extensive fields, whence it has been inferred v. 64, 83, 85, 87.)
Page 173 ANDROMEDA.; 6. An ambassador of Ptolemy Philometor, sent o Rome B. c. 154. (Polyb. xxxiii. 5.) 7. A Greek grammarian, quoted in the Scholia pon Homer (II. v. 130), whom Corsini (Fast. Att. Diss. vi. p. 386), without sufficient reasons, upposed to be the author of the Etymologicum lagnum. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vi. p. 601.) 8. A Greek rhetorician, who taught at Nicomeeia in the reign of Domitian. (Eudoc. p. 58; nuid. s. v. 52piKCos.) ANDRO'MACHUS ('Avsp6oaXos). 1. Comlonly called " the Elder," to distinguish him from is son of the same name, was born in Crete, and was hysician to Nero, A. D. 54-68. He -is principally,lebrated for having been the first person on whom ie title of " Archiater" is known to have been )nferred (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Archiater), and also >r having been the inventor of a very famous )mpound medicine and antidote, which was called ter his name " Theriaca Andromachi,'' which ing enjoyed a great reputation, and which retains s place in some foreign Pharmacopoeias to the resent day. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Theriaca.) Anromachus has left us the directions for making iis strange mixture in a Greek elegiac poem, consting of one hundred and seventy-four lines, and sdicated to Nero. Galen has inserted it entire. two of his works (De Antid. i. 6, and De Ther. I Pis. c. 6. vol. xiv. pp. 32-42), and says,;at Andromachus chose this form for his reipt as being more easily remembered than uose, and less likely to be altered. The poem is been published in a separate form by Franc. idicaeus, Tiguri, 1607, 4to., with two Latin anslations, one in prose and the other in verse; id again by J. S. Leinker, Norimb. 1754, fol. is also inserted in the first volume of Ideler's Itysici et Medici Graeci Minores, Berol. 8vo. 1841. tere is a German translation in E. W. Weber's egyisclhe Dichter der HIellenen, Frankfort, 1826, 'o. Some persons suppose him to be the author a work on pharmacy, but this 'is generally attri-.ted to his son, Andromachus the Younger. 2. The Younger, so called to distinguish him from 3 father of the same name, was the son of the preling, and is supposed to have been also physician Nero, A. D. 54-68. Nothing is known of the ents of his life, but he is generally supposed to ve been the author of a work on pharmacy in rce books (Galen, De Compos. Medicam. sec. in. ii. 1. vol. xiii. p. 463), which is quoted very quently and with approbation by Galen, but of iich only a few fragments remain. [W. A. G.] ANDRO'MEDA ('Avupoisan?), a daughter of - Aethiopian king Cepheus and Cassiopeia. Her,ther boasted of her beauty, and said that she passed the Nereids. The latter prevailed on seidon to visit the country by an inundation, I a sea-monster was sent into the land. The cle of Ammon promised that the people should delivered from these calamities, if Andromeda s given up to the monster; and Cepheus, being iged to yield to the wishes of his people, chainAndromeda to a rock. Here she was found I saved by Perseus, who slew the monster and ained her as his wife. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 3; -gin. Fab. 64; Ov. Met. iv. 663, &c.) Androda had previously been promised to Phineus yginus calls him Agenor), and this gave rise to ftnamous fight of Phineus and Perseus at the tding, in which the former and all his associates ANDRONICUS. 173 were slain. (Ov. Met. v. 1, &c.) [PnERSUS.] Andromeda thus became the wife of Perseus, and bore him many children. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 5.) Athena placed her among the stars, in the form of a maiden with her arms stretched out and chained to a rock, to commemorate her delivery by Perseus. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 10, &c.; Eratosth. Cutast. 17; Arat Phaen. 198.) Conon (Narrat. 40) gives a wretched attempt at an historical interpretation of this mythus. The scene where Andromeda was fastened to the. rock is placed by some of the ancients in the neighbourhood of lope in Phoenicia, while others assign to it a place of the same name in Aethiopia. The tragic poets often made the story of Andromeda the subject of dramas, which are now lost. The moment in which she is relieved from the rock by Perseus is represented in an anaglyph still extant. (Les plus beaux Muonmesens de Rome, No. 63.) [L. S.] ANDRON ("Ai/3pwc). 1. Of Alexandria, whose work entitled Xpoviucda is referred to by Athenaeus. (iv. p. 184, b.) 2. Of Ephesus, who wrote a work on the Seven Sages of Greece, which seems to have been entitled Tphirovs. (Diog. Laert. i. 30, 119; Schol. ad Pind. Isth. ii. 17; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 332, b.; Suid. and Phot. s. v. auuiowv 6 Sjtilos; Euseb. Praep. Ev. x. 3.) 3. Of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian, who is mentioned by Plutarch (Thes.c. 25) in consjunction with Hellanicus. (Comp. Tzetzes, ad Lycophr. 894, 1283; Schol. ad Aescl. Pers. 183.) 4. Of Teos, the author of a Ilepinrous (Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 354), who is probably the same person as the one referred to by Strabo (ix. pp. 392, 456, 475), Stephanus of Byzantium, and others. He may also have been the same as the author of the IepI 2UvyYYEveIv. (Harpocrat. s. v. (opavT~Eov; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 946.) Comp. Vossius, De Histor. Graec. p. 285, ed. Westermann. ANDRON ("AYvpwe), a sculptor, whose age and country are unknown, made a statue of Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus. (Tatian, Orat. in Graec. 55, p. 119, Worth.) [P. S.] ANDRON ("Ai,'pcvv), a Greek physician, who is supposed by Tiraquellus (De Nobilitate, c. 31), and after him by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 58, ed. vet.), to be the same person as Andreas of Carystus [ANDREAS]; this, however, is a mistake which has arisen from their reading Andron in Pliny (II. N. xx. 76) instead of Andreas. He is mentioned by Athenaeus (xv. p. 680, e.), and seieral of his medical prescriptions are preserved by Celsus, Galen, Caelius Aurelianus, Oribasius, Afltius, Paulus Aegineta, and other ancient writers. None of his works are in existence, nor is anything known of the events of his life; and with respect to his date, it can only be said with certainty that, as Celsus is the earliest author who mentions him (De Med. v. 20, vi. 14, 18, pp. 92, 132, 133, 134), he must have lived some time before the beginning of the Christian era. (Le Clerc, Hist. de la Mid.; C. G. K'ihn, Index Medicorum Oculariorums inter Graecos Romanosque, Fascic. i. p. 4, Lips., 4to., 1829.) [W. A. G.] ANDRONICIA'NUS (AvapoVIKuvds), wrote two books against the Eunomiani. (Phot. Cod. 45.) ANDRONICUS ('Avpo'vIucos), ambassador of ATTALUS, sent to Rome in a. c. 156, to inform the Ssenate that Prusias had attacked the territories of
Page 174 174 ANDRONICUS. Attalus. (Polyb. xxxii. 26.) Andronicus was again sent to Rome in B. c. 149, and assisted Nicomedes in conspiring against his father Prusias. (Appian, Mithr. 4, &c.) ANDRONI'CUS ('Avapdvtcos), an AETOLIAN, the son of Andronicus, was put to death by the Romans, in B. c. 167, because he had-borne arms with his father against the Romans. (Liv. xlv. 31.) ANDRONI'CUS I. COMNE'NUS ('AvpoPiKos KoUrvnvo's), emperor of CONSTANTINOPLE, son of Isaac, grandson of Alexis T. and first-cousin of the emperor Manuel Comnenus, was born in the beginning of the twelfth century after Christ. The life of this highly gifted man, who deserves the name of the Byzantine Alcibiades, presents a series of adventures of so extraordinary a description, as to appear more like a romance than a history. Nature had lavished upon him her choicest gifts. His manly beauty was unparalleled, and the vigour of his body was animated by an enterprising mind and an undaunted spirit. Endowed with great capacities, he received a careful education, and the persuasive power of his eloquence was so great, that he was equally dangerous to kings and queens: three royal princesses were his concubines. For love and war were his predominant passions, but they both degenerated into luxury and cruelty. In every deed or mischief, says Gibbon (ch. 48), he had a heart to resolve, a head to contrive, and a hand to execute. In 1141 he was made prisoner by the TurksSeljuks, and remained during a year in their captivity. After being released, he received the command in Cilicia, and he went there accompanied by Eudoxia Comnena, the niece of the emperor Manuel, who lived on a similar footing with her sister Theodora. At the close of this war he received the government of Naissus, Braniseba, and Castoria; but the emperor soon afterwards ordered him to be imprisoned in Constantinople. He escaped from captivity after having been confined twelve years, and fled to Jaroslav, grand duke of Russia, and at Kiev obtained the pardon of his offended sovereign. He contrived an alliance between Manuel and Jaroslav against Hungary, and at the head of a Russian army distinguished himself in the siege of Semlin. Still suspected by Manuel, he was again sent to Cilicia. He staid some time at Antioch, and there seduced Philippa, the daughter of Raymond of Poitou, prince of Antioch, and the sister-in-law of the emperor Manuel, who had married her sister Maria. To escape the resentment of the emperor, he fled to Jerusalem, and thence eloped with Theodora, the widow of Baldwin III. king of Jerusalem, a Comnenian princess who was renowned for her beauty. They first took refuge at the court of Nur-ed-din, sultan of Damascus; thence they went to Baghdad and Persia, and at length settled among the Turks. He then proceeded to make war upon the emperor of Constantinople, and invaded the province of Trebizond, but the governor of this town succeeded in taking queen Theodora and the two children she had borne to Andronicus, and sent them to Constantinople. To regain them Andronicus implored the mercy of his sovereign, and after prostrating himself laden with chains to the foot of the emperor's throne, he retired to Oenoe, now Unieh, a town on the Black Sea in the present eyalet of Trebizond. There he lived quietly till the death of the emperor Manuel in 1180. ANDRONICUS. Manuel was succeeded by Alexis II., whom Andronicus put to death in the month of October 1183, and thereupon he ascended the throne. [ALEXIS II.] Agnes or Anna, the widow ol Alexis, and daughter of Louis VII. king of France. a child of eleven years, was compelled to marry Andronicus, who was then advanced in years His reign was short. He was hated by the nobles numbers of whom he put to death, but was belovec by the people. His administration was wise; ani he remedied several abuses in civil and ecclesias tical matters. William II., the Good, king o Sicily, whom the fugitive Greek nobles had per suaded to invade Greece, was compelled b; Andronicus to desist from his attack on Constanti nople and to withdraw to his country, after he ha( destroyed Thessalonica. Thus Andronicus though himself quite sure on the throne, when the im prudence of his lieutenant, the superstition Hagiochristophorites, suddenly caused a dreadfi rebellion. This officer resolved to put to death Isan Angelus, a noble but not a dangerous man; th people of Constantinople, however, moved to piti took arms for the rescue of the victim, and Isaac we proclaimed emperor. Andronicus was seized, an Isaac abandoned him to the revenge of his most in placable enemies. After having been carried throug the streets of the city, he was hanged by the feet bi tween the statues of a sow and a wolf, and in th: position was put to death by the mob. (12th September, 1185.) (Nicetas, Manuel Comnenu i. 1, iii. iv. 1-5; Alexis Manuelis Comn. Fil. 2, 9, &c.; Andronicus Comnenus; Guilielmus T rensis, xxi. 13.) [W. P.] ANDRONI'CUS II. PALAEO'LOGUS, / Elder (Avlpovbcos nI.aardio'yos), emperor of Co STANTINOPLE, the eldest son of the emper Michael Palaeologus, was born A. D. 1260. the age of fifteen he was associated with I father in the government, and he ascended t throne in 1283. Michael had consented to union between the Greek and Latin churches the second general council at Lyon, but Andronic was opposed to this measure, and was at long excommunicated by pope Clement V. in 13( During this the Greek armies were beaten by ( man, the founder of the Turkish empire, w gradually conquered all the Byzantine possessic in Asia. In this extremity Andronicus engap the army and the fleet of the Catalans, a numer( band of warlike adventurers, to assist him agail the Turks. Roger de Flor, or de Floria, the s of a German noble at the court of the empe Frederic II., the commander of these adventure accordingly went to Constantinople with a i merous fleet and an army of 8000 men. '1 emperor appointed him admiral of the empire, a conferred upon him the title of Caesar. T famous captain defeated the Turks in several gagements, but his troops ravaged the country their allies with as much rapacity as that of tl common enemies, and in order to get rid of th( the emperor caused Roger to be assassinated Adrianople. But the Catalans now turned tl arms against the Greeks, and after having des tated Thrace and Macedonia, they retired to Peloponnesus, where they conquered several ( tricts in which they maintained themselves. Michael, the son of Andronicus, was associa with his father in the throne. Michael had 1 sons, Andronicus and Manuel. Both loved
Page 175 ANDRONICUS. same woman without knowing that they were rivals, and by an unhappy mistake Manuel was slain by the hand of his brother. Their father, Michael, died of grief, and the emperor, exasperated against his grandson, showed some intention to exclude him from the throne. Thus a dreadful civil war, or rather three wars, arose between the emperor and his grandson, which lasted from 1321 till 1328, when at last the emperor was obliged to abdicate in favour of the latter. Andronicus the elder retired to a convent at Drama in Thessaly, where he lived as monk under the name of Antoaius. He died in 1332, and his body was buried in Constantinople. (Pachymeres, Andronicus Pa-!aeologus; Nicephorus Gregoras, lib. vi.-x.; Canta-:uzenus, i. 1, &c.) [W. P.] ANDRONICUS III. PALAEO'LOGUS, tihe Younger ('Av8povlKos ITaXaihauoyos), emperor of -ONSTANTINOPLE, was born in 1296, and sucweeded his grandfather in 1328, as has been reated in the preceding article. He was unsuc-:essful in his wars with the Turks; he lost the )attle of Philocrene against sultan Urkhan and lis brother Ala-ed-din, who had just organized he body of the Jannisaries, by whom Thrace was avaged as far as the Haemus. Equally unsuccessul against the Catalans in Greece, he was more ortunate against the Bulgarians, the Tartars of Ciptschak, and the Servians. He was twice married, first to Agnes or Irene, be daughter of Henry, duke of Brunswick, and fter her death to Anna, countess of Savoy, by thom he had two sons, John and Emanuel. At is death, in 1341, he left them under the uardianship of John Cantacuzenus, who soon bean to reign in his own name. (Nicephorus iregoras, lib. ix.-xi.; Cantacuzenus, i. c. 58,:c., ii. c. 1-40; Phranzes, i. c. 10-13; comp. 'achymeres, Andronicus Palaeolozus.) [W. P.] ANDRONI'CUS CYRRHESTES (so called om his native place, Cyrrha), was the builder the octagonal tower at Athens, vulgarly called the tower of the winds." Vitruvius (i. 6. ~ 4), ter stating, that some make the number of te winds to be four, but that those who have ramined the subject more carefully distinguished ght, adds, " Especially Andronicus Cyrrhestes, ho also set up at Athens, as a representation ereof (exemplum), an octagonal tower of marble, id on the several sides of the octagon he made ulptured images of the several winds, each image )king towards the wind it represented," (that the figure of the north wind was sculptured on e north side of the building, and so with the st), "and above this tower he set up a marble lar (metamn), and on the top he placed a Triton bronze, holding out a wand in his right hand: d this figure was so contrived as to be driven ind by the wind, and always to stand oppoo the blowing wind, and to hold the wand an index above the image of that wind." Irro calls the building "horologium." (R?. R. 5. ~ 17, Schn.) It formed a measure of time two ways. On the outer walls were lines which th gnomons above them, formed a series of i-dials, and in the building was a clepsydra, )plied from the spring called Clepsydra, on Snorth-west of the Acropolis. The building, ich still stands, has been described by Stuart I others. The plain walls are surmounted by entablature, on the frieze of which are the ANDRONICUS. 175 figures of the winds in bas-relief. The entrances, of which there are two, on the north-east and the north-west, have distyle porticoes of the Corinthian order. Within, the remains of the clepsydra are still visible, as are the dial lines on the outer walls. The date of the building is uncertain, but the style of the sculpture and architecture is thought to belong to the period after Alexander the Great. The clepsydra also was probably of that improved kind which was invented by Ctesibius, about 135 B. c. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. I-orologium.) Miiller places Andronicus at 100 B. c. (Attika, in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclop. vi. p. 233.) From the words of Vitruvius it seems probable that Andronicus was an astronomer. The mechanical arrangements of his "horologium" were of course his work, but whether he was properly the architect of the building we have nothing to determine, except the absence of any statement to the contrary. [P. S.] ANDRONI'CUS, LI'VIUS, the earliest Roman poet, as far as poetical literature is concerned; for whatever popular poetry there may have existed at Rome, its poetical literature begins with this writer. (Quintil. x. 2. ~ 7.) He was a Greek and probably a native of Tarentum, and was made prisoner by the Romans during their wars in southern Italy. He then became the slave of M. Livius Salinator, perhaps the same who was consul in B. c. 219, and again in B. c. 207. Andronicus instructed the children of his master, but was afterwards restored to freedom, and received from his patron the Roman name Livius. (Hieron. in Euseb. Chronz. ad 01. 148.) During his stay at Rome, Andronicus made himself a perfect master of the Latin language, and appears to have exerted himself chiefly in creating a taste for regular dramatic representations. His first drama was acted in B.c. 240, in the consulship of C. Claudius and M. Tuditanus (Cic. Brut.. 18, 'comp. Tusc. Quaest. i. 1, de Senect. 14; Liv. vii. 2; Gellius, xvii. 21); but whether it was a tragedy or a comedy is uncertain. That he wrote comedies as well as tragedies, is attested beyond all doubt. (Diomedes, iii. p. 486; Flavius Vopisc. Numnerian, 13; the author of the work de Comoed. et Trag.) The number of his dramas was considerable, and we still possess the titles and fragments of at least fourteen. The subjects of them were all Greek, and they were little more than translations or imitations of Greek dramas. (Suet. de Illustr'. Gramnmat. 1; Diomed. 1. c.) Andronicus is said to have died in B c. 221, and cannot have lived beyond B. c. 214. (Osann, Anal. Crit. p. 28.) As to the poetical merit of these compositions we are unable to form an accurate idea, since the extant fragments are few and short. The language in them appears yet in a rude and undeveloped form, but it has nevertheless a solid basis for further development. Cicero (Brut. 18) says, that in his time they were no longer worth reading, and that the 600 mules in the Clytemnestra and the 3000 craters in the Equus Trojanus could not afford any pleasure upon the stage. (ad Famil. vii. 1.) In the time of Horace, the poems of Andronicus were read and explained in schools; and Horace, although not an admirer of early Roman poetry, says, that he should not like to see the works of Andronicus destroyed. (Horat. Epist. ii. 1. 69.) Besides his dramas, Livius Andronicus wrote;
Page 176 176 ANDRONICUS. 1. A Latin Odyssey in the Saturnian verse (Cic. Brut. 18), but it is uncertain whether the poem was an imitation or a mere translation of the Homeric poem. 2. Hymns (Liv. xxvii. 37; Fest. s. v. Scribas), of which no fragments are extant. The statement of some writers, that he wrote versified Annals, is founded upon a confusion of Livius Andronicus and Ennius. (Vossius, de Hist. Lat. p. 827.) The fragments of Livius Andronicus are contained in the collections of the fragments of the Roman dramatists mentioned under Accius. The fragments of the Odyssea Latina are collected in H. Diintzer et L. Lersch, de Versu quem vocant Scaturnino, pp. 40-48; all the fragments are contained in Diintzer's Livii Andronici Fragmenta collecta et illustrata, 4c. Berlin, 1835, 8vo.; comp. Osann, Analecta Oritica, c. 1. [L. S.] ANDRONI'CUS('Avapo'vrcos),aMACEDONIAN, is first mentioned in the war against Antiochus, B.C. 190, as the governor of Ephesus. (Liv. xxxvii. 13.) He is spoken of in B. c. 169 as one of the generals of Perseus, king of Macedonia, and was sent by him to burn the dock-yards at Thessalonica, which he delayed doing, wishing to gratify the Romans, according to Diodorus, or thinking that the king would repent of his purpose, as Livy states. He was shortly afterwards put to death by Perseus. (Liv. xliv. 10; Diod. Exc. p. 579, Wess.; Appian, de Reb. Mac 14.) ANDRONI'CUS ('AYSpo'vucos), of OLYNTHUS, who is probably the same as the son of Agerrhus mentioned by Arrian (Anab. iii. 23), was one of the four generals appointed by Antigonus to form the military council of the young Demetrius, in B. c. 314. He commanded the right wing of Demetrius' army at the battle of Gaza in 312, and after the loss of the battle, and the subsequent retreat of Demetrius, was left in command of Tyre. He refused to surrender the city to Ptolemy, who, however, obtained possession of it, but spared the life of Andronicus, who fell into his hands. (Diod. xix. 69, 86.) ANDRONI'CUS ('Avp6vo'Kos), a Greek PHYSICIAN, mentioned by Galen (De Coimpos. Medicam. sec. Locos, vii. 6, vol. xiii. p. 114) and Theodorus Priscianus (Rer. 1Medic. i. 18, ii. 1, 6, pp. 18, 37, ed. Argent), who must therefore have lived some time before the second century after Christ. No other particulars are known respecting him; but it may be remarked, that the Andronicus quoted several times by Galen with the epithet Peripateticus or Rhodius, is probably quite another person. He is called by Tiraquellus (De Nobilitate, c. 31), and after him by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 62, ed. vet.), " Andronicus Ticianus," but this is a mistake, as Andronicus and Titianus appear to have been two different persons. [W. A. G.] ANDRO'NICUS ('Avspo'vKos), a Greek POET and contemporary of the emperor Constantius, about A. D. 360. Libanius (Epist. 75; comp. De Vita Sita, p.68) says, that the sweetness of his poetry gained him the favour of all the towns (probably cf Egypt) as far as the Ethiopians, but that the full development of his talents was checked by the death of his mother and the misfortune of his native town (Hermopolis?). If he is the same as the Andronicus mentioned by Photius (Cod. 279, p. 536, a. Bekk.) as the author of dramas and various other poems, he was a native of Hermopolis in Egypt, of which town he was decurio. Themistius (Orat. xxix. p. 418, &c.), who speaks ANDROSTHENES. of a young poet in Egypt as the author of a tragedy, epie poems, and dithyrambs, appears likewise to allude to Andronicus. In A. D. 359, Andronicus, with several other persons in the east and in Egypt, incurred the suspicion of indulging in pagan practices. He was tried by Paulus, whom the emperor had despatched for the purpose, but he was found innocent and acquitted. (Ammian. Marcellin. xix. 12.) No fragments of his works are extant, with the exception of an epigram in the Greek Anthology. (vii. 181.) [L. S.] ANDRONI'CUS ('Av3pdvucos), of RHODES, a Peripatetic philosopher, who is reckoned as the tenth of Aristotle's successors, was at the head of the Peripatetic school at Rome, about B. c. 58, and was the teacher of Boethus of Sidon, with whom Strabo studied. (Strab. xiv. pp. 655, 757; Ammon. in Aristot. Categ. p. 8, a., ed. Ald.) We know little more of the life of Andronicus, but he is ol special interest in the history of philosophy, from the statement of Plutarch (Sull. c. 26), that he published a new edition of the works of Aristoth and Theophrastus, which formerly belonged to th( library of Apellicon, and were brought to Rome b3 Sulla with the rest of Apellicon's library in B.C. 84 Tyrannio commenced this task, but apparently di( not do much towards it. (Comp. Porphyr. vit. Plo tin. c. 24; Boethius, ad Aristot. de Insterpret. p. 29'2 ed. Basil. 1570.) The arrangement which Andrc nicus made of Aristotle's writings seems to be th one which forms the basis of our present editions and we are probably indebted to him for the pr( servation of a large number of Aristotle's works. Andronicus wrote a work upon Aristotle, th fifth book of which contained a complete list of th philosopher's writings, and he also wrote commei taries upon the Physics, Ethics, and Categorie None of these works is extant, for the paraphrai of the Nicomachean Ethics, which is ascribed Andronicus of Rhodes, was written by some or else, and may have been the work of Andronici Callistus of Thessalonica, who was professor Rome, Bologna, Florence, and Paris, in the latt half of the fifteenth century. Andronicus Callist was the author of the work flepl ra68c0, which also ascribed to Andronicus of Rhodes. The Th TIaOcl^v was first published by H6schel, Aug. Vi del. 1594, and the Paraphrase by Heinsius, as anonymous work, Lugd. Bat. 1607, and afterwar by Heinsius as the work of Androinicus of Rhod, Lugd. Bat. 1617, with the nept naOcwv attached it. The two works were printed at Cantab. 16' and Oxon. 1809. (Stahr, Aristotelia, ii. p. 129. ANDRO'NIDAS ('AvspwvlIas), was with C licrates the leader of the Roman party among 1 Achaeans. In B. c. 146, he was sent by Metel to Diaeus, the commander of the Achaeans, offer peace; but the peace was rejected, and I dronidas seized by Diaeus, who however releai him upon the payment of a talent. (Polyb. xxix. xxx. 20, xl. 4, 5.) ANDRO'STHENES ('Avpfaevdnrs). 1. Thasus, one of Alexander's admirals, sailed -v Nearchus, and was also sent by Alexander to plore the coast of the Persian gulf. (Strab. p. 766; Arrian, Anab. vii. 20.) He wrote account of this voyage, and also a Tis 'IVii IrapdirrAovs. (Athen. iii. p. 93, b.) Compare IV cian. Heracl. p. 63, Huds.; Theophr. de Cavs. PL ii. 5; Vossius, de Histor. Graec. p. 98, ed. Wes nInu~Zn.
Page 177 ANEMOTIS. 2. Of Cyzicus, left by Antiochus the Great in India, to convey the treasures promised him by the Indian king Sophagasenus. (Polyb. xi. 34.) 3. Of Corinth, who defended Corinth against the Romans in n. c. 198, and was defeated in the following year by the Achaeans. (Liv. xxxii. 23; xxxiii. 14, 15.) 4. Of Thessaly, called by Caesar the praetor of the country (by which he means merely the military commander), shut the gates of Gomphi against Caesar in B. c. 48, in consequence of the defeat at Dyrrhachium. (Caes. B. C. iii. 80.) ANDRO'STHENES ('Avopoo-te'ns), an Athenian sculptor, the disciple of Eucadmus, completed the figures supporting the roof of the temple of Apollo at Delphi, which had been left unfinished by Praxias. (Paus. x. 19. ~ 3.) The time when he lived is not exactly known; it was probably about 440. B. c. [P. S.] ANDRO'TION ('Av3porrtw), an Athenian orator, was a son of Andron, a pupil of Isocrates, and a contemporary of Demosthenes. (Suid. s. v.) To which of the political parties of the time he belonged is uncertain; but Ulpian (ad Demosth. c. Androt. p. 594) states, that he was one of the leading demagogues of his time. He seems to have been a particularly skilful and elegant speaker. 'Schol. ad Hlermogen. p. 401.) Among the orations )f Demosthenes there is one against our Androtion, which Demosthenes delivered at the age of twentyseven (Gellius, xv. 28; Plut. Dem. 15), and in;vhich he imitated the elegant style of Isocrates ind Androtion. The subject of the speech is this: 'ndrotion had induced the people to make a pse)hisma in a manner contrary to law or custom. Luctemon and Diodorus came forward to accuse lim, and proposed that he should be disfranchised, artly for having proposed the illegal psephisma, nd partly for his bad conduct in other respects. )emosthenes wrote the oration against Androtion )r Diodorus, one of the accusers, who delivered it. Liban. Argum. ad Demosth. Androt.) The issue of he contest is not known. The orations of Androion have perished, with the exception of a fragient which is preserved and praised by Aristotle. Rhet. iii. 4.) Some modern critics, such as Wesýling (ad Diod. i. 29), Coraes (ad Isocrat. ii. p. 0), and Orelli (ad Isocrat. de Antid. p. 248), as-:ibe to Androtion the Eroticus which is usually rinted among the orations of Demosthenes; but leir arguments are not satisfactory. (Westermann,!uaest. Demosth. ii. p. 81.) There is an Androtion, ie author of an Atthis, whom some regard as the Lme person as the orator. (Zosim. Vit. Isocr. p. i. ed. Dind.) [L. S.] ANDRO'TION ('AvoporiuWv), the author of an tthis, or a work on the history of Attica, which frequently referred to by ancient writers. (Paus.. 7. ~ 2, x. 8. ~ 1; Marcellin. Vit. Thzuc. ~ 28; lut. Solon, c. 15, &c.) The fragments of this ork have been published with those of Philoorus, by Siebelis, Lips. 1811. (Vossius, de Hist. race. 386, ed. Westermann.) ANDRO'TION ('Av6por-io), a Greek writer aon agriculture, who lived before the time of ieophrastus. (Theophr. flist. Plant. ii. 8, de Caus. lant. iii. 15; Athen. iii. pp. 75, d., 82, c.; Varr. SR. i. 1; Colum. i. 1; Plin. Elenchus, lib. viii.,&c.) ANDRUS. [ANDREUS.] ANEMO'TIS ('Ave \r s), the subduer of the nds, a surname of Athena under which she was ANGERONA. 177 worshipped and had a temple at Mothone in Messenia. It was believed to have been built by Diomedes, because in consequence of his prayers the goddess had subdued the storms which did injury to the country. (Paus. iv. 35. ~ 5.) [L. S.] ANERISTUS ('Av'ptoros), the son of Sperthias, a Lacedaemonian ambassador, who was sent at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, B. c. 430, to solicit the aid of the king of Persia. He was surrendered by the Athenians, together with the other ambassadors who accompanied him, by Sadocus, son of Sitalces, king of Thrace, taken to Athens, and there put to death. (Herod. vii. 137; Thuc. ii. 67.) The grandfather of Aneristus had the same name. (Herod. vii. 134.) ANEROESTUB or ANEROESTES ('Apo'eroros, 'AvipoeiorTs), king of the Gaesati, a Gallic people between the Alps and the Rhone, who was induced by the Boii and the Insubres to make war upon the Romans. He accordingly invaded Italy in B. c. 225, defeated the Romans near Faesulae, but in his return home was intercepted by the consul C. Atilius, who had come from Corsica. A battle ensued near Pisae, in which the Gauls were defeated with immense slaughter, but Atilius was killed. Aneroestus, in despair, put an end to his own life. (Polyb. ii. 22, 26, &c., 31; comp. Eutrop. iii. 5; Oros. iv. 3; Zonaras, viii. 20.) ANESIDO'RA ('Avera-tdpa), the spender of gifts, a surname given to Gaea and to Demeter the latter of whom had a temple under this name at Phlius in Attica. (Paus. i. 31. ~ 2; Hesych. s. v.; Plut. Sympos. p. 745.) [L. S.] ANGE'LION, sculptor. [TECTAEUS.] A'NGELOS ('Ay'yeAos). 1. A surname of Artemis, under which she was worshipped at Syracuse, and according to some accounts the original name of Hecate. (lHesych. s. v.; Schol. ad Theocrit. ii. 12.) 2. A son of Poseidon, whom, together with Melas, he begot by a nymph in Chios. (Paus. vii. 4. ~ 6.) [L. S.] ANGERO'NA or ANGERO'NIA, a Roman divinity, of whom it is difficult to form a distinct idea, on account of the contradictory statements about her. According to one class of passages she is the goddess of anguish and fear, that is, the goddess who not only produces this state of mind, but also relieves men from it. (Verrius Flacc. ap. Macrob. Sat. i. 10.) Her statue stood in the temple of Volupia, near the porta Ronianula, close by the Forum, and she was represented with her mouth bound and scaled up (os obligatoum et signatemn, Macrob. 1. c.; Plin. HI. N. iii. 9), which according to Massurius Sabinus (ap. Macrob. 1. c.) indicated that those who concealed their anxiety in patience would by this means attain the greatest happiness. IHartung (Die Relig. d. Ri.m. ii. p. 247) interprets this as a symbolical suppression of cries of anguish, because such cries were always unlucky omens. He also thinks that the statue of the goddess of anguish was placed in the temple of the goddess of delight, to indicate that the latter should exercise her influence upon the former, and change sorrow into joy. Julius Modestus (ap. Macrob. 1. c.) and Festus (s.v. Angeronae deae) give an historical origin to the worship of this divinity, for they say, that at one time men and beasts were visited by a disease called angina, which disappeared as soon as sacrifices were vowed to Ange. rona. (Comp. Orelli, Inscript. p. 87. No. 116.) N
Page 178 178 ANIANUS.. Other accounts state that Angerona was the goddess of silence, and that her worship was introduced at Rome to prevent the secret and sacred name of Rome being made known, or that Angerona was herself the protecting divinity of Rome, who by laying her finger on her mouth enjoined men not to divulge the secret name of Rome. (Plin. I. c.; Macrob. Sat. iii. 9.) A festival, Angeronalia, was celebrated at Rome in honour of Angerona, every year on the 12th of December, on which day the pontiffs offered sacrifices to her in the temple of Volupia, and in the curia Acculeia. (Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 23; Plin. and Macrob. li. cc.) [L. S.] ANGI'TIA or ANGUI'TIA, a goddess worshipped by the Marsians and Marrubians, who lived about the shores of the lake Fucinus. She was believed to have been once a being who actually lived in that neighbourhood, taught the people remedies against the poison of serpents, and had derived her name from being able to kill serpents by her incantations (from angere or angeis, Serv. adAen. vii. 750). According to the account given by Servius, the goddess was of Greek origin, for Angitia, says he, was the name given by the Marrubians to Medea, who after having left Colchis came to Italy with Jason and taught the people the above mentioned remedies. Silius Italicus (viii. 498, &c.) identifies her completely with Medea. Her name occurs in several inscriptions (Orelli, p. 87, No. 116; p. 335, No. 1846), in one of which she is mentioned along with Angerona, and in another her name appears in the plural form. From a third inscription (Orelli, p. 87, No. 115) it seems that she had a temple and a treasury belonging to it. The Silvia Angitia between Alba and lake Fucinus derived its name from her. (Solin. c. 2.) [L. S.] ANIA'NUS, the referendarius (Dufresne, Gloss. s. v.) of Alaric the second, king of the Visigoths, and employed in that capacity to authenticate with his subscription the official copies of the Breviarium. (Dictt. of Ant. s.. Breviarium.) In his subscription he used the words Anianus, vir spectabilis subscripsi et edidi, and it is probable that, from a misunderstanding of the word eddii, proceeded the common notion that he was the author of the Romano-Gothic code, which has thence sometimes been called Breviariuam Aniani. The subscription took place at Aire (Aduris) in Gascoigne, A. D. 506. (Silberrad, ad Hebinec. Hiist. Jar. Germ. ~ 15.) Sigebert (de ecclesiasticis scriptoributs, c. 70, cited by Jac. Godefroi, Prolegiomena in Cod. Theodos. ~ 5) says, that Anianus translated from Greek into Latin the work of Chrysostom upon St. Matthew; but respecting this, see the following article, No. 2. [J. T. G.] ANIA'NUS ('Aviavds). 1. An Egyptian monk, who lived at the beginning of the 5th century after Christ, and wrote a chronography, in which, according to Syncellus, he generally followed Eusebius, but sometimes corrected errors made by that writer. It is, however, very doubtful whether Anianus, on the whole, surpassed Eusebius in accuracy. Syncellus frequently finds fault with him. (Syncell. Chronogr. pp. 7, 16, 17, 34-36.) 2. Deacon of Celeda, in Italy, at the beginning of the 5th century, a native of Campania, was the amanuensis of Pelagius, and himself a warm Pelagian. He was present at the synod of Diospolis (A. D. 415), and wrote on the Pelagian ANIUS. controversy against Jerome. (iieron. Epist. 81.) He also translated into Latin the homilies of Chrysostom on the Gospel of Matthew and on the Apostle Paul, and Chrysostom's Letters to Neophytes. Of all his works there are only extant the translations of the first eight of Chrysostom's homilies on Matthew, which are printed in Montfaucon's edition of Chrysostom. The rest of those homilies were translated by Gregorius (or Georgius) Trapezuntius, but Fabricius regards all up to the 26th as the work of Anianus, but interpolated by Gregory. (Bibl. Graec. viii. p. 552, note.) Sigebert and other writers attribute the translation of Chrysostom to the jurist Anianus, who lived under Alaric; but this is a manifest error, since the preface to the work is addressed to Orontius, who was condemned for Pelagianism in the council of Ephesus. (A. D. 431.) [P. S.] ANICE'TUS. 1. A freedman of Nero, and formerly his tutor, commanded the fleet at Misenum in A. D. 60, and was employed by the emperor to murder Agrippina. He was subsequently induced by Nero to confess having committed adultery with Octavia, but in consequence of his conduct in this affair was banished to Sardinia, where he died. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 3, 7, 8, 62; Dion Cass. lxi. 13; Suet. Ner. 35.) 2. A freedman of Polemo, who espoused the party of Vitellius, and excited an insurrection against Vespasian in Pontus, A. D. 70. It was however put down in the same year, and Anicetus, who, had taken refuge at the mouth of the river Cohibus, was surrendered by the king of the Sedochezi to the lieutenant of Vespasian, and put to death. (Tac. Hist. iii. 47, 48.) 3. A Greek grammarian, who appears to have written a glossary. (Athen. xi. p. 783, c.; comp. Alciphr. i. 28, with Bergler's note.) ANICIA GENS. Persons of the name o: Anicius are mentioned first in the beginning of th( second century B. c. Their cognomen was GALL us Those whose cognomen is not mentioned are givel under ANICIUS. ANICIUS. 1. CN. ANIClUS, alegate of Paullu in the Macedonian war, B c. 168. (Liv. xliv. 46. 2. T. ANICIus, who said that Q. Cicero ha( given him a commission to purchase a place in th suburbs for him, B.c. 54. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. iii. 1. ~ 7. 3. C. ANICIus, a senator and a friend of Cicerc whose villa was near that of the latter. Cicer gave him a letter of introduction to Q. Cornificiu in Africa, when Anicius was going there with th privilege of a legatio libera (Dict. of A nt. s.v. Legatue in B. c. 44. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 19, ad Fam. vi 26, xii. 21.) ANI'GRIDES ('Avilyptes), the nymphs of tt river Anigrus in Elis. On the coast of Elis, n< far from the mouth of the river, there was a grot' sacred to them, which was visited by persol afflicted with cutaneous diseases. They were cure here by prayers and sacrifices to the nymphs, ar by bathing in the river. (Paus. v. 5. ~ 6; Stra viii. p. 346; Eustath. ad Homr.. p. 880.) [L. S A'NIUS ('Avios), a son of Apollo by Creus or according to others by Rhoeo, the daught of Staphylus, who when her pregnancy becar known was exposed by her angry father in a chb on the waves of the sea. The chest landed Delos, and when Rhoeo was delivered of a boy s consecrated him to the service of Apollo, who c dowed him with prophetic powers. (Diod. v. 6
Page 179 ANNA COMNENA. ANNA PERENNA. 179 Conon, Narrat. 41.) Anius had by Dryope hemond, then prince of Antioch, in Greece and three daughters, Oeno, Spermo, and Elais, to whom Epeirus. In the fourteenth book are related the Dionysus gave the power of producing at will any successful wars of Alexis against the Turks after quantity of wine, corn, and oil,-whence they were they had been weakened by the Crusaders; and called Oenotropae. When the Greeks on their in the fifteenth she gives a rather short relation of expedition to Troy landed in Delos, Anius endeav- the latter part of the reign of her father. This oured to persuade them to stay with him for nine division shews that she did not start from a hisyears, as it was decreed by fate that they should not torical but merely from a biographical point of take Troy until the tenth year, and he promised view. with the help of his three daughters to supply To write the life of a man like Alexis I. was a them with all they wanted during that period, difficult task for his daughter, aid this difficulty (Pherecyd. ap. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 569; Ov. Met. did not escape her sagacity. " If I praise Alexis," xiii. 623, &c.; comp. Dictys Cret. i. 23.) After she says in the preface, " the world will accuse me the fall of Troy, when Aeneas arrived in Delos, he of having paid greater attention to his glory than was kindly received by Anius (Ov. 1. c.; Virg. Aen. to truth; and whenever I shall be obliged to blame iii. 80, with Servius), and a Greek tradition stated some of his actions, I shall run the risk of being that Aeneas married a daughter of Anius, of the accused of impious injustice." However, this selfname of Lavinia, who was, like her father, endowed justification is mere mockery. Anna knew very with prophetic powers, followed Aeneas to Italy, well what she would write, and far from deserving and died at Lavinium. (Dionys. Hal. i. 59; Aurel. the reproach of " impious injustice," she only deVict. De Orig. Gent. Rom. 9; comp. Hartung, Die serves that of "' pious injustice." The Alexias is Relig. d. Ruom. i. p. 87.) Two other mythical per- history in the form of a romance,-embellished sonages, one a son of Aeneas by Lavinia, and the truth with two purposes,-that of presenting other a king of Etruria, from whom the river Anio Alexis as the Mars, and his daughter as the derived its name, occur in Serv. ad Aen. iii. 80, Minerva of the Byzantines. Anna did not invent and Plut. Parallel. 40. [L. S.] facts, but in painting her portraits she always dips ANNA. [ANNA PERENNA.] her pencil in the colour of vanity. This vanity is ANNA COMNE'NA ('Awea KoEtvd), the threefold,-personal, domestic, and national. Thus daughter of Alexis I. Comnenus, and the empress Alexis is spotless; Anna becomes an oracle; the Irene, was born in A.D. 1083. She was destined Greeks are the first of all the nations, and the to marry Constantine Ducas, but he died while she Latins are wicked barbarians. Bohemond alone is was still a child; and she was subsequently mar- worthy of all her praise; but it is said that she ried to Nicephorus Bryennius, a Greek nobleman was admired by, and that she admired in her turn, distinguished by birth, talents, and learning. Anna, the gallant prince of the Normans..gifted by nature with beauty and rare talents, was The style of the author is often affected and instructed in every branch of science, and she tells loaded with false erudition; unimportant details us in the preface to her Alexias, that she was are constantly treated with as much as and even thoroughly acquainted with Aristotle and Plato. more attention than facts of high importance. The vanity of a female philosopher was flattered These are the defects of the work, but whoever with the homages she received from the Greek will take the trouble to discover and discard them, scholars and artists, and during a long period hers will find the Alexias the most interesting and one and her husband's house was the centre of the of the most valuable historical productions of the irts and sciences of Constantinople. Her love for Byzantine literature. her husband was sincere and founded upon real The editio princeps of the Alexias was publishnsteem, and she and the empress tried, although in ed by Hoelschelius, Augsburg, 1610, 4to. This rain, to persuade the dying Alexis to appoint is only an abridgment containing the fifteen books Bryennius his successor. The throne was inherit- reduced to eight. The next is by Possinus, with Ad by John, the son of Alexis. (A. D. 1118.) a Latin translation, Paris, 1651, fol. Du Cange During his reign Anna persuaded Bryennius to has written some valuable notes to the Alexias, seize the crown; but the conspiracy failed at the which are contained in the Paris edition of Cinnoment of its execution, and Anna and Bryennius namus. (1670, fol.) The best edition is by Schopen,vere punished with exile and the confiscation of (2 vols. 8vo.), with a new Latin translation, Bonn, he greater part of their property. Bryennius 1 839. The translation of Possinus is very bad. lied some time afterwards, and Anna regretted The work was translated into French by Cousin iis loss with deep and sincere affliction. During (le president), and a German translation is conler retirement from the world she composed her tained in the first volume of the " Historische 'Alexias" ('AXlias). Memoiren," edited by Fr. von Schiller. [W. P.] This celebrated work is a biography of her ANNA PERENNA, a Roman divinity, the ither, the emperor Alexis I. It is divided into legends about whom are related by Ovid (Fast. iii. ifteen books. In the first nine she relates with 523, &c.) and Virgil. (Aen. iv.) According to nreat prolixity the youth of Alexis, his exploits them she was a daughter of Belus and sister of Lgainst the Turks, Seljuks, and the Greek rebels Dido. After the death of the latter, she fled from n Asia and Epeirus, his accession, and his wars Carthage to Italy, where she was kindly received Igainst the Normans in Epeirus. The tenth book by Aeneas. Here her jealousy of Lavinia was s remarkably interesting, containing the relation roused, and being warned in a dream by the spirit if the transactions between Alexis and the of Dido, she fled and threw herself into the river Western princes which led to the first crusade, Numicius. Henceforth she was worshipped as the and the arrival of the Crusaders at Constantinople. nymph of that river under the name of Perenna, hile following three contain the relations of Alexis for previously her name had simply been Anna. vith the Crusaders who had then advanced into A second story related by Ovid states, that when ksia, and his last contest with the Norman Bo- the plebs had seceded to the mons sacer and N 2
Page 180 180 ANNIA GENS. were in want of food, there came from the neighbouring Bovillae an aged woman of the name of Anna, who distributed cakes among the hungry multitude, and after their return to the city the grateful people built a temple to her. A third story, likewise related by Ovid, tells us that, when Mars was in love with Minerva, he applied to the aged Anna to lend him her assistance. She appeared before him herself in the disguise of Minerva, and when the god took hold of her veil and wanted to kiss her, she laughed him to scorn. Ovid (Fast. iii. 657, &c.) remarks that Anna Perenna was considered by some as Luna, by others as Themis, and by others again as lo, the daughter of Inachus, or as one of the nymphs who brought up the infant Jove. Now as Macrobius (Sat. i. 12) states, that at her festival, which fell on the 15th of March, and was celebrated by the Romans with great joy and merriment, the people prayed ut annare perennareque conmmode liceat, it seems clear that Anna Perenna was originally an Italian divinity, who was regarded as the giver of life, health, and plenty, as the goddess whose powers were most manifest at the return of spring when her festival was celebrated. The identification of this goddess with Anna, the sister of Dido, is undoubtedly of late origin. (Hartung, Die Relig. d. Rom. ii. p. 229, &c.) [L. S.] ANNAEUS CORNU'TUS. [CORNUTUS.] ANNAEUS FLORUS. [FLORUS.] ANNAEUS LUCA'NUS. [LUCANUS.] ANNAEUS MELLA. [MELLA.] ANNAEUS SE'NECA. [SENECA.] ANNAEUS STA'TIUS. [STATIUS.] ANNA'LIS, a cognomen of the Villia Gens, which was first acquired by L. Villius, tribune of the plebs, in B. c. 179, because he introduced a law fixing the year (annus) at which it was allowable for a person to be a candidate for the public offices. (Liv. xl. 44.) The other persons of this name are: 1. SEX. VILLIUS (ANNALIS), a friend of Milo's (Cic. ad Faem. ii. 6), probably the same as the Sex. Annalis, of whom Quintilian speaks. (vi. 3. ~ 86.) 2. L. VILLIUS ANNALIS, praetor in B. c. 43, was proscribed by the triumvirs, and betrayed to death by his son. He is probably the same as the L. Villius L. F. Annalis mentioned in a letter of Caelius to Cicero, B. c. 51. (ad Fam. viii. 8 ). His son was killed shortly afterwards in a drunken brawl by the same soldiers who had killed his father. (Appian, B. C. iv. 17; Val. Max. ix. 11. ~ 6.) M. ANNEIUS, legate of M. Cicero during his government in Cilicia, B. c. 51. Anneius appears to have had some pecuniary dealings with the inhabitants of Sardis, and Cicero gave him a letter of introduction to the praetor Thermus, that the latter might assist him in the matter. In Cicero's campaign against the Parthians in i. c. 50, Anneius commanded part of the Roman troops. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 55, 57, xv. 4.) A'NNIA. 1. The wife of L. Cinna, who died B. C. 84, in his fourth consulship. She afterwards married M. Piso Calpurnianus, whom Sulla compelled to divorce her, on account of her previous connexion with his enemy Cinna. (Vell. Paterc. ii. 41.) 2. The wife of C. Papius Celsus, and the mother of Milo, the contemporary of Cicero. [MILo.] ANNIA GENS, plebeian, was of considerable antiquity. The first person of this name whom Livy mentions, is the Latin praetor L. Annius of ANNICERTS. Setia, a Roman colony. (B. c. 340.) [ANNIITS, No. 1.] The cognomens of this gens under the republic are: ASELLUS, BELLIENUS, CIAMBER, Luscus, MiLO. Those who have no cognomen are given under ANNIUS. According to Eckhel (v. p. 134), the genuine coins of the Annii have no cognomen upon them. The one figured below, which represents the head of a woman, and on the reverse Victory drawn by a quadriga, with the inscriptions C. ANNI. T. F. T. N. PRocos. Ex. S. C. and L. FABI. L. F. HI(sp). is supposed to refer to C. Annius, who fought against Sertorius in Spain. [ANNIus, No. 7.] It is imagined that L. Fabius may have been the quaestor of Annius, but nothing is known for certain. T. ANNIA'NUS, a Roman poet, lived in the time of Trajan and Hadrian, and was a friend of A. Gellius, who says that he was acquainted with ancient literature. Among other things, he appears to have written Fescennine verses. (Gell. vii. 7, ix. 10, xx. 8.) A'NNIBAL. [HANNIBAL.] ANNI'CERIS ('Avvicepms), a Cyrenaic philosopher [ARISTIPPUS], of whom the ancients have left us very vague and contradictory accounts. He is said to have ransomed Plato for 20 minae from Dionysius of Syracuse (Diog. Laert. ii. 86); but we read, on the other hand, that he was a disciple of Paraebates, whose succession from Aristippus in the order of discipleship was as follows:-Aristippus, Arete, Aristippus the younger, Antipater, Epitimedes, Paraebates. Plato, however, was contemporary with the first Aristippus, and therefore one of the above accounts of Anniceris must be false. Hence Menage on Laertius (1. c.) and Kuster on Suidas (s. v.) have supposed that there were two philosophers of the name of Anniceris, the one contemporary with Plato, the other with Alexander the Great. If so, the latter is the one of whose system some notices have reached us, and who forms a link between the Cyrenaic and Epicurean schools. He was opposed to Epicurus in two points: (1) he denied that pleasure was merely the absence of pain, for if so death would be a pleasure; and (2) he attributed to every separate act a distinct object, maintaining that there was no general end of human life. In both these statements he reasserted the principle ol Aristippus. But he differed from Aristippus, inasmuch as he allowed that friendship, patriotism, and similar virtues, were good in themselves; saying that the wise man will derive pleasure fron' such qualities, even though they cause him occa sional trouble, and that a friend should be choser not only for our own need, but for kindness anc natural affection. Again he denied that reasoi (' Ad'yos) alone can secure us from error, main taining that habit (vOemi'eGo6at) was also necessary (Suidas and Diog. Laert. 1. c.; Clem. Alex. Stronz ii. p. 417; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 3; Ritter Geschichte der Phil. vii. 3.) Aelian (V. H. ii. 27
Page 181 ANTAEUS. says, that Anniceris (probably the elder of the two) was distinguished for his skill as a charioteer. [G. E. L. C.] A'NNIUS. 1. L. Annius, of Setia, a Roman colony, was praetor of the Latins, B. c. 340, at the time of the great Latin war. He was sent as ambassador to Rome to demand for the Latins perfect equality with the Romans. According to the Roman story, he dared to say, in the capitol, that he defied the Roman Jupiter; and as he hurried down the steps of the temple, he fell from the top to the bottom, and was taken up dead. (Liv. viii. 3-6.) 2. ANNIuS, a freedman, the father of Cn. Flavius, who was curule aedile in B. c. 304. (Gell. vi. 9; Liv. ix. 46.) 3. T. ANNIUS, a triumvir for founding colonies in Cisalpine Gaul, was obliged by a sudden rising of the Boii to take refuge in Mutina, B. c. 218. (Liv. xxi. 25.) 4. ANNIUS, a Campanian, who is said to have been sent as ambassador to Rome after the battle of Cannae, B. c. 216, to demand that one of the consuls should henceforth be a Campanian. (Val. Max. vi. 4. ~ 1; Liv. xxiii. 6, 22.) 5. L. ANNIUS, tribune of the plebs, B.C. 110, attempted with P. Lucullus to continue in office the next year, but was resisted by his other colleagues. (Sall. Jug. 37.) 6. P. ANNIUS, tribune of the soldiers, was the murderer of M. Antonius, the orator, in B. c. 87, and brought his head to Marius. (Val. Max. ix. 2. ~2; Appian, B. C. i. 72.) 7. C. ANNIUS, sent into Spain by Sulla about B. c. 82 against Sertorius, whom he compelled to retire to Nova Carthago. (Plut. Sertor. 7.) 8. Q. ANNIUS, a senator, one of Catiline's conspirators, B. c. 63. He was not taken with Cethegus and the others, and we do not know his future fate. (Sall. Cat. 17, 50; comp. Q. Cic. de Pet. C. 3.) A'NNIUS BASSUS. [BASSUS.] A'NNIUS FAUSTUS. [FAusTus.] A'NNIUS GALLUS. [GALLUS.] A'NNIUS PO'LLIO. [POLLIO.] ANSER, a friend of the triumvir M. Antonius, and one of the detractors of Virgil. Ovid calls him procax. (Virg. Ed. ix. 36; Serv. ad loc. et adc Ed. vii. 21; Prop. ii. 25. 84; Ov. Trist. ii. 435; Cic. Philipp. xiii. 5; Weichert, Poetar. Lat. Reliquiae, p. 160, &c., Lips. 1830.) ANTAEA ('Aerana), a surname of Demeter, Rhea, and Cybele, probably signifies a goddess whom man may-approach in prayers. (Orph. Hymn. 40. 1; Apollon. i. 1141; Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.] ANTAEUS ('Aerator). 1. A son of Poseidon and Ge, a mighty giant and wrestler in Libya, whose strength was invincible so long as he remained in contact with his mother earth. The 1 strangers who came to his country were compelled to wrestle with him; the conquered were slain, and out of their skulls he built a house to Poseidon. i Heracles discovered the source of his strength, s lifted him up from the earth, and crushed him in s the air. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 11; Hygin. Fab. 31; l Diod. iv. 17; Pind. Isthm. iv. 87, &c.; Lucan, s Pharsal. iv. 590, &c.; Juven. iii. 89; Ov. Ib. 397.) 1 The tomb of Antaeus (Antaei collis), which formed d a moderate hill in the shape of a man stretched out h at full length, was shewn near the town of Tingis d in Mauretania down to a late period (Strab. xvii. p. 8329; P. Mela, iii. 10. ~ 35, &c.), and it was be- [ ANTALCIDAS. 181 lieved that whenever a portion of the earth covering it was taken away, it rained until the hole was filled up again. Sertorius is said to have opened the grave, but when he found the skeleton of sixty cubits in length, he was struck with horror and had it covered again immediately. (Strab. 1. c.; Plut. Sertor. 9.) 2. A king of Irasa, a town in the territory of Cyrene, who was sometimes identified by the ancients with the giant Antaeus. He had a daughter Alceis or Barce, whom he promised to him who should conquer in the foot race. The prize was won by Alexidamus. (Pind. Pythi. ix. 183, &c., with the Schol.) A third personage of this name occurs in Virg. Aen. x. 561. [L. S.] ANTA'GORAS ('Avrayopas), of Rhodes, a Greek epic poet who flourished about the year B. c. 270. He was a friend of Antigonus.Gonatas and a contemporary of Aratus. (Paus. i. 2. ~ 3; Plut. Apophth. p. 182, E, Sympos. iv. p. 668, c.) He is said to have been. very fond of good living, respecting which Plutarch and Athenaeus (viii. p. 340, &c.) relate some facetious anecdotes. Antagoras wrote an epic poem entitled Thebais, (0~rgqies, Vita Arati, pp. 444, 446, ed. Buhle.) This poem he is said to have read to the Boeotians, to whom it appeared so tedious that they could not abstain from yawning. (Apostol. Proverb. Cent. v. 82; Maxim. Confess. ii. p. 580, ed. Combefisius.) He also composed some epigrams of which specimens are still extant. (Diog. Laert. iv. 26; Anthol. Graec. ix. 147.) [L. S.] ANTA'LC1DAS ('Av'raXocias), the Spartan, appears to have been one of the ablest politicians ever called forth by the emergencies of his country, an apt pupil of the school of Lysander, and, like him, thoroughly versed in the arts of courtly diplomacy. His father's name, as we learni from Plutarch (Artax. p. 1022, a.), was Leon-the same, possibly, who is recorded by Xenophon (Hell. ii. 3. ~ 10) as Ephor ECrdvvuos in the fourteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. At one of the most critical periods for Sparta, when, in addition to a strong confederacy against her of Grecian states assisted by Persian money, the successes of Piharnabazus and Conon and the restoration of the long walls of Athens appeared to threaten the re-establishment of Athenian dominion, Antalcidas was selected as ambassador to Tiribazus, satrap of western Asia, to negotiate through him a peace for Sparta with the Persian king, B. c. 393. (Hell. iv. 8. ~ 12.) Such a measure would of course deprive Athens and the hostile league of their chief resources, and, under the pretext of general peace and independence, might leave Sparta at liberty to consolidate her precarious supremacy among the Greeks of Europe. The Athenians, alarmed at this step, also despatched an embassy, with Conon at its head, to counteract the efforts of Antalcidas, and deputies for the same purpose accompanied;hem from Thebes, Argos, and Corinth. In consequence of the strong opposition made by these states, Tiribazus did not venture to close with Sparta without authority from Artaxerxes, but he secretly furnished Antalcidas with money for a navy, to harass the Athenians and their allies, and Irive them into wishing for the peace. Moreover, ie seized Conon, on the pretext that he had unluly used the king's forces for the extension of Athenian dominion, and threw him into prison. CONON.] Tiribazus was detained at court by the
Page 182 182 ANTALCIDAS. king, to whom he had gone to give a report of his measures, and was superseded for a time in his satrapy by Struthas, a warm friend of Athens. The war therefore continued for some years; but in B. c. 388 the state of affairs appeared to give promise of success if a fresh negotiation with Persia were attempted. Tiribazus had returned to his former government, Pharnabazus, the opponent of Spartan interests, had gone up to the capital to marry Apama, the king's daughter, and had entrusted his government to Ariobarzanes, with whom Antalcidas had a connexion of hospitality (Wvos ' Ee 7raaitog). Under these circumstances, Antalcidas was once more sent to Asia both as commander of the fleet (vavapxos), and ambassador. (Hell. v. 1. ~ 6, 28.) On his arrival at Ephesus, he gave the charge of the squadron to Nicolochus, as his lieutenant (reroAi0 eds'), and sent him to aid Abydus and keep Iphicrates in check, while he himself went to Tiribazus, and possibly proceeded with him* to the court of Artaxerxes on the more important business of his mission. In this he was completely successful, having prevailed on the king to aid Sparta in forcing, if necessary, the Athenians and their allies to accede to peace on the terms which Persia, acting under Spartan influence, should dictate. On his return however to the seacoast, he received intelligence that Nicolochus was blockaded in the harbour of Abydus by Iphicrates and Diotimus. He accordingly proceeded by land to Abydus, whence he sailed out with the squadron by night, having spread a report that the Chalcedonians had sent to him for aid. Sailing northward, he stopped at Percope, and when the Athenians had passed that place in fancied pursuit of him, he returned to Abydus, where he hoped to be strengthened by a reinforcement of twenty ships from Syracuse and Italy. But hearing that Thrasybulus (of Colyttus, not the hero of Phyle) was advancing from Thrace with eight ships to join the Athenian fleet, he put out to sea, and succeeded by a stratagem in capturing the whole squadron. (Hell. v. 1. ~ 25-27; Polyaen. ii. 4, and Schneider in loc. Xen.) lie was soon after joined by the expected ships from Sicily and Italy, by the fleet of all the Ionian towns of which Tiribazus was master, and even by some which Ariobarzanes furnished from the satrapy of Pharnabazus. Antalcidas thus commanded the sea, which, together with the annoyance to which Athens was exposed from Aegina (Hell. v. 1. 1-24), made the Athenians desirous of peace. The same wish being also strongly felt by Sparta and Argos (see the several reasons in Xen. Hell. v. 1. ~ 29), the summons of Tiribazus for a congress of deputies from such states as might be willing to listen to the terms proposed by the king, was gladly obeyed by all, and the satrap then read to them the royal decree. This famous document, drawn up with a sufficient assumption of imperial majesty, ran thus: "Artaxerxes the king thinks it just that the cities in Asia should belong to himself, as well as the islands Clazomenae and Cyprus; but that the other Grecian cities, both small and great, he should leave independent, except Lemnos and Imbros and Scyros; and that these, as of old, should belong to I the Athenians. But whichever party receives not ] * If we may infer as much from the expression which Xenophon afterwards uses (v. i. 25), '0 Pe ] 'AvTaAKi.aes KWmvfi pbs' perav Tipmfdfov, K. T. A. ] ANW-ANDER. this peace, against them will I war, with such as accede to these terms, both by land and by sea, both with ships and with money." (Hell. v. ]. ~ 31.) To these terms all the parties concerned readily acceded, if we except a brief and ineffectual delay on the part of Thebes and the united government of Argos and Corinth (Hell. v. 1. ~ 32-34); and thus was concluded, B. c. 387, the famous peace of Antalcidas, so called as being the fruit of his masterly diplomacy. That the peace effectually provided for the interests of Sparta, is beyond a doubt (Hell. v. 1. ~ 36); that it was cordially. cherished by most of the other Grecian states as a sort of bulwark and charter of freedom, is no less certain. (Hell. vi. 3. ~~ 9, 12,18, vi. 5. ~ 2; Paus. ix. 1.) On the subject of the peace, see Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. iv. p. 445; Mitford, ch. 25. sec. 7, ch. 27. sec. 2. Our notices of the rest of the life of Antalcidas are scattered and doubtful. From a passing allusion in the speech of Callistratus the Athenian (Hell. vi. 3. ~ 12), we learn that he was then (B. c. 371) absent on another mission to Persia. Might this have been with a view to the negotiation of peace in Greece (see Hell. vi. 3), and likewise have been connected with some alarm at the probable interest of Timotheus, son of Conon, at the Persian court? (See Diod. xv. 50; Dem. c. Timoth. p. 1191; Thirlwall, vol. v. p. 63.) Plutarch again (Ages. p. 613, e.) mentions, as a statement of some persons, that at the time of the invasion of Laconia by Epaminondas, B. c. 869, Antalcidas was one of the ephors, and that, fearing the capture of Sparta, he conveyed his children for safety to Cythera. The same author informs us (Artax. p. 1022, d.), that Antalcidas was sent to Persia for supplies after the defeat at Leuctra, B. c. 371, and was coldly and superciliously received by the king. If, considering the general looseness of statement which pervades this portion of Plutarch, it were allowable to set the date of this mission after the invasion of 369, we might possibly connect with it the attempt at pacification on the side of Persia in 368. (Hell. vii. 1. ~ 27; Diod. xv. 70.) This would seem indeed to be inconsistent with Plutarch's account of the treatment of Antalcidas by Artaxerxes; but that might perhaps be no overwhelming objection to our hypothesis. (See, however, Thirlwall, vol. v. p. 123, and note.) If the embassy in question took place immediately after the battle of Leuctra, the anecdote (Ages. 613, e.) of the ephoralty of Antalcidas in 369 of course refutes what Plutarch (Artax. 1022, d.) would have us infer, that Antalcidas was driven to suicide by his failure in Persia and the ridicule of his enemies. But such a story is on other grounds intrinsically improbable, and savours much of the period at which Plutarch wrote, when the conduct of some later Romans, miscalled Stoics, had served to give suicide the character of a fashionable resource in cases of distress and perplexity. [E. E.] ANTANDER ( Avrav8pos), brother of Agathocles, king of Syracuse, was a commander of the troops sent by the Syracusans to the relief of Cro tona when besieged by the Brutii in n. c. 317. During his brother's absence in Africa (B. c. 310), he was left together with Erymnon in command of Syracuse, and wished to surrender it to Hamilcar. He appears, however, to have still retained, or at [east regained, the confidence of Agathocles, for he is mentioned afterwards as the instrument of his
Page 183 ANTENOR. brother's cruelty. (Diod. xix. 3, xx. 16, 72.) Antander was the author of an historical work, which Diodorus quotes. (Exc. xxi. 12, p. 492, ed. Wess.) ANTEIA ('Aereim), a daughter of the Lycian king lobates, and wife of Proetus of Argos, by whom she became the mother of Maera. (Apollod. ii. 2. ~ 1; Hom. II. vi. 160; Eustath, ad Hom. p. 1688.) The Greek tragedians call the wife of Proetus Stheneboea. Respecting her love for Bellerophontes, see BELLEROPHONTES. [L. S.] ANTEIAS or ANTIAS ('AvTEiaS or 'Ar-ias), one of the three sons of Odysseus by Circe, from whom the town of Anteia in Italy was believed to have derived its name. (Dionys. Hal. i. 72; Steph. Byz. s. v. "AvTrla.) [L. S.] P. ANTEIUS was to have had the province of Syria in A. D. 56, but was detained in the city by Nero. He was hated by Nero on account of his intimacy with Agrippina, and was thus compelled to put an end to his own life in A. D. 57. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 22, xvi. 14.) ANTENOR ('AVTi vp), a Trojan, a son of Aesyetes and Cleomestra, and husband of Theano, by whom he had many children. (Hom. II. vi. 398; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 349.) According to the Homeric account, he was one of the wisest among the elders at Troy, and received Menelaus and Odysseus into his house when they came to Troy as ambassadors. (I1. iii. 146, &c., 203, &c.) He also advised his fellow-citizens to restore Helen to Menelaus. (II. vii. 348, &c.) This is the substance of all that is said about him in the Homeric poems; but the suggestion contained therein, that Antenor entertained a friendly disposition towards the Greeks, has been seized upon and exaggerated by later writers. Before the Trojan war, he is said to have been sent by Priam to Greece to claim the surrender of Hesione, who had been carried off by the Greeks; but this mission was not followed by any favourable result. (Dares Phryg. 5.) When Menelaus and Odysseus came to Troy, they would have been killed by the sons of Priam, had it not been for the protection which Antenor afforded them. (Dict. Cret. i. 11.) Just before the taking of Troy his friendship for the Greeks assumes the character of treachery towards his own country; for when sent to Agamemnon to negotiate peace, he devised with him and Odysseus a plan of delivering the city, and even the palladium, into their hands. (Dict. Cret. iv. 22, v. 8; Serv. adAen. i. 246, 651, ii. 15; Tzetzes, ad Lycopir. 339; Suidas, s. v. 7raXhaSLto.) When Troy was plundered, the skin of a panther was hung up at the door of Antenor's house, as a sign for the Greeks not to commit any outrage upon it. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. v. 108; Paus. x. 17; Strab. xiii. p. 608.) His history after this event is related differently. Dictys (v. 17; comp. Serv. ad Aen. ix. 264) states, that he founded a new kingdom at Troy upon and out of the remnants of the old one; and according to others, he embarked with Menelaus and Helen, was carried to Libya, and settled at Cyrene (Pind. Pyth. v. 110); or he went with the Heneti to Thrace, and thence to the western coast of the Adriatic, where the foundation of several towns is ascribed to him. (Strab. 1. c.; Serv. ad Aen. i. 1; Liv. i. 1.) Antenor with his family and his house, on which the panther's skin was seen, was painted in the Lesche at Delphi. (Paus. 1. c.) [L. S.] ANTE'NOR ('AYrsfvwp), the son of Euphranor, ANTHEAS. 183 an Athenian sculptor, made the first bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, which the Athenians set up in the Cerameicus. (B. c. 509.) These statues were carried off to Susa by Xerxes, and their place was supplied by others made either by Callias or by Praxiteles. After the conquest of Persia, Alexander the Great sent the statues back to Athens, where they were again set up in the Cerameicus. (Paus. i. 8. ~ 5; Arrian. Anab. iii. 16, vii. 19; Plin. xxxiv. 9; ib. 19. ~ 10; Biickh, Corp. Inscrip. ii. p. 340.) The return of the statues is ascribed by Pausanias (1. c.) to one of the Antiochi, by Valerius Maximus (ii. 10, ext. ~ 1) to Seleucus; but the account of Arrian, that they were returned by Alexander, is to be preferred. (See also Meursii Pisistrat. 14.) [P. S.] ANTE'NOR ('AVTTYVwp), a Greek writer of uncertain date, wrote a work upon the history of Crete, which on account of its excellence was called AX-ea, inasmuch as, says Ptolemy Hephaestion (ap. Phot. Cod. 190, p. 151, b. Bekk.), the Cretans called that which is good AdArov. (Aelian, H. N. xvii. 35; Plut. de M/al. ierod. c. 32.) ANTENO'R1DES ('Arvropifl), a patronymic from Antenor, and applied to his sons and descendants. (Virg. Aen. vi. 484; Hom. II. xi. 221.) At Cyrene, where Antenor according to some accounts had settled after the destruction of Troy, the Antenoridae enjoyed heroic honours. (Pind. Pyth. v. 108.) [L. S.] ANTEROS. [ERos.] ANTEVORTA, also called PORRIMA or PRORSA (Ov. Fast. i. 633; Gell. xvi. 16), together with Postvorta, are described either as the two sisters or companions of the Roman goddess Carmenta. (Ov. 1. c.; Macrob. Sat. i. 7.) It seems to be clear, from the manner in which Macrobius speaks of Antevorta and Postvorta, that originally they were only two attributes of the one goddess Carmenta, the former describing her knowledge of the future and the latter that of the past, analogous to the two-headed Janus. But that in later times Antevorta and Postvorta were regarded as two distinct beings, companions of Carmenta, or as two Carmentae, is expressly said by Varro (ap. Gell. 1. c.), Ovid, and Macrobius. According to Varro, who also says, that they had two altars at Rome, they were invoked by pregnant women, to avert the dangers of child-birth. [L. S.] ANTHAEUS ('AvD0aLs) or Antaeus, a physician, whose ridiculous and superstitious remedy for hydrophobia is mentioned by Pliny. (H. N. xxviii. 2.) One of his prescriptions is preserved by Galen. (De Compos. lMedicam. sec. Locos, iv. 8. vol. xii. p. 764.) Nothing is known of the events of his life, but, as Pliny mentions him, he must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.] ANTHAS ('AvOds), a son of Poseidon and Alcyone, the daughter of Atlas. He was king of Troezen, and believed to have built the town of Antheia, and according to a Boeotian tradition, the town of Anthedon also. Other accounts stated, that Anthedon derived its name from a nymph Anthedon. (Paus. ii. 30. ~ 7, &c., ix. 22. ~ 5.) [L. S.] A'NTHEAS LI'NDIUS ("Aveas), a Greek poet, of Lindus in Rhodes, flourished about B.c. 596. He was one of the earliest eminent composers of phallic songs, which he himself sung at the head of his phallophori. (Athen. x. p. 445.) Hence he is ranked by Athenaeus (1. c.) as a comic poet, but
Page 184 184 ANTHES. ANTIAS. this is not precisely correct, since lie lived before the period when comedy assumed its proper form. It is well observed by Bode (Drain. Dichtkunst. ii. p. 16), that Antheas, with his comus of phallophori, stands in the same relation to comedy as Arion, with his dithyrambic chorus, to tragedy. (See also Diet. of Ant. s. v. Comoedia.) [P. S.] ANTHIEDON. [ANTHAS.] ANTHEIA ("AvOeia), the blooming, or the friend of flowers, a surname of Hera, under which she had a temple at Argos. Before this temple was the mound under which the women were buried who had come with Dionysus from the Aegean islands, and had fallen in a contest with the Argives and Perseus. (Paus. ii. 22. ~ 1.) Antheia was used at Gnossus as a surname of Aphrodite. (Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.] ANTHE'LII ('Av6Ario Lallipoves), certain divinities whose images stood before the doors of houses, and were exposed to the sun, whence they derived their name. (Aeschyl. Agam. 530; Lobeck, ad Soph. Ajac. 805.) [L. S.] ANTHE'MIUS, emperor of the West, remarkable for his reign exhibiting the last effort of.the Eastern empire to support the sinking fortunes of the Western. He was the son of Procopius, and son-in-law of the emperor Marcian, and on Ricimer applying to the eastern emperor Leo for a successor to Majorian in the west, he was in A. D. 467 named for the office, in which he was confirmed at Rome. His daughter was married to Ricimer; but a quarrel arising between Anthemius and Ricimer, the latter acknowledged Olybrius as emperor, and laid siege to Rome, which he took by storm in 473. Anthemius perished in the assault. His private life, which seems to have been good, is given in the panegyric upon him by Sidonius Apollonius, whom he patronized; his public life in Jornandes (de Reb. Get. c.45), Marcellinus (Cron.), and Theophanes (p. 101). See Gibbon, Decline and Fall c. 36. [A. P. S.] ANTHE'MIUS ('AvOBetoe), an eminent mathematician and architect, born at Tralles, in Lydia, in the sixth century after Christ. His father's name was Stephanus, who was a physician (Alex. Trail. iv. 1, p. 198); one of his brothers was the celebrated Alexander Trallianus; and Agathias mentions (Hist. v. p. 149), that his three other brothers, Dioscorus, Metrodorus, and Olympius, were each eminent in their several professions. He was one of the architects employed by the emperor Justinian in the building of the church of St. Sophia, A. D. 532 (Procop. in Combefis. Manip. Rerum CPol. p. 284; Agath. Hist. v. p. 149, &c.; Du Cange, CPolis Christ. lib. iii. p. 11; Anselm. Bandur. ad Antiq. CPol. p. 772), and to him Eutocius dedicated his Commentary on the Conica of Apollonius. A fragment of one of his mathematical \vorks was published at Paris, 4to. by M. Dupuy, 1777, with the title " Fragment d'un Ouvrage Grec d'Anthemius sur des 'Paradoxes de Mecanique;' revu et corrige sur quatre Manuscrits, avec une Traduction Franqoise et des Notes." It is also to be found in the fortysecond volume of the Hist. de 'Acad. des Inscr. 1786, pp. 72, 392-451. [W. A. G.] ANTHERMUS, sculptor. [BUPALUS.] ANTHES (CAv67s), probably only another formn of Anthas. It occurs in Stephanus Byzantius, who calls him the founder of Anthane in Laconia; and in Plutarch (Queest. Gr. 19) who says, that the island of Calauria was originally called, after him, Anthedonia. [L. S.] ANTHEUS ('Avevss), the blooming, a surname of Dionysus. (Paus. vii. 21. ~ 2.) Anthius, a surname which Dionysus bore at Athens, is probably only a different form for Antheus. (Paus. i. 31. ~ 2.) There are also two fabulous personages of this name. (Hygin. Fab. 157; Virg. Aen. i. 181, 510, xii. 443.) [L. S.] ANTHEUS, a Greek sculptor of considerable reputation, though not of first-rate excellence, flourished about 180 B. c. (Plin. xxxiv. 19, where Anttheus is a correction for the common reading Antaeus.) [P. S.] ANTHIA'NUS (ANTHUS?), FURIUS, a Roman jurisconsult, of uncertain date. He was probably not later than Severus Alexander. He wrote a work upon the Edict, which in the Florentine Index to the Digest is entitled 4pipos EiiCreov 3L@Aia w ri're, but there are only three extracts made from it in the Digest, and all of these are taken from the first book. This has led many to hold that the compilers of the Digest possessed only an imperfect copy of his work. (P. I. Besier, Diss. de Furio Anthiano, J. C. ejusque fragmenetis, Lug. Bat. 1803.) [J. T. G.] A'NTHIMUS ('Av'Oios), bishop of Trapezus in Pontus, was made patriarch of Consfantinople by the influence of the empress Theodora (A. D. 535), and about the same time was drawn over to the Eutychian heresy by Severus. Soon after his election to the patriarchate, Agapetus, the bishop of Rome, came to Constantinople, and obtaiined from the emperor Justinian a sentence of 'deposition against Anthimus, which was confirmed by a synod held at Coristantinople under Mennas, the successor of Anthimus. (A. D. 536; Novell. 42; Mansi, Nova Collect. Concil. viii. pp. 821, 869, 1149-1158; Labbe, v.; AGAPETUS.) Some fragments of the debate between Anthimus and Agapetus in the presence of Justinian are preserved in the Acts of the Councils. [P. S.] ANTHIPPUS ('Amvnr7ros), a Greek comic poet, a play of whose is cited by Athenaeus (ix. p. 403), where, however, we ought perhaps to read Ava'(1r7rcy. [ANAXIPPUS.] [P. S.] ANTHUS "AvOos), a son of Autonous and Hippodameia, who was torn to pieces by the horses of his father, and was metamorphosed into a bird which imitated the neighing of a horse, but always fled from the sight of a horse. (Anton. Lib. 7; Plin. H. N. x. 57.) [L. S.] A'NTIA GENS, of which the cognomens are BRIso and RESTIO, seems to have been of considerable antiquity. The only person of this name, who has no cognomen, is SP. ANTIUS. ANTIANEIRA ('AVTrndvelpa). 1. The mother of the Argonaut Idmon by Apollo. (Orph. Arg. 187.) The scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 139), however, calls Asteria the mother of Idmon. 2. A daughter of Menelaus, and mother of the Argonauts Eurytus and Echiones, whom she bore to Hermes. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 56; Hygin. Fab. 14.) [L. S.] A'NTIAS, a cognomen of the Valeria Gens, derived from the Roman colony of Antium. 1. L. VALERIUS ANTIAS, was sent with five ships in B. c. 215 to convey to Rome the Carthaginian ambassadors, who had been captured by the Romans on their way to Philip of Macedonia. (Liv. xxiii. 34.)
Page 185 ANTICLEIDES. 2. Q. VALERIUS ANTIAS, the Roman historian, was either a descendant of the preceding, or derived the surname of Antias from his being a native of Antium, as Pliny states. (II. N. Praef.) lie was a contemporary of Quadrigarius, Sisenna, and Rutilius (Vell. Pat. ii. 9), and lived in the former half of the first century before Christ. Krause, without mentioning his authority, states that Antias was praetor in A. u. c. 676. (B. c. 68.) He wrote the history of Rome from the earliest period, relating the stories of Amulius, Rhea Silvia and the like, down to the time of Sulla. The latter period must have been treated at much greater length than the earlier, since he spoke of the quaestorship of Ti. Gracchus (B. c. 137) as early as in the twelfth book (or according to some readings in the twenty-second), and the work extended to seventy-five books at least. (Gell. vii. 9.) Valerius Antias is frequently referred to by Livy, who speaks of him as the most lying of all the annalists, and seldom mentions his name without terms of reproach. (Comp. iii. 5, xxvi. 49, xxxvi. 38.) Gellius (vi. 8, vii. 19) too mentions cases in which the statements of Antias are opposed to those of all other writers, and there can be little doubt that Livy's judgment is correct. Antias was in no difficulty about any of the particulars of the early history: he fabricated the most circumstantial narratives, and was particularly distinguished by his exaggerations in numbers. Plutarch seems to have drawn much of his early history from him, and Livy too appears to have derived many of his statements from the same source, though he was aware of the untrustworthiness of iis authority. It is rather curious that Cicero lever refers to Valerius Antias. (Comp. Niebuhr, Fist. of Rome, i. pp. 237, 501, 525, &c., ii. p. 9, i. 570, iii. pp. 124, 358; Krause, Vitae et lFraym.;et. Historic. Latin. p. 266, &c.) ANTICLEI'A ('AvricAeia), a daughter of Auolycus, wife of Laertes, and mother of Odysseus. Hom. Od. xi. 85.) According to Homer she died f grief at the long absence of her son, who met her.nd spoke with her in Hades. (Od. xv. 356, &c.,:i. 202, &c.) According to other traditions, she.ut an end to her own life after she had heard a eport of the death of her son. (Hygin. Fab. 243.) lyginus (Fab. 201) also states, that previous to er marrying Laertes, she lived on intimate terms rith Sisyphus; whence Euripides (lplig. Aul. 524) alls Odysseus a son of Sisyphus. (Comp. Sophoc]. "hil. 417; Ov. Met. xiii. 32; Serv. ad Aen. vi. "29.) It is uncertain whether this Anticleia is the ime as the one whose son Periphetes was killed y Theseus. Of this Periphetes she was the mother y Hephaestus or by Poseidon. (Apollod. iii. 16. 1; Paus. ii. 1. ~ 4; Hygin. Fab. 38.) Another tythical personage of this name, who married Iachaon, the son of Asclepius, is mentioned by aus. iv. 30. ~ 2. [L. S.] ANTICLEIDES ('AvrLKucXhis), of Athens kthen. xi. p. 446, c.), lived after the time of lexander the Great (Plut. Alex. 46), and is frelently referred to by later writers. He wrote, 1. spi Ndo-Trv, containing an account of the return the Greeks from their ancient expeditions. Ithen. iv. p. 157, f., ix. p. 384, d., xi. p. 466, c.) nticleides' statement about the Pelasgians, which rabo (v. p. 221) quotes, is probably taken from e work on the No'airor. 2. A?AUamd, an account Delos. (Schol. ad Apoll. RhLod. i. 1207, 1289.) ANTIGENES. 18/5 3. 'E7)7yjTruc's, appears to have been a sort of Dictionary, in which perhaps an explanation of those words and phrases was given which occurred in the ancient stories. (Athen. xi. p. 473, b. c.) 4. Ilepl 'AAeavP8pov," of which the second book is quoted by Diogenes Laertius. (viii. 11; comp. Plut. Alex. 1. c.) Whether these works were all written by Anticleides of Athens, cannot be decided with certainty. ANTI'CRATES ('AvrTcpdcrs), a Spartan who, according to Dioscourides (ap. Plut. Ages. 35), killed Epaminondas at the battle of Mantineia. The descendants of Anticrates are said to have been called Maxapliwves by the Lacedaemonians, on account of his having struck Epaminondas with a taXalapa (Plut. 1. c.), but Pausanias (viii. 11. ~ 4) mentions Machaerion, a Lacedaemonian or Mantinean, to whom this honour was ascribed by some. Others attribute it to Gryllus, the son of Xenophon. [GRYLLUS.] ANTIDAMAS, or ANTIDAMUS, of Heracleia, wrote in Greek a history of Alexander the Great and moral works, which are referred to by Fulgentius. (s. v. Vespillones, fabre.) ANTIDO'RUS ('AvTf'wpos), of Lemnos, deserted to the Greeks in the battle of Artemisium, and was rewarded by the Athenians by a piece of ground in Salamis. (Herod. viii. 11.) ANTI'DOTUS ('AVTL'oros), an Athenian comic poet, of whom we know nothing, except that he was of the middle comedy, which is evident from the fact that a certain play, the 'Opoia, is ascribed both to him and to Alexis. (Athen. xiv. p. 642.) We have the titles of two other plays of his, and it is thought that his name ought to be restored in Athenaeus (i. p. 28, e.) and Pollux (vi. 99). (See Meineke, i. p. 416.) [P. S.] ANTIDOTUS, an encaustic painter, the disciple of Euphranor, and teacher of Nicias the Athenian. His works were few, but carefully executed, and his colouring was somewhat harsh (severior). He flourished about B. c. 336. (Plin. xxxv. 40. ~~ 27, 28.) [P. S.] ANTI'GENES ('AvrmyEivsS). 1. A general of Alexander the Great, also served under Philip, and lost an eye at the siege of Perinthus. (B. c. 340.) After the death of Alexander he obtained the satrapy of Susiana. He was one of the commanders of the Argyraspids (Dict. of Ant. s. v.) and espoused with his troops the side of Eumenes. On the defeat of the latter in B. c. 316, Antigenes fell into the hands of his enemy Antigonus, and was burnt alive by him. (Plut. Alex. 70; Arrian, ap. Phot. p. 71, b. Bekk.; Diod. xviii. 62, xix. 12, &c., 44; Plut. PEum. 13.) 2. A Greek historian, who spoke of the Amazon's visit to Alexander. (Plut. Alex. 46.) There was a grammarian of the same name. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. iii. p. 34, vi. p. 355.) ANTI'GENES ('ArITyv)s), the name of at least three Greek physicians. 1. An inhabitant of Chios, mentioned in one of the spurious letters of Euripides (Eurip. Epist. 2. vol. ii. p. 500, ed. Beck), who (if he ever really existed) must have lived in the fifth century B. c. 2. One of the followers of Cleophantus, who must have lived about the middle of the third century B. c., as Mnemon, one of his fellow-pupils, is known to have lived in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, B. c. 247--222. [CLEOPHANTUS; MNEMON.] One of his works is quoted by Caelius
Page 186 186 ANTIGONE. Aurelianus (De Morb. Acut. ii. 10, p. 46), and he is probably the physician mentioned by Galen (Comment. in Hippocr. "De Nat. Honm." ii. 6, vol. xv. p. 136), together with several others who lived about that time, as being celebrated anatomists..3. One of Galen's contemporaries at Rome in the second century after Christ, who was a pupil of Quintus and Marinus, and had an extensive and lucrative practice. Galen gives an account (De Praenot. ad Posth. c. 3. vol. xiv. p. 613) of their differing in opinion as to the probable result of the illness of the philosopher Eudemus. (Le Clerc, Hist. de la Mid.; Fabricius, Biblioth. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 63, ed. vet.; Haller, Biblioth. Medic. Prtict. tom. i.) [W.A.G.] ANTIGE'NIDAS ('Avreyevisas), a Theban, the son of Satyrus or Dionysius, was a celebrated flute-player, and also a poet. He lived in the time of Alexander the Great. (Suidas and IHarpocrat. s. v.; Plut. de Alex. fort. p. 355, a., de Music. p. 1138, a.; Cic. Brut. 50; Bode, Gesch. d. lyrisch. Dicltkunst d. Hellenen, ii. p. 321, &c.) His two daughters, Melo and Satyra, who followed the profession of their father, are mentioned in an epigram in the Greek Anthology. (v. 206.) ANTIGNO'TUS. [ANTIGONUS, sculptor.] ANTI'GONE ('Avryo'vi). 1. A daughter of Oedipus by his mother Jocaste. She had two brothers, Eteocles and Polyneices, and a sister Ismene. In the tragic story of Oedipus Antigone appears as a noble maiden, with a truly heroic attachment to her father and brothers. When Oedipus, in despair at the fate which had driven him to murder his father, and commit incest with his mother, had put out his eyes, and was obliged to quit Thebes, he went to Attica guided and accompanied by his attached daughter Antigone. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 8, &c.) She remained with him till he died in Colonus, and then returned to Thebes. Haemon, the son of Creon, had, according to Apollodorus, died before this time; but Sophocles, to suit his own tragic purposes, represents him as alive and falling in love with Antigone. When Polyneices, subsequently, who had been expelled by his brother Eteocles, marched against Thebes (in the war of the Seven), and the two brothers had fallen in single combat, Creon, who now succeeded to the throne, issued an edict forbidding, under heavy penalties, the burial of their bodies. While every ANTIGONIDAE. one else submitted to this impious command, Antigone alone defied the tyrant, and buried the body of Polyneices. According to Apollodorus (iii. 7. ~ 1), Creon had her buried alive in the same tomb with her brother. According to Sophocles, she was shut up in a subterraneous cave, where she killed herself, and Haemon, on hearing of her death, killed himself by her side; so that Creon too received his punishment. A different account of Antigone is given by Hyginus. (Fab. 72.) Aeschylus and Sophocles made the story of Antigone the subject of tragedies, and that of the latter, one of the most beautiful of ancient dramas, is still extant. Antigone acts a part in other extant dramas also, as in the Seven against Thebes of Aeschylus, in the Oedipus in Colonus of Sophocles, and in the Phoenissae of Euripides. 2. A daughter of Eurytion of Phthia, and wife of Peleus, by whom she became the mother of Polydora. When Peleus had killed Eurytion during the chace, and fled to Acastus at lolcus, he drew upon himself the hatred of Astydameia, the wife of Acastus. [ACAsTUS.] In consequence of this, she sent a calumniatory message to Antigone, stating, that Peleus was on the point of marrying Sterope, a daughter of Acastus. Hereupon Antigone hung herself in despair. (Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 1-3.) 3. A daughter of Laomedon and sister of Priam. She boasted of excelling Hera in the beauty of her hair, and was punished for her presumptuous vanity by being changed into a stork. (Ov. Met. vi. 93.) 4. A daughter of Pheres, married to Pyremus or Cometes, by whom she became the mother oh the Argonaut Asterion. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 35: Orph. Arg. 161; Hygin. Fab. 14.) [L. S.] ANTF'GONE ('Avriyod'v), the daughter o: Cassander (the brother of Antipater), was th( second wife of Ptolemy Lagus, and the mother o Berenice, who married first the Macedonian Philip son of Amyntas, and then Ptolemy Soter. (Droy sen, Gesch. d. Nachfolger Alexanders, p. 418, &c. and Tab. viii. 3.) 2. The daughter of Berenice by her first bus band Philip, and the wife of Pyrrhus. (Plui Pyrr&/. 4.) ANTIGO'NIDAE, the descendants of Anti gonus, king of Asia. The following genealogies table of this family is taken from Droysen's Ge: chichte der Nachfolger Alexanders. Antigonus, died B. c. 301. Married Stratonice, daughter of Corrhaeus. Demetrius I. (Poliorcetes), k. of Macedonia, Died B. c. 283. Married 1. Phila, d. of Antipater. 2. Eurydice, widow of Ophelias. 3. Deidameia, d. of Aeacides. 4. An Illyrian. 5. Ptolemais, d. of Ptolemy Sotor. 6. Lamia, an Hetaira. Philip, died m. c. 30i Antigonus Gonatas, k. of Macedonia. Died B. c. 239. Married 1. Phila,d. of Seleucus Nicator. 2. Demo. a( Stratonice. Married 1. Seleucus. 2. Antiochus. Corrabus. Demetrius, Phila of Cyrene. Died B. c. 250. Married Olympian of Larissa. b
Page 187 ANTIGONUS. Demetrius II., k. of Halcyonetts. Macedonia. Died B. c. 229. Married 1. Stratonice, d. of Antiochus Soter. 2. Phthia,d. ofAlexander, the son of Pyrrhus. ANTIGONUS. 187 Antigonus Doson, k. of Echecrates. Macedonia. Died B. c. 221. 1 Married Phthia, the widow Antigonus. of Demetrius II. Apama. Philip V. king of Macedonia. Died B. c. 179. Perseus, k. of Macedonia. Conquered by the Romans B. c. 168. ANTI'GONUS ('AvTriyovos), a Greek writer )n the history of Italy. (Fest. s. v. Romam; )ionys. Hal. i. 6.) It has been supposed that the Intigonus mentioned by Plutarch (Romul. 17) is he same as the historian, but the saying there noted belongs to a king Antigonus, and not to the.istorian. [L. S.] ANTI'GONUS ('AV-iyovos), son of ALEX-.NDER, was sent by Perseus, king of Macedonia, s ambassador into Boeotia, in B. c. 172, and suc2eded in inducing the towns of Coroneia, Thebes, nd Haliartus to remain faithful to the king. Polyb. xxvii. 5.) [L. S.] ANTI'GON IS ('Avriyovos), of ALEXANDRIA, grammarian who is referred to by Erotian in his rooemium and his Prenira. He is perhaps the Lme person as the Antigonus of whom the SchoIst on Nicander speaks, and identical with Antimus, the commentator of Hippocrates. (Erotian, 13.) [L. S.] ANTI'GONUS ('AvTrmovos), king of ASIA, rnamed the One-eyed (Lucian, IMacrob. 11; Plut. SPueror. Educ. 14), was the son of Philip of lymiotis. He was born about B. c. 382, and was ie of the generals of Alexander the Great, and in e division of the empire after his death (B. c..3), he received the provinces of the Greater irygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia. Perdiccas, who d been appointed regent, had formed the plan of taining the sovereignty of the whole of Alexder's dominions, and therefore resolved upon the in of Antigonus, who was likely to stand in the ty of his ambitious projects. Perceiving the nger which threatened him, Antigonus fled with; son Demetrius to Antipater in Macedonia(321); t the death of Perdiccas in Egypt in the same ar put an end to the apprehensions of Antigonus. itipater was now declared regent; he restored to itigonus his former provinces with the addition Susiana, and gave him the commission of carrySon the war against Eumenes, who would not )nit to the authority of the new regent. In s war Antigonus was completely successful; he 'eated Eumenes, and compelled him to take age with a small body of troops in Nora, an pregnable fortress on the confines of Lycaonia and ppadocia; and after leaving this place closely ested, he marched into Pisidia, and conquered,etas and Attalus, the only generals who still d out against Antipater (a c. 320). [ALCETAS.] the death of Antipater in the following year c. 319) was favourable to the ambitious views of Antigonus, and almost placed within his reach the throne of Asia. Antipater had appointed Polysperchon regent, to the exclusion of his own son Cassander, who was dissatisfied with the arrangement of his father, and claimed the regency for himself. He was supported by Antigonus, and their confederacy was soon afterwards joined by Ptolemy. But they found a formidable rival in Eumenes, who was appointed by Polysperchon to the command of the troops in Asia. Antigonus commanded the troops of the confederates, and the struggle between him and Eumenes lasted for two years. The scene of the first campaign (B. c. 318) was Asia Minor and Syria, of the second (n. c. 31.7) Persia and Media. The contest was at length terminated by a battle in Gabiene at the beginning of B. c. 316, in which Eumenes was defeated. He was surrendered to Antigonus the next day through the treachery of the Argyraspids, and was put to death by the conqueror. Antigonus was now by far the most powerful of Alexander's generals, and was by no means disposed to share with his allies the fruits of his victory. He began to dispose of the provinces as he thought fit. He caused Pithon, a general of great influence, to be brought before his council, and condemned to death on the charge of treachery, and executed several other officers who shewed symptoms of discontent. After taking possession of the immense treasures collected at Ecbatana and Susa, he proceeded to Babylon, where he called upon Seleucus to account for the administration of the revenues of this province. Such an account, however, Seleucus refused to give, maintaining that he had received the province as a free gift from Alexander's army; but, admonished by the recent fate of Pithon, he thought it more prudent to get out of the reach of Antigonus, and accordingly left Babylon secretly with a few horsemen, and fled to Egypt. The ambitious projects and great power of Antigonus now led to a general coalition against him, consisting of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus. The war began in the year 315, and was carried on with great vehemence and alternate success in Syria, Phoenicia, Asia Minor, and Greece. After four years, all parties became exhausted with the struggle, and peace was accordingly made, in B. c. 311, on condition that the Greek cities should be free, that Cassander should retain his authority in Europe till Alexander Aegus came of age, that Lysimachus and Ptolemy
Page 188 188 ANTIGONUS. should keep possession of Thrace and Egypt respectively, and that Antigonus should have the government of all Asia. The name of Seleucus, strangely enough, does not appear in the treaty. This peace, however, did not last more than a year. Ptolemy was the first to break it, under pretence that Antigonus had not restored to liberty the Greek cities in Asia Minor, and accordingly sent a fleet to Cilicia to dislodge the garrisons of Antigonus from the maritime towns. (a. c. 310.) Ptolemy was at first successful, but was soon deprived of all he had gained by the conquests of Demetrius (Poliorcetes), the son of Antigonus. Meanwhile, however, the whole of Greece was in tile power of Cassander, and Demetrius was therefore sent with a large fleet to effect a diversion in his father's favour. Demetrius met with little opposition; he took possession of Athens in B. c. 307, where lie was received with the most extravagant flattery. He also obtained possession of Megara, and would probably have become master of the whole of Greece, if he had not been recalled by his father to oppose Ptolemy, who had gained the island of Cyprus. The fleet of Demetrius met that of Ptolemy off the city of Salamis in Cyprus, and a battle ensued, which is one of the most memorable of the naval engagements of antiquity. Ptolemy was entirely defeated (B. c. 306), and Antigonus assumed in consequence the title of king, and the diadem, the symbol of royal power in Persia. He also conferred the same title upon Demetrius, between whom and his father the most cordial friendship and unanimity always prevailed. The example of Antigonus was followed by Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, who are from this time designated as kings. The city of Antigoneia on the Orontes in Syria was founded by Antigonus in the preceding year (B. c. 307). Antigonus thought that the time had now come for crushing Ptolemy. He accordingly invaded Egypt with a large force, but his invasion was as unsuccessful as Cassander's had been: he was obliged to retire with great loss. (B. c. 306.) He next sent Demetrius to besiege Rhodes, which hsad refused to assist him against Ptolemy, and had hitherto remained neutral. Although Demetrius made the most extraordinary efforts to reduce the place, he was completely baffled by the energy and perseverance of the besieged; and was therefore glad, at the end of a year's siege, to make peace with the Rhodians on terms very favourable to the latter. (a. c. 304.) While Demetrius was engaged against Rhodes, Cassander had recovered his former power in Greece, and this was one reason that made Antigonus anxious that his son should make peace with the Rhodians. Demetrius crossed over into Greece, and after gaining possession of the principal cities without much difficulty, collected an assembly of deputies at Corinth (a. c. 303), which conferred upon him the same title that had formerly been bestowed upon Philip and Alexander. Hie now prepared to march northwards against Cassander, who, alarmed at his dangerous position, sent proposals of peace to Antigonus. The proud answer was, "Cassander must yield to the pleasure of Antigonus." But Cassander had not sunk so low as this: he sent ambassadors to Seleucus and Ptolemy for assistance, and induced Lysimachus to invade Asia Minor in order to make an immediate diversion in his favour. Antigonus proceeded in person to oppose Lysima ANTIGONUS. chus, and endeavoured to force him to an engagement before the arrival of Seleucus from upper Asia. But in this he could not succeed, and the campaign accordingly passed away without a battle. (a. c. 302.) During the winter, Selencus joined Lysinmachus, and Demetrius came from Greece to the assistance of his father. The decisive battle took place in the following year (a. c.' 301), near Ipsus in Phrygia. Antigonus fell in the battle, in the eighty-first year of his age, and his army was completely defeated. Demetrius escaped, but was unable to restore the fortunes of his house. [DEaMETRIUS.] The dominions of Antigonus were divided between the conquerors: Lysimachus obtained the greater part of Asia Minor, and Seleucus the countries between the coast of Syria and the Euphrates, together with a part of Phrygia and Cappadocia. (Diod. lib. xviii.xx.; Plut. Eumenes and Demsetrius; Droyen, Geschichte der Nachfolger Alexanders; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. vii.) The head on the following coin of Antigonus. Frdhlich supposes to be Neptune's, but Eckhel thinks that it represents Dionysus, and that the coin was struck by Antigonus after his naval victory off Cyprus, in order to shew that he should subdue all his enemies, as Dionysus had conquerec his in India. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 118.) ANTI'GONUS ('Asvir'oyOS), of CARYSTUS, i supposed by some to have lived in the reign ( Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, and by others in that ( Euergetes. Respecting his life nothing is knowl but we possess by him a work called lopropmi eapad'S6wv wvvaywyI (HIistoriae Mirabiles), whic consists for the most part of extracts from th "' Auscultationes" attributed to Aristotle, and froi similar works of Callimachus, Timaeus, and othe: which are now lost. It is only the circunistanm that he has thus preserved extracts from other an better works, that gives any value to this compil; tion of strange stories, which is evidently mac without skill or judgment. It was first editer together with Antoninus Liberalis, by Xylande Basel, 1568, 8vo. The best editions are those Meursius, Lugd. Bat. 1619, 4to., and of J. Bece mann. Leipzig, 1791, 4to. Antigonus also wro an epic poem entitled 'AviTrarpos, of which tv lines are preserved in Athenaeus. (iii. p. 82.) T' Anthologia Graeca (ix. 406) contains an epigra of Antigonus. [L. S.] ANTI'GONUS ('Avri-yovos), of CUMAE, Asia Minor, a Greek writer on agriculture, who referred to by Pliny (Elench. libb. viii. xiv. > xvii.), Varro (De Re Rust. i. 1), and Columella 1), but whose age is unknown. [L. S.] ANTI'GONUS DOSON ('AVyoVoe s AJcirw so called because it was said he was always abc to give but never did, was the son of Olympias Larissa and Demetrius of Cyrene, who was a e of Demetrius Poliorcetes and a brother of Antii
Page 189 ANTIGONUS. nus Gonatas. [ANTIGONIDAE.] On the death of Demetrius II., n.c. 229, Antigonus was appointed guardian of his son Philip, whence he was sometimes designated by the surname 'E-rlTpo7ros. (Athen. vi. p. 251, d.; Liv. xl. 54.) He married the widow of Demetrius, and almost immediately afterwards assumed the crown in his own right. At the commencement of his reign he was engaged in wars against the barbarians on the borders of Macedonia, but afterwards took an active part in the affairs of Greece. He supported Aratus and the Achaean league against Cleomenes, king of Sparta, and the Aetolians, and was completely successful. He defeated Cleomenes, and took Sparta, but was recalled to Macedonia by an invasion of the Illyrians. He defeated the Illyrians, and died in the same year (B. c. 220), after a reign of nine years. Polybius speaks favourably of his character, and commends him for his wisdom and moderation. He was succeeded by Philip. V. (Justin, xxviii. 3, 4; Plut. Arat. and Cleom.; Polyb. ii. 45, &c., 70; Niebuhr, Kleine Schritfen, p. 232, &c.) [ARTUS; CLEOMENES.] ANTI'GONUS ('Avilyovos), son of ECHECRATES, the brother of Antigonus Doson, revealed to Philip V., king of Macedonia, a few months before his death, B. c. 179, the false accusations of dis son Perseus against his other son Demetrius, in consequence of which Philip had put the latter;o death. Indignant at the conduct of Perseus, Philip appointed Antigonus his successor; but on uis death Perseus obtained possession of the throne, mnd caused Antigonus to be killed. (Liv. xl. 54 -m8.) ANTI'GONUS GO'NATAS ('AvY7iyvos Fou.ras), son of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Phila the daughter of Antipater), and grandson of Anigonus, king of Asia. [ANTIGONIDAE.] When is father Demetrius was driven out of Maceionia by Pyrrhus, in B. c. 287, and crossed ver into Asia, Antigonus remained in Peloponesus; but he did not assume the title of ing of Macedonia till after his father's death l Asia in B. c. 283. It was some years, howver, before he obtained possession of his paurnal dominions. Pyrrhus was deprived of the ingdom by Lysimachus (B. c. 286); Lysimachus ras succeeded by Seleucus (280), who was murered by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Ceraunus shortly fter fell in battle against the Gauls, and during ie next three years there was a succession of aimants to the throne. Antigonus at last oblined possession of the kingdom in 277, notwithanding the opposition of Antiochus, the son of eleucus, who laid claim to the crown in virtue of is father's conquests. But he withdrew his aim on the marriage of his half-sister, Phila, ith Antigonus. He subsequently defeated the auls, and continued in possession of his king)m till the return of Pyrrhus from Italy in 273, ho deprived him of the whole of Macedonia, ith the exception of a few places. He recovered s dominions in the following year (272) on the,ath of Pyrrhus at Argos, but was again deived of them by Alexander, the son of Pyrrhus. lexander, however, did not retain possession the country long, and was compelled to retire Sthe conquests of Demetrius, the brother or n of Antigonus, who now obtained part of seirus in addition to his paternal dominions. He ANTIGONUS. 189 subsequently attempted to prevent the formation of the Achaean league, and died in B. c. 239, at the age of eighty, after a reign of forty-four years. He was succeeded by Demetrius II. (Plut. Demetr. 51, Py'rrhuSs, 26; Justin, xxiv. 1, xxv. 1--3, xxvi. 2; Polyb. ii. 43, &c.; Lucian, Macrob. c. 11; Niebuhr, Kleine Schriften, p. 227, &c.) Antigonus' surname Gonatas is usually derived from Gonnos or Gonni in Thessaly, which is supposed to have been the place of his birth or education. Niebuhr (1. c.), however, remarks, that Thessaly did not come into his father's possession till Antigonus had grown up, and he thinks that Gonatas is a Macedonian word, the same as the Romaic yovards, which signifies an iron plate protecting the knee, and that Antigonus obtained this surname from wearing such a piece of defensive armour. COIN OF ANTIGONUS GONATAS. ANTI'GONUS ('Avriyovos), king of JUDAEA, the son of Aristobulus II. and the last of the Maccabees who sat on the royal throne. After his father had been put to death by Pompey's party, Antigonus was driven out of Judaea by Antipater and his sons, but was not able to obtain any assistance from Caesar's party. He was at length restored to the throne by the Parthians in B. c. 40. Herod, the son of Antipater, fled to Rome, and obtained from the Romans the title of king of Judaea, through the influence of Antony. Herod now marched against Antigonus, whom he defeated, and took Jerusalem, with the assistance of the Roman general Sosius, after a long and obstinate siege. Antigonus surrendered himself to Sosius,who handed him over to Antony. Antony had him executed at Antioch as a common malefactor in B.. 37. (Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 13-16, B. J. i. 13, 14; Dion Cass. xlix. 22. Respecting the difference in chronology between Josephus and Dion Cassius, see Wernsdorf, de Fide Librorum Blaccab. p. 24, and Ideler, ChJronol. ii. p. 389, &c.) ANTIGONUS ('Av-iyovos), a writer on PAINTING, mentioned by Diogenes Lae'rtius (vii. 12), is perhaps the same as the sculptor, whom we know to have written on statuary. [P. S.] ANTI'GONUS, a general of PERSEUS in the war with the Romans, was sent to Aenia to guard the coast. (Liv. xliv. 26, 32.) ANTI'GONUS, a Greek SCULPTOR, and an eminent writer upon his art, was one of the artists who represented the battles of Attalus and Eumenes against the Gauls. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. ~ 24.) He lived, therefore, about 239 B. c., when Attalus I., king of Pergamus, conquered the Gauls. A little further on, Pliny (~ 26) says, "Antigonus et perixyomenon, tyrannicidasque supra dictos," where one of the best MSS. has "Antignotus et luctatores, perixyomenon," &c. [P. S.] ANTI'GONUS ('Av-Lyovos), a Greek army SURGEON, mentioned by Galen, who must therefore have lived in or before the second century after Christ. (Galen, De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, ii. i, vol. xii. pp. 557, 580.) Marcellus Empiricus quotes a physician of the same name, who may
Page 190 190 ANTIMACHUS. very possibly be the same person (Marc. Empir. De Medican. c. 8. pp. 266, 267, 274); and Lucian mentions an impudent quack named Antigonus, who among other things said, that one of his patients had been restored to life after having been buried for twenty days. (Luc. Philopseudes, ~~ 21, 25, 26. vol. iii. ed. Tauchn.) [W.A. G.] ANTI'LEON ('AveiLXEov), a Greek author who wrote a work on chronology (Inepl Xpevwv), the second book of which is referred to by Diogenes Laertius. (iii. 3.) Whether he is the same person as the Antileon mentioned by Pollux (ii. 4, 151) is uncertain. [L. S.] ANTPLOCHUS ('AvriAoXos), a son of Nestor, king of Pylos, by Anaxibia (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 9), or according to the Odyssey (iii. 451), by Enrydice. Hyginus (Fab. 252) states, that as an infant he was exposed on mount Ida, and suckled by a dog. lHe is mentioned among the suitors of Helen. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8.) According to the Homeric account, he accompanied his father to Troy, but Nestor being advised by an oracle to guard his son against an Ethiopian, gave him Chalion as his constant attendant. (Eustath. ad Hosn. p. 1697.) Antilochus appears in the Homseric poems as one of the youngest, handsomest, and bravest among the Greeks, and is beloved by Achilles. (Od. iii. 112; II. xxiii. 556, 607, xviii. 16.) He fell at Troy by the hands of Memnon, the Ethiopian. (Od. iv. 186, &c., xi. 522; Pind. Pytll. vi. 32, &c.) Hyginus, in one passage (Fab. 112) states that he was slain by Memnon, and in another (Fab. 113) he makes Hector his conqueror. The remains of Antilochus were buried by the side of those of his friends Achilles and Patroclus (Od. xxiv. 78), and in Hades or the island of Leuce he likewise accompanied his friends. (Odc. xxiv. 16; Paus. iii. 19. ~ 11.) Philostratus (Her. iii. 2) gives a different account of him. When Nestor went to Troy, his son was yet too young to accompany him; but in the course of the war he came to Troy and applied to Achilles to soothe the anger of his father at his unexpected arrival. Achilles was delighted with the beauty and the warlike spirit of the youth, and Nestor too was proud of his son, and took him to Agamemnon. According to Philostratus, Antilochus was not slain by the Ethiopian Memnon, but by a Trojan of that name. Achilles not only avenged his death on Memnon, but celebrated splendid funeral games, and burnt the head and armour of Memnon on the funeral pyre. (Comp. Bockh, ad Pind. p. 299.) Antilochus was painted by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi. (Paus. x. 30. ~ 1; Philostr. Icon. ii. 7.) [L. S.] ANTI'LOCHUS ('AvrTAoXos), a Greek historian, who wrote an account of the Greek philosophers from the time of Pythagoras to the death of Epicurus, whose system he himself adopted. (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 133.) He seems to be the same as the Antilogus mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus. (De Comnp. Verb. 4; comp. Anonym. Descripvt. Olymp. xlix.) Theodoret (Therap. viii. p. 908) quotes an Antilochus as his authority for placing the tomb of Cecrops on the acropolis of Athens, but as Clemens of Alexandria (Protrept. p. 13) and Arnobius (adv. Gent. vi. 6) refer for the same fact to a writer of the name of Antiochus, there may possibly be an error in Theodoret. [L. S.] ANTIMA''CHIDES, architect. [ANTISTATES.] ANTI'MACHUS ('AvrieaXos), a Trojan, who, ANTIMACHUS. when Menelaus and Odysseus came to Troy to ask for the surrender of Helen, advised his countrymen to put the ambassadors to death. (Hom. 11. xi. 122, &c., 138, &c.) It was Antimachus who principally insisted upon Helen not being restored to the Greeks, (II. xi. 125.) He had three sons, and when two of them, Peisander and Hippolochus, fell into the hands of Menelaus, they were both put to death. There are three other mythical personages of this name. (Hygin. Fab. 170; Schol. ad Pind. Istnhm. iv. 104; Ov. Met. xii. 460.) [L. S.] ANTI'MACHUS ('AveTipaXos). 1. Of CLAROS, a son of Hipparchus, was a Greek epic and elegiac poet. (Cic. Brut. 51; Ov. Trist. i. 6. 1.) He is usually called a Colophonian, probably only because Claros belonged to the dominion of Colophon. He flourished during the latter period of the Peloponnesian war. (Diod. xiii. 108.) The statement of Suidas that he was a disciple of Panyasis would make him belong to an earlier date, but the fact that he is mentioned in connexion with Lysander and Plato the philosopher sufficiently indicates the age to which he belonged. (Plut. Lysand. 18; Proclus, ad Plat. Tim. i. p. 28.) Plutarch relates that at the Lysandria-for thus the Samians called their great festival of the Heraea, to honour Lysander-Antimachus entered upon a poetical contest with one Niceratus of Heracleia, The latter obtained the prize from Lysander himself, and Antimachus, disheartened by his failure, destroyed his own poem. Plato, then a young man, happened to be present, and consoled the unsuccessful poet by saying, that ignorance, like blindness, was a misfortune to those who labourec under it. The meeting between Antimachus anc Plato is related differently by Cicero (1. c.), wh( also places it manifestly at a different time ani probably also at a different place; for, according t( him, Antimachus once read to a numerous audienc< his voluminous poem (Thebais), and his hearer: were so wearied with it, that all gradually left tbh place with the exception of Plato, whereupon th< poet said, " I shall nevertheless continue to read for one Plato is worth more than all the thousand of other hearers." Now an anecdote similar t the one related by Cicero is recorded of Antagora the Rhodian [ANTAGORAS], and this repetition c the same occurrence, together with other improba bilities, have led Welcker (Der Epischle Cyclus, I 105, &c.) to reject the two anecdotes altogether a inventions, made either to show the uninterestin character of those epics, or to insinuate that, a though they did not suit the taste of the multitude they were duly appreciated by men of learnin and intelligence. The only other circumstance of the life of Ant machus that we know is, his love for Lyde, wh was either his mistress or his wife. He followc her to Lydia; but she appears to have died soc after, and the poet returned to Colophon ar sought consolation in the composition of an elei called Lyde, which was very celebrated in a, tiquity. (Athen. xiii. p. 598; Brunck, Andlect. p. 219.) This elegy, which was very long, co: sisted of accounts of the misfortunes of all tl mythical heroes who, like the poet, had becon unfortunate through the early death of their b loved. (Plut. Consol. ad Apollon. p. 106, b.) thus contained vast stores of mythical and an quarian information, and it was chiefly for this a:
Page 191 ANTIMACHItS. not for any higher or poetical reason, that Agatharchides made an abridgment of it. (Phot. Bibl. p. 171, ed. Bekker.) The principal work of Antimachus was his epic poem called Thebais (~$-ats), which Cicero designates as magnum illud volumen. Porphyrius (ad Horat. ad Pison. 146) says, that Antimachus had spun out his poem so much, that in the 24th book (volumen) his Seven Heroes had not yet arrived at Thebes. Now as in the remaining part of the work the poet had not only to describe the war of the Seven, but also probably treated of the war of the Epigoni (Schol. ad Aristoph. Pax. 1268), the length of the poem must have been immense. It was, like the elegy Lyde, full of mythological lore, and all that had any connexion with the subject of the poem was incorporated in it. It was, of course, difficult to control such a mass, and hence we find it stated by Quintilian (x. 1. ~ 53; comp. Dionys. Hal. De verb. Comapos. 22), that Antimachus was unsuccessful in his descriptions of passion, that his works were not graceful, and were deficient in arrangement. His style also had not the simple and easy flow of the Homeric poems. He borrowed expressions and phrases from the tragic writers, and frequently introduced Doric forms. [Schol. ad Nicand Theriac. 3.) Antimachus was Jbus one of the forerunners of the poets of the Alexandrine school, who wrote more for the learned md a select number of readers than for the public it large. The Alexandrine grammarians assigned o him the second place among the epic poets, and he emperor Hadrian preferred his works even to hose of Homer. (Dion. Cass. lxix. 4; Spartian. radrian. 5.) There are some other works which ",re ascribed to Antimachus, such as a work enitled "ApTre.us (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kovv'aiov), a econd called AE'ATV (Athen. vii. p. 300), a third alled 'Iayxvt (Etymol. M. s. v. 'AGoA'Twp), and erhaps also a Centauromachia (Natal. Coin. vii. ); but as in all these cases Antimachus is sentioned without any descriptive epithet, it canot be ascertained whether he is the Clarian oet, for there are two other poets of the same ame. Suidas says that Antimachus of Claros was Iso a grammarian, and there is a tradition that he iade a recension of the text of the Homeric poems; ut respecting these points see F. A. Wolf, Progsom. pp. clxxvii. and clxxxi., &c. The numerous agments of Antimachus have been collected by. A. G. Schellenberg, Halle, 1786, 8vo. Some Iditional fragments are contained in H. G. Stoll, nimadv. in Antimachi Fraygm. Gitting. 1841. hose belonging to the Thebais are collected in lintzer's Die Fragm. der Episch. Poes. der Griech. "s aif Alexand. p. 99, &c., comp. with Nachlrag, 38, &c. See N. Bach, PEiletae, Hermesianactis, c. reliquiae, &c. Epimetrun de Antimnachi Lyda, 240; Blomfield in the Classical Journal, iv. p. 31; Welcker, Der Epische Cyclus, p. 102, &c. 2. Of TEOS, an epic poet. Plutarch (Romul. 2) states, that lie was said to have known someing about the eclipse which occurred on the day the foundation of Rome. Clemens Alexandrinus;trotm. vi. p. 622, c.) quotes an hexameter verse )inm him, which Agias is said to have imitated. this statement is correct, Antimachus would long to an early period of Greek literature. 3. Of HELIOPOLIS in Egypt, is said by Suidas have written a poem called Koaaoworot, that is, the creation of the universe, consisting of 3780 ANTINOUS. 191 hexameter verses. Tzetzes (ad Lycophr. 245) quotes three lines from Antimachus, but whether they belong to Antimachus of Heliopolis, or to either of the two other poets of the same name, cannot be ascertained. (Diintzer, Fragm. der Episch. Poes. von Alexand., &c. p. 97.) [L. S.] ANTI'MACHUS, a sculptor, celebrated for his statues of ladies. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. ~ 26.) [P. S.] ANTIME'NIDAS. [ALCAEUS.] ANTIMOERUS ('Avri/otipos), a sophist, was a native of Mende in Thrace, and is mentioned with praise among the disciples of Protagoras. (Plat. Protag. p. 315, a.; Themist. Orat. xxix. p. 347, d.) [L. S.] ANTI'NOE ('Avr'1vd6), a daughter of Cepheus. At the command of an oracle she led the inhabitants of Mantineia from the spot where the old town stood, to a place where the new town was to be founded. She was guided on her way by a serpent. She had a monument at Mantineia commemorating this event. (Paus. viii% 8. ~ 3, 9. ~ 2.) In the latter of these passages she is called Antonoe. Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 164; Paus. viii. 11. ~ 2. [L. S.] ANTPNOUS ('Av-rivovs), a son of Eupeithes of Ithaca, and one of the suitors of Penelope, who during the absence of Odysseus even attempted to make himself master of the kingdom and threatened the life of Telemachus. (Hornm. Od. xxii. 48, &c., iv. 630, &c., xvi. 371.) When Odysseus after his return appeared in the disguise of a beggar, Antinous insulted him and threw a foot-stool at him. (Od. xviii. 42, &c.) On this account he was the first of the suitors who fell by the hands of Odysseus. (xxii. 8, &c.) [L. S.] ANTI'NOUS ('Avrivovs), a chief among the Molossians in Epeirus, who became involved, against his own will, in the war of Perseus, king of Macedonia, against the Romans. His family and that of another chief, Cephalus, were connected with the royal house of Macedonia by friendship, and although he was convinced that the war against Rome would be ruinous to Macedonia and therefore had no intention of joining Perseus, yet Charops, a young Epeirot, who had been educated at Rome and wished to insinuate himself into the favour of the Romans, calumniated Antinous and Cephalus as if they entertained a secret hostility towards Rome. Antinous and his friends at first treated the machinations of Charops with contempt, but when they perceived that some of their friends were arrested and conveyed to Rome, Antinous and Cephalus were compelled, for the sake of their own safety, openly, though unwillingly, to join the Macedonian party, and the Molossians followed their example. After the outbreak of the war Antinous fell fighting, B. c. 168. Polybius does not state clearly whether Antinous fell in battle, or whether he put an end to his own life in despair. (Polyb. xxvii. 13, xxx. 7.) [L. S.] ANTI'NOUS, a youth, probably of low origin, born at Bithynium or Claudiopolis in Bithynia. On account of his extraordinary beauty he was taken by the emperor Hadrian to be his page, and soon became the object of his extravagant affection. Hadrian took him with him on all his journeys. It was in the course of one of these that he was drowned in the Nile. It is uncertain whether his death was accidental, or whether he threw himself into the river, either from disgust at the life he led,
Page 192 192 ANTIOCHUS. or from a superstitious belief that by so doing he should avert some calamity from the emperor. Dion Cassius favours the latter supposition. The grief of the emperor knew no bounds. He strove to perpetuate the memory of his favourite by monuments of all kinds. He rebuilt the city of Besa in the Thebais, near which Antinous was drowned, and gave it the name of Antinoopolis. He enrolled Antinous amongst the gods, caused temples to be erected to him in Egypt and Greece (at Mantineia), and statues of him to be set up in almost every part of the world. In one of the sanctuaries dedicated to him oracles were delivered in his name. Games were also celebrated in his honour. (Dict. ofAnt. s. v.'Avrvo'eLa.) A star between the eagle and the zodiac, which the courtiers of the emperor pretended had then first made its appearance, and was the soul of Antinous, received his name, which it still bears. A large number of works of art of all kinds were executed in his honour, and many of them are still extant. They have been diffusely described and classified by Konrad Levezow in his treatise Ueber den Antinous dargestellt in den Kunsldenlkmilern des Alterthums. The death of Antinous, which took place probably in A. D. 122, seems to have formed an era in the history of ancient art. (Dion Cass. lxix. 11; Spartian. Hadrian. 14; Paus. viii. 9. 4.) [C. P. M.] There were various medals struck in honour of Antinous in the Greek cities, but none at Rome or in any of the Roman colonies. In the one annexed, which was struck at Bithynium, the birthplace of Hadrian, the inscription is H IIATPIE ANTINOON OEON, that is, " His native country (reverences) the god Antinous." The inscription on the reverse is nearly effaced on the medal from which the drawing was made: it was originally AAPIAN2N BIOTNIEn2N. On it Mercury is represented with a bull by his side, which probably has reference to Apis. (Eckhel, vi. p. 528, &c.) ANTIOCHIUS.: during the reign of Severus and Caracalla. He belonged to a distinguished family, some members of which were afterwards raised to the consulship at Rome. He took no part in the political affairs of his native place, but with his large property, which was increased by the liberality of the emperors, he was enabled to support and relieve his fellowcitizens whenever it was needed. He used to spend his nights in the temple of Asclepius, partly on account of the dreams and the communications with the god in them, and partly on account of the conversation of other persons who likewise spent their nights there without being able to sleep. During the war of Caracalla against the Parthians he was at first of some service to the Roman army by his Cynic mode of life, but afterwards he deserted to the Parthians together with Tiridates. Antiochus was one of the most distinguished rhetoricians of his time. He was a pupil of Dardanus, the Assyrian, and Dionysius, the Milesian. He used to speak extempore, and his declamations and orations were distinguished for their pathos, their richness in thought, and the precision of their style, which had nothing of the pomp and bombast of other rhetoricians. But he also acquired some reputation as a writer. Philostratus mentions an historical work of his (iropia) which is praised for the elegance of its style, but what was the subject of this history is unknown. Phrynichus (p. 32' refers to a work of his called 'Ayopd. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 4. 5. ~ 4; Dion Cass. lxxvii. 19 Suidas, s. c.; Eudoc. p. 58.) [L. S.] ANTI'OCIIUS ('AvrloXos), of ALEXANDRIA wrote a work on the Greek poets of the middl Attic comedy. (Athen. xi. p. 282.) Fabriciun thinks that he is, perhaps, the same man as th, mythographer Antiochus, who wrote a work o mythical traditions arranged according to the place where they were current. (Ptolem. Hephaest. 9; Phot. Cod. 190.) Some writers are inclined f consider the mythographer as the same wit Antiochus of Aegae or Antiochus of Syracuse; bu nothing certain can be said about the matter. [L. S. ANTI'OCHUS ('AnTigXor), an ARCADIAN, ws the envoy sent by his state to the Persian court i B. c. 367, when embassies went to Susa from mos of the Grecian states. The Arcadians, probabh through the influence of Pelopidas, the Theba ambassador, were treated as of less importan than the Eleans-an affront which Antiochus r, sented by refusing the presents of the king. (Xe: Hell. vii. 1. ~ 33, &c.) Xenophon says, that Ai tiochus had conquered in the pancratium; ar Pausanias informs us (vi. 3. ~ 4), that Antiochu the pancratiast, was a native of Lepreum, and th he conquered in this contest once in the Olymp games, twice in the Nemean, and twice in t] Isthmian. His statue was made by Nicodami Lepreum was claimed by the Arcadians as one their towns, whence Xenophon calls Antiochus Arcadian; but it is more usually reckoned as I longing to Elis. ANTIOCHUS ('AvrioXos), of ASCALON, t founder, as he is called, of the fifth Academy, w a friend of Lucullus the antagonist of Mithridat, and the teacher of Cicero during his studies Athens (B. c. 79); but he had a school at Alexa dria also, as well as in Syria, where he seems have ended his life. (Plut. Cic. c. 4, Lucull. c. 4 Cic. Acad. ii. 19.) He was a philosopher of c( siderable reputation in his time, for Strabo in ANTI'OCHIS ('Avrtoxis). 1. A sister of Antiochus the Great, married to Xerxes, king of Armosata, a city between the Euphrates and the Tigris. (Polyb. viii. 25.) 2. A daughter of Antiochus the Great, married to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, bore to her husband two daughters and a son named Mithridates. (Diod. xxxi. Eel. 3; Appian, Syr. 5.) 3. A daughter of Achaeus, married to Attalus, and the mother of AttalusI., king of Pergamus. (Strab. xiii. p. 624.) ANTI'OCHUS ('ArVTIXos). There are three mythical personages of this name, concerning whom nothing of any interest is related. (Diod. iv. 37; Paus. i. 5. ~ 2, x. 10. ~ 1; Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 5, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 170.) [L. S.] ANTI'OCHUS ('AvrioXos), of AEGAE in Cilicia, a sophist, or as he himself pretended to be, a Cynic philosopher. He flourished about A. D. 200,
Page 193 ANTIOCHUS. scribing Ascalon, mentions his birth there as a mark of distinction for the city (Strab. xiv. p. 759), and Cicero frequently speaks of him in affectionate and respectful terms as the best and wisest of the Academics, and the most polished and acute philosopher of his age. (Cic. Acad. ii. 35, Brut. 91.) He studied under the stoic Mnesarchus, but his principal teacher was Philo, who succeeded Plato, Arcesilas, and Carneades,as the founder of the fourth Academy. He is, however, better known as the adversary than the disciple of Philo; and Cicero mentions a treatise called Sosus (Cic. Acad. iv. 4), written by him against his master, in which he refutes the scepticism of the Academics. Another of his works, called " Canonica," is quoted by Sextus Empiricus, and appears to have been a treatise on logic. (Sext. Emp. vii. 201, see not. in loc.) The sceptical tendency of the Academic philosophy before Antiochus, probably had its origin in Plato's successful attempts to lead his disciples to abstract reasoning as the right method of discovering truth, and not to trust too much to the impressions of the senses. Cicero even ranks Plato himself with those philosophers who held, that there was no such thing as certainty in any kind of knowledge (Acad. ii. 23); as if his depreciation of the senses as trustworthy organs of perception, and of the kind of knowledge which they convey, invalidated also the conclusions of the reason. There is, however, no doubt that later philosophers, either by insisting too exclusively on the uncertainty of the senses (in order like Arcesilas to exaggerate by comparison the value of speculative.truth), or like Carneades and Philo, by extending he same fallibility to the reason likewise, had radually fallen into a degree of scepticism that aemed to strike at the root of all truth, theoretical nd practical. It was, therefore, the chief object of Antiochus, besides inculcating particular doc-;rines in moral philosophy, to examine the grounds )f our knowledge, and our capacities for discoverng truth; though no complete judgment can be ormed of his success, as the book in which Cicero rave the fullest representation of his opinions has een lost. (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 8.) He professed to be reviving the doctrines of the Ild Academy, or of Plato's school, when he mainained, in opposition to Philo and Carneades, that he intellect had in itself a test by which it could istinguish truth from falsehood; or in the lanuage of the Academics, discern between the nages arising from actual objects and those coneptions that had no corresponding reality. (Cic. cead. ii. 18.) For the argument of the sceptics;as, that if two notions, were so exactly similar as iat they could not be distinguished, neither of iem could be said to be known with more certinty than the other; and that every true notion,as liable to have a false one of this kind attached Sit: therefore nothing could be certainly known. id. 13.) This reasoning was obviously overirown by the assertion, that the mind contained ithin itself the standard of truth and falsehood; id was also met more generally by the argument lat all such reasoning refutes itself, since it pro-:eds upon principles assumed to be true, and then includes that there can be no certain ground for ly assumption at all. (Id. 34.) In like manner ntiochus seems to have taken the side of the;oics in defending the senses from the charge of ANTIOCHUS. 193 utter fallaciousness brought against them by the Academics. (Id. 32.) It is evident that in such discussions the same questions were examined which had formerly been more thoroughly sifted by Plato and Aristotle, in analyzing the nature of science and treating of the different kinds of truth, according as they were objects of pure intellectual apprehension, or only of probable and uncertain knowledge (Td io'Ftrr o'v and Trd 8oeao'Tou): and as the result was an attempt to revive the dialectic art which the Academics despised, so the notices extant of Antiochus' moral teaching seem to shew, that without yielding to the paradoxes of the Stoics, or the latitudinarianism of the Academics, he held in the main doctrines nearly coinciding with those of Aristotle: as, that happiness consists essentially in a virtuous life, yet is not independent of external things. (Id. 42, de Fin. v. 25, Tusc. Quaest. v. 8.) So he denied the Stoic doctrine, that all crimes were equal (Acad. ii. 43), but agreed with them in holding, that all the emotions ought to be suppressed. On the whole, therefore, though Cicero inclines to rank him among the Stoics (id. 43), it appears that he considered himself an eclectic philosopher, and attempted to unite the doctrines of the Stoics and Peripatetics, so as to revive the old Academy. (Sext. Empir. i. 235.) [C. E. P.] ANTIOCHUS ('AvwioXos), an ASTRONOMER of uncertain date, whose work 'ArroTeAeoga'artcd still exists in MS. in various libraries, and has not yet been printed. (Fabr. Bibl. Gr.iv. p. 151.) There is an introduction to the Tetrabiblus of Ptolemaeus, of which the original text with a Latin translation by H. Wolf was published at Basel, 1559, fol., as the work of an anonymous writer. T. Gale (ad Iambl. de Myst. p. 364) claims this introduction as the work of Antiochus, whose name, however, occurs in the work itself. (P. 194.) [L. S.] ANTFOCHUS ('AvrioTLos), an ATHENIAN, was left by Alcibiades at Notium in command of the Athenian fleet, B. c. 407, with strict injunctions not to fight with Lysander. Antiochus was the master of Alcibiades' own ship, and his personal friend; he was a skilful seaman, but arrogant and heedless of consequences. His intimacy with Alcibiades had first arisen upon an occasion mentioned by Plutarch (Alcib. 10), who tells us, that Alcibiades in one of his first appearances in the popular assembly allowed a tame quail to escape from under his cloak, which occurrence suspended the business of the assembly, till it was caught by Antiochus and given to Alcibiades. Antiochus gave no heed to the injunctions of Alcibiades, and provoked Lysander to an engagement, in which fifteen Athenian ships were lost, and Antiochus himself was slain. This defeat was one of the main causes that led to the second banishment of Alcibiades. (Xen. Hell. i. 5. ~ 11, &c.; Diod. xiii. 71; Plut. Alcib. 35.) ANTI'OCHUS I. ('Av'roxos), king of COMMAGENE, a small country between the Euphrates and mount Taurus, the capital of which was Samosata. It formerly formed part of the Syrian kingdom of the Seleucidae, but probably became an independent principality during the civil wars of Antiochus Grypus and his brother. It has been supposed by some, that Antiochus Asiaticus, the last king of Syria, is the same as Antiochus, the first king of Commagene; but there are no good reasons for this opinion. (Clinton, F.H. iii. p. 343.) o
Page 194 194 ANTIOCHUS. ANTIOCHUS. This king is first mentioned about B. c. 69, in the campaign of Lucullus against Tigranes. (Dion Cass. Frag. xxxv. 2.) After Pompey had deposed Antiochus Asiaticus, the last king of Syria, B. c. 65, he marched against Antiochus of Commagene, with whom he shortly afterwards concluded a peace. (B. c. 64.) Pompey added to his dominions Seleuceia and the conquests he had made in Mesopotamia. (Appian, Mizthr. 106, 114.) When Cicero was governor of Cilicia (B. c. 51), he received from Antiochus intelligence of the movements of the Parthians. (Cic. ad Fanzm. xv. 1, 3, 4.) In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey (B. c. 49), Antiochus assisted the latter with troops. (Caesar, B. C. iii. 5; Appian, B. C. ii. 49.) In B. c. 38, Ventidius, the legate of M. Antonius, after conquering the Parthians, marched against Antiochus, attracted by the great treasures which this king possessed; and Antonius, arriving at the army just as the war was commencing, took it into his own hands, and laid siege to Samosata. He was, however, unable to take the place, and was glad to retire after making peace with Antiochus. (Dion Cass. xlix. 20-22; Plut. Ant. 34.) A daughter of Antiochus married Orodes, king of Parthia. (Dion Cass. xlix. 23.) We do not know the exact period of the death of Antiochus, but he must have died before B. c. 31, as his successor Mithridates is mentioned as king of Commagene in that year. (Plut. Ant. 61.) ANTI'OCHUS II. ('AVmoWos), king of COMMAGENE, succeeded Mithridates I., and was summoned to Rome by Augustus and executed in B. c. 29, because he had caused the assassination of an ambassador, whom his brother had sent to Rome. Augustus gave the kingdom to Mithridates II., who was then a boy, because his father had been murdered by the king. (Dion Cass. iii. 43, liv. 9.) ANTI'OCHUS III. ('AvYioXos), king of ConmMAGENE, seems to have succeeded Mithridates II. We know nothing more of him than that he died in A. D. 17. (Tac. Ann. ii. 42.) Upon his death, Commagene became a Roman province (Tac. Ann. ii. 56), and remained so till A. D. 38, when Antiochus Epiphanes was appointed king by Caligula. ANTI'OCHUS IV. ('AviloXos), king of CosMMAGENE, surnamed EPIPHANES ('En7ravncs), was apparently a son of Antiochus III., and received his paternal dominion from Caligula in A. D. 38, with a part of Cilicia bordering on the seacoast in addition. Caligula also gave him the whole amount of the revenues of Commagene during the twenty years that it had been a Roman province. (Dion Cass. lix. 8; Suet. Cal. 16.) He lived on most intimate terms with Caligula, and he and Herod Agrippa are spoken of as the instructors of the emperor in the art of tyranny. (Dion Cass. lix. 24.) This friendship, however, was not of very long continuance, for he was subsequently deposed by Caligula and did not obtain his kingdom again till the accession of Claudius in A. D. 41. (Dion Cass. lx. 8.) In A. D. 43 his son, also called Antiochus Epiphanes, was betrothed to Drusilla, the daughter of Agrippa. (Joseph. Ant. xix. 9. ~ 1.) In A. D. 53 Antiochus put down an insurrection of some barbarous tribes in Cilicia, called Clitae. (Tac., Ann. xii. 55.) In A. D. 55 he received orders from Nero to levy troops to make war against the Parthians, and in the year 59 he served under Corbulo against Tiridates, brother of the Parthian king Vologeses. (xiii. 7, 37.) In consequence of his services in this war, he obtained in the year 61 part of Armenia. (xiv. 26.) He espoused the side of Vespasian, when he was proclaimed emperor in A. D. 70; and he is then spoken of as the richest of thle tributary kings. (Tac. Hist. ii. 81.) In the same year he sent forces, commanded by his son Antiochus, to assist Titus in the siege of Jerusalem. (Joseph. Bell. Jud. v. 11. ~ 3; Tac. Hist. v. 1.) Two years afterwards, A. D. 72, he was accused by Paetus, the governor of Syria, of conspiring with the Parthians against the Romans, and was in consequence deprived of his kingdom, after a reign of thirty-four years from his first appointment by Caligula. He first retired to Lacedaemon, and then to Rome, where he passed the remainder of his life with his sons Antiochus and Callinicus, and was treated with great respect. (Joseph. B. J. vii. 7.) There are several coins of this king extant, from which we learn, that the name of his wife was lotape. In the one annexed he is called BAIAET: MEFA4 ANTIOXO:. On the reverse a scorpion is represented, surrounded with the foliage of the laurel, and inscribed KOMMArHNnN. (Eckhel, iii. p. 255, &c.; comp. Clinton, F. H. iii. p. 343, &c.) ANTI'OCHUS ('AVrioXos), an EPIGRAMMATIC poet, one of whose epigrams is extant in the Greek Anthology. (xi. 412.) [L. S.] ANTI'OCHUS HIERAX ('Avrntoos 'I'paf), so called from his grasping and ambitious character, was the younger son of Antiochus II., king oSyria. On the death of his father in B. c. 246. Antiochus waged war upon his brother Seleucun Callinicus, in order to obtain Asia Minor for him. self as an independent kingdom. This war lastec for many years, but Antiochus was at length en tirely defeated, chiefly through the efforts of Atta lus, king of Pergamus, who drove him out of Asi; Minor. Antiochus subsequently fled to Egypt where he was killed by robbers in B. c. 227. H married a daughter of Zielas, king of Bithynic (Justin. xxvii. 2, 3; Polyaen. iv. 17; Plut. Mo1 p. 489, a.; Euseb. Chron. Armo. pp. 346, 347 Clinton, F. H. iii. pp. 311, 312, 413.) Apollo ] represented on the reverse of the annexed coil (Eckhel, iii. p. 219.) COIN OF ANTIOCHUS HIERAX.
Page 195 ANTIOCHUS. ANTIOCHUS. 195 ANTIFOCHUS, a JURIST, who was at the head literature, he finally embraced the medical profesof the commission appointed to compile the Theo- sion, not for the sake of gain, but merely that he dosian Code. He was praejfctus praetorio and might be useful to mankind. He spent some time consul. In the 33rd Novell of Theodosius the in Asia Minor, where he exercised his profession Younger (A. D. 444), he is spoken of as a person gratuitously, and used to endeavour to convert his deceased, illustris memoriae Antiochus. He is con- patients to Christianity. He then went to Sardinia founded by Jac. Godefroi, in the Prolegomena of during the persecution against the Christians unhis edition of the Theodosian Code (c. 1. ~ 5) with der Hadrian, about A. D. 120, where he is said to two other persons of the same name; Antiochus, have been cruelly tortured, and at last miraculously mentioned by Marcellinus as living in the year delivered by being taken up into heaven. His 448, and Antiochus, the eunuch, who was praepo- memory is celebrated by the Romish church on situs sancti cubiculi. This error was pointed out the 13th of December. by Ritter in the 6th volume of his edition of the 3. The other was born at Sebaste in Armenia, Theodosian Code, p. 6. [J. T. G.] and was put to death during the persecution under ANTI'OCHUS ('A'rioyos), of LAODICEA, a Diocletian, A. D. 303-311. He is said to have sceptic philosopher, and a disciple of Zeuxis, men- been tortured, and thrown to the wild beasts, tioned by Diogenes Laertius. (ix. 106,116.) [L. S.] and, when these refused to touch him, at last ANTIOCHUS ('Avr'oXos), a AMONC. of the beheaded; it is added that milk, instead of blood, monastery of St. Saba, near Jerusalem, flourished issued from his neck, upon which the executioner at the time of the taking of Jerusalem by the Per- immediately professed himself to be a Christian, sians. (A. D. 614.) He wrote, besides other works and accordingly suffered martyrdom with him. of little importance, one entitled Traviicrys T-s His memory is celebrated by the Greek and Rodytas ypaops, an epitome of the Christian faith, as mish churches on the 15th of July. (Martyrolocontained in scripture, in 130 chapters. This work gium Romanum; Bzovius, Nomenclator Sanctorumn was first published in Latin by Tilman, Paris, Professione Medicorum; Acta Sanctorum, Jul. 15, 1543, 8vo., reprinted in the Biblio/theca Patrunm, vol. iv. p. 25; Clementis, Menologium Graecorum, Paris, 1579; Colon. 1618; Lugd. 1677. The ori- vol. iii. p. 168; Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, vol. ginal Greek was first published by Fronto Ducaeus, xiii. p. 64, ed. vet.) [W. A. G.] in the Auctarii Bibl. Patr. Paris, 1624, reprinted ANTI'OCHUS ('AyrXoXs), bishop of PTOLEin Morell's Bibl. Patr. Paris, 1644. A considera- MAis in Palestine, was a Syrian by birth. At the ble fragment of it is printed in Fabricius' Bibl. beginning of the 5th century after Christ, he went Graec. x. p. 501. [P. S.] to Constantinople, where his eloquent preaching ANTI'OCHUS PA'CCIUS. [PAccIus AN- attracted such attention, that he was called by TIOCHUS.] some another Chrysostom. He afterwards took ANTI'OCHUS PHILOME'TOR (43iXoujrwp) part warmly with the enemies of Chrysostom, and is supposed by some persons to have been a physi- died not later than 408 A. D. Besides many sercian, or druggist, who must have lived in or before mons, he left a large work "against Avarice," the second century after Christ; he is the in- which is lost. (Gennad. 20; Theodoret. Dial. ii.; ventor of an antidote against poisonous reptiles, Phot. Cod. 288; Act. Concil. Eples. iii. p. 118, &c., of which the prescription is embodied in a Labbe; Catal. Codd. Vindobon. pt. i. p. 116, No. short Greek elegiac poem. The poem is insert- 58.) [P. S.] sd by Galen in one of his works (De Antid. ii. ANTI'OCHUS ('Avrn'Xos), an Athenian 14, 17, vol. xiv. pp. 185, 201), but nothing is SCULPTOR, whose name is inscribed on his statue known of the history of the author. Others sup- of Athene in the Villa Ludovisi at Rome. (Winceose that a physician of this name is not the author kelmann's Werke, iv. 375, vi. 252, ed. 1829.) [P.S.] iither of the poem or the antidote, but that they ANTIOCHUS ('AvrioXos), the father of SEire connected in some way with the Theriaca which LEUCUS Nicator, the king of Syria, and the grandkntiochus the Great, king of Syria, was in the father of Antiochus Soter, was one of Philip's labit of using, and the prescription for which he generals. (Justin, xv. 4.) A genealogical table of ledicated in verse to Aesculapius (Plin. HI. N. xx. his descendants is given under SELEUCIDAE.:ap. ult.) or Apollo. (Plin. Valer. De Re Med. iv. ANTI'OCHUS ('AVn'oXose), of SYRACUSE, a 18.) (See Cagnati Variae Observat. ii. 25, p. 174, son of Xenophanes, is called by Dionysius of Halid. Rom. 1587.) [W. A. G.] carnassus (Ant. Reom. i. 12) a very ancient histoANTI'OCHUS ('AVrioXos). 1. A PHYSICIAN, rian. He lived about the year B. c. 423, and was vho appears to have lived at Rome in the second thus a contemporary of Thucydides and the Peloentury after Christ. Galen gives a precise account ponnesian war. (Joseph. c. Apion. i. 3.) RespectDe Sanit. Tuenda, v. 5, vol. vi. p. 332) of the ing his life nothing is known, but his historical )od he used to eat and the way in which he works were held in very high esteem by the anved; and tells us that, by paying attention to his cients on account of their accuracy. (Dionys. i. 73.) iet, &c., he was able to dispense with the use of His two works were: 1. A history of Sicily, in )edicines, and when upwards of eighty years old nine books, from the reign of king Cocalus, i. e. sed to visit his patients on foot. Aetius (tetrab. from the earliest times down to the year B. c. 424 Sserm. iii. c. 114. p. 132) and Paulus Aegineta or 425. (Diod. xii. 71.) It is referred to by Pauvii. 8, p. 290) quote a prescription which may sanias (x. 11. ~ 3), Clemens of Alexandria (Proerhaps belong to this physician, but he is pro- trept. p. 22), and Theodoret. (P. 115.)-- 2. A ably not the person mentioned by Galen under the history of Italy, which is very frequently referred ame " Antiochus Philometor." to by Strabo (v. p. 242, vi. pp. 252, 254, 255, 2. The name of two physicians, saints and 257, 262, 264, 265, 278), by Dionysius (11. cc.,;artyrs, the first of whom was born of an eques- and i. 22, 35; comp. Steph. Byz. s. v. Bp'ros; ian family in Mauritania. After devoting Hesych. s. v. XciWvv; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i. >me years to the study of sacred and profane p. 14, &c. The fragments of Antiochus are cono 2
Page 196 196 ANTIOCHUS. tained in C. et T. M'iller, Fracg. H-istor. Graec. Paris, 1841, pp. 181-184.) [L. S.] ANTI'OCHUS I. ('AVrioXos), king of SYRIA, surnamed SOTER ( wrnp), was the son of Seleucus Nicator and a Persian lady, Apama. The marriage of his father with Apama was one of those marriages which Alexander celebrated at Susa in B. c. 325, when he gave Persian wives to his generals. This would fix the birth of Antiochus about B. c. 324. He was present with his father at the battle of Ipsus in B. c. 301, which secured for Seleucus the government of Asia. It is related of Antiochus, that he fell sick through love of Stratonice, the young wife of his father, and the daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and that when his father learnt the cause of his illness through his physician Erasistratus, he resigned Stratonice to him, and gave him the government of Upper Asia with the title of king. On the murder of his father in Macedonia in B. c. 280, Antiochus succeeded to the whole of his dominions, and prosecuted his claims to the throne of Macedonia against Antigonus Gonatas, but eventually allowed the latter to retain possession of Macedonia on his marrying Phila, the daughter of Seleucus and Stratonice. The rest of Antiochus' reign was chiefly occupied in wars with the Gauls, who had invaded Asia Minor. By the help of his elephants he gained a victory over the Gauls, and received in consequence the surname of Soter (2wrVjp). He was afterwards defeated by Eumenes near Sardis, and was subsequently killed in a second battle with the Gauls (n. c. 261), after a reign of nineteen years. By his wife Stratonice Antiochus had three children: Antiochus Theos, who succeeded him; Apama, married to Magas; and Stratonice, married to Demetrius II. of Macedonia. (Appian, Syr. 59-65; Justin, xvii. 2: Plut. Demetr. 38, 39; Strab. xiii. p. 623; Paus. i. 7; Julian, lMisopog. p. 348, a. b.; Lucian, Zeuxis, 8; Aelian, H. A. vi. 44; Plin. H. N. viii. 42.) Apollo is represented on the reverse of the annexed coin. (Eckhel. iii. p. 215.) ANTIOCHUS. condition of his putting away his former wife Laodice and marrying Berenice, a daughter of Ptolemy. This connexion between Syria and Egypt is referred to in the book of Daniel (xi. 6), where by the king of the south we are to understand Egypt, and by the king of the north, Syria, On the death of Ptolemy two years afterwards Antiochus recalled Laodice, but she could not forgive the insult that had been shewn her, and, still mistrusting Antiochus, caused him to be murdered as well as Berenice and her son. Antiochus was killed in B. c. 246, after a reign of fifteen years. By Laodice he had four children, Seleucus Callinicus, who succeeded him, Antiochus Hierax, a daughter, Stratonice, married to Mithridates, and another daughter married to Ariarathes. Phylarchus related (Athen. x. p. 438), that Antiochus was much given to wine. (Appian, Syr. 65; Athen. ii. p. 45; Justin, xxvii. 1; Polyaen. viii. 50; Val. Max. ix. 14. ~ 1, extern.; Iieronym. ad Dan. c. 11.) On the reverse of the coin annexed, Hercules is represented with his club in his hand. (Eckhel, iii. p.218.) COIN OF ANTIOCHUS II. ANTI'OCHUS III. ('AvrioXos), king of SYRIA, surnamed the GREAT (ME',as), was the son of Seleucus Callinicus, and succeeded to the throne on the death of his brother Seleucus Ceraunus, B. c. 223, when he was only in his fifteenth year. Iis first cousin Achaeus, who might easily have assumed the royal power, was of great use to Antiochus at the commencement of his reign, and recovered for the Syrian monarchy all the provinces in Asia Minor, which Attalus, king of Pergamus, had appropriated to himself. But Antiochus was not so fortunate in his eastern dominions. Molo and Alexander, two brothers, who had been appointed to the government of Media and Persis respectively. revolted and defeated the armies sent against them, They were, however, put down in a second campaign, conducted by Antiochus in person, who alsc added to his dominions the province of Medis Atropatene. (B. c. 220.) On his return from his eastern provinces, Antio chus commenced war against Ptolemy Philopator king of Egypt, in order to obtain Coele-Syria Phoenicia, and Palestine, which he maintained be longed to the Syrian kingdom. At first he wa completely successful. In B. c. 218, he gained pos session of the chief towns of Phoenicia, but in th, following year (B. c.217), he was defeated in a grea battle fought at Raphia near Gaza, and concludet in consequence a peace with Ptolemy, by which h ceded the provinces in dispute. He was the mor anxious to make peace with Ptolemy, as he wish ed to direct all his forces against Achaeus, wh had revolted in Asia Minor. In one campaign h deprived Achaeus of his conquests, and put him t death when he fell into his hands in B.. 214 COIN OF ANTIOCHUS I. ANTIO'CHUS II. ('Av"rloXos), king of SYRIA, surnamed THEOS (Oeos), a surname which he derived from the Milesians whom he delivered from their tyrant, Timarchus, succeeded his father in B. c. 261. Soon after his accession he became involved in war with Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, which lasted for many years and greatly weakened the Syrian kingdom. Taking advantage of this weakness, Arsaces was able to establish the Parthian empire in B. c. 250; and his example was shortly afterwards followed by Theodotus, the governor of Bactria, who revolted from Antiochus and made Bactria an independent kingdom. The loss of these provinces induced Antiochus to sue for peace, which was granted (B. c. 250) on
Page 197 ANTIOCHIUS. after sustaining a siege of two years in Sardis. [ACHAEUS, p. 18, a.] Antiochus seems now to have formed the design of regaining the eastern provinces of Asia, which had revolted during the reign of Antiochus II. He accordingly marched against Arsaces III., king of Parthia, and Euthydemus, king of Bactria, and carried on the war for some years. Although Antioclus met upon the whole with great success, he found it hopeless to effect the subjugation of these kingdoms, and accordingly concluded a peace with them, in which he recognized their independence. With the assistance of Euthydemus he marched into India, and renewed the alliance of the Syrian kings with that country; and he obtained from Sophagasenus, the chief of the Indian kings, a large supply of elephants. He at length returned to Syria after an absence of seven years (B. c. 212 -205), which may be regarded as the most flourishing period of his reign. It appears that the title of Great was conferred upon him during this time. In the year that Antiochus returned to Syria (B. c. 205), Ptolemy Philopator died, leaving as his successor Ptolemy Epiphanes, then a child of five years old. Availing himself of the weakness of the Egyptian government, Antiochus entered into an agreement with Philip, king of Macedonia, to divide between them the dominions of Ptolemy. As Philip became engaged soon afterwards in a war with the Romans, he was unable to send forces against Egypt; but Antioclms prosecuted this war vigorously in Palestine and Coele-Syria, and at length obtained complete possession of these provinces by his victory over the Egyptian general Scopas, near Paneas, in B. c. 198. He was assisted in this war by the Jews, to whom he granted many important privileges. Fearing, however, the power of the Romans, and anxious to obtain possession of many parts of Asia Minor which did not acknowledge his sovereignty, he concluded peace with Egypt, and betrothed his daughter Cleopatra to the young king Ptolemy, giving with ler Coele-Syria and Palestine as a dowry. He low marched into Asia Minor, where he carried verything before him, and then crossed over into Europe, and took possession of the Thracian Thersonese (B. c. 196), which belonged to the lacedonian kiingdom, but which he claimed as his )wn, because Seleucus Nicator had taken it from jysimachus. But here his progress was stopt by he Romans. At the commencement of his war vith Egypt, the guardians of young Ptolemy had laced him under the protection of the Romans; ut while the latter were engaged in their war with 'hilip, they did not attempt to interrupt Antiochus 1 his conquests, lest he should march to the 3sistance of the Macedonian king. Now, however, tatters were changed. The Romans had contered Philip in B. c. 197, and no longer dreaded war with Antiochus. They accordingly sent an nbassy to him (B. c. 196) requiring him to surnder the Thracian Chersonese to the Macedonian >.ng, and also all the places he had conquered from tolemy. Antiochus returned a haughty answer these demands; and the arrival of Hannibal at s court in the following year (B. c. 195) strengthled him in his determination to resist the Roman sims. Hannibal urged him to invade Italy witht loss of time; but Antiochus resolved to see st what could be done by negotiation, and thus st a most favourable moment, as the Romans ANTIOCHUS. 197 were then engaged in a war with the Gauls. It was also most unfortunate for him, that when the war actually broke out, he did not give Haunibal any share in the command. It was not till B. c. 192 that Antiochus, at the earnest request of the Aetolians, at length crossed over into Greece. In the following year (a. c. 191) he was entirely defeated by the Roman consul Acilius Glabrio at Thermopylae, and compelled to return to Asia. The defeat of his fleet in two sea-fights led him to sue for peace; but the conditions upon which the Romans offered it seemed so hard to him, that he resolved to try the fortune of another campaign. He accordingly advanced to meet Scipio, who had crossed over into Asia, but he was defeated at the foot of Mount Sipylus, near Magnesia. (Bi. c. 190.) He again sued for peace, which was eventually granted in B. c. 188 on condition of his ceding all his dominions west of Mount Taurus, paying 15,000 Euboic talents within twelve years, giving up his elephants and ships of war, and surrendering the Roman enemies who had taken refuge at his court. He had, moreover, to give twenty hostages for the due fulfilment of the treaty, and among them his son Antiochus (Epiplihanes). To these terms he acceded, but allowed Hannibal to escape. About this time Antiochus lost Armenia, which became an independent kingdom. He found great difficulty in raising money to pay the Romans, and was thus led to plunder a wealthy temple in Elymais; the people, however, rose against him and killed him in his attempt. (B. c. 187.) The defeat of Antiochus by the.Romans, and his death in a " fort of his own land," are foretold in the book of Daniel. (xi. 18, 19.) Antiochus was killed in the 52nd year of his age and the 37th of his reign. He married Laodice, daughter of Mithridates, king of Pontus, and had several children. His sons were, 1. Antiochus, who died in his father's lifetime. (Liv. xxxv. 15.) 2. Ardys, 3. Mithridates, both of whom also probably died before their father. (Liv. xxxiii. 10.) 4. Seleucus Philopator, who succeeded his father. 5. Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded his brother Seleucus. The daughters of Antiochus were, 1. Laodice, married to her eldest brother Antiochus. (Appian, Syr. 4.) 2. Cleopatra, betrothed to Ptolemy Epiphanes. 3. Antiochis, married to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. 4. One whose name is not mentioned, whom her father offered in marriage to Eumenes. (Appian, Syr. 5.) The coins of Antiochus are the first of those of the Seleucidae which bear a date. There are two coins preserved of the 112th and 117th years of the reign of the Seleucidae, that is, the 23rd and 28th years of the reign of Antiochus. (Polyb. lib. v., &c.; Appian, Syr.; Liv. lib. xxxi.-xxxvii.; Justin. lib. xxix.-xxxii.; COIN OF ANTIOCHUS III.
Page 198 198 ANTIOCHUS. Joseph. Ant. xii. 3. ~ 3; Diod. Exc. pp. 573-- 575, ed. Wess.; Strab. xvi. p. 744; Frbhlich, Annales, p. 39; Eckhel, iii. p. 220, &c.) Apollo is represented on the reverse of the foregoing coin. ANTI'OCHUS IV. ('AvroXOs), king of SYRIA, surnamed EPIPHANES ('Er(paevs), and on coins Theos (eods) also, was the son of Antiochus III., and was given as a hostage to the Romans in B. c. 188. He was released from captivity in B. c. 175 through his brother Seleucus Philopator, who gave his own son Demetrius in his stead. While Antiochus was at Athens on his return to Syria in this year, Seleucus was murdered by Heliodorus, who seized upon the crown. Antiochus, however, with the assistance of Attalus easily expelled the usurper, and ascended the throne in the same year. (B. c. 175.) Demetrius remained at Rome. Cleopatra, the sister of Antiochus, who had been betrothed to Ptolemy Epiphanes, was now dead, and Antiochus therefore claimed the provinces of Coele-Syria and Palestine, which had been given as her dowry. As the Romans were at this time engaged in a war with Perseus, king of Macedonia, Antiochus thought it a favourable opportunity to prosecute his claims, and accordingly declared war against Egypt. In four campaigns (B. c. 171-168), he not only obtained possession of the countries to which he laid claim, but almost completed the conquest of Egypt, and was preparing to lay siege to Alexandria, when a Roman embassy commanded him to retire from the country. This command he thought it most prudent to obey, but he still retained possession of Coele-Syria and Palestine. The cruelties which Antiochus perpetrated against the Jews during this war, are recorded in the books of the Maccabees, and have rendered his name infamous. He took Jerusalem on his return from his second campaign into Egypt (B. c. 170), and again at the end of the fourth campaign (B. c. 168), and endeavoured to root out the Jewish religion and introduce the worship of the Greek divinities; but this attempt led to a rising of the Jewish people, under Mattathias and his heroic sons the Maccabees, which Antiochus was unable to put down. Lysias, who was sent against them with a large army, was defeated; and Antiochus, who was in the eastern provinces at the time, hastened his return in order to avenge the disgrace which had befallen his arms. On his return he attempted to plunder a temple in Elymais, probably the same as his father had attacked, but was repulsed, and shortly afterwards died at Tabae in Persia, in a state of raving madness, which the Jews and Greeks equally attributed to his sacrilegious crimes. His subjects gave him the name of Epimanes ('Eirxpavns) in parody of Epiphanes ('Em(pavy). ANTIOCHUS. He died in B. c. 164, after a reign of 11 years. He left a son, Antiochus Eupator, who succeeded him, and a daughter, Laodice. (Liv. lib. xli.xlv.; Polyb. lib. xxvi.-xxxi.; Justin, xxiv. 3; Diod. Exc. pp. 579, 583, &c., ed. Wess.; Appian, Syr. 45, 66; Maccab. lib. i. ii.; Joseph. Ant. xii. 5; Hieronym. ad Dan. c. 11; Eckhel. iii. p. 222, &c.) On the reverse of the foregoing coin Jupiter is represented, holding a small figure of Victory in his right hand, and a spear in his left. ANTI'OCHUS V. ('AmTioXoe), king of SYRIA, surnamed EUPATOR (Evhrdirwp), was nine years old at his father's death, and reigned nominally for two years. (B. c. 164-162.) Lysias assumed the guardianship of the young king, though Antiochus IV. had appointed Philip to this office. Lysias, accompanied by the young king, continued the war against the Jews, and laid siege to Jerusalem; but hearing that Philip was marching against him from Persis, he concluded a peace with the Jews. He then proceeded against Philip, whom he conquered and put to death. The Romans, availing themselves of the distracted state of Syria, sent an embassy to enforce the terms of the peace which had been concluded with Antiochus the Great; but an insurrection was excited in consequence of these commands, in which Octavius, the chief of the embassy, was slain. About the same time Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus Philopator, who had remained in Rome up to this time [see ANTIOCHUS IV.], appeared in Syria and laid claim to the throne. Lysias and the young king fell into his hands, and were immediately put to death by him, B. c. 162. (Polyb. xxxi. 12, 19; Appian, Syr. 46, 66; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10; 1 Maccab. vi., &c.; 2 Maccab. xiii., &c.; Cic. Phil. ix. 2.) Apollo is represented on the reverse of the annexed coin, as in those of Antiochus I. and III. The inscription at the foot, ETIIATOPO-:, is partly cut off. COIN OF ANTIOCHUS V. ANTI'OCHUS VI. ('AvrloXos), king of SYRIA. surnamed THEOS (0eo4), and on coins Epiphanes Dionysus ('EmrVLavm s Aidvveos), was the son o: Alexander Balas, king of Syria [see p. 114, b.] and remained in Arabia after his father's death ir B. c. 146. Two years afterwards (B. c. 144) while he was still a youth, he was brought forwar( as a claimant to the crown against Demetriu Nicator by Tryphon, or Diodotus, who had bee, one of his father's chief ministers. Tryphon me with great success; Jonathan and Simon, th leaders of the Jews, joined his party; and Antic chus was acknowledged as king by the greate part of Syria. But Tryphon, who had all alon intended to secure the royal power for himself, an had brought forward Antiochus only for this pui pose, now put the young prince to death an ascended the throne, B. c. 142. (1 Maccab. xi &c.; Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 6, &c.; Strab. xvi. 1 752; Justin, xxxvi. 1; Liv. Epit. 55.) The rn COIN OF ANTIOCHUS IV.
Page 199 ANTIOCIIUS. verse of the annexed coin represents the Dioscuri riding on horseback, and has upon it the year 0 P, that is, the 170th year of the Seleucidae. (Eckhel, iii. p. 231, &c.) COIN OF ANTIOCHUS VI. ANTI'OCHUS VII. ('Avrioyos), king of SYRIA, surnamed SIDETES ( rstmy), from Side in Pamphylia, where he was brought up, (and not from a Syriac word signifying a hunter,) and on coins Euergetes (Evepy 'ris), was the younger son of Demetrius Soter, and obtained possession of the throne in B. c. 137, after conquering Tryphon, who had held the sovereignty since the murder of Antiochus VI. le married Cleopatra, the wife of his elder brother Denmetrius Nicator, who was a prisoner in the hand of the Parthians. He carried on war against the Jews, and took Jerusalem after almost a year's siege, in B. c. 133. HIe then granted them a peace on favourable terms, and next directed his arms against the Parthians. At first he smet with success, but was afterwards defeated by the Parthian king, and lost his life in the battle, after a reign of nine years. (B. c. 128.) lis son Seleucus was taken prisoner in the same battle. Antiochus, like many of his predecessors, was passionately devoted to the pleasures of the table. He had three sons and two daughters, the latter of whom both bore the name of Laodice. -lis sons were Antiochus, Seleucus, and Antiochus (Cyzicenus), the last of whom subsequently succeeded to the throne. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8; 1 Macscab. xv., &c.; Justin, xxxvi. 1, xxxviii. 10; Diod. xxxiv. Eel. 1; Athen. x. p. 439, xii. p. 540.) The reverse of the annexed coin represents Athena holding a small figure of Victory in her right hand. 'Eckhel, iii. p. 235, &c.) ANTIOCHUS. 199 remained in her hands. (B. c. 125.) At this time the greater part of Syria was in the power of the usurper Alexander Zebina [see p. 127, b.]; but Antiochus, with the assistance of Ptolemy Physcon, the king of Egypt, whose daughter he married, conquered Alexander and became master of the whole of Syria. Cleopatra then became jealous of him and plotted against his life; but her son compelled her to drink the poison she had prepared for him. (B. c. 120.) For the next eight years Antiochus reigned in peace; but at the end of that time his half-brother, Antiochus Cyzicenus, the son of Antiochus Sidetes and their common mother Cleopatra, laid claim to the crown, and a civil war ensued. (B. c. 112.) The remaining history of the Seleucidae till Syria became a Roman province, is hardly anything else but a series of civil wars between the princes of the royal family. In the first year of the struggle (B. c. 112), Antiochus Cyzicenus became master of almost the whole of Syria, but in the next year (a. c. 111), A. Grypus regained a considerable part of his dominions; and it was then agreed that the kingdom should be shared between them, A. Cyzicenus having CoeleSyria and Phoenicia, and A. Grypus the remainder of the provinces. This arrangement lasted, though with frequent wars between the two kings, till the death of Antiochus Grypus, who was assassinated by Heracleon in B. c. 96, after a reign of twentynine years. Hle left five sons, Seleucus, Philip, Antiochus Epiphanes, Demetrius Eucaerus, and Antiochus Dionysus. (Justin, xxxix. 1-3; Liv. Epit. 60; Appian, Syr. 69; Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 13; Athen. xii. p. 540.) Many of the coins of Antiochus Grypus have the head of Antiochus on one side, and that of his mother Cleopatra on the other. The one annexed must have been struck after his mother's death. (Eckhel, iii. p. 238, &c.) COIN OF ANTIOCHUS VIII. ANTIOCHUS IX. ('AvrloXos), king of SYRIA surnamed CYZICENUS (KveitKnVds) from Cyzicus, where he was brought up, and on coins Philopator (4oXiroiraTwp), reigned over Coele-Syria and Phoenicia from B. c. 111 to 96, as is stated in the preceding article. On the death of his brother, Antiochus VIII., he attempted to obtain possession of COIN OF ANTIOCHUS VII. ANTI'OCIIUS VIII. ('A7i[oeos), king of SYUA, surnamed GRYPUS (rpovds), or Hooklosed, from yp4, a vulture, and on coins Epiphanes 'E7rnpi.vs'), was the second son of Demetrius qicator and Cleopatra. His eldest brother Seleuus was put to death by their mother Cleopatra, iecause he wished to have the power, and not serely the title, of king; and Antiochus was after.is brother's death recalled from Athens, where he Yas studying, by his mother Cleopatra, that he might ear the title of king, while the real sovereignty COIN OF ANTIOCHUS IX.
Page 200 200 ANTIOCHUS. the whole of Syria; but his claims were resisted by Seleucus, the eldest son of Antiochus VIII.,by whom he was killed in battle, B. c. 95. He left behind him a son, Antiochus Eusebes, who succeeded to the throne. (Justin, Appian, Joseph. 1I. cc.; Eckhel, iii. p. 241, &c.) The reverse of the foregoing coin is the same as that of Antiochus VII. ANTI'OCHUS X. ('AvrioXos), king of SYRIA, surnamed EUSEBES (Eo-eEGs), and on coins. Philopator (4eAowIrarwp) also, succeeded to the throne on the death of his father Antiochus IX. B. c. 95. He defeated Seleucus, who conquered his father, and compelled him to fly into Cilicia, where he perished; but he then had to contend with the next two brothers of Seleucus, Philip and Antiochus Epiphanes, the latter of whom assumed the title of king, and is known as the eleventh king of Syria of this name. In a battle fought near the Orontes, Antiochus X. defeated Philip and Antiochus XI., and the latter was drowned in the river. The crown was now assumed by Philip, who continued to prosecute the war assisted by his brother, Demetrius Eucaerus. The Syrians, worn out with these civil broils, offered the kingdom to Tigranes, king of Armenia, who accordingly took possession of Syria in n. c. 83, and ruled over it till he was defeated by Lucullus in B. c. 69. The time of the death of Antiochus X. is uncertain. He appears, however, to have fallen in battle against the Parthians, before Tigranes obtained possession of Syria. (Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 13. ~ 4.) According to some accounts he survived the reign of Tigranes, and returned to his kingdom after the conquest of the latter by Lucullus (Euseb. p. 1922; Justin, xl. 2); but these accounts ascribe to Antiochus X. what belongs to his son Antiochus XIII. (See Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. pp. 338, 340.) Jupiter is represented on the reverse of the annexed coin as in that of Antiochus IV. ANTIOPE. the youngest son of Antiochus VIII., assumed the title of king after his brother Demetrius had been taken prisoner by the Parthians. He fell in battle against Aretas, king of the Arabians. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 15. ~ 1; Eckhel, iii. p. 246, &c.) COIN OF ANTIOCHUS XII. ANTI'OCHUS XIII., king of SYRIA, surnamed ASIATICUS ('AoLaTLKcS), and on coins Dionysus Philopator Callinicus (Aiovvuos 41 o7rdc7p KaAAlXvcos), was the son of Antiochus X. and Selene, an Egyptian princess. He repaired to Rome during the time that Tigranes had possession of Syria, and passed through Syria on his return during the government of Verres. (a. c. 73-71.) On the defeat of Tigranes in B. c. 69, Lucullus allowed Antiochus Asiaticus to take possession of the kingdom; but he was deprived of it in B. c. 65 by Pompey, who reduced Sicily to a Roman province. In this year the Seleucidae ceased to reign. (Appian, Syr. 49, 70; Cic. in Verr. iv. 27, 28, 30; Justin, xl. 2.) Some writers suppose, that Antiochus Asiaticus afterwards reigned as king of Commagene, but there are not sufficient reasons to support this opinion. [ANTIOCHUS I., king of Commagene.] 0 SP COIN OF ANTIOCHUS XIII. For the history and chronology of the Syrian kings in general, see Frdhlich, Annales Syriae, 'c.; Vaillant, Seleucidarum Imperium, <c.; Niebuhr, Kleine Schriften, istorischler Gezwinn aus der armenischen Uebersetzung der Chronik des Eusebius; Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. Appendix, c. 3. ANTION ('Av'riw), a son of Periphas and Astyageia, and husband of Perimela, by whom he became the father of Ixion. (Diod. iv. 69; Schol. ad Pind. Pp/h. ii. 39.) [L. S.] ANTI'OPE ('Avritor). 1. A daughter of Nycteus and Polyxo (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 5, 10. ~ 1), or of the river god Asopus in Boeotia. (Odyss. xi. 260; Apollon. Rhod. i. 735.) She became by Zeus the mother of Amphion and Zethus. [AMPHION.] Dionysus threw her into a state of madness on account of the vengeance which her sons had taken on Dirce. In this condition she wandered about through Greece, until Phocus, the grandson of Sisyphus, cured and married her. Sh( was buried with Phocus in one common tomb (Paus. ix. 17. ~ 4.) 2. An Amazon, a sister of Hippolyte, who mar ried Theseus. (Paus. i. 2. ~ 1, 41. ~ 7.) Accord ing to Servius(adAen. xi. 661), she was a daughte: of Hippolyte. Diodorus (iv. 16) states, that The seus received her as a present from Ieracles COIN OF ANTIOCHUS X. ANTI'OCHUS XI. ('AvrioXos), king of SYRIA, surnamed EPIPHANES ('ErmpdVsYs), was the son of Antiochus VIII., and is spoken of under ANTIOCHUS X. COIN OF ANTIOCHUS XI. ANTIOCHUS XII. ('Avrioxos),king of SYRIA, surnamed DIONYSUS (Aidvvoos), and on coins Philopator Callinicus (4,AordTwp Kah\ivKcos) also,
Page 201 ANTIPATER. When subsequently Attica was invaded by the Amazons, Antiope fought with Theseus against them, and died the death of a heroine bv his side. (Comp. Diod. iv. 28; Plut. Tlses. 26, 27.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 241) Antiope was a daughter of Ares, and was killed by Theseus himself in consequence of an oracle. 3. A daughter of Pylon or Pylaon, was married to Eurytus, by whom she became the mother of the Argonauts Iphitus and Clytius. She is also called Antioche. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 86; Hygin. Fab. 14, with Muncker's note.) 4. A daughter of Aeolus, by whom Poseidon begot Boeotus and Hellen. (Hygin. Fab. 157; Diod. iv. 67, who calls the mother of these two heroes Arne.) [AEOL, US.] Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8, and in Serv. ad Aen. vi. 46, though Servius seems to confound Antiope with Anteia, the wife of Proetus. [L. S.] ANTI'PATER, a celebrated chaser of silver. (Plin. xxxiii. 55.) [P. S.] ANTI'PATER ('AYTn7ra-rpo), a writer on the interpretation of dreams (Oneirocritica), mentioned by Artemidorus. (Oneir. iv. 64.) [L. S.] ANTI'PATER ('AVTrirarpos), of ACANTHUS, a Greek grammarian of uncertain date (Ptolem. Heph. ap. Phot. Cod. 190; Eustath. ad Hom. Od. xi. p. 453), who is probably the same as the one mentioned by the Scholiast on Aristophanes. (Av. 1403.) [L. S.] ANTI'PATER ('Avrs'rarpos), an ASTROLOGER.r mathematician, who wrote a work upon geneth-.ialogia, in which he endeavoured to explain man's ate, not from the circumstances under which he was born, but from those under which he had been:onceived. (Vitruv. ix. 7.) [L. S.] ANTI'PATER('Av7ilrarpos),bishop of BOSTRA n Arabia, flourished about 460 A. D. His chief vork was 'AvTipjao?7is, a reply to Pamphilus's Apoogy for Origen, some fragments of which are conained in the Acts of the 2nd council of Nice. He Iso wrote a homily on John the Baptist, and some,ther discourses. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. x. p. 518; iave, Hist. Litt. sub ann. 460.) [P. S.] ANTIPATER ('AveriTrarpos), the father of,ASSANDER, was an officer in high favour with 'hilip of Macedon (Just. ix. 4), who after his vic)ry at Chaeroneia, B. c. 338, selected him to conuct to Athens the bones of the Athenians who ad fallen in the battle. (Just. 1. c.; Polyb. v. 10.) le joined Parmenion in the ineffectual advice to Llexander the Great not to set out on his Asiatic spedition till he had provided by marriage for ie succession to the throne (Diod xvii. 16); and, i the king's departure, B. c. 334, he was left.gent in Macedonia. (Diod. xvii. 17; Arr. Anab. p. 12, a.) In B. c. 331 Antipater suppressed ie Thracian rebellion under Memnon (Diod. xvii. 2), and also brought the war with the Spartans ider Agis III. to a successful termination. (See 72, b.) It is with reference to this event that e first find any intimation of Alexander's jealousy Antipater-a feeling which was not improbably eoduced or fostered by the representations of lympias, and perhaps by the known sentiments Antipater himself. (Curt. vi. 1. ~ 17, &c., x. 10. 14; Plut. Ages. p. 604, b., Alex. pp. 688, c., )5, f.; Perizon, ad Ael. V. H. xii. 16; Thirlw. r. Hist. vol. vii. p. 89; but see Plut. Phoc. p. 9, e.; Ael. V. H. i. 25.) Whether, however, ANTIPATER. 201 from jealousy or from the necessity of guarding against the evil consequences of the dissensions between Olympias and Antipater, the latter was ordered to lead into Asia the fresh troops required by the king, B. c. 324, while Craterus, under whom the discharged veterans were sent home, was appointed to the regency in Macedonia. (Arr. vii. p. 155; Pseudo-Curt. x. 4. ~ 9, &c.; Just. xii. 12.) The story which ascribes the death of Alexander, B'. c. 323, to poison, and implicates Antipater and even Aristotle in the plot, is perhaps sufficiently refuted by its own intrinsic absurdity, and is set aside as false by Arrian and Plutarch. (Diod. xvii. 118; Paus. viii. 18; Tac. Ann. ii. 73; Curt. x. 10. ~ 14, &c.; Arr. vii. p. 167; Plut. Alex. ad fin.; Liv. viii. 3; Diod. xix. 11; Athen. x. p. 434, c.) On Alexander's death, the regency of Macedonia was assigned to Antipater, and he forthwith found himself engaged in a war with a strong confederacy of Grecian states with Athens at their head. At first he was defeated by Leosthenes, and besieged in Lamia, whence he even sent an embassy to Athens with an unsuccessful application for peace. (Diod. xviii. 3, 12, 18; Paus. i. 25; Just. xiii. 5; Plut. Phioc. p. 752, b., Demosth. p. 858, d.) The approach of Leonnatus obliged the Athenians to raise the siege, and the death of that general, who was defeated by Antiphilus (the successor of Leosthenes), and who was in league against the regent with Olympias, was far more an advantage than a loss to Antipater. (Diod. xviii. 14, 15; Just. xiii. 5; Plut. Eum. p. 584, d. e.) Being joined by Craterus, he defeated the confederates at Cranon, and succeeded in dissolving the league by the prudence and moderation with which he at first used his victory. Athens herself was obliged to purchase peace by the abolition of democracy and the admission of a garrison into Munychia, the latter of which conditions might surely have enabled Antipater to dispense with the destruction of Demosthenes and the chiefs of his party. (Diod. xviii. 16-18; Plut. Phioc. pp. 753, 754, D)mosih. p. 858; Paus. vii. 10; Thirlw. Gr. Hist. vol. vii. p. 187, note 1; Backh, Publ. Econ. ofAthens, i. 7, iv. 3.) Returning now to Macedonia, he gave his daughter Phila in marriage to Craterus, with whom, at the end of the year B. c. 323, he invaded the Aetolians, the only party in the Lamian war who had not yet submitted. (Diod. xviii. 24.) But the intelligence brought him by Antigonus of the treachery of Perdiccas, and of his intention of putting away Nicaea, Antipater's daughter, to marry Cleopatra, compelled him to pass over to Asia; where, leaving Craterus to act against Eumenes, he himself hastened after Perdiccas, who was marching towards Egypt against Ptolemy. (Diod. xviii. 23, 25, 29-33; Plut. Eum. pp. 585, 586; Just. xiii. 6.) On the murder of Perdiccas, the supreme regency devolved on Antipater, who, at Triparadeisus in Syria, successfully maintained his power against Eurydice, the queen. Marching into Lydia, he avoided a battle with. Eumenes, and he on his side was dissuaded from attacking Anti-.pater by Cleopatra, who wished to give the regent no cause of complaint. Towards the close of the year 321, he returned into Europe, taking with him the king and queen, and leaving Antigonus to prosecute the war with Eumenes. (Diod. xviii. 39, 40; Plut. Eum. p. 588, a.) It was during the mortal illness of Antipater, B.c. 320, that Demades was sent to him from Athens to endeavour to ob
Page 202 202 ANTIPATER. tain the removal of the garrison from Munychia, and was put to death for his treacherous correspondence with Perdiccas. Antipater left the regency to Polysperchon, to the exclusion of his own son Cassander. (Plut. Pkoc. p. 755, Dem. ad fin.; Arr. ap. Phot. p. 70, a.; Diod. xviii. 48.) [E. E.] ANTIPATER ( AurTraTrpo), second son of CASSANDER, king of Macedonia, by Thessalonica, sister of Alexander the Great. Soon after the death of Cassander (B. c. 296), his eldest son Philip also died of consumption (Paus. ix. 7; Plut. Demetr. 905, f.), and great dissensions ensued between Antipater and his younger brother Alexander for the government. Antipater, believing that Alexander was favoured by his mother, put her to death. The younger brother upon this applied for aid at once to Pyrrhus of Epeirus and Demetrius Poliorcetes. Pyrrhus arrived first, and, exacting from Alexander a considerable portion of Macedonia as his reward, obliged Antipater to fly before him. According to Plutarch, Lysimachus, king of Thrace, Antipater's father-in-law, attempted to dissuade Pyrrhus from further hostilities by a forged letter purporting to come from Ptolemy Soter. The forgery was detected, but Pyrrhus seems notwithstanding to have withdrawn after settling matters between the brothers; soon after which Demetrius arrived. Justin, who says nothing of Pyrrhus, tells us, that Lysimachus, fearing the interference of Demetrius., advised a reconciliation between Antipater and Alexander. On the murder of Alexander by Demetrius, the latter appears, according to Plutarch, to have been made king of all Macedonia, to the exclusion at once of Antipater. According to Justin, Lysimachus conciliated Demetrius by putting him in possession of Antipater's portion of the kingdom, and murdered Antipater, who appears to have fled to him for refuge. The murder seems, from Diodorus, to have been owing to the instigation of Demetrius. (Plut. PyIrr. p. 386, Demelr. pp. 905, 906; Just. xvi. 1, 2; Diod. Sic. xxi. Exc. 7.) [E. E.] ANTFIPATER, L. COELIUS, a Roman jurist and historian. Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 40) considers him more an orator than a jurist; Cicero, on the other hand, prizes him more as a jurist than as an orator or historian. (De Or. ii. 12; de Legg. 1, 2; Brut. c. 26.) He was a contemporary of C. Gracchus (B. c. 123); L. Crassus, the orator, was his pupil. He was the first who endeavoured to impart to Roman history the ornaments of style, and to make it more than a mere chronicle of events, but his diction was rather vehement and high-sounding than elegant and polished. He is not to be confounded with Coelius Sabinus, the Coelius of the Digest. None of his juridical writings have been preserved. He wrote a history of the second Punic war, and composed Annales, which were epitomized by Brutus. (Cic. ad Alt. xiii. 8.) The history of the second Punic war was perhaps only a part of the Annales. Antipater followed the Greek history of Silenus Calatinus (Cic. de Div. i.,24, 49), and occasionally borrowed from the Origines of Cato Censorius. (Gell. x. 24; Macrob. Saturn. i. 4, extr.) The emperor Hadrian is reported to have preferred him as an historian to Sallust (Spartianus, Hadrian. c. 16); by Valerius Maximus (i. 7) he is designated certus Romanae historiae auctor; and he is occasionally quoted by Livy, who sometimes, with respectful consideration, dissents from his ANTIPATER. authority. It is manifest, however, from Cicero and Val. Maximus, that he was fond of relating dreams and portents. Orelli (Onomast. Cic.) refers to the dissertations on Antipater by Pavius Ant. Nauta and G. Groen van Prinsterer, inserted in the Annals of the Academy of Leyden for 1821. His fragments, several of which are preserved in Nonius, are to be found appended to the editions of Sallust by Wasse, Corte, and Havercamp; and also in Krause's Vitae et Fragmienta vet. Histor. Romn. p. 182, &c. [J. T. G.] ANTI'PATER ('AvTrivarpos), of CYRENE, one of the disciples of Aristippus, the founder of the Cyrenaic school of philosophy. (Diog. La'rt. ii. 86.) According to Cicero (Tuscul. v. 38) he was blind, but knew how to console himself by saying, that darkness was not without its pleasures. [L. S.] ANTI'PATER ('AvrifraTpos), tyrant or prince of DERBE. Amyntas, the Lycaonian chieftain, murdered him and seized his principality. [AvMYNTAS, No. 6.] He was a friend of Cicero's, one of whose letters, of uncertain date, is addressed on his behalf to Q. Philippus, proconsul of the province of Asia, who was offended with Antipater and held his sons in his power. (Strab. xii. p. 392; Cic. ad Fasm. xiii. 73.) [E. E.] ANTI'PATER ('AvriTrarpos), father of HEROD the Great, was, according to Josephus, the son of a noble Idumaean of the same name, to whom the government of Idumnaea had been given by Alexander Jannaeus and his wife Alexandra, and at their court the young Antipater was brought up. The two other accounts which we have of his parentage appear to be false. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 1. ~ 3; Nicol. Damasc. ap. Joseph. 1. c.; African. ap. Esuseb. Hist. Eccl. i. 6, 7; Phot. Bibl. n. 76, 238.) In B. c. 65, he persuaded Hyrcanus to take refuge from his brother Aristobulus II. with Aretas, king of Arabia Petraea, by whom accordingly an unsuccessful attempt was made to replace Hyrcanus on the throne. (Ant. xiv. 2, Bell. Jud. i. 6. ~ 2.) In B. c. 64, Antipater again supported the cause ol this prince before Pompey in Coele-Syria. (Ant. xiv. 3. ~ 2.) In the ensuing year, Jerusalem was taken by Pompey, and Aristobulus was deposed; and henceforth we find Antipater both zealously adhering to Hyrcanus, and labouring to ingratiate himself with the Romans. His services to the latter, especially against Alexander son of Aristobulus, and in Egypt against Archelaus (B. c. 57 and 56), were favourably regarded by Scaurus anc Gabinius, the lieutenants of Pompey; his activ( zeal under Mithridates of Pergamus in the Alex. andrian war (B. c. 48) was rewarded by Juliu; Caesar with the gift of Roman citizenship; and on Caesar's coming into Syria (B. c. 47), Hyrcanu was confirmed by him in the high-priesthood through Antipater's influence, notwithstanding th complaints of Antigonus son of Aristobulus, whil Antipater himself was appointed procurator c Judaea, (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 5. ~~ 1, 2, 6. ~~ 2-4, 8 Bell. Jud. i. 8. ~~ 1, 3, 7, 9. ~~ 3-5.) After Casesa had left Syria to go against Pharnaces, Antipatc set himself to provide for the quiet settlement ( the country under the existing government, an appointed his sons Phasailus and Herod to I governors respectively of Jerusalem and Galile (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 9. ~~ 1, 2, Bell. Jud. i. 10. ~ 4 His care for the peace and good order of the pri vince was further shewn in B. c. 46, when he di suaded Herod from his purpose of attacking Hyrc
Page 203 ANTIPATER. nus in Jerusalem [HERODES], and again in B. c. 43 (the year after Caesar's murder), by his regulations for the collection of the tax imposed on Judaea by Cassius for the support of his troops. (Ant. xiv. 9. ~ 5, 11. ~ 2, Bell. Jud. i. 10. ~ 9, 11. ~ 2.) To the last-mentioned year his death is to be referred. He was carried off by poison which Malichus, whose life he had twice saved [MALICHus], bribed the cup-bearer of Hyrcanus to administer to him. (Ant. xiv. 11.~~ 2-4, Bell. Jud. i. 11. ~~ 2-4.) For his family, see Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7. ~ 3. [E. E.] ANTIPATER ('Av-rlirarpos), the eldest son of HEROD the Great by his first wife, Doris (Jos. Ant. xiv. 12. ~ 1), a monster of wickedness and craft, whose life is briefly described by Josephus (Bell. Jud. i. 24. ~ 1) in two words-icaieas Jivr-- r-npiov. Herod, having divorced Doris and married Mariamne, B. c. 38, banished Antipater from court (Bell. Jud. i. 22. ~ 1), but recalled him afterwards, in the hope of checking, by the presence of a rival, the violence and resentment of Mariamne's sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, who were exasperated by their mother's death. Antipater now intrigued to bring his half-brothers under the suspicion of his father, and with such success, that Herod altered his intentions in their behalf, recalled Doris to court, and sent Antipater to Rome, recommending him to the favour of Augustus. (Jos. Ant. xvi. 3, Bell. Ju/. i. 23, ~ 2.) He still continued his machinations against his brothers, and, though Herod was twice reconciled to them, yet his arts, aided by Salome and Pheroras, and especially by the Spartan Eurycles (comp. Plut. Ant. p. 947, b.), succeeded at length in bringing about their death, B. c. 6. (Jos. Ant. xvi. 4-11, Bell. Jud. i. 23-27.) Having thus removed his rivals, and been declared successor to the throne, he entered into a plot igainst his father's life with his uncle Pheroras; ind, to avoid suspicion, contrived to get himself ient to Rome, taking with him, for the approba":ion of Augustus, Herod's altered will. But the nvestigation occasioned by the death of Pheroras whom his wife was suspected of poisoning) brought o light Antipater's murderous designs, chiefly lhrough the disclosures of the wife of Pheroras, of Xnt ipater's own freedman, and of his steward, Intipater the Samaritan. He was accordingly ecalled from Rome, and kept in ignorance of the:harges against him till his arrival at Jerusalem. ere lie was arraigned by Nicolaus of Damascus fefore Quintilius Varus, the Roman governor of )yria, and the sentence against him having been onfirmed by Augustus (who recommended, howver, a mitigation of it in the shape of banishment), e was executed in prison, five days before the ermination of Herod's mortal illness, and in the amne year as the massacre of the innocents. (Jos. Int. xvii. 1-7, Bell. Jud. i. 28-33; Euseb. Hist. rccl. i. 8. ~ 12.) The death of Antipater probably alled forth the well-known sarcasm of Augustus: Melius est Herodis porcum esse quam filium." Macrob. Saturn. ii. 4.) [E. E.] SANTIPATER ('AnTiraTrpos), of HIERAPOLIS, Greek sophist and rhetorician of the time of the mperor Severus. He was a son of Zeuxidemus, nd a pupil of Adrianus, Pollux, and Zeno. In his rations both extempore and written, some of,hich are mentioned by Philostratus, Antipater 'as not superior to his contemporaries, but in the rt of writing letters he is said to have excelled all thers, and for this reason the emperor Severus ANTIPATER. 203 made him his private secretary. The emperor had such a high opinion of him, that he raised him to the consular dignity, and afterwards made him praefect of Bithynia. But as Antipater used his sword too freely, he was deprived of his office, and retired to his native place, where he died at the age of 68, it is said of voluntary starvation. Philostratus says, that he wrote a history of the life and exploits of the emperor Severus, but not a fragment of it is extant. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 24, 25. ~ 4, 26. ~ 3; Galen, De Theriac. ad Pison. ii. p. 458; Eudoc. p. 57.) [L. S.] ANTIPATER, the name of at least two vPHYSICIANS. 1. The author of a work. Iepi 'i vX^s, " On the Soul," of which the second book is quoted by the Scholiast on Homer (II. A. 115. p. 306, ed. Bekker; Cramer, Anecd. Graeca Paris. vol. iii. p. 14), in which he said that the soul increased, diminished, and at last perished with the body; and which may very possibly be the work quoted by Diogenes Laertius (vii. 157), and commonly attributed to Antipater of Tarsus. If he be the physician who is said by Galen (De Meth. UMed. i. 7, vol. x. p. 52; Introd. c. 4. vol. xiv. p. 684) to have belonged to the sect of the Methodici, he must have lived in or after the first century B. c.; and this date will agree very well with the fact of his being quoted by Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos. JMledicam. sec. Locos, iii. 1, ix. 2, vol. xii. p. 630, vol. xiii. p. 239), Scribonius Largus (De Compos. Med. c. 167, p. 221), and Caelius Aurelianus. (De Morb. Chiron. ii. 13, p. 404.) His prescriptions are frequently quoted with approbation by Galen and Ahtius, and the second book of his " Epistles" is mentioned by Caelius Aurelianus. (I. c.) 2. A contemporary of Galen at Rome in the second century after Christ, of whose death and the morbid symptoms that preceded it, a very interesting account is given by that physician. (De Locis Afect. iv. 11, vol. viii. p. 293.) [W. A. G.1 ANTI'PATER ('A.riTrarpos), of SIDtN, the author of several epigrams in the Greek Anthology, appears, from a passage of Cicero (tie Orat. iii. 50), to have been contemporary with Q. Catullus (consul B. c. 102), and with Crassus (quaestor in Macedonia B. c. 106). The many minute references made to him by Meleager, who also wrote his epitaph, would seem to shew that Antipater was an elder contemporary of this poet, who is known to have flourished in the 170th Olympiad. From these circumstances he may be placed at B. c. 108 -100. He lived to a great age. (Plin. vii. 52; Cic. de Fat. 3; Val. Max. i. 8. ~ 16, ext.; Jacobs, Anthol. xiii. p. 847.) [P. S.] ANTI'PATER ('AV Orarpos), of TARSuS, a Stoic philosopher, was the disciple and successor of Diogenes and the teacher of Panaetius, B.C. 144 nearly. (Cic. de Divin. i. 3, de Off iii. 12.) Plutarch speaks of him with Zeno, Cleanthes, and Chrysippus, as one of the principal Stoic philosophers (de Stoic. Repugnant. p. 144), and Cicero mentions him as remarkable for acuteness. (De jOf iii. 12.) Of his personal history nothing is known, nor would the few extant notices of his philosophical opinions be a sufficient ground for any great reputation, if it were not for the testimony of ancient authors to his merit. He seems to have taken the lead during his lifetime in the disputes constantly recurring between his own school and the Academy, although he is said to have felt himself so unequal in argument to his contemporary Carneades, in public dis
Page 204 204 ANTIPHANES. putation, that he confined himself to writing; whence he was called ica\aluogdas. (Plnt. Mor. p. 514, d.; Euseb. de Praep. Evang. xiv. 8.) He taught belief in God as " a Being blessed, incorruptible, and of goodwill to men," and blamed those who ascribed to the gods "generation and corruption," which is said to have been the doctrine of Chrysippus. (Plut. de Stoic. Rep. p. 192.) Besides this treatise " on the gods," he also wrote two books on Divination, a common topic among the Stoics, in which he proved the truth of the science from the foreknowledge and benevolence of the Deity, explained dreams to be supernatural intimations of the future, and collected stories of divination attributed to Socrates. (Cic. de Divin. i. 3, 20, 39, 54.) He is said to have believed that Fate was a god, though it is not clear what was implied in this expression (Stob. de Fato, 16); and it appears from Athenaeus that he wrote a treatise entitled nepI AetaC6atiovias. (viii. p. 346.) Of his labours in moral philosophy nothing remains but a few scattered notices, just sufficient to shew that the science had begun to decline; the questions which are treated being points of detail, and such as had more to do with the application of moral precepts than with the principles themselves: such as they were, however, he took higher ground in solving them than his master Diogenes. (Cic. de Off. iii. 12, 13, 23.) Compare Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 1. p. 184, Fragm, p. 289, ed. Bip. [C. E. P.] ANTI'PATER('AsTrtirarpos), of THESSALONICA, the author of several epigrams in the Greek Anthology, lived, as we may infer from some of his epigrams, in the latter part of the reign of Augustus (n. c. 10 and onwards), and perhaps till the reign of Caligula. (A. D. 38.) He is probably the same poet who is called, in the titles of several epigrams, "Antipater Macedo." (Jacobs, Anthol. xiii. pp. 848, 849.) [P. S.] ANTFPATER ('AveThrarpos). 1. Of TYRE, a Stoic philosopher, and a contemporary of Cato the Younger, whose friend Antipater is said to have been when Cato was yet a young man. (Plut. Cat. Min. 4.) He appears to be the same as the Antipater of Tyre mentioned by Strabo. (xvi. p. 757.) 2. Of TYRE, likewise a Stoic philosopher, but unquestionably of a later date than the former, though Vossius (de Hist. Gr. p. 392, ed. Westermann) confounds the two. He lived after, or was at least younger than, Panaetius, and Cicero (de Of. ii. 24), in speaking of him, says, that he died lately at Athens, which must mean shortly before n. c. 45. From this passage we must infer that Antipater wrote a work on Duties (de Oficiis), and Diogenes Lairtius (vii. 139, 140, 142, 148) refers to a work of Antipater on the Universe (epl i coJOovu), of which he quotes the eighth book. [L. S.] ANTIPHANES ('AvrtQlePes), of ARGOS, a sculptor, the disciple of Pericleitus, and teacher of Cleon. Since Cleon flourished n. c. 380, Antiphanes may be placed at 400 B. c. Pausanias mentions several of his works, which were at Delphi, especially a horse in bronze. (Pausan. v. 17, x. 9.) [P. S.] ANTI'PHANES ('Aysrndva7S), of BERGA in Thrace, a Greek writer on marvellous and incredible things. ('ArrLora, Scymnius Chius, 657, &c.) From the manner in which he is mentioned by Strabo (i. p. 47, ii. pp. 102, 104; comp. Polyb. xxxiii. 12), it would seem that he wrote his sto ANTIPHANES. ries with a view that they should be believed as history, and that consequently he was an impostor. It was owing to Antiphanes that the verb Sep'ya'teitv was used in the sense of telling stories. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Bepy-y, who however confounds our Antiphanes with the comic writer of Rhodes; comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 133; Phot. Cod. 166.) Most writers agree in believing, that Antiphanes of Berga is the same as the Antiphanes who wrote a work on courtezans (repl Erarp&v)), and whom some writers call Antiphanes the Younger. (Athen. xiii. p. 586; Harpocrat. s. vv. Ndvvrov, 'Ayvricpa; Suid. s. v. Ndviov.) [L. S.] ANTIPHANES ('Av7tpcdvj), a coMIC poet, the earliest and one of the most celebrated Athenian poets of the middle comedy, was born, according to Suidas (s. v.), in the 93rd Olympiad, and died in the 112th, at the age of 74. But Athenaeus (iv. p. 156,c.) quotes a fragment in which Antiphanes mentions " King Seleucus," and Seleucus was not king till 01. 118. 2. The true explanation of the difficulty is in all probability that suggested by Clinton, namely, that in this instance, as in others, Antiphanes has been confounded with Alexis, and that the fragment in Athenaeus belongs to the latter poet. (Clinton, in the Philological Museum, i. p. 607; Meineke, Frag. Com. i. pp. 304-7.) The above dates are given us in Olympiads, without the exact years being specified, but we may safely place the life of Antiphanes between 404 and 330 B. c., and his first exhibition about B. C. 383. The parentage and birthplace of Antiphanes are doubtful. His father's name was Demophanes, or Stephanus, probably the latter, since he had a son named Stephanus, in accordance with the Athenian custom of naming a child after his grandfather. As his birthplace are mentioned Cios on the Hellespont, Smyrna, Rhodes, and Larissa; but the last statement deserves little credit. (Meineke, i. 308.) Antiphanes was the most highly esteemed writer of the middle comedy, excepting Alexis, who shared that honour with him. The fragments which remain prove that Athenaeus was right in praising him for the elegance of his language (pp. 27, 156, 168), though he uses some words and phrases which are not found in older writers. (See forexamples Meineke, i. p. 309.) He was one of the most fertile dramatic authors that ever lived, for his plays amounted, on the largest computation, to 365. on the least to 260. We still possess the titles oi about 130. It is probable, however, that some ol the comedies ascribed to him were by other writers, for the grammarians frequently confound him, nol only, as remarked above, with Alexis, but als( with Antiphon, Apollophanes, Antisthenes, anc Aristophanes. Some of his plays were on mytho logical subjects, others had reference to particula: persons, others to characters, personal, professional and national, while others seem to have beet wholly occupied with the intrigues of private life In these classes of subjects we see, as in all thi comedians of the period, the gradual transition o the middle comedy into the new. The fragment of Antiphanes are collected by Clinton (Philo, Mus. 1. c.), and more fully by Meineke (Fre, Comiic. vol. iii.). He gained the prize 30 times. Another Antiphanes, of Berge in Thrace, i mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus as a comi poet (s. v. Bepy77); but this was the writer cite by Strabo (p. 102) and Antonius Diogenes (aj
Page 205 ANTIPHILUS. Phot. Cod. 1G6, p. 112, Bekker), as the author of marvellous stories respecting distant countries: he is spoken of in the preceding article. Suidas mentions " another Antiphanes, an Athenian comic poet, later than Panaetius," who is mentioned by no other writer, unless he be the Antiphanes who wrote a work TlEpi 'ErTap&y. (Suidas, s. v. Naiviov; Athen. xiii. p. 586.) Antiphanes Carystius, who is called by Eudocia (p. 61) a comic poet, was really a tragedian, contemporary with Thespis. (Suidas, s. v.) [P. S.] ANTIPHANES ('AvnriJdv-s), an EPIGRAMlIATIC poet, several of whose epigrams are still extant in the Greek anthology. He lived after the time of Meleager (i. e. after B. c. 100), but before the time of Philip of Thessalonica, that is, about the reign of Augustus; for Philip incorporated the epigrams of Antiphanes in his Anthology, by which means they have come down to our times. (Jacobs, ad Ant/iol. Graec. xiii. p. 850, &c.) EL. S.] ANTI'PHANES ('Avridv-ns), a PHYSICIAN of Delos, who is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. C0iron. iv. 8, p. 537), and Galen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 5, vol. xii. p. 877), and must therefore have lived some time in or before the second century after Christ. He is mentioned by St. Clement of Alexandria (Paedag. ii. 1, p. 140) as having said, that the sole cause of diseases in man was the too great variety of his food. [W. A. G.] ANTIPHAS. [LAocooN.] ANTI'PHATES ('AraC-rns), a king of the Laestrygones in Sicily. When on the seventh day after leaving the island of Aeolus Odysseus landed on the coast of the Laestrygones, and sent out three of his men to explore their country, one of them was immediately seized and devoured by Antiphates, for the Laestrygones were more like giants than men. They now made an attack upon the ships of Odysseus, who escaped with only one vessel. (Hom. Od. x. 80 -132.) Two other mythical heroes of this name occur in Od. xv. 242, &c.; Virg. Aen. ix. 696. [L. S.] ANTIPI1EMUS ('AvviPTaPos), the Rhodian, 'ounder of Gela, B. c. 690. The colony was com)osed of Rhodians and Cretans, the latter led by Entimus the Cretan (Thuc. vi. 4, and Schol. ad Pind. 01. ii. 14), the former chiefly from Lindus Herod. vii. 153), and to this town Antiphemus limself (Philostephanus, ap. At/hen. vii. p. 297, f.) )elonged. From the Etym. Magn. (s. v. FExa) nd Aristaenetus in Steph. Byzantinus (s. v. rvAa) t appears the tale ran, that he and his brother -acius, the founder of Phaselis, were, when at )elphi, suddenly bid to go forth, one eastward, ne westward; and from his laughing at the unexected response, the city took its name. From 'ausanias (viii. 46. ~ 2) we hear of his taking the icanian town of Omphace, and carrying off from a statue made by Daedalus. Miiller (Dor. i. 6. ~ 5, 6) considers him a mythical person. (See 'ockh, Comm. ad Pind. p. 115; Clinton, F. IH. c. 690; Hermann, Pol. Antiq. ~ 85; GWller, 3 Orig. Syracwus. p. 265.) [A. H. C.] ANTI'PHILUS, an ARCHITECT, built, in coninction with Pothaeus and Megacles, the treasury 'the Carthaginiansat Olympia. (Paus. vi. 19. ~ 4.) [is age and country are unknown. [P. S.] ANTI'PHILUS ('Avripihos), an ATHENIAN meral, was appointed as the successor of Leosienes in the Lamian war, B. c. 323, and gained a ANTIPHON. 205 victory over Leonnatus. (Diod. xviii. 13--15; Plut. Phocion, 24.) [C. P. M.] ANTPPHILUS ('AYT1i0AOs), of BYZANTIUM, a writer of epigrams, who lived about the time of the emperor Nero, as appears from one of his epigrams in which he mentions the favour conferred by that emperor upon the island of Rhodes. (Anthol. Gr. ix. n. 178; comp. Tacit. Annal. xii. 58.) The number of his epigrams still extant is upwards of forty, and most of them are superior in conception and style to the majority of these compositions. Reiske, in his notes on the Anthology of Cephalas (p. 191), was led, by the difference of style in some of the poems bearing the name of Antiphilus, to suppose that there were two or three poets of this name, and that their productions were all by mistake ascribed to the one poet of Byzantium. But there is not sufficient ground for such an hypothesis. (Jacobs, ad Ant/iol. Gr. xiii. p. 851, &c.) [L. S.] ANTI'PHILUS, of EGYPT, a very distinguished painter, was the pupil of Ctesidemus, and the contemporary and rival of Apelles. (Lucian, de Calumn. lix. 1-5.) Having been born in Egypt, he went when young to the court of Macedonia, where he painted portraits of Philip and Alexander. The latter part of his life was spent in Egypt, under the patronage of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, whom he painted hunting. He flourished, therefore, during the latter half of the 4th century B. c. Concerning his false accusation against Apelles before Ptolemy, see APELLES. The quality in which he most excelled is thus described by Quintilian, who mentions him among the greatest painters of the age of Philip and Alexander (xii. 10. ~ 6): "facilitate Antiphilus, concipiendis visionibus, quas (pavrao-/rs vocant," which expressions seem to describe a light and airy elegance. In the list of his works given by Pliny are some which answer exactly in subject to the "'PavrTfiatL" of Quintilian. (Plin. xxxv. 37, 40.) Varro (R. R. iii. 2. ~ 5, Schn.) names him with Lysippus. [P. S.] A'NTIPHON ('AvTRPSCP). 1. The most ancient among the ten Attic orators contained in the Alexandrine canon, was a son of Sophilus the Sophist, and born at Rhamnus in Attica in B. c. 480. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 832, b.; Philostrat. Vit. Soph. i. 15. ~ 1; Phot. Cod. p. 485; Suid. s. v.; Eudoc. p. 59.) He was a man of eminent talent and a firm character (Thucyd. viii. 68; Plut. ATic. 6), and is said to have been educated partly by his father and partly by Pythodorus, while according to others he owed his education to none but himself. When he was a young man, the fame of Gorgias was at its height. The object of Gorgias' sophistical school of oratory was more to dazzle and captivate the hearer by brilliancy of diction and rhetorical artifices than to produce a solid conviction based upon sound arguments; it was, in short, a school for show-speeches, and the practical purposes of oratory in the courts of justice and the popular assembly lay beyond its sphere. Antiphon perceived this deficiency, and formed a higher and more practical view of the art to which he devoted himself; that is, he wished to produce conviction in the minds of the hearers by means of a thorough examination of the subjects proposed, and this not with a view to the narrow limits of the school, but to the courts and the assembly. Hence the ancients call Autiphon the inventor of
Page 206 206 ANTIPHON. public oratory, or state that he raised it to a higher position. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 15. ~ 2; Hermog. de Form. Orat. ii. p. 498; comp. Quintil. iii. 1. ~ 1; Diod. ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 365.) Antiphon was thus the first who regulated practical eloquence by certain theoretical laws, and he opened a school in which he taught rhetoric. Thucydides, the historian, a pupil of Antiphon, speaks of his master with the highest esteem, and many of the excellencies of his style are ascribed by the ancients to the influence of Antiphon. (Schol. ad Thuc. iv. p. 312, ed. Bekker; comp. Dionys. Hal. de Comp. Verb. 10.) At the same time, Antiphon occupied himself with writing speeches for others, who delivered them in the courts of justice; and as he was the first who received money for such orations-a practice which subsequently became quite general-he was severely attacked and ridiculed, especially by the comic writers, Plato and Peisander. (Philostr. 1. c.; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 833, c.) These attacks, however, may also have been owing to his political opinions, for he belonged to the oligarchical party. This unpopularity, together with his own reserved character, prevented his ever appearing as a speaker either in the courts or the assembly; and the only time he spoke in public was in B. c. 411, when he defended himself against the charge of treachery. (Thuc. viii. 68; Lys. c.Eratosth. p. 427; Cic. Brut. 12.) The history of Antiphon's career as a politician is for the most part involved in great obscurity, which is in a great measure owing to the fact, that Antiphon the orator is frequently confounded by ancient writers with Antiphon the interpreter of signs, and Antiphon the tragic poet. Plutarch (1. c.) and Philostratus (Vit. Soph. i. 15. ~ 1) mention some events in which he was engaged, but Thucydides seems to have known nothing about them. The only part of his public life of which the detail is known, is that connected with the revolution of B. c. 411, and the establishment of the oligarchical government of the Four Hundred. The person chiefly instrumental in bringing it about was Peisander; but, according to the express testimony of Thucydides, Antiphon was the man who had done everything to prepare the change, and had drawn up the plan of it. (Comp. Philostr. 1. c.; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 832, f.) On the overthrow of the oligarchical government six months after its establishment, Antiphon was brought to trial for having attempted to negotiate peace with Sparta, and was condemned to death. His speech in defence of himself is stated by Thucydides (viii. 68; comp. Cic. Brut. 12) to have been the ablest that was ever made by any man in similar circumstances. It is now lost, but was known to the ancients, and is referred to by Harpocration (s. v. wraordiwrs), who calls it AdXos repp fjETaG7oc''ews. His property was confiscated, his house razed to the ground, and on the site of it a tablet was erected with the inscription "Antiphon the traitor." His remains were not allowed to be buried in Attic ground, his children, as well as any one who should adopt them, were punished with atimia. (Plut. 1.c.) As an orator, Antiphon was highly esteemed by the ancients. Hermogenes (de Form. Orat. p. 497) says of his orations, that they were clear, true in the expression of feeling, and faithful to nature, and consequently convincing. Others say, that his orations were beautifuil but not gracefll, or that they had something austere or antique about ANTIPHON. them. (Dionys. de Verb. Comp. 10, de Isaeo, 20.) The want of freshness and gracefulness is very obvious in the orations still extant, but more especially in those actually spoken by Antiphon's clients. (No. 1, 14, and 15.) His language is pure and correct, and in the three orations mentioned above, of remarkable clearness. The treatment and solution of the point at issue are always striking and interesting. (Dionys. Jad. de Thucyd. 51, Demosth. 8; Phot. p. 485.) The ancients possessed sixty orations of different kinds which went by the name of Antiphon, but Caecilius, a rhetorician of the Augustan age, declared twenty-five to be spurious. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 833, b.; Phot. 1. c.) We now possess only fifteen orations of Antiphon, three of which were written by him for others, viz. No. 1. Kav-qYople (papaIceLas iKarc r s pe twrpuvias; No. 14. 1Iept "Teo 'Hpwdov (p6o'ov, and No. 15. Hfepi r-o Xeopevrov. The remaining twelve were written as specimens for his school or exercises on fictitious cases. They are a peculiar phenomenon in the history of ancient oratory, for they are divided into three tetralogies, each of which consists of four orations, two accusations and two defences on the same subject. The subject of the first tetralogy is a murder, the perpetrator of which is yet unknown; that of the second an unpremeditated murder; and that of the third a murder committed in self-defence. The clearness which distinguishes his other three orations is not perceptible in these tetralogies, which arises in part from the corrupt and mutilated state in which they have come down to us. A great number of the orations of Antiphon, and in fact all those which are extant, have for their subject the commission of a murder, whence they are sometimes referred to under the name of Aodoi (povimcol. (Heimog. de Form. Orat. p. 496, &c.; Ammon. s. v. ivb0,uu7ja.) The genuineness of the extant orations has been the subject of much discussion, but the best critics are at present pretty nearly agreed that all are really the works of Antiphon. As to the historical or antiquarian value of the three real speeches-the tetralogies must be left out of the question here-it must be remarked, that they contain more information than any other ancient work respecting the mode of proceeding in the criminal courts of Athens. All the orations of Antiphon are printed in the collections of the Attic orators edited by Aldus, H. Stephens, Reiske, Bekker, Dobson, and others. The best separate editions are those of Baiter and Sauppe, Zuirich. 1838, 16mo., and of E. Mitzner, Berlin, 1838, 8vo, Besides these orations, the ancients ascribe tc Antiphon, 1. A Rhetoric (ixmoVf p7lTopiKM) in three books. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 832, d.; Phot. 1. c. Quintil. iii. 1. ~ 10.) When it is said, that h( was the first who wrote a work on rhetoric, thiU statement must be limited to the theory of oratorin the courts of justice and in the assembly; fo: treatises on the art of composing show-speeche: had been written by several sophists before him The work is occasionally referred to by ancien rhetoricians and grammarians, but it is now lost 2. Jlpoo/ima teal orioyot, seem to have been mode speeches or exercises for the use of himself or hi scholars, and it is not improbable that his tetralo gies may have belonged to them. (Suid. s. vv. duac ia'Qo-0aoi, ieoxOopds; Phot. Lex. s. v. pox0?jpdos.) The best modern works on Antiphon are: P. va Spaan (Ruhnken), Dissertatio historica de Anti
Page 207 ANTIPHON. phonie, OratoreA ttico, Leyden, 1765, 4to., reprinted in Ruhnken's Opaiscula, and in Reiske's and Dobson's Greek orators; Taylor, Lect. Lysiac. vii. p. 268, &c., ed. Reiske; Westermann, Geschiclite der Griech. Beredtsanmkeit, ~~ 40 and 41. 2. A tragic poet, whom Plutarch ( Vit. X. Orat. p. 833), Philostratus (Vit. Soph. i. 15. ~ 3), and others, confound with the Attic orator Antiphon, who was put to death at Athens in B. c. 411. Now Antiphon the tragic poet lived at Syracuse, at the court of the elder Dionysius, who did not assume the tyranny till the year B. c. 406, that is, five years after the death of the Attic orator. The poet Antiphon is said to have written dramas in conjunction with the tyrant, who is not known to have shewn his passion for writing poetry until the latter period of his life. These circumstances alone, if there were not many others, would shew that the orator and the poet were two different persons, and that the latter must have survived.the former many years. The poet was put to death by the tyrant, according to some accounts, for having used a sarcastic expression in regard to tyranny, or, according to others, for having imprudently censured the tyrant's compositions. (Plut., Philostr. II. cc.; Aristot. Rhet. ii. 6.) We still know the titles of five of Antiphon's tragedies: viz. Meleager, Andromache, Medeia, Jason, and Philoctetes. (Bode, Gesch. der Dranm. Dichtk. der Hellen. i. p. 554, &c.) 3. Of Athens, a sophist and an epic poet. Buidas, who says that he was surnamed Ao'yoecyeipos, and others state, that he occupied himself with the interpretation of signs. He wrote t work on the interpretation of dreams, which s referred to by Artemidorus, Cicero, and others, Artemid. Oneirocr. ii. 14; Cic. de Divin. i. 20, il, ii. 70.) He is unquestionably the same peron as the Antiphon who was an opponent of locrates, and who is mentioned by Xenophon Memorab. i. 6, ~ 1; compare Diog. LaSrt. ii. 46; ienec. Controv. 9), and must be distinguished from he rhetorician Antiphon of Rhamnus, as well as:om the tragic poet of the same name, although he ancients themselves appear to have been doubtil as to who the Antiphon mentioned by Xenolion really was. (Ruhnken, Opusclut, i. pp. 148,;c'., 169, &c., ed. Friedemann.) Not a line of his oems is extant. 4. The youngest brother of, Plato, whose name ie philosopher has immortalised in his dialogue Parmenides." (Plut. de Frat. Amor. p. 484, f.) he father of Plato's wife was likewise called.ntiphon. (Plut, de Genio Socrat.) 5. An Athenian, and a contemporary of Deosthenes. For some offence his name was Faced from the list of Athenian citizens, whereron he went to Philip of Macedonia. He edged himself to the king, that he would deroy by fire the Athenian arsenal in Peiraeeus; Lt when he arrived there with this intention, ý was arrested by Demosthenes and accused of eachery. He was found guilty, and put to ath in a. c. 342. (Dem. de Coron. p. 271; echow, de Aeschinis Orat. Vita, p. 73, &c.; AESJ:NEs, p. 38.) 6. A Greek sophist, who lived before the time Aristotle, and whose opinions respecting the adrature of the circle, and the genesis of things, Smentioned by this philosopher. (Aristot. Soist. Elench. i. 10, Phvs. i. 2, ii. 1.) ANTISTHENES. 207 7. A Greek author, who wrote an account of men distinguished for virtue (7repl rdv iE cpery rpwCreveavVwV'), one of whom was Pythagoras. (Diog. Laert. viii. 3; Porphyr. de Vit. Pythag. p.9.) 8. A writer on agriculture, mentioned by Athenaeus. (xiv. p. 650.) [L. S.] ANTIPHUS ('"AVTInOS). 1. A son of Priam and Hecuba. (Hom. II. iv. 490; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5.) While he was tending the flocks on mount Ida with his brother Isus, he was made prisoner by Achilles, but was restored to freedom after a ransom was given for him. He afterwards fell by the hands of Agamemnon. (Hom. II. ix. 101, &c.) 2. A son of Thessalus, and one of the Greek heroes at Troy. He and his brother Pheidippus joined the Greeks with thirty ships, and commanded the men of Carpathos, Casos, Cos, and other islands. (Hom. II. ii. 675, &c.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 97) he was a son of Mnesylus and Chalciope. Four other mythical personages of this name are mentioned in Hom. 11II. ii. 846, Gd. ii. 19, xvii. 68; Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3. [L. S.] ANTI'STATES, CALLAESCHRUS, ANTIMA'CHIDES, and PORI'NOS, were the architects who laid the foundations of the temple of Zeus Olympius at Athens, under Peisistratus. (Vitruv. vii. Praef. ~ 15.) [P. S.] ANTI'STHENES ('AmTvT1Orevys), an AGRIGENTINE, is mentioned by Diodorus (xiii. 84) as an instance of the immense wealth which private citizens possessed at Agrigentum. When his daughter was married, more than 800 carriages went in the nuptial procession. ANTI'STHENES ('AvnTrOievYs), a CYNic philosopher, the son of Antisthenes, an Athenian, was the founder of the sect of the Cynics, which of all the Greek schools of philosophy was perhaps the most devoid of any scientific purpose. He flourished B. c. 366 (Diod. xv. 76), and his mother was a Thracian (Suidas, s. v.; Diog. Laeirt. vi. 1), though some say a Phrygian, an opinion probably derived from his replying to a man who reviled him as not being a genuine Athenian citizen, that the mother of the gods was a Phrygian, In his youth he fought at Tanagra (B. c. 426), and was a disciple first of Gorgias, and then of Socrates, whom lie never quitted, and at whose death he xwas present. (Plat. Phaed. ~ 59.) He never forgave his master's persecutors, and is even said to have been instrumental in procuring their punishment. (Diog. Laert. vi. 10.) lHe survived the battle of Leuctra (u. c. 371), as he is reported to have comnipared the victory of the Thebans to a set of schoolboys beating their master (Plut..ycyur. 30), and died at Athens, at the age of 70. (Eudocia, Violarizm, p. 56.) He taught in the Cynosarges, a gymniasiumn for the use of Athenians born of foreign mothers, near the temple of Hercules. Hence probably his followers were called Cynics, though the Scholiast on Aristotle (p. 23, Brandis) deduces the name fron the habits of the school, either their dog-like neglect of all forms and usages of society, sleeping in tubs and in the streets, and eating whatever they could find, or from their shameless insolence, or else their pertinacious adherence to their own opinions, or lastly from their habit of driving from them all whom they thought unfit for a philosophical life. His writings were very numerous, and chiefly dialogues, some of them being vehement attacks on his contemporaries, as on Alcibiades in the second of his
Page 208 208 ANTISTHENES. two works entitled Cyrus, on Gorgias in his Archelaus and a most furious one on Plato in his Satho. (Athen. v. p. 220, b.) His style was pure and elegant, and Theopompus even said that Plato stole from him many of his thoughts. (Athen. xi. p. 508, c.) Cicero, however, calls him " homo acutus magis quam eruditus" (ad. Att. xii. 38), and it is impossible that his writings could have deserved any higher praise. He possessed considerable powers of wit and sarcasm, and was fond of playing upon words; saying, for instance, that he would rather fall among Kopdices than KoAdaces, for the one devour the dead, but the other the living; and that one of his pupils stood in need f/3sAraplov KawoIVs, Kac 'ypacpeiov KcaLoV (i. e. Kal vyo). Two declamations of his are preserved, named Ajax and Ulysses, which are purely rhetorical, and an epistle to Aristippus is attributed to him. His philosophical system was almost confined to ethics. In all that the wise man does, he said, he conforms to perfect virtue, and pleasure is not only unnecessary to man, but a positive evil. He is reported to have held pain and even infamy (dPoia) to be blessings, and that madness is preferable to pleasure, though Ritter thinks that some of these extravagances must have been advanced not as his own opinions, but those of the interlocutors in his dialogues. According to Schleiermacher (Anmerkungen Czu Phileb. S. 204), the passage in the Philebus (p. 44), which mentions the theory, that pleasure is a mere negation, and consists only in the absence of pain, refers to the opinions of Antisthenes; and the statement in Aristotle (Ethi. Nic. x. 1), that some persons considered pleasure wholly worthless (Kot e pav^ov) is certainly an allusion to the Cynical doctrine. It is, however, probable that he did not consider all pleasure worthless, but only that which results from the gratification of sensual or artificial desires, for we find him praising the pleasures which spring Eic "rTs yvxusys (Xen. Symp. iv. 41), and the enjoyments of a wisely chosen friendship. (Diog. Laert. vi. 11.) The summum bonum he placed in a life according to virtue,- virtue consisting in action, and being such, that when once obtained it is never lost, and exempts the wise man from the chance of error. That is, it is closely connected with reason, but to enable it to develop itself in action, and to be sufficient for happiness, it requires the aid of energy (2cwKparIucKT) iXs); so that we may represent him as teaching, that the summum bonum, idperT, is attainable by teaching (SsaKardv), and made up of <ppodv?7ois and louxus. But here he becomes involved in a vicious circle, for when asked what ()p6vpor's is, he could only call it an insight into the good, having before made the good to consist in ()ppO'r-qs. (Plat. Rep. vi. p. 505.) The negative character of his ethics, which are a mere denial of the Cyrenaic doctrine, is further shewn in his apophthegm, that the most necessary piece of knowledge is id oicacd darojLaO8v, while in his wish to isolate and withdraw the sage from all connexion with others, rendering him superior even to natural affection and the political institutions of his country, he really founds a system as purely selfish as that of Aristippus. The Physicus of Antisthenes contained a theory of the nature of the gods (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 13), in which he contended for the Unity of the Deity, and that man is unable to know him by ANTISTHENES. any sensible representation, since he is unlike any being on earth. (Clem. Alex. Strom. v. p. 601.) He probably held just views of providence, shewing the sufficiency of virtue for happiness by the fact, that outward events are regulated by God so as to benefit the wise. Such, at least, was the view of his pupil Diogenes of Sinope, and seems involved in his own statement, that all which belongs to others is truly the property of the wise man. Of his logic we hear that he held definitions to be impossible, since we can only say that every individual is what it is, and can give no more than a description of its qualities, e. g. that silver is like tin in colour. (Arist. lMet. viii. 3.) Thus he, of course, disbelieved the Platonic system of ideas, since each particular object of thought has its own separate essence. This also is in conformity with the practical and unscientific character of his doctrine, and its tendency to isolate noticed above. He never had many disciples, which annoyed him so much that he drove away those who did attend his teaching, except Diogenes, who remained with him till his death. His staff and wallet and mean clothing were only proofs of his vanity, which Socrates told him he saw through the holes o! his coat. The same quality appears in his contempt for the Athenian constitution and social in stitutions generally, resulting from his being him self debarred from exercising the rights of a citizec by the foreign extraction of his mother. His phi losophy was evidently thought worthless by Plati and Aristotle, to the former of whom he was per sonally hostile. His school is classed by Ritte among the imperfect Socraticists; after his deat] his disciples wandered further and further from a] scientific objects, and plunged more deeply int fanatical extravagances. Perhaps some of thei exaggerated statements have been attributed t their master. The fragments which remain of hi writings have been collected by Winckelman (Antisthenes, Fragmenta, Turici, 1842), and thi small work, with the account of him by Rittc (Gesch. der Phlilosophie, vii. 4) will supply all th information which can be desired. Most of th ancient authorities have been given in the cours of this article. We may add to them Arriai Epiclet. iii. 22, iv. 8, 11; Lucian, Cynic. iii. 541; Julian, Orat. vii. [G. E. L. C.] ANTI'STHENES ('AvKurTLo-'s), a disciple HERACLEITUS, wrote a commentary on the wor of his master. (Diog. Laert. ix. 15, vi. 19.) ' is not improbable that this Antisthenes may I the same as the one who wrote a work on tI succession of the Greek philosophers (at rd ihXo(r6dpwv 6raoxal), which is so often referred by Diogenes Laertius (i. 40, ii. 39, 98, vi. 77, 8 vii. 168, &c.), unless it appear preferable to assil it to the peripatetic philosopher mentioned I Phlegon. (de Mirabil. 3.) [L. S.] ANTI'STHENES ('A-ernOlems), of RHODI a Greek historian who lived about the year B. 200. He took an active part in the politic affairs of his country, and wrote a history of 1 own time, which, notwithstanding its partiali towards his native island, is spoken of in terms high praise by Polybius. (xvi. 14, &c.; con Diog. LaZrt. vi. 19.) Plutarch (de Fluv. 22) mc tions an Antisthenes who wrote a work call Meleagris, of which the third book is quoted; a Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 12) speaks of a person of t same name, who wrote on the pyramids; I
Page 209 ANTISTIUS. ANTONIA. 209 whether they are the same person as the Rhodian, Pharsalia went to Bithynia, where he saw Caesar or two distinct writers, or the Ephesian Antis- and was pardoned by him. He died at Corcyra on thenes mentioned by Diogenes La'rtius (vi. 19), his return, leaving behind him considerable procannot be decided. [L. S.] perty. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 29.) ANTI'STHENES ('AvrTRoI VYs), a SPARTAN ANTI'STIUS, the name of the physician who admiral in the Peloponnesian war, was sent out in examined the body of Julius Caesar after his B. c. 412, in command of a squadron, to the coast murder, B. c. 44; and who is said by Suetonius of Asia Minor, and was to have succeeded Astyo- (Jul. Caes. 82) to have declared, that out of all chus, in case the Spartan commissioners thought it his wounds only one was mortal,namely, that which necessary to deprive that officer of his command, he had received in the breast. [W. A. G.] (Thuc. viii. 39.) We hear of him again in B. c. ANTIS'TIUS ('Avvo-T-os), a writer of Greek 399, when, with two other commissioners, he was EPIGRAMS, though, as his name seems to indicate, sent out to inspect the state of affairs in Asia, and a Roman by birth. Respecting his life and his announce to Dercyllidas that his command was to age nothing is known, but we possess three of his be prolonged for another year. (Xen. Hellen. iii. 2. epigrams in the Greek Anthology. (Jacobs, ad ~ 6.) There was also an Athenian general of this Anthol. Gr. xiii. p. 852.) [L. S.] name. (Ml1em. iii. 4. ~ 1.) [C. P. M.] ANTI'STIUS SOSIA'NUS. [SOSIANUS.] ANTI'STIA. 1. Wife of Ap. Claudius, Cos. SP. A'NTIUS, a Roman ambassador, was sent B. c. 143, and mother-in-law of Tib. Gracchus. with three others to Lar Tolumnius, the king of (Plut. Tib. Gracch. 4.) the Veientes, in B. C. 438, by whom he was killed. 2. Daughter of P. Antistius [ANTIsTIUs, No. 6] Statues of all four were placed on the Rostra. and Calpurnia, was married to Pompeius Magnus (Liv. iv. 16; Cic. Phil. ix. 2.) In Pliny (H.. N. in B. c. 86, who contracted the connexion that he xxxiv. 6. s. 11) the reading is Sp. Nautius, which might obtain a favourable judgment from Antistius, ought, however, to be changed into Antius. (Comp. who presided in the court in which Pompeius was Drakenborch, ad Liv. 1. c.) to be tried. Antistia was divorced by her husband ANTO'NIA. 1. A daughter of Antonius the in B. c. 82 by Sulla's order, who made him marry orator, Cos. B. c. 99 [ANTONIUS, No. 8], was his step-daughter Aemilia. (Plut. Pomp. 4, 9.) seized in Italy itself by the pirates over whom her ANTI'STIA GENS, on coins and inscriptions father triumphed, and obtained her liberation only usually ANTE'STIA, plebeian. (Liv. vi. 30.) In on payment of a large sum. (Plut. Pomp. 24.] the earlier ages of the republic, none of the mem- 2. 3. The two daughters of C. Antonius, Cos. bers of the gens appear with any surname, and B. c. 63, of whom one was married to C. Caninius even in later times they are sometimes mentioned Gallus (Val. Max. iv. 2. ~ 6), and the other to her without one. The surnames under the republic first cousin, M. Antonius, the triumvir. The latter are LABEO, REGINUS, and VETUS: those who had was divorced by her husband in 47, on the ground no surname are given under ANTISTIUS. No per- of an alleged intrigue between her and Dolabella. sons of this name are of great historical importance. (Cic. Phil. ii. 38; Plut. Ant. 9.) ANTI'STIUS. 1. SEx. AN'TISTIUS, tribune of 4. Daughter of M. Antonius, the triumvir, and -he plebs, n. c. 422. (Liv. iv. 42.) his second wife Antonia, was betrothed to the son 2. L. ANTIsTrUS, consular tribune, B. c. 379. of M. Lepidus in B. c. 44, and married to him in 'Liv. vi. 30.) 36. (Dion Cass. xliv. 53; Appian, B. C. v. 93.) 3. M. ANTTIULS, tribune of the plebs, about She must have died soon after; for her husband i. c. 320. (Liv. xxvi. 33, ix. 12.) Lepidus, who died in 30, was at that time married 4. M. ANTISTIUS, was sent in B. c. 218 to the to a second wife, Servilia. (Vell. Pat. ii. 88; Drutorth of Italy to recall C. Flaminius, the consul mann, Gesch. Roms, i. p. 518.) lect, to Rome. (Liv. xxi. 63.) 5. The elder of the two daughters of M. An5. SEX. ANTISTIUS, was sent in B. c. 208 into tonius by Octavia, the sister of Augustus, was laul to watch the movements of Hasdrubal. (Liv. born B. C. 39, and was married to L. Domitius xvii. 36.) Ahenobarbus, Cos. B. c. 16. Her son by this 6. P. ANTISTIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 88, marriage, Cn. Domitius, was the father of the empposed in his tribuneship C. Caesar Strabo, who peror Nero. [See the Stemma, p. 84.] According 7as a candidate for the consulship without having to Tacitus (Ann. iv. 44, xii. 64), this Antonia was een praetor. The speech he made upon this occa- the younger daughter; but we have followed Sueto-;on brought him into public notice, and afterwards nius (Ner. 5) and Plutarch (Ant. 87) in calling e frequently had important causes entrusted to her the elder. (Compare Dion Cass. li. 15.) im, though he was already advanced in years. 6. The younger of the two daughters of M. Anicero speaks favourably of his eloquence. In tonius by Octavia, born about B.c. 36, was married nsequence of the marriage of his daughter to to Drusus, the brother of the emperor Tiberius, by ompeius Magnus, he supported the party of Sulla, whom she had three children: 1. Germanicus, the Ad was put to death by order of young Marius in father of the emperor Caligula; 2. Livia or Livilla; c. 82. His wife Calpurnia killed herself upon and 3. the emperor Claudius. She lived to see ie death of her husband. (Cic. Brut. 63, 90, the accession of her grandson Caligula to the throne, 0o Rose. A mesr. 32; Veil. Pat. ii. 26; Appian, A. D. 37, who at first conferred upon her the great-. C. i. 88; Liv. Epit. 86; Plut. Pomp. 9; Dru- est honours, but afterwards treated her with so ann, Gesch. Roms, i. p. 55.) much contempt, that her death was hastened by 7. T. ANTISTIUS, quaestor in Macedonia, n. c. his conduct: according to some accounts, he admi). When Pompey came into the province in nistered poison to her. The emperor Claudius e following year, Antistius had received no sue- paid the highest honours to her memory. Pliny ssor; and according to Cicero, he did only as (H. N. xxxv. 36. ~ 16) speaks of a temple of Anl"ch for Pompey as circumstances compelled him. tonia, which was probably built at the command of e took no part in the war, and after the battle of Claudius. Antonia was celebrated for her beauty, P
Page 210 210 ANTONINUS. virtue, and chastity. Her portrait on the annexed coin supports the accounts which are given of her beauty. (Plut. Ant. 87; Dion Cass. Iviii. 11, lix. 3, Ix. 5; Suet. Cal. i. 15, 23; Tac. Ann. iii. 3, 18, xi. 3; Val. Max. iv. 3. ~ 3; Eckhel, vi. p. 178, &c.) 7. The daughter of the emperor Claudius by Petina, was married by her father first to Pompeius Magnus, and afterwards to Faustus Sulla. Nero wished to marry her after the death of his wife Poppaea, A. D. 66; and on her refusing his proposal, he caused her to be put to death on a charge of treason. According to some accounts, she was privy to the conspiracy of Piso. (Suet. Claud. 27, Ner. 35; Tac. Ann. xii. 2, xiii. 23, xv. 53; Dion Cass. Ix. 5.) ANTO'NIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. The patrician Antonii bear the cognomen Merenda [MERENDA]; the plebeian Antonii bear no surname under the republic, with the exception of Q. Antonius, propraetor in Sardinia in the time of Sulla, who is called Balbus upon coins. (Eckhel, v. p. 140.) The plebeian Antonii are given under ANTaONIus. Antonius, the triumvir, pretended that his gens was descended from Anton, a son of Hercules. (Plut. Ant. 4, 36, 60.) We are told that he harnessed lions to his chariot to commemorate his descent from this hero (Plin. II. N. viii. 16. s. 21; comp. Cic. ad AUt. x. 13); and many of his coins bear a lion for the same reason. (Eckhel, vi. pp. 38, 44.) ANTO'NINUS. 1. A Roman of high rank, and a contemporary and friend of Pliny the Younger, among whose letters there are three addressed to Antoninus. Pliny heaps the most extravagant praise upon his friend both for his personal character and his skill in composing Greek epigrams and iambics. (Plin. Epist. iv. 3, 18, v. 10.) 2, A new-Platonist, who lived early in the fourth century of our era, was a son of Eustathius and Sosipatra, and had a school at Canopus, near Alexandria in Egypt. He devoted himself wholly to those who sought his instructions, but he never expressed any opinion upon divine things, which he considered beyond man's comprehension. He and his disciples were strongly attached to the heathen religion; but he had acuteness enough to see that its end was near at hand, and he predicted that after his death all the splendid temples of the gods would be changed into tombs. His moral conduct is described as truly exemplary. (Eunapius, Vit. Aedesii, p. 68, ed. Antw. 1568.) [L. S.] ANTONINUS. The work which bears the title of ANTONINI ITINERARIUM is usually attributed to the emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus. It is also ascribed in the MSS. severally to Julius Titus Aurelius Fulvus, Consul A. D. 85 and 89, and Praefectus urbi. I-_____________ ANTONINUS. Caesar, Antonius Augustus, Antonius Augustalis, and Antoninus Augustus. It is a very valuable itinerary of the whole Roman empire, in which both the principal and the cross-roads are described by a list of all the places and stations upon them, the distances from place to place being given in Roman miles. We are informed by Aethicus, a Greek geographer whose Cosmsographia was translated by St. Jerome, that in the consulship of Julius Caesar and M. Antonius (B. c. 44), a general survey of the empire was undertaken, at the command of Caesar and by a decree of the senate, by three persons, who severally completed their labours in 30, 24, and 19, B. c., and that Augustus sanctioned the results by a decree of the senate. The probable inference from this statement, compared with the MS. titles of the Itinerary, is, that that work embodied the results of the survey mentioned by Aethicus. In fact, the circumstance of the Itinerary and the Cosmogracphia of Aethicus being found in the same MS. has led some writers to suppose that it was Aethicus himself who reduced the survey into the form in which we have it. The time of Julius Caesar and Augustus, when the Roman empire had reached its extent, was that at which we should expect such a work to be undertaken; and no one was more likely to undertake it than the great reformer of the Roman calendar. The honour of the work, therefore, seems to belong to Julius Caesar, who began it; to M. Antonius, who, from his position in the state, must have shared in its commencement and prosecution; and to Augustus, under whom it was completed. Nevertheless, it is highly probable that it received important additions and revision under one or both of the Antonines, who, in their labours to consolidate the empire, would not niglect such a work. The names included in it, moreover, prove that it was altered to suit the existing state of the empire down to the time of Diocletian (A. n. 285-305), after which we have no evidence of any alteration, for the passages in which the name " Constantinopolis" occurs are probably spurious. Whoevec may have been its author, we have abundant evidence that the work was an official one. In seve. ral passages the numbers are doubtful. The name, are put down without any specific rule as to th( case. It was first printed by H. Stephens, Paris (1512.) The best edition is that of Wesseling Amnst. 1735, 4to. (The Preface to Wesseling' edition of the Itinerary; The Article 'Antoninus the Itinerary of,' in the Penny Cs'ycloptedia.) [P. S. ANTONI'NUS, M. AURE'LIUS. [M. At RELIUS.] ANTONI'NUS PIUS. The name of thi emperor in the early part of his life, at full lengtl was Titus Aurelius Fuluis Boionius Arrius Ant, sninus-a series of appellations derived from h paternal and maternal ancestors, from whom 1 inherited great wealth. The family of his fath, was originally from Nemausus (Nismes) in Tran alpine Gaul, and the most important members the stock are exhibited in the following table: Titus Arrius Antoninus, ^ Boionia Procilla. Consul A. n. 69 and 96. Aurelius Fulvus, Arria Fadilla. Consul, but not named in the Fasti., a
Page 211 ANTONINUS ANTONINUS 91 1 Titus Aurelius Fulvus, afterwards T. AELIUS HADRIANUS ANTONINus PIus AUGUSTUS, Married Annia Galeria Faustina. M. Galerius Antoninus. - M. Aurelius Fulvus - Aurelia Fadilla. - Annia Faustina, wife of the Antoninus. emperor M. AURELIUS. Antoninus himself was born near Lanuvium on the adopted by Hadrian, we may conclude that both 19th of September, A. D. 86, in the reign of Domi- his sons died before this epoch; and hence the tian; was brought up at Lorium, a villa on the magnanimity ascribed to him by Gibbon (c. 3) in Aurelian way, about twelve miles from Rome; preferring the welfare of Rome to the interests of passed his boyhood under the superintendence of his family, and sacrificing the claims of his own his two grandfathers, and from a very early age children to the talents and virtues of young Margave promise of his future worth. After having cus, is probably altogether visionary. filled the offices of quaestor and praetor with great The whole period of the reign of Antoninus, distinction, he was elevated to the consulship in which lasted for upwards of twenty-two years, is 120, was afterwards selected by Hadrian as one of almost a blank in history-a blank caused by the the four consulars to whom the administration of suspension for a time of war, and violence, and Italy was entrusted, was next appointed proconsul crime. Never before and never after did the of the province of Asia, which he ruled so wisely Roman world enjoy for an equal space so large a that he surpassed in fame all former governors, not measure of prosperous tranquillity. All the thoughts excepting his grandfather Arrius, and on his re- and energies of a most sagacious and able prince turn home was admitted to share the secret coun- were steadfastly dedicated to the attainment of sels of the prince. In consequence, it would ap- one object-the happiness of his people. And pear, of his merit alone, after the death of Aelius assuredly never were noble exertions crowned with Caesar, he was adopted by Hadrian on the 25th of more ample success. February 138, in the 52nd year of his age. He At home the affections of all classes were won was immediately assumed by his new father as by his simple habits, by the courtesy of his mancolleague in the tribunate and proconsular imperi- ners, by the ready access granted to his presence, umn, and thenceforward bore the name of T. Aelius by the patient attention with which he listened to Hadrianus Antoninus Caesar. Being at this period representations upon all manner of subjects, by his without male issue, he was required to adopt M. impartial distribution of favours, and his prompt Annius Verus, the son of his wife's brother, and administration of justice. Common informers were also L. Ceionius Commodus, the son of Aelius Cae- discouraged, and almost disappeared; never had sar, who had been previously adopted by Hadrian confiscations been so rare; during a long succession but was now dead. These two individuals were of years no senator was punished with death; one afterwards the emperors M. Aurelius Antoninus man only was impeached of treason, and he, when and L. Aurelius Verus. convicted, was forbidden to betray his accomplices. Hadrian died at Baiae on the 2nd of July, 138, Abroad, the subject states participated largely but a few months after these arrangements had in the blessings diffused by such an example. The been concluded, and Antoninus without opposition best governors were permitted to retain their power ascended the throne. Several years before this for a series of years, and the collectors of the reevent, lie had married Annia Galeria Faustina, venue were compelled to abandon their extortions. whose descent will be understood by referring to Moreover, the general condition of the provincials the account given of the family of her nephew, was improved, their fidelity secured, and the reMJ. AURnaEus. By her he had two daughters, sources and stability of the whole empire increased Aurelia Fadilla and Annia Faustina, and two sons, by the communication, on a large scale, of the full M. Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus and M. Galerius rights and privileges of Roman citizens to the inAntoninus. Aurelia married Lamia Syllanus, and habitants of distant countries. In cases of national died at the time when her father was setting out calamity and distress, such as the earthquakes for Asia. Faustina became the wife of her first which devastated Rhodes and Asia, and the great cousin Marcus Aurelius, the future emperor. Of fires at Narbonne, Antioch, and Carthage, the sufthe male progeny we know nothing. The name of ferers were relieved, and compensation granted for the first mentioned was discovered by Pagi in an their losses with the most unsparing liberality. nscription, the portrait of the second appears on a In foreign policy, the judicious system of his 'are Greek coin, with the legend, M. FALEPIOC. predecessor was steadily followed out. No attempt INTONEINOC. ATTOKPATOPOC. ANTONEINOT was made to achieve new conquests, but all rebelrClO. On the reverse of the medal is the head lions from within and all aggressions from without >f his mother, with the words, OEA 4,ATCTEINA, were promptly crushed. Various movements vhich prove that it was struck subsequently to her among the Germans, the Dacians, the Jews, the leath, which happened in the third year after her Moors, the Greeks, and the Egyptians, were quelled tusband's accession. It will be observed, that by persuasion or by a mere demonstration of force; vhile Galerius is styled "son of the emperor Anto- while a more formidable insurrection in northern linus," he is not termed KAI:AP, a title which Britain was speedily repressed by the imperial vould scarcely have been omitted had he been legate Lollius Urbicus, who advancing beyond the orn or been alive after his father's elevation, wall of Hadrian, connected the friths of the Clyde 'rom this circumstance, therefore, from the abso- and the Forth by a rampart of turf, in order that.te silence of history with regard to these youths, the more peaceful districts might be better protectnd from the positive assertion of Dion Cassius ed from the inroads of the Caledonians. The [xix. 21), that Antoninus had no male issue when British war was concluded, as we learn from meP2
Page 212 212 ANTONINUS. dais, between the years 140-145, and on this occasion Antoninus received for a second time the title of imperator-a distinction which he did not again accept, and he never deigned to celebrate a triumph. (Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 14.) Even the nations which were not subject to Rome paid the utmost respect to the power of Antoninus. The Parthians, yielding to his remonstrances, abandoned an attempt upon Armenia. The Scythians submitted disputes with their neighbours to his arbitration; the barbarians of the Upper Danube received a king from his hands; a great chief of the clans of Caucasus repaired to Rome to tender his homage in person, and embassies flocked in from Hyrcania and Bactria, from the banks of the Indus and of the Ganges, to seek Sthe alliance of the emperor. In his reign various improvements were introduced in the law, by the advice of the most eminent jurists of the day; the health of the population was protected by salutary regulations with regard to the interment of the dead, and by the establishment of a certain number of licensed medical practitioners in the metropolis and all large towns. The interests of education and literature were promoted by honours and pensions bestowed on the most distinguished professors of philosophy and rhetoric throughout the world. Commercial intercourse was facilitated by the construction or repair of bridges, harbours, and lighthouses; and architecture and the fine arts were encouraged by the erection and decoration of numerous public buildings. Of these the temple of Faustina in the forum, and the mausoleum of Hadrian on the right bank of the Tiber, may still be seen, and many antiquarians are of opinion, that the magnificent amphitheatre at Nismes, and the stupendous aqueduct now termed the Pont du Gard, between that town.and Avignon, are monuments of the interest felt by the descendant of the Aurelii Fulvi for the country of his fathers. It is certain that the former of these structures was completed under his immediate successors and dedicated to them. In all the relations of private life Antoninus was equally distinguished. Even his wife's irregularities, which must to a certain extent have been known to him, he passed over, and after her death loaded her memory with honours. Among the most remarkable of these was the establishment of an hospital, after the plan of a similar institution by Trajan, for the reception and maintenance of boys and girls, the young females who enjoyed the advantages of the charity being termed puellae alimentariae Faustinianae. By fervent piety and scrupulous observance of sacred rites, he gained the reputation of being a second Numa; but he was a foe to intolerant fanaticism, as is proved by the protection and favour extended to the Christians. His natural taste seems to have had a strong bias towards the pleasures of a country life, and accordingly we find him spending all his leisure hours upon his estate in the country. In person he was of commanding aspect and dignified countenance, and a deep toned melodious voice rendered his native eloquence more striking and impressive. His,death took place at Lorium on the 7th of March, 161, in his 75th year. He was succeeded by M. Aurelius. Some doubts existed amongst the ancients themselves with regard to the origin of the title Pius, ANTONINUS. and several different explanations, many of them very silly, are proposed by his biographer Capitolinus. The most probable account of the matter is this. Upon the death of Hadrian, the senate, incensed by his severity towards several members of their body, had resolved to withhold the honours usually conferred upon deceased emperors, but were induced to forego their purpose in consequence of the deep grief of Antoninus, and his earnest entreaties. Being, perhaps, after the first burst of indignation had passed away, somewhat alarmed by their own rashness, they determined to render the concession more gracious by paying a compliment to their new ruler which should mark their admiration of the feeling by which he had been influenced, and accordingly they hailed him by the name of Pius, or the dutifully affectionate. This view of the question receives support from medals, since the epithet appears for the first time upon those which were struck immediately after the death of Hadrian; while several belonging to the same year, but coined before that date, bear no such addition. Had it been, as is commonly supposed, conferred in consequence of the general holiness of his life, it would in all probability have been introduced either when he first became Caesar, or after he had been seated for some time on the throne, and not exactly at the moment of his accession. Be that as it may, it found such favour in the eyes of his successors, that it was almost universally adopted, and is usually found united with the appellation of Augustus. Our chief and almost only authority for the life of Antoninus Pius is the biography of Capitolinus, which, as may be gathered from what has been said above, is from beginning to end an uninterrupted panegyric. But the few facts which we can collect from medals, from the scanty fragments of Dion Cassius, and from incidental notices in later writers, all corroborate, as far as they go, the representations of Capitolinus; and therefore we cannot fairly refuse to receive his narrative merely because he paints a character of singular and almost unparalleled excellence. [W. R.] COIN OF ANTONINUS PIUS. ANTONFNUS LIBERA'LIS ('AvrwVo7,o! AisepdAis), a Greek grammarian, concerning whosa life nothing is known, but who is generally believe( to have lived in the reign of the Antonines, abou A. D. 147. We possess a work under his name entitled peraegop(pc&rav oTvva'ywcey, and consistin of forty-one tales about mythical metamorphoses With the exception of nine tales, he always mer tions the sources from which he took his account: Since most of the works referred to by him are no, lost, his book is of some importance for the stud of Greek mythology, but in regard to compos tion and style it is of no value. There are bi
Page 213 ANTONIUS. very few MSS. of this work, and the chief ones are that at Heidelberg and the one in Paris. The first edition from the Heidelberg MS. with a Latin translation, is by Xylander, Basel, 1568, 8vo. There is a good edition by Verheyk (Lugd. Bat. 1774, 8vo.) with notes by Muncker, Hemsterhuis, &c. The best is by Koch (Leipz. 1832, 8vo.), who collated the Paris MS. and added valuable notes of his own. (Mallmann, Commentatio de causis et auctoribus narrationum de mutatis formis, Leipz. 1786, p. 89,&c.; Bast, Epistola criltica ad Boissonade super Antonino Liberali, P]arthenio et Aristaeneto, Leipz. 1809; Koch's Preface to his edition.) [L. S.] ANTO'NIUS, plebeian. See ANTONIA GENS. 1. M. ANTONIUS, Magister Equitum, B. c. 334, in the Samnite war. (Liv. viii. 17.) 2. L. ANTONIus, expelled from the senate by the censors in B. c. 307. (Val. Max. ii. 9. ~ 2.) ANTONIUS. 213 3. Q. ANTONIUS, was one of the officers in the fleet under the praetor L. Aemilius Regillus, in the war with Antiochus the Great, B. c. 190. (Liv. xxxvii. 32.) 4. A. ANTONIUS, was sent by the consul Aemilius Paullus, with two others to Perseus, after the defeat of the latter, B. c. 168. (Liv. xlv. 4.) 5. M. ANTONIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 167, opposed the bill introduced by the praetor M. Juventius Thalna for declaring war against the Rhodians. (Liv. xlv. 21, 40.) 6. L. ANTONIUS, defended by M. Cato Censorius, about the middle of the second century B. c. (Priscian, ix. p. 868, ed. Putsch.) 7. C. ANTONIUS, the father of the orator, as appears from coins. The following is a genealogical table of his descendants: 7. C. Antonius. 8. M. Antonius, the orator, Cos. B. c. 99. 9. M. Antonius Creticus, Pr. B. c. 75. Married 1. Numitoria. 2. Julia. 10. C. Antonius, Cos. 63. 15. Antonia. 16. Antonia. 11. Antonia. 12. AM. Antonius, IIIvir. Married 1. Fadia. 2. Antonia. 3. Fulvia. 4. Octavia. 5. Cleopatra. 13. C. Antonius, Pr. B. c. 44. 14. L. Antonius, Cos. B. c. 41. 17. Antonia. 18. M. Anto- 19. Julus 20. Antonia 21. Antonia 22. Alex- 23. Cleo- 24. Ptolemaeus nius. Antonius. Major. Minor. ander. patra. Philadelphus. 25. L. Antonius. 8. M. ANTONIUS, the orator, was born B. c. 143. (Cic. Brut. 43.) He was quaestor in 113, and praetor in 104, and received the province of Cilicia with the title of proconsul in order to prosecute the war against the pirates. In consequence of his successes he obtained a triumph in 102. (Plnt. Pomp. 24; Fast. Triumph.) He was consul in 99 with A. Albinus [see ALBINUS, No. 22], and distinguished himself by resisting the attempts of Saturninus and his party, especially an agrarian law of the tribune Sex. Titius. I-e was censor in 97, and, while censor, was accused of bribery by M. Duronius, but was acquitted. He commanded in the Marsic war a part of the Roman army. Antonius belonged to the aristocratical party, and Jspoused Sulla's side in the first civil war. He was in consequence put to death by Marius and Dinna when they obtained possession of Rome in 37. He was in the city at the time, and the Aoldiers sent to murder him hesitated to do their.rrand through the moving eloquence of the orator, -ill their commander, P. Annius, cut off his head and carried it to Marius, who had it erected on lhe Rostra. Antonius is frequently spoken of by Cicero as one of the greatest of the Roman orators. He is introduced as one of the speakers in Cicero's De Oratore, together with his celebrated contemporary L. Crassus. From the part which he takes in the dialogue, it would appear that his style of eloquence was natural and unartificial, distinguished by strength and energy rather than by finish and polish. He wrote a work de Ratione Dicendi, which is referred to by Cicero (de Orat. i. 21) and Quintilian (iii. 6. ~ 45), but neither it nor any of his orations has come down to us. His chief orations were, 1. A defence of himself, when accused of incest with a vestal virgin, B. c. 113. (Val. Max. iii. 7. ~ 9, vi. 8. ~ 1; Liv. Epit. 63; Ascon. ad Cic. Milon. c. 12; Oros. v. 15.) 2. A speech against Cn. Papirius Carbo, B. c. 111, who had been defeated by the Cimbri in 113. (Appul. de Meag. p. 316, ed. Oudend.) 3. An oration against Sex. Titius, tribune of the plebs, a. c. 99. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 11, pro Rubir. perd. 9.) 4. A defence of M'. Aquillius, accused of extortion in the government of Sicily, about B. c. 99. This was the most celebrated of his orations. (Cic. Brut. 62, de Of. ii. 14, pro Flacco, "9, de Orat. ii. 28, 47, in Verr. v. 1; Liv. Epit. 70.) 5. A defence
Page 214 214 ANTONIUS. of himself when accused of bribery by Duronius. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 68.) 6. A defence of Norbanus, who was accused of having caused the destruction of a Roman army by the Cimbri through carelessness. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 25, 39, 40, 48.) (Orelli, Onomasticon Tulliansum; Drumann, Geschichte Romis, vol. i. p. 58, &c.; Ellendt, Proleg. ad Cic. Brut.; Meyer, Orat. Romi. Fragm. p. 139, &c.; Westermann, Geschichte der Romischen Beredtsamk7it, ~~ 46-48.) 9, M. ANTONIUS M. F. C. N. CRETICUS, son of the preceding and father of the Triumvir, was praetor in B. c. 75, and obtained in 74, through the influence of P. Cethegus and the consul Cotta, the command of the fleet and all the coasts of the Mediterranean, in order to clear the sea of pirates. But Antonius was avaricious and greedy, and misused his power to plunder the provinces, and especially Sicily. He did not succeed either in the object for which he had been appointed. An attack which he made upon Crete, although he was assisted by the Byzantines and the other allies, entirely failed; the greater part of his fleet was destroyed; and he probably saved himself only by an ignominious treaty. He shortly after died in Crete, and was called Creticus in derision. Sallust (Hist. lib. iii.) described him as " perdundae pecuniae genitus, et vacuus a curis nisi instantibus." He was married twice; first, to Numitoria, who had no children (Cic. Philipp. iii. 6), and afterwards to Julia. (Plut. Ant. i. 2; Cic. Div. in Caecil. 17, in Verr. ii. 3, iii. 91; Pseudo-Ascon.in Div. p. 122, in Verr. pp. 176, 206, ed. Orelli; Veil. Pat. ii. 31; Appian, Sic. 6; Lactant. Inst. i. 11. ~ 32; Tac. Ann. xii. 62.) 10. C. ANTONIUS M. F. C. N., surnamed HYBRIDA (Plin. H. N. viii. 53. s. 79, according to Drumann, Gesch. Romis, i. p. 531, because he was a homo semiferus, the friend of Catiline and the plunderer of Macedonia), was the second son of Antonius, the orator [No. 8], and the uncle of the triumvir [No. 12]. He accompanied Sulla in his war against Mithridates, and on Sulla's return to Rome, B. c. 83, was left behind in Greece with part of the cavalry and plundered the country. He was subsequently accused for his oppression of Greece by Julius Caesar (76). Six years afterwards (70), he was expelled the senate by the censors for plundering the allies and wasting his property, but was soon after readmitted. He celebrated his aedileship with extraordinary splendour. In his praetorship (65) and consulship (63) he had Cicero as his colleague. According to most accounts Antony was one of Catiline's conspirators, and his well-known extravagance and rapacity seem to render this probable. Cicero gained him over to his side by promising him the rich province of Macedonia, in which he would have a better opportunity of amassing wealth than in the other consular province of Gaul. Antony had to lead an army against Catiline, but unwilling to fight against his former friend, he gave the command on the day of battle to his legate, M. Petreius. At the conclusion of the war Antony went into his province, which he plundered so shamefully, that his recall was proposed in the senate in the beginning of 61. Cicero defended him; and it was currently reported at Rome that Cicero had given up the province to Antony on the secret understanding, that the latter should give him part of the plunder. Antony said tIhe same himself; ANTONIUS. and Cicero's conduct in defending him in the senate, and also when he was brought to trial subsequently, strengthened the suspicion. In 60, Antony was succeeded in the province by Octavius, the father of Augustus, and on his return to Rome was accused in 59 both of taking part in Catiline's conspiracy and of extortion in his province. He was defended by Cicero, but was notwithstanding condemned on both charges, and retired to the island of Cephallenia, which he rendered subject to him, as if it were his own; he even commenced building a city in it. (Strab. x. p. 455.) He was subsequently recalled, probably by Caesar, but at what time is uncertain. We know that he was in Rome at the beginning of 44 (Cic. Philipop. ii. 38), and he probably did not long survive Caesar. (For the ancient authorities, see Orelli's Onomasticon Tall. and Drumann's Geschichte Roms, i. p. 31.) 11. ANTONIA. [ANTONIA, No. 1.] 12 M. ANTONIUS M. F. M. N., the son of M. Antonius Creticus [No. 9] and Julia, the sister of L. Julius Caesar, consul in B. c. 64, was born, in all probability, in B. c. 83. His father died while he was still young, and he was brought up in the house of Cornelius Lentulus, who married his mother Julia, and who was subsequently put to death by Cicero in 63 as one of Catiline's conspirators. Antony indulged in his very youth in every kind of dissipation, and became distinguished by his lavish expenditure and extravagance; and, as he does not appear to have received a large fortune from his father, his affairs soon became deeply involved. He was, however, released from his difficulties by his friend Curio, who was his companion in all his dissipation, and between whom and Antony there existed, if report be true, a most dishonourable connexion. The desire of revenging the execution of his step-father, Lentulus, led Antony to join Clodius in his opposition to Cicero and the aristocratical party. But their friendship was not of long continuance; and Antony, pressed by his creditors, repaired to Greece in 58, and from thence to Syria, where he served under the proconsul A. Gabinius as commander of the cavalry. He soon became distinguished as a brave and enterprizing officer. He took part in the canpaigns against Aristobulus in Palestine (57, 56), and also in the restoration of Ptolemy Auletes to Egypt in 55. In the following year (54) he went to Caesar in Gaul, whose favour and influence he acquired, and was in consequence, on his return to Rome (53), elected quaestor for the following year. He was supported in his canvass for the quaestorship by Cicero, who became reconciled to him through the mediation of Caesar. As quaestor (52) he returned to Gaul, and served under Caesar for the next two years (52, 51). Antony's energy and intrepidity pointed him out to Caesar as the most useful person to support his interests at Rome, where it was evident that the aristocratical party had made up their minds t( crush Caesar, if it were possible. Antony accord ingly left Gaul in 50 and came to Rome. Througl the influence of Caesar, he was elected into thI college of augurs, and was also chosen one of th tribunes of the plebs. He entered on his office o: the 10 th of December, and immnediately commence attacking the proceedings of Pompey and the ariE tocracy. On the 1st of January in the followin year (49), the senate passed a decree deprivin Caesar of his command. Antony and his colleagr
Page 215 ANTONIUS. Q. Cassius interposed their veto; but as the senate set this at nought, and threatened the lives of the two tribunes, Antony and his colleague fled from Rome on the 7th of January, and took refuge with Caesar in Gaul. Caesar now marched into Italy, and within a few weeks obtained complete possession of the peninsula. Antony was one of his legates, and received in the same year the supreme command of Italy, when Caesar crossed into Spain to prosecute the war against the Pompeian party. In the following year (48), he conducted reinforcements to Caesar in Greece, and was present at the battle of Pharsalia, where he commanded the left wing. In 47, Caesar, who was then dictator, appointed Antony master of the horse; and, during the absence of the former in Africa, he was again left in the command of Italy. The quiet state of Italy gave Antony an opportunity of indulging his natural love of pleasure. Cicero in his second Philippic has given a minute account of the flagrant debaucheries and licentiousness of which Antony was guilty at this time, both in Rome and the various towns of Italy; and it is pretty certain that most of these accounts are substantially true, though they are no doubt exaggerated by the orator. It was during this time that Antony divorced his wife Antonia (hlie had been previously married to Fadia [FADIA] ), and lived with an actress named Cytheris, with whom he appeared in public. About the same time, a circumstance occurred which produced a coolness between Caesar and Antony. Antony had purchased a great part of Pompey's property, when it was confiscated, under the idea that the money would never be asked for. But Caesar insisted that it should be paid, and Antony raised the sum with difficulty. It was perhaps owing to this circumstance that Antony did not accompany Caesar either to Africa or Spain in 46. During this year he married Fulvia, the widow of Clodius. In the next year (45) all trace of disagreement between Caesar and Antony disappears; he went to Narbo in Gaul to meet Caesar on his return from Spain, and shortly after offered him the diadem at the festival of the Lupercalia. In 44 he was consul with Caesar, and during the time that Caesar was murdered (15th of March), was kept engaged in conversation by some of the conspirators outside the senate-house. The conspirators had wished to engage Antony as an accomplice, and he was sounded on the point the year before by Trebonius, while he was in Gaul; but the proposition was rejected with indignation. Antony had nowv a difficult part to play. The murder of Caesar had paralyzed his friends and the people, and for a time placed the power of the state in the hands of the conspirators. Antony therefore thought it more prudent to come to terms with the senate; but meantime he obtained from Calpurnia the papers and private property of Caesar; and by his speech over the body of Caesar and the reading of his will, he so roused the feelings of the people against the murderers, that the latter were obliged to withdraw from the popular wrath. Antony, however, seems not to have considered himself strong enough yet to break with the senate entirely; he accordingly effected a reconciliation with them, and induced them to accept a number of laws, which he alleged were found amnong Caesar's papers. Antony was now the most powerful man in the state, and seemed ANTONIUS. 215 likely to obtain the same position that Caesar had occupied. But a new and unexpected rival appeared in young Octavianus, the adopted son and great-nephew of the dictator, who came from Apollonia to Rome, assumed the name of Caesar, and managed to secure equally the good will of the senate and of his uncle's veteran troops. A struggle now ensued between Antony and Caesar. The former went to Brundusium, to take the command of the legions which had come from Macedonia; the latter collected an army in Campania. Two of Antony's legions shortly afterwards deserted to Caesar; and Antony, towards the end of November, proceeded to Cisalpine Gaul, which had been previously granted him by the senate, and laid siege to Mutina, into which Dec. Brutus had thrown himself. At Rome, meantime, Antony was declared a public enemy, and the conduct of the war against him committed to Caesar and the two consuls, C. Vibius Pansa and A. Hirtius, at the beginning of the next year, B. c. 43. Several battles were fought with various success, till at length, in the battle of Mutina (about the 27th of April, 43), Antony was completely defeated, and obliged to cross the Alps. Both the consuls, however, had fallen, and the command now devolved upon Dec. Brutus. In Gaul Antony was joined by Lepidus with a powerful army, and was soon in a condition to prosecute the war with greater vigour than ever. Meantime, Caesar, who had been slighted by the senate, and who had never heartily espoused its cause, became reconciled to Antony, through the mediation of Lepidus, and thus the celebrated triumvirate was formed in the autumn of this year (43). The reconciliation was made on the condition that the government of the state should be vested in Antony, Caesar, and Lepidus, who were to take the title of Triunwvii Reipuzblicae Constituendae for the next five years; and that Antony should receive Gaul as his province; Lepidus, Spain; and Caesar, Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily. The mutual friends of each were proscribed, and in the executions that followed, Cicero fell a victim to the revenge of Antony-an act of cruelty, for which even the plea of necessity could not be urged. The war against Brutus and Cassius, who commanded the senatorial army, was entrusted to Caesar and Antony, and was decided by the battle of Philippi (42), which was mainly gained by the valour and military talents of Antony. Caesar returned to Italy; and Antony, after remaining some time in Greece, crossed over into Asia to collect the money which he had promised to the soldiers. In Cilicia he met with Cleopatra, and followed her to Egypt, where he forgot everything in dalliance with her. But he was roused from his inactivity by the Parthian invasion of Syria (40), and was at the same time summoned to support his brother Lucius [see No. 14] and his wife Fulvia, who were engaged in war with Caesar. But before Antony could reach Italy, Caesar had obtained possession of Perusia, in which Lucius had taken refuge; and the death of Fulvia in the same year removed the chief cause of the war, and led to a reconciliation between Caesar and Antony. To cement their union, Antony married Caesar's sister Octavia. A new division of the Roman world was made, in which Antony received as his share all the provinces east of the Adriatic. In the following year (39), the T''riumvirs cona
Page 216 216 ANTONIUS. eluded a peace with Sext. Pompey, and Antony afterwards went to his provinces in the east. He entrusted the war against the Parthians to Ventidius, who gained a complete victory over them both in this and the following year (38). Sosius, another of his generals, conquered Antigonus, who claimed the throne of Judaea in opposition to Herod, and took Jerusalem (38). In 37 Antony crossed over to Italy; and a rupture, which had nearly taken place between him and Caesar, was averted by the mediation of Octavia. The triumvirate, which had terminated on the 31st of December, 38, was now renewed for five years, which were to be reckoned from the day on which the former had ceased. After concluding this arrangement, Antony returned to the east. He shortly afterwards sent Octavia back to her brother, and surrendered himself entirely to the charms of Cleopatra, on whom he conferred Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, and other provinces. From this time forward, Cleopatra appears as Antony's evil genius. He had collected a large army to invade the Parthian empire; but, unable to tear himself away from Cleopatra, he delayed his march till late in the year. The expedition was a failure; he lost a great number of his troops, and returned to Syria covered with disgrace (36). Antony now made preparations to attack Artavasdes, the king of Armenia, who had deserted him in his war against the Parthians; but he did not invade Armenia till the year 34. He obtained possession of the Armenian king, and carried him to Alexandria, where lie celebrated his triumph with extraordinary splendour. Antony now laid aside entirely the character of a Roman citizen, and assumed the pomp and ceremony of an eastern despot. His conduct, and the unbounded influence which Cleopatra had acquired over him, alienated many of his friends and supporters; and Caesar, who had the wrongs of his sister Octavia to revenge, as well as ambition to stimulate him, thought that the time had now come for crushing Antony. The years 33 and 32 passed away in preparations on both sides; and it was not till September in the next year (31) that the contest was decided in the sea-fight off Actium, in which Antony's fleet was completely defeated. His land forces surrendered to Caesar; and he himself and Cleopatra, who had been present at the battle, fled to Alexandria. In the following year (30), Caesar appeared before Alexandria. Antony's fleet and cavalry deserted to the conqueror; his infantry was defeated; and upon a false report that Cleopatra had put an end to her life, he killed himself by falling on his sword. The death of Cleopatra soon followed; and Caesar thus became the undisputed master of the Roman world. [AUGusTUS.] (Plutarch's Life of Antony; Orelli's ('nomasticon Tedl.; Drumann's Geschichte Roms, i. p. 64, &c ) The annexed coin represents the head of A ntony, with the inscription, M. ANTONIus IMP. Cos. DESIG. ITER. ET. TERaT., which is surrounded ANTONIUS. with a crown of ivy. On the reverse is a cista, a box used in the worship of Bacchus, surmounted by a female's head, and encompassed by two serpents. (Eckhel, vol. vi. p. 64.) 13. C. ANTONIUS M. F. M. N., the second son of M. Antonius Creticus [No. 9], and the brother of the triumvir, was Julius Caesar's legate in 49, and city praetor in 44, when his elder brother was consul, and his younger tribune of the plebs. In the same year, he received the province of Macedonia, where, after an unsuccessful contest, he fell into the hands of M. Brutus in 43. Brutus kept him as a prisoner for some time, but put him to death at the beginning of 42, chiefly at the instigation of Hortensius, to revenge the murder of Cicero. (Orelli's Onomast.; Drumann's Gesch. Roms, i. p. 523, &c.) The following coin of C. Antonius must have been struck after he had been appointed to the government of Macedonia with the title of proconsul. The female head is supposed to represent the genius of Macedonia; the cap on the head is the causia, which frequently appears on the Macedonian coins. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. C(usia; Eckhel, vol. vi. p. 41.) 14. L. ANTONIUS M. F. M. N., the younger brother of the preceding and of the triumvir, was tribune of the plebs in 44, and upon Caesar's death took an active part in supporting his brother's interests, especially by introducing an agrarian law to conciliate the people and Caesar's veteran troops. He subsequently accompanied his brother into Gaul, and obtained the consulship for 41, in which year he triumphed on account of some successes he had gained over the Alpine tribes. During his consulship a dispute arose between him and Caesar about the division of the lands among the veterans, which finally led to a war between them, commonly called the Perusinian war. Lucius engaged in this war chiefly at the instigation of Fulvia, his brother's wife, who had great political influence at Rome. At first, Lucius obtained possession of Rome during the absence of Caesar; but on the approach of the latter, he retired northwards to Perusia, where he was straightway closely besieged. Famine compelled him to surrender the town to Caesar in the following year (40). His life was spared, and he was shortly afterwards appointed by Caesar to the command of Iberia, from which time we hear no more of him. L. Antonius took the surname of Pietas (Dion Cass. xlviii. 5), because he pretended to attack Caesar in order to support his brother's interests. It is true, that when he obtained possession of Rome in his consulship, he proposed the abolition of the triumvirate; but this does not prove, as some modern writers would have it, that he was opposed to his brother's interests. Cicero draws a frightful picture of Lucius' character. He calls him a gladiator and a robber, and heaps upon him every term of reproach and contempt. (Phil. iii. 12, v. 7, 11, xii. 8, &c.) Much of this is of course exaggeration. (Orelli's Onomast.; Drumann's Gesch Roms, i. p. 527, &c.) The annexed coin of L. An.
Page 217 ANTONIUS. tonius represents also the head of his brother, M. Antonius, the triumvir, with the inscription: M. ANT. IM(P). AVG. IIviR. R. P. C. M. NERVA. PaoQ. P. 15. 16. ANTONIA. [ANTONIA, 2. 3.] 17. ANTONIA, the daughter of M. Antonius, the triumvir, and Antonia. [ANTONIA, 4.] 18. M. ANTONIUS, M. F. M. N., called by the Greek writers Antyllus ("AVrvhAos), which is probably only a corrupt form for Antonillus (young Antonius), was the elder of the two sons of the triumvir by his wife Fulvia. In B. c. 36, while he was still a child, he was betrothed to Julia, the iaughter of Caesar Octavianus. After the battle )f Actium, when Antony despaired of success at Alexandria, he conferred upon his son Marcus the;oga virilis (B. c. 30), that he might be able to take lis place in case of his death. He sent him with )roposals of peace to Caesar, which were rejected; md on his death, shortly after, young Marcus was,xecuted by order of Caesar. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 54, i. 6, 8, 15; Suet. Aug. 17, 63; Plut. Ant. 71, 81, 17.) 19. JULUs ANTONIUS, M. P. M. N., the younger on of the triumvir by Fulvia, was brought up by is step-mother Octavia at Rome, and after his ither's death (B. c. 30) received great marks of tvour from Augustus, through the influence of )ctavia. (Plut. Ant. 87; Dion Cass. li. 15.) Auustus married him to Marcella, the daughter of Ictavia by her first husband, C. Marcellus, con-:rred upon him the praetorship in B. c. 13, and ie consulship in B. c. 10. (Veil. Pat. ii. 100; 'ion Cass. liv. 26, 36; Suet. Clatd. 2.) In con-!quence of his adulterous intercourse with Julia,.e daughter of Augustus, he was condemned to ýath by the emperor in B. c. 2, but seems to have iticipated his execution by a voluntary death. e was also accused of aiming at the empire. )ion Cass. Iv. 10; Senec. de Brevit. Vit. 5; Tac. nn. iv. 44, iii. 18; Plin. I. N. vii. 46; Vell. it. 1. c.) Antonius was a poet, as we learn from e of Horace's odes (iv. 2), which is addressed to m.. 20. ANTONIA MAtJOR, the elder daughter of. Antonius and Octavia. [ANTONIA, No. 5.] 21. ANTONIA MiNort, the younger daughter of. Antonius and Octavia. [ANTONIA, No. 6.] 22. ALEXANDER, son of M. Antonius and Cleoira. [ALEXANDER, p. 112, a.] 23. CLEOPATRA, daughter of M. Antonius and,opatra. [CLEOPATRA.] 24. PTOLEMAEUS PHILADELPHUS, son of M. ttonius and Cleopatra. [PTOLEMAEUS.] 25. L. ANTONIUS, sorn of No. 19 and Marcella, 1 grandson of the triumvir, was sent, after his her's death, into honourable exile at Massilia, ere he died in A. D. 25. (Tac. Ann. iv. 44.) ANTO'NIUS ('Aw'dVios). 1. Of AR(tos, a eek poet, one of whose epigrams is still extant the Greek Anthology. (ix. 102; comp. Jacobs, Anthol. vol. xiii. p. 852.) ANTONIUS. 217 2. Surnamed MTELISSA (the Bee), a Greek monk, who is placed by some writers in the eighth and by others in the twelfth century of our era. ie must, however, at any rate have lived after the time of Theophylact, whom he mentions. He made a collection of so-called loci communes, or sentences on virtues and vices, which is still extant. It resembles the Sermones of Stobaeus, and consists of two books in 176 titles. The extracts are taken from the early Christian fathers. The work is printed at the end of the editions of Stobaeus published at Frankfort, 1581, and Geneva, 1609, fol. It is also contained in the Biblioth. Patr. vol. v. p. 878, &c., ed. Paris. (Fabr. Bibl. Gr. ix. p. 744, &c.; Cave, Script. Eccles. Iist. Lit. i. p. 666, ed. London.) 3. A Greek MONi, and a disciple of Simeon Stylites, lived about A. D. 460. He wrote a life of his master Siieon, with whom he had lived on intimate terms. It was written in Greek, and L. Allatius (Distr. de Script. Sim. p. 8) attests, that he saw a Greek MS. of it; but the only edition which has been published is a Latin translation in Boland's Act. Sanctor. i. p. 264. (Cave, Script. Eccles. Hist. Lit. ii. p. 145.) Vossius (De Hlst. Lat. p.231), who knew only the Latin translation, was doubtful whether he should consider Antonius as a Latin or a Greek historian. 4. ST., sometimes surnamed Abbas, because he is believed to have been the founder of the monastic life among the early Christians, was born in A. D. 251, at Coma, near Heracleia, in Middle Egypt. His earliest years were spent in seclusion, and the Greek language, which then every person of education used to acquire, remained unknown to him. IHe merely spoke and wrote the Egyptian language. At the age of nineteen, after having lost both his parents, he distributed his large property among his neighbours and the poor, and determined to live in solitary seclusion in the neighbourhood of his birthplace. The struggle before he fully overcame the desires of the flesh is said to have been immense; but at length he succeeded, and the simple diet which he adopted, combined with manual labour, strengthened his health so much, that he lived to the age of 105 years. In A. D. 285 he withdrew to the mountains of eastern Egypt, where he took up his abode in a decayed castle or tower. Here he spent twenty years in solitude, and in constant struggles with the evil spirit. It was not till A. D. 305, that his friends prevailed upon him to return to the world. He now began his active and public career. A number of disciples gathered around him, and his preaching, together with the many miraculous cures he was said to perform on the sick, spread his fame all over Egypt. The number of persons anxious to learn from him and to follow his mode of life increased every year. Of such persons he made two settlements, one in the mountains of eastern Egypt, and another near the town of Arsinoe, and he himself usually spent his time in one of these monasteries, if we may call them so. From the accounts of St. Athanasius in his life of Antonius, it is clear that most of the essential points of a monastic life were observed in these establishments. During the persecution of the Christians in the reign of the emperor Maximian, A. D. 311, Antonius, anxious to gain the palm of a martyr, went to Alexandria, but all his efforts and his opposition to the commands of the government were of no avail, and he
Page 218 218 ANTONIUS. was obliged to return uinnjured to his solitude. As his peace began to be more and more disturbed by the number of visitors, he withdrew further east to a mountain which is called mount St. Antonius to this day; but he nevertheless frequently visited the towns of Egypt, and formed an intimate friendship with Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. During the exile of the latter from Alexandria, Antonius wrote several letters on his behalf to the emperor Constantine. The emperor did not grant his request, but showed great esteem for the Egyptian hermit, and even invited him to Constantinople. Antonius, however, declined this invitation. His attempts to use his authority against the Arians in Egypt were treated with contempt by their leaders. After the restoration of Athanasius, Antonius at the age of 104 years went to Alexandria to see his friend once more, and to exert his last powers against the Arians. His journey thither resembled a triumphal procession, every one wishing to catch a glimpse of the great Saint and to obtain his blessing. After having wrought sundry miracles at Alexandria, he returned to his mountains, where he died on the 17th of January, 356. At his express desire his favourite disciples buried his body in the earth and kept the spot secret, in order that his tomb might not be profaned by vulgar superstition. This request, together with the sentiments expressed in his sermons, epistles, and sentences still extant, shew that Antonius was far above the majority of religious enthusiasts and fanatics of those times, and a more sensible man than he appears in the much interpolated biography by St. Athanasius. We have twenty epistles which go by the name of Antonius, but only seven of them. are generally considered genuine. About A. D. 800 they were translated from the Egyptian into Arabic, and from the Arabic they were translated into Latin and published by Abraham Ecchellensis, Paris, 1641, 8vo. The same editor published in 1646, at Paris, an 8vo. volume containing various sermons, exhortations, and sentences of Antonius. (S. Athanasii, Vita S. Antonii, Gr. et Lat. ed. Hoeschel, Augustae Vindel. 1611, 4to.; Socrat. Hlist. Eccles. i. 21, iv. 23, 25; Sozom. Hist. Eccles. i. 3, ii. 31, 34; comp. Cave, Scrinpt Ec. Eccl. Hist. Lit. i. p. 150, &c.) [L. S.] ANTO'NIUS, a PHYSICIAN, called by Galen o ptLorOf'Jos, "the herbalist," who must have lived in or before the second century after Christ. His medical formulae are several times quoted by Galen (De Coimpos. Medicam. sec. Locos, ii. 1, vol. xii. p. 557; De Compnos. M(lledicam. sec. Gen. vi. 15, vol. xiii. p. 935), and he is perhaps the same person who is called (papuaKco-0rcwhXs, " the druggist."' (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, ix. 4, vol. xiii. p. 281.) Possibly they may both be identical with Antonius Castor [CASToR, ANTONIUS], but of this there is no proof whatever. A treatise on the Pulse (Opera, vol. xix. p. 629), which goes under Galon's name, but which is probably a spurious compilation from his other works on this subject, is addressed to a person named Antonius, who is there called esAoioaOds ical l ds6'otpos; and Galen wrote his work De Propriorims Animi cujusdas Afectluunm Dignotione et Csuritione (Opera, vol. v. p. 1, &c.) in answer to a somewhat similar treatise by an Epicurean philosopher of this name, who, however, does not appear to have been a physician. [W. A. G.] ANTO'NIUS A'TTICUS. [ATTIcus.] ANUBIS. ANTO'NIUS CASTOR. [CAsToR.] ANTO'NIUS DIO'GENES. [DIOGENES.] ANTO'NIUS FELIX. [FELIX.] ANTO'NIUS FLAMMA. [FLAMMA.] ANTO'NIUS GNIPHO. [GNIPHO.] ANTO'NIUS HONORATUS. [HONORATUS.] ANTO'NIUS JULIA'NUS. [JULIANUS.] ANTO'NIUS LIBERA'LIS. [LIBERALIS.] ANTO'NIUS MUSA. [MusA.] ANTO'NIUS NASO. [NAso.] ANTO'NIUS NATA'LIS. [NATALIS.] ANTO'NIUS NOVELLUS. [NOVELLUS.] ANTO'NIUS PO'LEMO. [POLEMO.] ANTO'NIUS PRIMUS. [PRImus.] ANTO'NIUS RUFUS. [RUFus.] ANTO'NIUS SATURNI'NUS. [SATURNINus.] ANTO'NIUS TAURUS. [TAURUS.] ANTO'NIUS THALLUS. [THALLUS.] ANTO'RIDES, a painter, contemporary with Euphranor, and, like him, a pupil of Aristo, flourished about 340 B. c. (Plin. xxxv. 37.) [P. S.] ANTYLLUS. [ANTONIUS, No. 18.] ANTYLLUS ("Av-rvAAos), an eminent physician and surgeon, who must have lived before the end of the fourth century after Christ, as he is quoted by Oribasius, and who probably lived later than the end of the second century, as he is nowhere mentioned by Galen. Of the place of his birth and the events of his life nothing is known, but he appears to have obtained a great reputation, and is mentioned in Cyrilli Alexandrini (?) Lexicon (in Cramer's Anecdota Graeca Parcisiensia, vol. iv, p. 196) among the celebrated physicians of antiquity. He was rather a voluminous writer, bui none of his works are still extant except some fragments which have been preserved by Oribasius Aetius, and other ancient authors. These, how ever, are quite sufficient to shew that he was a mai of talent and originality. The most interestin, extract from his works that has been preserved i probably that relating to the operation of trache otomy, of which he is the earliest writer whos directions for performing it are still extant. Th whole passage has been translated in the Diet. c Ant. s. v. Chirursia. The fragments of Antyllu have been collected and published in a separat form, with the title Antylli, Veteris Chirsrgi, 7 Aei4ava ventilandac exhibit Panagiota Nicolaide Praeside Cuzrtio Sprengel, Halae, 1799, 4to. F( particulars respecting the medical and surgic practice of Antyllus, see Haller, Biblioth. JChirusr and Bibliotl. Medic. Pr-act.; Sprengel, Ilist. de Mid. [W. A. G.] ANU'BIS (Avovuis), an Egyptian divinit worshipped in the form of a dog, or of a hum; being with a dog's head. In the worship of tl divinity several phases must be distinguished, as the case of Ammon. It was in all probability o ginally a fetish, and the object of the worship the dog, the representative of that useful species animals. Subsequently it was mixed up and co bined with other religious systems, and Anu' assumed a symbolical or astronomical character, least in the minds of the learned. The worship dogs in Egypt is sufficiently attested by Herodo (ii. 66), and there are traces of its having b, known in Greece at an early period; for a I ascribed to the mythical Rhadamanthys of CI commanded, that men should not swear by gods, but by a goose, a dog, or a ram. (Eusts
Page 219 ANUBIS. ANYTE. 219 ad Odyss. p. 1821; Mich. Apost. Centur. Proverb. (Strab. xvii. p. 805; Stat. Sylv. iii. 2. 112.) For xvii. No. 7.) The fact that Socrates used to swear further particulars respecting the worship of Anuby a dog is so well known, that we scarcely need bis the reader is referred to the works on Egyptian mention it. (Athen vii. p. 300; Porphyr. de Ab- mythology, such as Jablonsky, Panth. Aegypt. v. 1. stin. iii. p. 285.) It is however a remarkable fact, ~ 12, &c.; Champollion (le Jeune), Panthion Egyptlhat, notwithstanding this, the name of Anubis is tien, Paris, 1823; Pritchard, Egyptian Mythology.,not expressly mentioned by any writer previous to We only add a few remarks respecting the notions the age of Augustus; but after that time, it fre- of the Greeks and Romans about Anubis, and his quently occurs both in Greek and Roman authors, worship among them. The Greeks identified the (Ov. MAet. ix. 690, Amor. ii. 13. 11; Propert. iii. Egyptian Anubis with their own Hermes. (Plut. 9. 41; Virg. Aen. viii. 698; Juven. xv. 8; Lucian, Ibid. 11), and thus speak of Hermanuphis in the eyp. trag. 8, Concil. Deor. 10, 11, Toxar, 28.) same manner as of Zeus Ammon. (Plut. 61.) His Several of the passages here referred to attest the worship seems to have been introduced at Rome importance of the worship of this divinity, and towards the end of the republic, as may be inStrabo expressly states, that the dog was worship- ferred from the manner in which Appian (Bell. Civ. )ed throughout Egypt (xvii. p. 812); but the prin- iv. 47; comp. Val. Max. vii. 3. ~ 8) describes the fipal and perhaps the original seat of the worship escape of the aedile M. Volusius. Under the emippears to have been in the nomos of Cynopolis in pire the worship of Anubis became very widely niddle Egypt. (Strab. 1. c.) In the stories about spread both in Greece and at Rome. (Apulei. Met. inubis which have come down to us, as well as in xi. p. 262; Lamprid. Commod. 9; Spartian, Peshe explanations of his nature, the original charac- cenn. Nig. 6, Anton. Carac. 9.) [L. S.].er-that of a fetish-is lost sight of, probably be- ANULI'NUS, P. CORNELIUS, one of the nause the philosophical spirit of later times wanted generals of Severus, gained a battle over Niger at o find something higher and loftier in the worship Issus, A. D. 194. He afterwards commanded one,f Anubis than it originally was. According to of the divisions of the army which Severus sent he rationalistic view of Diodorus (i. 18), Anubis against Adiabene, A. D. 197. He was consul in vas the son of king Osiris, who accompanied his A. D. 199. (Dion Cass. lxxiv. 7, lxxv. 3.) ather on his expeditions, and was covered with ANXURUS, an Italian divinity, who was worhe skin of a dog. For this reason he was repre- shipped in a grove near Anxur (Terracina) toented as a human being with the head of a dog. gether with Feronia. He was regarded as a n another passage (i. 87) the same writer explains youthful Jupiter, and Feronia as Juno. (Serv. ad his monstrous figure by saying, that Anubis per- Aen. vii. 799.) On coins his name appears as 1rmed to Osiris and Isis the service of a guard, Axur or Anxur. (Drakenborch, ad Sil. Ital. viii. thich is performed to men by dogs. He mentions 392; Morell. Thesaur. Num. ii. tab. 2.) [L. S.] third account, which has more the appearance of A'NYSIS (AAvvous), an ancient king of Egypt, genuine mythus. When Isis, it is said, sought who, according to Herodotus, succeeded Asychis. )siris, she was preceded and guided by dogs, He was blind, and in his reign Egypt was invaded rhich defended and protected her, and expressed by the Ethiopians under their king Sabaco, and reieir desire to assist her by barking. For this mained in their possession for fifty years. Anysis mason the procession at the festival of Isis was in the meanwhile took refuge in the marshes of receded by dogs. According to Plutarch (Is.etOs.) Lower Egypt, where he formed an island which anubis was a son of Osiris, whom he begot by afterwards remained unknown for upward of seven [ephthys in the belief that she was his wife Isis. centuries, until it was discovered by Amyrtaeus. fter the death of Osiris, Isis sought the child, When after the lapse of fifty years the Ethiopians rought him up, and made him her guard and com- withdrew from Egypt, Anysis returned from the inion under the name of Anubis, who thus per- marshes and resumed the government. (Herod..rmed to her the same service that dogs perform ii. 137, 140.) [L. S.] > men. An interpretation of this mythus, derived A'NYTE, of Tegea ('Ad;rvv TeyE ms), the auom the physical nature of Egypt, is given by thoress of several epigrams in the Greek Anthology, lutarch. -(Is. et Os. 38.) Osiris according to him is mentioned by Pollux (v. 5) and by Stephanus the Nile, and Isis the country of Egypt so far as Byzantinus (s. v. Tes.a). She is numbered among is usually fructified by the river. The districts the lyric poets by Meleager (Jacobs, Aznthol. i. 1, v. Sthe extremities of the country are Nephthys, 5), in whose list she stands first, and by Antipater id Anubis accordingly is the son of the Nile, of Thessalonica (Ibid. ii. 101, no. 23), who names hich by its inundation has fructified a distant her with Praxilla, Myro, and Sappho, and calls her trt of the country. But this only explains the the female Homer (Ogj/vv "O/rjpov), an epithet igin of the god, without giving any definite idea which might be used either with reference to the him. In another passage (1. c. 40) Plutarch martial spirit of some of her epigrams, or to their ys, that Nephthys signified everything which was antique character. From the above notices and ider the earth and invisible, and Isis everything from the epigrams themselves, which are for the hich was above it and visible. Now the circle most part in the style of the ancient Doric choral Shemisphere which is in contact with each, which songs, like the poems of Alcman, we should be rites the two, and which we call the horizon, is disposed to place her much higher than the date lied Anubis, and is represented in the form of a usually assigned to her, on the authority of a pas)g, because this animal sees by night as well as sage in Tatian (adv. Graecos, 52, p. 114, Worth.), Sday. Anubis in this account is raised to the who says, that the statue of Anyte was made by nk of a deity of astronomical import. (Clem. Euthycrates and Cephisodotus, who are known to lex. Strom. v. p. 567.) In the temples of Egypt have flourished about 300 B. c. But even if the seems always to have been represented as the Anyte here mentioned were certainly the poetess, lard of other gods, and the place in the front of a it would not follow that she was contemplorary mple (Ipupos) was particularly sacred to him. with these artists. On the other hand,,ne of
Page 220 220 ANYTUS. Anyte's epigrams (15, Jacobs) is an inscription for a monument erected by a certain Damis over his horse, which had been killed in battle. Now, the only historical personage of this name is the Damis who was made leader of the Messenians after the death of Aristodemus, towards the close of the first Messenian war. (Paus. iv. 10. ~ 4, 13. ~ 3.) We know also from Pausanias that the Arcadians were the allies of the Messenians in that war. The conjecture of Reiske, therefore, that the Damis mentioned by Anyte of Tegea is the same as the leader of the Messenians, scarcely deserves the contempt with which it is treated by Jacobs. This conjecture places Anyte about 723 B. c. This date may be thought too high to suit the style and subjects of some of her epigrams. But one of these (17) bears the name of " Anyte of Mytilene," and the same epigram may be fixed, by internal evidence, at 279. c. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 853.) And since it is very common in the Anthology for epigrams to be ascribed to an author simply by name, without a distinctive title, even when there was more than one epigrammatist of the same name, there is nothing to prevent the epigrams which bear traces of a later date being referred to Anyte of Mytilene. [P. S.] A'NYTUS ("Avvros), a Titan who was believed to have brought up the goddess Despoena. In an Arcadian temple his statue stood by the side of Despoena's. (Paus. viii. 37. ~ 3.) [L. S.] A'NYTUS ('Averos), an Athenian, son of Anthemion, was the most influential and formidable of the accusers of Socrates. (Plat. Apol. p. 18, b.; Hor. Sat. ii. 4. 3.) His father is said to have made a large fortune as a tanner, and to have transmitted it, together with his trade, to his son. (Plat. Mlien. p. 90, a.; Xen. Apol. ~ 29; Schol. ad JPlat. Apol. 1. c.) Anytus seems to have been a man of loose principles and habits, and Plutarch alludes (Ale. p. 193, d, e.; Amat. p. 762, c, d.) to his intimate and apparently disreputable connexion with Alcibiades. In B. c. 409, he was sent with 30 ships to relieve Pylos, which the Lacedaemonians were besieging; but he was prevented by bad weather from doubling Malea, and was obliged to return to Athens. Here he was brought to trial on the charge of having acted treacherously, and, according to Diodorus and Plutarch, who mention this as the first instance of such corruption at Athens, escaped death only by bribing the judges. (Xen. Hell. i. 2. ~ 18; Diod. xiii. 64; Plut. Cor. p. 220, b.; Aristot. ap. Harpocr. s. v. AEsciawov. But see Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. p. 94.) He appears to have been, in politics, a leading and influential man, to have attached himself to the democratic party, and to have been driven into banishment during the usurpation of the 30 tyrants, B. c. 404. Xenophon makes Theramenes join his name with that of Thrasybulus; and Lysias mentions him as a leader of the exiles at Phyle, and records an instance of his prudence and moderation in that capacity. (Plat. Men. p. 90; Apol. p. 23, e.; Xen. Apol. ~ 29; Hell. ii. 3. ~~ 42, 44; Lys. c. Agor. p. 137.) The grounds of his enmity to Socrates seem to have been partly professional and partly personal. (Plat. Apol. pp. 21--23; Xen. Maem. i. 2. ~~ 37, 38; Apol. ~ 29; Plat. Men. p. 94, in fin.) The Athenians, according to Diogenes LaSrtius (ii. 43), having repented of their condemnation of Socrates, put Meletus to death, and sent Anytus and Lycon into banish APELLAS. ment. For the subject generally, see Stallbaum ad Plat. Apol. pp. 18, b., 23, e.; Schleiermach. Introd. to the Menone in fin.; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. pp. 274-280. [E. E.] AOEDE. [MUSAE.] AON ('Acw), a son of Poseidon, and an ancient Boeotian hero, from whom the Boeotian Aonians and the country of Boeotia (for Boeotia was anciently called Aonia) were believed to have derived their names. (Paus. ix. 5. ~ 1; Stat. Theb. i. 34; Steph. Byz. s.v. Botwrfa.) [L. S.] A'PAMA ('Arrd a or 'Arrani). 1. The wife of Seleucus Nicator and the mother of Antiochus Soter, was married to Seleucus in B. C. 325, when Alexander gave to his generals Asiatic wives. According to Arrian (vii. 4), she was the daughter of Spitamenes, the Bactrian, but Strabo (xii. p. 578) calls her, ersoneously, the daughter of Artabazus. (Comp. Appian. Syr. 57; and Liv. xxxviii. 13, who also makes a mistake in calling her the sister, instead of the wife, of Seleucus; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AwrarEla.) 2. The daughter of Antiochus Soter, married to Magas. (Paus. i. 7. ~ 3.) 3. The daughter of Alexander of Megalopolis. married to Amynander, king of the Athamanes. about B. c. 208. (Appian, Syr. 13; Liv. xxxv. 47, who calls her Apamia.) APANCHO'MENE ('ArrayXeo&EY), the strangled (goddess), a surname of Artemis, the origin o: which is thus related by Pausanias. (viii. 23. ~ 5." In the neighbourhood of the town of Caphyae ir Arcadia, in a place called Condylea, there was i sacred grove of Artemis Condyleatis. On one oc casion when some boys were playing in this grove they put a string round the goddess' statue, anr said in their jokes they would strangle Artemis Some of the inhabitants of Caphyae who found th< boys thus engaged in their sport, stoned them t( death. After this occurrence, all the women o Caphyae had premature births, and all the childrer were brought dead into the world. This calamit, did not cease until the boys were honourably bu ried, and an annual sacrifice to their manes wa instituted in accordance with the command of a: oracle of Apollo. The surname of Condyleatis wa then changed into Apanchomene. [L. S.] APATU'RIA ('CArarovpga or 'Avrdronipoy), the is, the deceitful. 1. A surname of Athena, whic was given to her by Aethra. (Paus. ii. 33. ~ 1. [AETHRA.] 2. A surname of Aphrodite at Phanagoria an other places in the Taurian Chersonesus, where originated, according to tradition, in this way Aphrodite was attacked by giants, and called H1 racles to her assistance. He concealed himse with her in a cavern, and as the giants approache her one by one, she surrendered them to Herach to kill them. (Strab. xi. p. 495; Steph, Byz. s. 'A-rdrovpov.) [L. S.] APATU'RIUS, of Alabanda, a scene-painte whose mode of painting the scene of the litt theatre at Tralles is described by Vitruvius, wil the criticism made upon it by Licinius. (Vitru vii. 5. ~~ 5, 6.) [P. S.] APELLAS or APOLLAS ('AMrE,as, 'Awo, A-s). 1. The author of a work flepI rv IneXoroovfry e rdoAe&jv (Athen. ix. p. 369, a.) ai AeM Icd. (Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 31, a., Par 1629.) He appears to be the same as Apelh the geographer, of Cyrene. (Mare. Heracl. p. 6
Page 221 APELLES. Huds.) Comp. Quintil. xi. 2. ~ 14; Bckh, Praef. d Sc/iol. Pind. p. xxiii., &c. 2. A sceptical philosopher. (Diog. Lairt. ix. 106.) APELLAS ('ATreAAas), a sculptor, who made, n bronze, statues of worshipping females (adorantes eminas, Plin. xxxiv. 19. ~ 26). He made the statue of Cynisca, who conquered in the chariot-,ace at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 1. ~ 2.) Cynisca vas sister to Agesilaus, king of Sparta, who died it the age of 84, in 362 B. c. Therefore the vicory of Cynisca, and the time when Apellas flou'ished, may be placed about 400 B. c. His name ndicates his Doric origin. (Tolken, Amalthea, iii.,. 128.) [P. S.] APELLES ('ATrEsXTs). 1. One of the guarlians of Philip V., king of Macedonia. [PHIrFrus V.] 2. Perhaps a son of the preceding, was a friend if Philip V., and accompanied his son Demetrius o Rome, B.C. 183. (Polyb. xxiii. 14, &c., xxiv. 1.) 3. Of Ascalon, was the chief tragic poet in the ime of Caligula, with whom he lived on the most ntimate terms. (Philo, Legal. ad Caium, p. 790; )ion Cass. lix. 5; Suet. Cal. 33.) APELLES ('A-rEXAA^s), the most celebrated of irecian painters, was born, most probably, at colophon in lonia (Suidas, s. v.), though Pliny xxxv. 36. ~ 10) and Ovid (Art. Am. iii. 401; "Dont. iv. 1. 29) call him a Coan. The account f Strabo (xiv. p. 642) and Lucian (De Calumn. ix. ~~ 2, 6), that he was an Ephesian, may be ex-,lained from the statements of Suidas, that he was aade a citizen at Ephesus, and that he studied.ainting there under Ephorus. He afterwards tudied under Pamphilus of Amphipolis, to whom.e paid the fee of a talent for a ten-years' course of astruction. (Suidas, s. v.; Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 8.) It a later period, when he had already gained a igh reputation, he went to Sicyon, and again paid talent for admission into the school of Melaninius, whom he assisted in his portrait of the yrant Aristratus. (Plut. Arat. 13.) By this ourse of study he acquired the scientific accuracy f the Sicyonian school, as well as the elegance of he Ionic. The best part of the life of Apelles was probably pent at the court of Philip and Alexander the ireat; for Pliny speaks of the great number of his ortraits of both those princes (xxxv. 36. ~ 16), nd states that he was the only person whom tlexander would permit to take his portrait. (vii. 8; see also Cic. ad F7am. v. 12. ~ 13; Hor.,p. ii. 1. 239; Valer. Max. viii. 11. ~ 2, ext.; trrian, Anab. i. 16. ~ 7.) Apelles enjoyed the:iendship of Alexander, who used to visit him in is studio. In one of these visits, when the king's onversation was exposing his ignorance of art, ipelles politely advised him to be silent, as the oys who were grinding the colours were laughing t him. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 12.) Plutarch relates nis speech as having been made to Megabyzus. De Trang. Anim. 12, p. 471, f.) Aelian tells the necdote of Zeuxis and Megabyzus. (Var. Hist. ii..) Pliny (I. c.) also tells us that Apelles, having een commissioned by Alexander to paint his faourite concubine, Campaspe (rIayKadro-T Aelian, "ar. Hist. xii. 34), naked, fell in love with her, pon which Alexander gave her to him as a pre2nt; and according to some she was the model of ae painter's best picture, the Venus Anadyomene. 'rom all the information we have of the connexion APELLES. 221 of Apelles with Alexander, we may safely conclude that the former accompanied the latter into Asia. After Alexander's death he appears to have travelled through the western parts of Asia. To this period we may probably refer his visit to Rhodes and his intercourse with Protogenes. (See below.) Being driven by a storm to Alexandria, after the assumption of the regal title by Ptolemy, whose favour he had not gained while he was with Alexander, his rivals laid a plot to ruin him, which he defeated by an ingenious use of his skill in drawing. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 13.) Lucian relates that Apelles was accused by his rival Antiphilus of having had a share in the conspiracy of Theodotus at Tyre, and that when Ptolemy discovered the falsehood of the charge, he presented Apelles with a hundred talents, and gave Antiphilus to him as a slave: Apelles commemorated the event in an allegorical picture. (De Calumn. lix. ~~ 2 -6, vol. iii. pp. 127-132.) Lucian's words imply that he had seen this picture, but he may have been mistaken in ascribing it to Apelles. He seems also to speak of Apelles as if he had been living at Ptolemy's court before this event occurred. If, therefore, Pliny and Lucian are both to be believed, we may conclude, from comparing their tales, that Apelles, having been accidentally driven to Alexandria, overcame the dislike which Ptolemy bore to him, and remained in Egypt during the latter part of his life, enjoying the favour of that king, in spite of the schemes of his rivals to disgrace him. The account of his life cannot be carried further; we are not told when or where he died; but from the above facts his date can be fixed, since he practised his art before the death of Philip (B. c. 336), and after the assumption of the regal title by Ptolemy. (B. c. 306.) As the result of a minute examination of all the facts, Tilken (Amalth. iii. pp. 117-119) places him between 352 and 308 B. c. According to Pliny, he flourished about the 112th Olympiad, B. c. 332. Many anecdotes are preserved of Apelles and his contemporaries, which throw an interesting light both on his personal and his professional character. He was ready to acknowledge that in some points he was excelled by other artists, as by Amphion in grouping and by Asclepiodorus in perspective. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 10.) He first caused the merits of Protogenes to be understood. Coming to Rhodes, and finding that the works of Protogenes were scarcely valued at all by his countrymen, he offered him fifty talents for a single picture, and spread the report that he meant to sell the picture again as his own. (Plin. ib. ~ 13.) In speaking of the great artists who were his contemporaries, he ascribed to them every possible excellence except one, namely, grace, which he claimed for himself alone. (Ib. ~ 10.) Throughout his whole life, Apelles laboured to improve himself, especially in drawing, which he never spent a day without practising. (Plin. ib. ~ 12; hence the proverb Nudll dies sine linea.) The tale of his contest with Protogenes affords an example both of the skill to which Apelles attained in this portion of his art, and of the importance attached to it in all the great schools of Greece. Apelles had sailed to Rhodes, eager to meet Protogenes. Upon landing, he went straight to that artist's studio. Protogenes was absent, but a large panel ready to be painted on hung in the studio. Apelles seized the pencil, and drew an
Page 222 222 APELLES. excessively thin coloured line on the panel, by which Protogenes, on his return, at once guessed who had been his visitor, and in his turn drew a still thinner line of a different colour upon or within the former (according to the reading of the recent editions of Pliny, in illa sisa). When Apelles returned and saw the lines, ashamed to be defeated, says Pliny, "tertio colore lineas secuit, nullum relinquens amplius subtilitati locum." (1b. ~ 11.) The most natural explanation of this difficult passage seems to be, that down the middle of the first line of Apelles, Protogenes drew another so as to divide it into two parallel halves, and that Apelles again divided the line of Protogenes in the same manner. Pliny speaks of the three lines as visum qfugientes.* The panel was preserved, and carried to Rome, where it remained, exciting more wonder than all the other works of art in the palace of the Caesars, till it was destroyed by fire with that building. Of the means which Apelles took to ensure accuracy, the following example is given. He used to expose his finished pictures to view in a public place, while he hid himself behind the picture to hear the criticisms of the passers-by. A cobbler detected a fault in the shoes of a figure: the next day he found that the fault was corrected, and was proceeding to criticise the leg, when Apelles rushed from behind the picture, and commanded the cobbler to keep to the shoes. (Plin. Ib. ~ 12: hence the proverb, Ne supra crepidat m sutor: see also Val. Max. viii. 12, ext. ~ 3; Lucian tells the tale of Phidias, pro Inag. 14, vol. ii. p. 492.) Marvellous tales are told of the extreme accuracy of his likenesses of men and horses. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~~ 14, 17,; Lucian, de Calumn. 1. c.; Aelian, V. H. ii. 3.) With all his diligence, however, Apelles knew when to cease correcting. He said that he excelled Protogenes in this one point, that the latter did not know when to leave a picture alone, and he laid down the maxim, Nocere saepe nimiam diligentiam. (Plin. i.e. ~ 10; Cic. Oral. 22; Quintil. x. 4.) Apelles is stated to have made great improvements in the mechanical part of his art. The assertion of Pliny, that he used only four colours, is incorrect. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Colores.) He painted with the pencil, but we are not told whether he used the cestrum. His principal discovery was that of covering the picture with a very thin black varnish (autrmentuma), which, besides preserving the picture, made the tints clearer and subdued the more brilliant colours. (Plin. i.c. ~ 18.) The process was, in all probability, the same as that now called glazing or toning, the object of which is to attain the excellence of colouring " which does not proceed from fine colours, but true colours; from breaking down these fine colours, which would appear too raw, to a deep-toned brightness." (Sir. J. Reynolds, Notes ons Du Fresnoy, note 37.) From the fact mentioned by Pliny, that this varnishing could be discovered only on close inspection, Sir J. Reynolds thought that it was like that of Correggio. That he painted on moveable panels is evident from the frecquent mention of tabulae with reference to his pictures. Pliny expressly says, that he did not paint on walls. (xxxv. 37.) APELLES. A list of the works of Apelles is given by Pliny, (xxxv. 36.) They are for the most part single figures, or groups of a very few figures. Of his portraits the most celebrated was that of Alexander wielding a thunderbolt, which was known as c IepavvoMo'pos, and which gave occasion to the saying, that of two Alexanders, the one, the son ol Philip, was invincible, the other, he of Apelles, in imitable. (Plut. Fort. Alex. 2, 3.) In this picture, the thunderbolt and the hand which held it ap. peared to stand out of the panel; and, to aid thit effect, the artist did not scruple to represent Alex3 ander's complexion as dark, though it was reall3 light. (Plut. Alex. 4.) The price of this picturt was twenty talents. Another of his portraits, tha of Antigonus, has been celebrated for its conceal ment of the loss of the king's eye, by representing his face in profile. He also painted a portrait o himself. Among his allegorical pictures was out representing Castor and Pollux, with Victory an( Alexander the Great, how grouped we are no told; and another in which the figure of War with his hands tied behind his back, followed th, triumphal car of Alexander. " He also painted,' says Pliny, "things which cannot be painted thunders and lightnings, which they call Bronte Astrape, and Ceramobolia." These were clearl; allegorical figures. Several of his subjects wer taken from the heroic mythology. Put of all hi pictures the most admired was the "Venus Ann dyomene," (7-j dvavojuo'y 'A^po617?r), or Venu rising out of the sea. The goddess was wringin her hair, and the falling drops of water formed transparent silver veil around her form. This pi( ture, which is said to have cost 100 talents, wE painted for the temple of Aesculapius at Cos, an afterwards placed by Augustus in the temple whic he dedicated to Julius Caesar. The lower paj being injured, no one could be found to repair i As it continued to decay, Nero had a copy of made by Dorotheus. (Plin. i.e.; Strab. xiv. p. 657 Apelles commenced another picture of Venus ft the Coans, which he intended should surpass tl: Venus Anadyomene. At his death, he had finisi ed only the head, the upper part of the breas and the outline of the figure; but Pliny says, thi: it was more admired than his former finished pi ture. No one could be found to complete tl work. (Plin. xxxv. 1. c., and 40. ~ 41; Cic. ad Fai. i. 9. ~ 4, de Off. iii. 2.) By the general consent of ancient author Apelles stands first among Greek painters. 'I the undiscriminating admiration of Pliny, wl seems to have regarded a portrait of a horse, true that other horses neiglled at it, as an achiev ment of art as admirable as the Venus Anadyomei itself, we may add the unmeasured praise whis Cicero, Varro, Columella, Ovid, and other write give to the works of Apelles, and especially to t1 Venus Anadyomene. (Cic. Brut. 18, de Orat. iii. Varro, L. L. ix. 12, ed. Muller; Colum. R.. Praef. ~ 31, Schn.; Ovid. Art. Aem. iii. 401; Po, iv. 1. 29; Propert. iii. 7. 11; Auson. Ep. 10' Anthiol. Planud. iv. 178-182.) Statius (Silv. i. 100) and Martial (xi. 9) call painting by the nar of "Ars Apellea." Sir Joshua Reynolds says the Greek painters, and evidently with an espec reference to Apelles, "if we had the good fortu to possess what the ancients themselves esteem their masterpieces, I have no doubt but we shos find their figures as correctly drawn as the L; - - * Does this refer only to the excessive thinness of the lines, or may it mean that the three lines were actually tapered away towards a common vanishing point?
Page 223 APELLES. coon, and probably coloured like Titian" (Notes on Du Fresnoy, note 37); and, though the point has been disputed, such is the general judgment of the best modern authorities. It need scarcely be said, that not one of the pictures of Apelles remains to decide the question by. In order to understand what was the excellence which was peculiar to Apelles, we must refer to the state of the art of painting in his time. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Painting.) After the essential forms of Polygnotus had been elevated to dramatic effect and ideal expression by Apollodorus and Zeuxis, and enlivened with the varied character and feeling which the school of Eupompus drew forth from direct observation of nature, Apelles perceived that something still was wanting, something which the refinements attained by his contemporaries in grouping, perspective, accuracy, and finish, did not supply-something which he boasted, and succeeding ages confirmed the boast, that he alone achievednamely, the quality called xdapts, venustas, grace (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 10; Quintil. xii. 10; Plut. Demet. 22; Aelian, V. H. xii. 41); that is, not only beauty, sublimity, and pathos, but beauty, sublimity, and pathos, each in its proper measure; the expending of power enough to produce the desired effect, and no more; the absence of all exaggeration, as well as of any sensible deficiency; the most natural and pleasing mode of impressing the subject on the spectator's mind, without displaying the means by which the impression is produced. In fact, the aeaning which Fuseli attaches to the word seems o be that in which it was used by Apelles: "By /race I mean that artless balance of motion and:epose sprung from character, founded on propriety,,vhich neither falls short of the demands nor overcaps the modesty of nature. Applied to execution, t means that dexterous power which hides the neans by which it was attained, the difficulties t has conquered." (Lect. 1.) In the same Lecture.?useli gives the following estimate of the character if Apelles as an artist: " The name of Apelles in 'liny is the synonyme of unrivalled and unattainble excellence, but the enumeration of his works Moints out the modification which we ought to ap-;ly to that superiority; it neither comprises excluive sublimity of invention, the most acute discrinination of character, the widest sphere of compreiension, the most judicious and best balanced omposition, nor the deepest pathos of expression: is great prerogative consisted more in the unison han in the extent of his powers; he knew better that he could do, what ought to be done, at what oint he could arrive, and what lay beyond his each, than any other artist. Grace of conception nd refinement of taste were his elements, and rent hand in hand with grace of execution and iste in finish; powerful and seldom possessed Ingly, irresistible when united: that he built both n the firm basis of the former system, not on its ibversion, his well-known contest of lines with 'rotogenes, not a legendary tale, but a well at-sted fact, irrefragably proves:.... the corollaries "re may adduce from the contest are obviously iese, that the schools of Greece recognized all one lemental principle: that acuteness and fidelity of ye and obedience of hand form precision; precion, proportion; proportion, beauty: that it is the ittle more or less,' imperceptible to vulgar eyes, "hinch constitutes grace, and establishes the supeority of one artist above another: that the know APELLICON. 223 ledge of the degrees of things, or taste, presupposes a perfect knowledge of the things themselves: that colour, grace, and taste, are ornaments, not substitutes, of form, expression, and character; and, when they usurp that title, degenerate into splendid faults. Such were the principles on which Apelles formed his Venus, or rather the personification of Female Grace,-the wonder of art, the despair of artists." That this view of the Venus is right, is proved, if proof were needed, by the words of Pliny (xxxv. 36. ~ 10), " Deesse iis unam Venerem dicebat, quam Graeci Charita vocant," except that there is no reason for calling the Venus "the personification of Female Grace;" it was rather Grace personified in a female form. Apelles wrote on painting, but his works are entirely lost. [P. S.] APELLES ('AAreAX^s), a disciple of Marcion, departed in some points from the teaching of his master. Instead of wholly rejecting the Old Testament, he looked upon its contents as coming partly from the good principle, partly from the evil principle. Instead of denying entirely the reality of Christ's human body, lie held that in his descent from heaven he assumed to himself an aerial body, which he gave back to the air as he ascended. He denied the resurrection of the body, and considered differences of religious belief as unimportant, since, said he, " all who put their trust in the Crucified One will be saved, if they only prove their faith by good works." Apelles flourished about A. D. 188, and lived to a very great age. Tertullian (Praescript. Haeret. 30) says, that he was expelled from the school of Marcion for fornication with one Philumene, who fancied herself a prophetess, and whose fantasies were recorded by Apelles in his book entitled,avepdareis. But since Rhodon, who was the personal opponent of Apelles, speaks of him as universally honoured for his course of life (Euseb. H. E. v. 13), we may conclude that the former part of Tertullian's story is one of those inventions which were so commonly made in order to damage the character of heretics. Besides the,avewpdoems, Apelles wrote a work entitled " Syllogisms," the object of which Eusebius states (1. c.) to have been, to prove that the writings of Moses were false. It must have been a very large work, since Ambrose (De Paradis. 5) quotes from the thirty-eighth volume of it. (See also Tertull. adv. iMarcion. iv. 17; Augustin. de ler. 23; Epiphanius, Haer. 44.) [P. S.] APE'LLICON ('A7reAAtmcKw ), a native of Teos, was a Peripatetic philosopher and a great collector of books. In addition to the number which his immense wealth enabled him to purchase, he stole several out of the archives of different Greek cities. His practices having been discovered at Athens, he was obliged to fly from the city to save his life. He afterwards returned during the tyranny of Aristion, who patronized him, as a member of the same philosophic sect with himself, and gave him the command of the expedition against Delos, which, though at first successful, was ruined by the carelessness of Apellicon, who was surprised by the Romans under Orobius, and with difficulty escaped, having lost his whole army. (Athen. v. pp. 214, 215.) His library was carried to Rome by Sulla. (B. c. 84.) Apellicon had died just before. (Strab. xiii. p. 609.) Apellicon's library contained the autographs of
Page 224 224 APHAREUS. APHTIIONIUS. Aristotle's works, which had been given by that in ancient story under the name of 'AOap?7rI8a o0 philosopher, on his death-bed, to Theophrastus, 'Apap-rtadlac, for their fight with the Dioscuri. and by him to Neleus, who carried them to Scepsis, which is described by Pindar. (Nem. x. 111, &c.) in Troas, where they remained, having been hidden Two other mythical personages of this name occur and much injured in a cave, till they were pur- in Horn. II. xiii. 541; Ov. Met. xii. 341. [L. S.] chased by Apellicon, who published a very faulty APHA'REUS ('A apEv's), an Athenian orato; edition of them. Upon the arrival of the MSS. at and tragic poet, was a son of the rhetorician HipRome, they were examined by the grammarian pias and Plathane. After the death of his father, Tyrannion, who furnished copies of them to An- his mother married the orator Isocrates, whc dronicus of Rhodes, upon which the latter adopted Aphareus as his son. He was trained ir founded his edition of Aristotle. [ANDRoNIcus the school of Isocrates, and is said to have writter of Rhodes.] [P. S.] judicial and deliberative speeches (6'jyor acavncKo; APE'MIUS ('Anfxiuos), a surname of Zeus, Kal OvugIoveuvrnico). An oration of the formel under which he had an altar on mount Parnes in kind, of which we know only the name, was writ Attica, on which sacrifices were offered to him. ten and spoken by Aphareus on behalf of Isocratef (Paus. i. 32. ~ 2.) [L. S.] against Megacleides. (Plnt. Vit. X. Orat. p. 839 APER, a Greek grammarian, who lived in Rome Dionys. Isocr. 18, Dinarch. 13; Eudoc. p. 67 in the time of Tiberius. He belonged to the Suid. s. v.; Phot. Cod. 260.) According to Plun school of Aristarchus, and was thie instructor of tarch, Aphareus wrote thirty-seven tragedies, bu1 Heracleides Ponticus. He was a strenuous oppo- the authorship of two of them was a matter of disnent of the grammarian Didymus. (Suidas, s. v. pute. He began his career as a tragic writer ii 'HpaKcAEiBts,) [C. P. M.] B. c. 369, and continued it till B. c. 342. H( M. APER, a Roman orator and a native of gained four prizes in tragedy, two at thie Dionysis Gaul. rose by his eloquence to the rank of Quaes- and two at the Lenaea. His tragedies formec tor, Tribune, and Praetor, successively. He is tetralogies, i. e. four were performed at a time ai introduced as one of the speakers in the Dialogue formed a didascalia; but no fragments, not even a de Oratoribics, attributed to Tacitus, defending the title of any of them, have come down to us. [L. S. style of oratory prevalent in his day against those APHEIDAS ('AcpEelas), a son of Areas Ib who advocated the ancient form. (See cc. 2, 7, &c.) Leaneira, or according to others, by Megasneira APER, A'RRIUS, the praetorian praefect, and Chrysopeleia, or Erato. (Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 1. the son-in-law of the emperor Numerian, murdered When Apheidas and his two brothers had growl the emperor, as it was said, on the retreat of the up, their father divided his kingdom among them army from Persia to thle Hellespont. He carefully Apheidas obtained Tegea and the surroundien concealed the death of Numerian, and issued all territory, which was therefore called by poets thi the orders in his name, till thle soldiers learnt the Kicjpos 'AsPELbdieToE. Apheidas had a son, Aleus truth by breaking into the imperial tent on the (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 2; ALEUS.) Two other mythicn Hellespont. They then elected Diocletian as his personages of this name occur in Homn. Od. xxiv successor, A. n. 284, who straightway put Aper to 305; Ov. Met. xii. 317. [L. S.] death with his own hand without any trial. Vo- APHE'PSION ('Aqe'icWv), a son of Bathippum piscus relates that Diocletian did this to fulfil a who commenced operations against the law c prophecy which had been delivered to him by a Leptines respecting the abolition of exemption female Druid, " Imperator eris, cum Aprum oc- from liturgies. Bathippus died soon after, and hi cideris." (Vopisc. Numer. 12-14; Aurel. Vict. son Aphepsion resumed the matter. He was joine de Gues. 38, 39, Epit. 38; Eutrop. ix. 12, 13.) by Ctesippus. Phormion, the orator, spoke fc APESA'NTIUS ('A7reoadvreos), a surname of Aphepsion, and Demosthenes for Ctesippus. (Am Zeus, under which he had a temple on mount gums. ad Dem. Leptin. p. 453; Dem. c. Lept. p.501 Apesas near Nemea, where Perseus was said to Wolf, P-roleg. in Demnosth. Lept. p. 48, &c., pp. 5 have first offered sacrifices to him. (Paus. ii. 15. --56.) [L. S.] ~ 3; Steph. Byz. s.v. 'AErrcOas.) [L. S.] APHNEIUS ('A ossets), the giver of food ( APHACI'TIS ('Ampamcus-), a surname of Aphro- plenty, a surname of Ares, under which he had dite, derived from the town of Aphace in Coele- temple on mount Cnesius, near Tegea in Arcadi; Syria, where she had a celebrated temple with an Aiirope, the daughter of Cepheus, became by Arn oracle, which was destroyed by the command of the mother of a son (Aieropus), but she died at tl the emperor Constantine. (Zosimus, i. 58.) [L. S.] moment she gave birth to the child, and Are APHAEA. [BRITOMARTIS.] wishing to save it, caused the child to derive foc APHA'REUS ('Acape's), a son of the Messe- from the breast of its dead mother. This wond, nian king Perieres and Gorgophone, the daughter gave rise to the surname 'Aqeiois. (Paus. viii. 4 of Perseus. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 5.) His wife is called ~ 6.) [L. S.] by Apollodorus (iii. 10. ~ 3) Arene, and by others APHRODISIA'NUS, a Persian, wrote a d Polydora or Laocoossa. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. scription of the east in Greek, a fragment of whis i. 152; Theocrit. xxii. 106.) Aphareus had three is given by Du Cange. (Ad Zonar. p. 50.) A sons, Lynceus, Idas, and Peisus. He was believed extract from this work is said to exist in the roy to have founded the town of Arene in Messenia, library at Vienna. He also wrote an historic which he called after his wife. He received Neleus work on the Virgin Mary. (Fabric. Bibl. Grac and Lycus, the son of Pandion, who had fled from xi. p. 578.) [P. S.] their countries into his dominions. To the former APHRODI'SIUS, SCRIBO'NIUS, a Rom; he assigned a tract of land in Meessenia, and from grammarian, originally a slave' and disciple the latter he and his family learned the orgies of Orbilius, was purchased by Scribonia, the first w\ the great gods. (Paus. iv. 2. ~ 3, &c.) Pausanias of Augustus, and by her manumitted. (Suet. in this passage mentions only the two sons of I ustr. Grams. 19.) Aphareus, Idas and Lynceus, who are celebrated LAPHTH O'NIUS ('A-etvios), of Antioch,
Page 225 APICATA. APICIUS. 225 Greek rhetorician who lived about A. D. 315, but Drusus, and was plotting against the life of the of whose life nothing is known. He is the author latter. His subsequent murder of Drusus was first of an elementary introduction to the study of disclosed by Apicata. (Tac. Ann. iv. 3, 11.) When rhetoric, and of a number of fables in the style of Sejanus and his children were killed eight years those of Aesop. The introduction to the study of afterwards, A. D. 31, Apicata put an end to her rhetoric, which bears the title Progymnasmata own life. (Dion Cass. lviii. 11.) (7rpouvusyaepara), if considered from a right point APICIUS. Ancient writers distinguish three of view, is of great interest, inasmuch as it shews Romans bearing this name, all of them indebted us the method followed by the ancients in the in- for celebrity to the same cause, their devotion to struction of boys, before they were sent to the gluttony. regular schools of the rhetoricians. The book con- 1. The first of these in chronological order, is sists of rules and exercises. Previous to the time said to have been instrumental in procuring the of Aphthonius the progymnasmata of Hermogenes condemnation of Rutilius Rufus, who went into were commonly used in schools; Aphthonius found exile in the year B. c. 92. According to Posidoit insufficient, and upon its basis he constructed nius, in the 49th book of his history, he transcendhis new work, which contained fourteen progym- ed all men in luxury. (Athen iv. p. 168, d.; comnasmata, while that of his predecessor contained pare Posidonii Reliquiae, ed. Bake.) only twelve. Soon after its appearance the work 2. The second and most renowned, M. Gabius of Aphthonius superseded that of Hermogenes, and Apicius, flourished under Tiberius, and many became the common school-book in this branch of anecdotes have been preserved of the inventive education for several centuries. On the revival of genius, the skill and the prodigality which he disletters the progymnasmata of Aphthonius recovered played in discovering and creating new sources of their ancient popularity, and during the sixteenth culinary delight, arranging new combinations, and and seventeenth centuries they were used every- ransacking every quarter of the globe and every where, but more especially in Germany, in schools kingdom of nature for new objects to stimulate and and universities, as the text-book for rhetoric. But gratify his appetite. At last, after having squanby a singular mistake the work was during that dered upwards of eight hundred thousand pounds period regarded as the canon of everything that upon the indulgence of his all-engrossing passion, was required to form a perfect orator, whereas the he balanced his books, and found that little more author and the ancients had intended and used it than eighty thousand remained; upon which, deas a collection of elementary and preparatory exer- spairing of being able to satisfy the cravings of cises for children. The number of editions and hunger from such a miserable pittance, he forthtranslations which were published during that with hanged himself. But he was not forgotten. period is greater than that of any other ancient Sundry cakes (Apicia) and sauces long kept alive writer. (Fabr. Bibl. Graec. vi. p. 96, &c.; Hoff- his memory; Apion, the grammarian, composed a mann, Lex. Bibliogr. i. p. 199, &c.) The editio work upon his luxurious labours; his name passed princeps is that in Aldus' collection of the Rietores into a proverb in all matters connected with the Graeci, Venice, 1508, fol. The most important pleasures of the table; he became the model of imong the subsequent editions are that of Giunta, gastronomers, and schools of cookery arose which Florence, 1515, 8vo., which contains also the hailed him as their mighty master. (Tacit. Ann. )rogymnasmata ofHermogenes; that of Camerarius, iv. 1; Dion Cass. Ivii. 19; Athen. i. p. 7, a.; Plin. vith a Latin translation, Lips. 1567, 8vo.; of B. H. N. viii. 51, ix. 17, x. 48, xix. 8; Senec. Consol. -arbart, 1591, 8vo., with a Latin translation and ad Helv. 10, Epp. xciv. 43, cxx. 20, De Vit. Beat. totes; of F. Scobarius, 1597, 8vo., and that of J. xi. 3; Juv. iv. 23, and Schol. xi. 2; Martial, icheffer, Upsala, 1670, 8vo. The last and best ii. 69, iii. 22, x. 73; Lamprid. Heligab. 18, &c.; dition is that in WValz's collection of the " Rhetores Sidon. Apollin. Epp. iv. 7; Suidas, s. v. Arifcos; Iraeci," i. p. 54, &c. It contains the notes of Isidor. Origg. xx. 4; Tertullian. Apolog. 3.) cheffer, and an ancient abridgement of the work by 3. When the emperor Trajan was in Parthia, ie Matthaeus (7rýtro[) els Trd rs-is pSropssUcs -po- many days distant from the sea, a certain Apicius viveanjra), and a sort of commentary upon them sent him fresh oysters, preserved by a skilfal proy an anonymous writer ('Avswvsov rWepI ' rtp v r TOs cess of his own. (Athen. i. p. 7, d.; Suidas, iPOoviov arpouyuaos'UaTcov), p. 121, &c., 126, &c. s. v. o"rpea.) The Aesopic fables of Aphthonius, which are in- The first and third of these are mentioned by rior in merit to those of Aesop, are printed in Athenaeus alone, the second by very many writers,,obarius' edition of the progymnasmata, and also as may be seen, from the authorities quoted above. the Paris edition of 1623. Furia's edition of Hence some scholars, startled not unnaturally by e fables of Aesop contains twenty-three of those the singular coincidence of name and pursuit, Aphthonius. (Westermann, Geschichle der have endeavoured to prove that there was in reality riech. Beredtsamkeit, ~ 98, nn. 16-20.) [L. S.] only one Apicius, namely the second, and that the APHTHO'NIUS ('ApOodvios) of Alexandria is multiplication arose from the tales with regard to mntioned by Philostorgius (iii. 15) as a learned his excesses having passed from mouth to mouth d eloquent bishop of the Manichaeans. He is among persons ignorant of chronology, or from the mtioned as a disciple and commentator of Mani stories current with regard to various gluttons Photius and Peter of Sicily, and in the form of having been all in the process of time referred to juring Manichaeism. Philostorgius adds, that the most famous of all. It will be observed, howitius had a public disputation with Aphthonius, ever, that in so far as the first is concerned Athewhich the latter was defeated, and died of grief naeus points directly to the source from whence "en days afterwards. [P. S.] his information was derived, and connects the inAPICA'TA, the wife of Sejanus, was divorced dividual Wvith an important and well known him, A. D. 23, after she had borne him three historical fact, nor is it probable that there is any ldren, when hlie had seduced Livia, the wife of ' confusion of names in the passage relating to the
Page 226 226 APION. third, since it is confirmed by the text of Suidas, who evidently quotes from Athenaeus. (See, however, Vincent. Contaren. Var. Lect. c. xvii.; Lipsius on Tacit. Ann. iv. 1; Lister. Praef ad Apic.) The treatise we now possess, bearing the title CAELII APICI de opsoniis et condimentis, sive de re czlinaria, Libri decem, appears to have been first discovered by Enoch of Ascoli, about the year 1454, in the time of Pope Nicolas V., and the editio princeps was printed at Milan in 1498. It is a sort of Cook and Confectioner's Manual, containing a multitude of receipts for preparing and dressing all kinds of flesh, fish, and fowl, for compounding sauces, baking cakes, preserving sweetmeats, flavouring wines, and the like. From the inaccuracies and solecisms of the style, it is probable that it was compiled at a late period by some one who prefixed the name of Apicius, in order to attract attention and insure the circulation of his book. It is not without value, however, since it affords an insight into the details of a Roman kitchen which we seek for elsewhere in vain. The best editions are those of Martin Lister, published at London, in 1705, reprinted with additions by Almeloveen (Amstelod. 1709), and that of Bernhold (Marcobreit. 1787, Baruth. 1791, and Ansbach. 1800.) There is an illustrative work by Dierbach, entitled Flora Apiciana. (Heidelberg, 1831.) [W. R.] API'NIUS TIRO. [TIao.] A'PION ('Airicwv), a Greek grammarian. His name is sometimes incorrectly spelt Appion, and some writers, like Suidas, call him a son of Pleistoneices, while others more correctly state that Pleistoneices was only a surname, and that he was the son of Poseidonius. (Gell. vi. 8; Senec. Epist. 88; Euseb. P-raep. Evang. x. 10.) He was a native of Oasis, but used to say that he was born at Alexandria, where he studied under Apollonius, the son of Archibius, and Didymus, from whom he imbibed his love for the Homeric poems. (Suid. s. v. 'A-rLwv; Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 3, &c.) He afterwards settled at Rome, where he taught rhetoric as the successor of the grammarian Theon in the reign of Tiberius and Claudius. He appears to have enjoyed an extraordinary reputation for his extensive knowledge and his versatility as an orator; but the ancients are unanimous in censuring his ostentatious vanity. (Gell. v. 14; Plin. H. N. Praef. and xxx. 6; Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 12.) He declared that every one whom he mentioned in his works would be immortalized; he placed himself by the side of the greatest philosophers of ancient Greece, and used to say, that Alexandria ought to be proud of having a man like himself among its citizens. It is not unlikely that the name " cymbalum mundi," by which Tiberius was accustomed to call him, was meant to express both his loquacity and his boastful character. He is spoken of as the most active of grammarians, and the surname podxOos which he bore, according to Suidas, is usually explained as describing the zeal and labour with which he prosecuted his studies. In the reign of Caligula he travelled about in Greece, and was received everywhere with the highest honours as the great interpreter of Homer. (Senec. 1. c.) About the same time, A. D. 38, the inhabitants of Alexandria raised complaints against the Jews residing in their city, and endeavoured to curtail their rights and privileges. They sent APIS. an embassy to the emperor Caligula, which was headed by Apion, for he was a skilful speaker and known to entertain great hatred of the Jews. The latter also sent an embassy, which was headed by Philo. In this transaction Apion appears to have overstepped the limits of his commission, for he not only brought forward the complaints of his fellow-citizens, but endeavoured to excite the emperor's anger against the Jews by reminding him that they refused to erect statues to him and to swear by his sacred name. (Joseph.Ant. xviii. 10.) The results of this embassy, as well as the remaining part of Apion's life, are unknown; but if we may believe the account of his enemy Josephus (c. Apion. ii. 13), he died of a disease which he had brought upon himself by his dissolute mode of life. Apion was the author of a considerable number of works, all of which are now lost with the exception of some fragments. 1. Upon Homer, whose poems seem to have formed the principal part of his studies, for he is said not only to have made the best recension of the text of the poems, but to have written explanations of phrases and words in the form of a dictionary (AEeers 'O/U-ptcal), and investigations concerning the life and native country of the poet. The best part of his ACEELs 'Ourjpical are supposed to be incorporated in the Homeric Lexicon of Apollonius. (Villoison, Proleg. ad Apollon. p. ix. &c.) Apion's labours upon Homer are often referred to by Eustathius and other grammarians. 2. A work on Egypt (Aly/vrTralca), consisting of five books, which was highly valued in antiquity, for it contained descriptions of nearly all the remarkable objects in Egypt. It also contained numerous attacks upon the Jews. (Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. 10; Gell. v. 14; Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 19.) 3. A work against the Jews. (Euseb. 1. c.) A reply to these attacks is made by Josephus, in the second book of his work usually called Kard 'ATri'os, and this reply is the only source from which we learn anything about the character of Apion's work. 4. A work in praise of Alexander the Great. (Gell. vi. 8.) 5. Historie, of separate countries. ('Ioropia,carad i0vos, Suid s. v. 'ArtLwv.) 6. On the celebrated glutton Apicius and, 7. lisp ris PwPa'iKucs 81taXhcTov. (Athen. vii p. 294, xv. p. 680.) 8. De metallica disciplina (Plin. Elencih. lib. xxxv.) The greatest fragment of the works of Apion are the story about Andrc clus and his lion, and about the dolphin ne, Dicaearchia, both of which are preserved in Gelliu: Suidas (s. vv. 'A-yvdrs, ortAdUEs, eo apayoV, an "TrplyxVa) refers to Apion as a writer of epigram but whether he is the same as the grammarian uncertain. (Villoison, 1. c.; Burigny, in the Mig de l'Acad. des Inscript. xxxviii. p. 171, &c.; Lehi Quaest. Epicae, Dissert. i., who chiefly discuss what Apion did for Homer.) [L. S.] A'PION, PTOLEMAEUS. [PTOLEMAE APION.] APIS ('CArs). 1. A son of Phoroneus by t nymph Laodice, and brother of Niobe. He u king of Argos, established a tyrannical governme and called Peloponnesus after his own name Ap: but he was killed in a conspiracy headed by T1 xion and Telchis. (Apollod. i. 7. 6, ii. 1. ~ In the former of these passages Apollodorus stal that Apis, the son of Phoroneus, was killed Aetolus; but this is a mistake arising from confusion of our Apis, with Apis the son of Jas
Page 227 APIS. APIS. 227 who was killed by Aetolus during the funeral of his birth, and built a house there in the direcgames celebrated in honour of Azanes. (Paus. v. i. tion towards the rising sun. In this house the ~ 6; AETOLUS.) god was fed with milk for the space of four months, Apis, the son of Phoroneus, is said, after his and after this, about the time of the new moon, death, to have been worshipped as a god, under the scribes and prophets prepared a ship sacred to the name of Serapis (2daparis); and this state- the god, in which he was conveyed to Memphis. ment shews that Egyptian mythuses are mixed Here he entered his splendid residence, containing up with the story of Apis. This confusion is still extensive walks and courts for his amusement. A more manifest in the tradition, that Apis gave his number of the choicest cows, forming as it were kingdom of Argos to his brother, and went to the harem of the god, were kept in his palace at Egypt, where he reigned for several years after- Memphis. The account of Diodorus, though on wards. (Euseb. C kron. n. 271; Augustin, de Civ. the whole agreeing with that of Aelian, contains Dei, xviii. 5.) Apis is spoken of as one of the some additional particulars of interest. Pliny and earliest lawgivers among the Greeks. (Theodoret. Ammianus Marcellinus do not mention the god's Graec. Affect. Cur. vol. iv. p. 927, ed. Schulz.) harem, and state that Apis was only once in every 2. A son of Telchis, and father of Thelxion. year allowed to come in contact with a cow, and He was king at Sicyon, and is said to have been that this cow was, like the god himself, marked in such a powerful prince, that previous to the arrival a peculiar way. Apis, moreover, drank the water of Pelops, Peloponnesus was called after him Apia. of only one particular well in his palace, since the (Paus. ii. 5. ~ 5.) water of the Nile was believed to be too fattening. Besides the third Apis, the son of Jason, men- The god had no other occupation at Memphis, tioned above, there is a fourth, a son of Asclepius, than to receive the services and homage of his mentioned by Aeschylus. (Suppl. 262.) [L. S.] attendants and worshippers, and to give oracles, APIS ('A-ms), the Bull of Memphis, which which he did in various ways. According to enjoyed the highest honours as a god among the Pliny, his temple contained two thalami, and acEgyptians. (Pomp. Mela, i. 9; Aelian, Hist. An. cordingly as he entered the one or the other, it xi. 10; Lucian, de Sacrif. 15.) He is called the was regarded as a favourable or unfavourable sign. greatest of gods, and the god of all nations, while Other modes in which oracles were derived from others regard him more in the light of a symbol of Apis are mentioned in the following passages: some great divinity; for some authorities state, Lutat. ad Stat. Theb. iii. 478; Diog. Lairt. viii. 9; that Apis was the bull sacred to the moon, as Paus. vii. 22. ~ 2; Plin., Aelian, Solinus, I. cc.; Mnevis was the one sacred to the sun. (Suid. s. v.; Plut. de Is. et Os. 14. Ammian. Marcell. xxii. 14; Aelian, 1. c.; Lutatius, As regards the mode in which Apis was worad Stat. Theb. iii. 478.) According to Macrobius shipped, we know, from Herodotus (ii. 38, 41), (Sat. i. 21), on the other hand, Apis was regarded that oxen, whose purity was scrupulously examined as the symbol of the sun. The most common before, were offered to him as sacrifices. His opinion was, that Apis was sacred to Osiris, in birthday, which was celebrated every year, was whom the sun was worshipped; and sometimes his most solemn festival; it was a day of rejoicing Apis is described as the soul of Osiris, or as iden- for all Egypt. The god was allowed to live only tical with him. (Diod. i. 21; Plut. de Is. et Os. a certain number of years, probably twenty-five. 20, 33, 43; Strab. xvii. p. 807.) (Lucan, Phars. viii. 477; Plut. de Is. et Os. 56.) In regard to the birth of this divine animal If he had not died before the expiration of that peHerodotus (iii. 28) says, that he was the offspring riod, he was killed and buried in a sacred well, the of a young cow which was fructified by a ray from place of which was unknown except to the initiated, heaven, and according to others it was by a ray of and he who betrayed it was severely punished. the moon that she conceived him. (Suid., Aelian, (Arnob. adv. Gent. vi. p. 194.) If, however, Apis!. cc.; Plut. de Is. et Os. 43.) The signs by which died a natural death, he was buried publicly and it was recognised that the newly born bull was solemnly, and, as it would seem, in the temple of neally the god Apis, are described by several of Serapis at Memphis, to which the entrance was;he ancients. According to Herodotus (1. c.; left open at the time of Apis' burial. (Paus. i. 18.:omp. Strab. 1. c.), it was requisite that the animal ~ 4; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 322; Plut. de Is. et 5hould be quite black, have a white square mark Os. 29.) The name Serapis or Sarapis itself is m the forehead, on its back a figure similar to said to signify "the tomb of Apis." Respecting hat of an eagle, have two kinds of hair in its the particular ceremonies and rites of the burial, oail, and on its tongue a knot resembling an insect its expenses, and the miracles which used to acalled tcdvOapos. (Compare Ammian. Marcell. 1. c.; company it, see Diod. i. 84, 96; Plut. 1. c. 29, 35. 5olinus, 32.) Pliny (II. N. viii. 71), who states, As the birth of Apis filled all Egypt with joy and hat the cantharus was under the tongue, adds, festivities, so his death threw the whole country hat the right side of the body was marked with a into grief and mourning; and there was no one, vhite spot resembling the horns of the new moon. as Lucian says, who valued his hair so much that kelian says, that twenty-nine signs were required; he would not have shorn his head on that occasion. sut some of those which he mentions have refer- (Lucian, de Sacrif. 15, de Dea Syr. 6; Tibull. i. 8; nce to the later astronomical and physical specu- Ammian. Marc., Solin. 11. cc.) However, this time itions about the god. When all the signs were of mourning did not usually last long, as a new 3und satisfactory in a newly born bull, the cere- Apis was generally kept ready to fill the place of lony of his consecration began. This solemnity his predecessor; and as soon as he was found, the Sdescribed by Aelian, Pliny, Ammianus Marcel- mourning was at an end, and the rejoicings began. nus, and Diodorus. (i. 85.) When it was made (Diod. i. 85; Spartian. IIadr. 12.) nown, says Aelian, that the god was born, some The worship of Apis was, without doubt, qrigit the sacred scribes, who possessed the secret nally nothing but the simple worship of the bull, nowledge of the signs of Apis, went to tIhe place and formed a part of the fetish-worship of the Q2
Page 228 228 APHRODITE. Egyptians; but in the course of time, the bull, like other animals, was regarded as a symbol in the astronomical and physical systems of the Egyptian priests. How far this was carried may be seen from what Aelian says about the twenty-nine marks on the body of Apis, which form a complete astronomical and physical system. For further details respecting these late speculations, the reader is referred to the works on Egyptian mythology by Jablonsky, Champollion, Pritchard, and others. The Persians, in their religious intolerance, ridiculed and scorned the Egyptian gods, and more especially Apis. Cambyses killed Apis with his own hand (Herod iii. 29), and Ochus had him slaughtered. (Plut. 1. c. 31.) The Greeks and Romans, on the other hand, saw nothing repugnant to their feelings in the worship of Apis, and Alexander the Great gained the good will of the Egyptians by offering sacrifices to Apis as well as to their other gods. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 1.) Several of the Roman emperors visited and paid homage to Apis, and his worship seems to have maintained itself nearly down to the extinction of paganism. (Suet. Aug. 93, Vespas. 5; Tacit. Annal. ii. 59; Plin. 1. c.; Spartian. 1. c., Sept. Sever. 17.) [L. S.] APHRODI'TE ('AQpoe8aTI), one of the great Olympian divinities, was, according to the popular and poetical notions of the Greeks, the goddess of love and beauty. Some traditions stated that she had sprung from the foam (cippo's) of the sea, which had gathered around the mutilated parts of Uranus, that had been thrown into the sea by Kronos after he had unmanned his father. (Hesiod. Theog. 190; compare ANADYOMENE.) With the exception of the Homeric hymn on Aphrodite there is no trace of this legend in Homer, and according to him Aphrodite is the daughter of Zeus and Dione. (II. v. 370, &c., xx. 105.) Later traditions call her a daughter of Kronos and Euonyme, or of Uranus and Hemera. (Cic. De NOat. Deor. iii. 23; Natal. Com. iv. 13.) According to Hesiod and the Homeric hymn on Aphrodite, the goddess after rising from the foam first approached the island of Cythera, and thence went to Cyprus, and as she was walking on the sea-coast flowers sprang up under her feet, and Eros and Himeros accompanied her to the assembly of the other great gods, all of whom were struck with admiration and love when she appeared, and her surpassing beauty made every one desire to have her for his wife. According to the cosmogonic views of the nature of Aphrodite, she was the personification of the generative powers of nature, and the mother of all living beings. A trace of this notion seems to be contained in the tradition that in the contest of Typhon with the gods, Aphrodite metamorphosed herself into a fish, which animal was considered to possess the greatest generative powers. (Ov. Met..v. 318, &c.; comp. Hygin. Poet. Ashr. 30.) But according to the popular belief of the Greeks and their poetical descriptions, she was the goddess of love, who excited this passion in the hearts of gods and men, and by this power ruled over all the living creation. (Hoim. IHymn. in Ven.; Lucret. 15, &c.) Ancient mythology furnishes numerous instances in which Aphrodite punished those who neglected her worship or despised her power, as well as others in which she favoured and protected those who did homage to her and recognized her sway. Love and beauty are ideas essentially connected, and Aphrodite was therefore also the god APHRODITE. dess of beauty and gracefulness. In these points she surpassed all other goddesses, and she received the prize of beauty from' Paris; she had further the power of granting beauty and invincible charms to others. Youth is the herald, and Peitho, the HIorae, and Charites, the attendants and companions of Aphrodite. (Pind. Neme. viii. 1, &c.) Marriages are called by Zeus her work and the things about which she ought to busy herself. (Hom. II. v. 429; comp. Od. xx. 74; Pind. Pytlh. ix. 16, &c.) As she herself had sprung from the sea, she is represented by later writers as having some influence' upon the sea. (Virg. Aen. viii. 800; Ov. Heroid. xv. 213; comp. Paus. ii. 34. ~ 11.) During the Trojan war, Aphrodite, the mother of Aeneas, who had been declared the most beautiful of all the goddesses by a Trojan prince, naturally sided with the Trojans. She saved Paris from his contest with Menelaus (II. iii. 380), but when she endeavoured to rescue her darling Aeneas from the fight, she was pursued by Diomedes, who wounded her in her hand. In her fright she abandoned her son, and was carried by Iris in the chariot of Arcs to Olympus, where she complained of her misfortune to her mother Dione, but was laughed at by Hera and Athena. (II. v. 311, &c.) She also protected the body of Hector, and anointed it with ambrosia. (II. xxiii. 185.) According to the most common accounts of the ancients, Aphrodite was married to Hephaestus (Odyss. viii. 270), who, however, is said in tihe Iliad (viii. 383) to have married Charis. Her faithlessness to Hephaestus in her amour with Ares, and the manner in which she was caught by the ingenuity of her husband, are beautifully described in the Odyssey. (viii. 266, &c.) By Ares she became the mother of Phobos, Deimos, Harmonia, and, according to later traditions, of Eros and Anteros also. (Hesiod. Theog. 934, &c., Scut. Herc. 195; Hom. II. xiii. 299, iv. 440; Schol. vwl Apollon. Rhiod. iii. 26; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 23.) But Ares was not the only god whom Aphrodite favoured; Dionysus, Hermes, and Poseidon likewise enjoyed her charms. By the first she was, according to some traditions, the mother of Priapus (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 933) and Bacchue (Hesych. s. v. BircXov Aidvs), by the second of Hernaphroditus (Ov. Met. iv. 289, &c.; Diod. iv, 6; Lucian, Dial. Deor. xv. 2), and by Poseidor she had two children, Rhodos and Herophilus (Schol. ad Pind. Pythi. viii. 24.) As Aphrodite sc often kindled in the hearts of the gods a love foa mortals, Zeus at last resolved to make her pay fo: her wanton sport by inspiring her too with love for a mortal man. This was accomplished, anm Aphrodite conceived an invincible passion for An chises, by whom she became the mother of Aenea and Lyrus. [ANCHISES.] Respecting her con nexions with other mortals see ADONIS and BUTE' Aphrodite possessed a magic girdle which ha the power of inspiring love and desire for thoe who wore it; hence it was borrowed by lHei when she wished to stimulate the love of Zeu (Hom. II. xiv. 214, &c.) The arrow is also somn.times mentioned as one of her attributes. (Pins Pyth. iv. 380; Theocrit. xi. 16.) In the vegetab kingdom the myrtle, rose, apple, poppy, and other were sacred to her. (Ov. Fast. iv. 15. 143 Bio: Idyll. i. 64; Schol. ad Aristoplh. Niub. 993; Pan ii. 10. ~ 4; Phornut. 23.) The animals sacred her, which are often mentioned as drawing h
Page 229 APHRODITE. chariot or serving as her messengers, are tie sparrow, the dove, the swan, the swallow, and a bird called iynx. (Sappho, in Ven. 10; Athen. ix. p. 395; Horat. Carm. iv. 1. 10; Aelian, Hist. An. x. 34; Pind. Pyth. 1. c.) As Aphrodite Urania the tortoise, the symbol of domestic modesty and chastity, and as Aphrodite Pandemos the ram was sacred to her. [URANIA; PANDEMOS.] When she was represented as the victorious goddess, she had the attributes of Ares, a helmet, a shield, a sword: or a lance, and an image of Victory in one hand.. The planet Venus and the spring-month of April were likewise sacred to her. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 20; Ov. Fast. iv. 90.) All the surnames and epithets given to Aphrodite are derived from places of her worship, from events connected with the legends about her, or have reference to her character and her influence upon man, or are descriptive of her extraordinary beauty and charms. All her surnames are explained in separate articles. SThe principal places of her worship in Greece were the islands of Cyprus and Cytlera. At Cnidus in Caria she had three temples, one of which contained her renowned statue by Praxiteles. Mount Ida in Troas was an ancient place of her worship, and among the other places we may men-.tion particularly the island of Cos, the towns of Abydos, Athens, Thespiae, Megara, Sparta, Sicyon, Corinth, and Eryx in Sicily. The sacrifices offered to her consisted mostly of incense and garlands of flowers (Virg. Aen. i. 416; Tacit. Hist. ii. 3), but in some places animals, such as pigs, goats, young cows, hares, and others, were sacrificed to her. In some places, as at Corinth, great numbers of females belonged to her, who prostituted themselves in her service, and bore the name of slepdovuot. (Dict.of Ant. s. v. 'Eralpal.) Respecting the festivals of Aphrodite see Diet. of Ant. s. v. 'Ahwvia, 'Avayayia, 'Aqppo5Woia, KaTraycya. The worship of Aphrodite was undoubtedly of *astern origin, and probably introduced from Syria o the islands of Cyprus, Cythera, and others, from vhence it spread all over Greece. It is said to ave been brought into Syria from Assyria. (Paus. S14. ~ 6.) Aphrodite appears to have been riginally identical with Astarte, called by the lebrews Ashtoreth, and her connexion with idonis clearly points to Syria. But with the exsption of Corinth, where the worship of Aphroite had eminently an Asiatic character, the whole "orship of this goddess and all the ideas concernig her nature and character are so entirely Greek, iat its introduction into Greece must be assigned Sthe very earliest periods. The elements were 3rived from the East, but the peculiar developent of it belongs to Greece. Respecting the Roan goddess Venus and her identification with the reek Aphrodite, see VENUS. Aphrodite, the ideal of female grace and beauty,,quently engaged the talents and genius of the cient artists. The most celebrated representations her were those of Cos and Cnidus. Those which 3 still extant are divided by archaeologists into seral classes, accordingly as the goddess is representin a standing position and naked, as the Medicean "mus, or bathing, or half naked, or dressed in a iic, or as the victorious goddess in arms, as she is represented in the temples of Cythera, Sparta, d Corinth. (Paus. iii. 23. ~ 1, ii. 5. ~ 1, iii.. ~ 10; comp. Hirt. Iytiol. Bilderbuc7l, iv. 133,.; Manso, Versucie, pp. 1-308.) [L. S.] APOLLINARIS. 229 APISA'ON ('Ar-i'dwv). Two mythical personages of this name occur in the Iliad, xi. 578, and xvii. 348. [L. S.] APOLLAS. [APELLAS.] APOLLINA'RIS and APOL.LINA'RIUS are different forms of the same Greek name, 'A7roAtvdpios. For the sake of convenience we use in every case the form Apollinaris, which is always employed by Latin writers. 1. CLAUDIUS APOLLINARIS, bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia (A. D. 170 and onwards), wrote an " Apology for the Christian faith" ("6yoir irnp,rs Iriterews dirohoyias) to the emperor M. Antoninus. He also wrote against the Jews and the Gentiles, and against the heresies of the Montanists and the Encratites, and some other works, all of which are lost. (Euseb. H. E. iv. 27, v. 19; Hieron. de Vir. Illust. 26, Epist. 84; Nicephorus, iv. 11; Photius, Cod. 14; Theodoret. de Haeret. Fab. iii. 2; Chronicon Paschale.) 2. APOLLINARIS, father and son, the former presbyter, the latter bishop, of Laodicea. The father was born at Alexandria. He taught grammar first at Berytus and afterwards at Laodicea (about A. D. 335), where he married, and became a presbyter of the church. Apollinaris and his son enjoyed the friendship of the sophists Libanius and Epiphanius. They were both excommunicated by Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea, for attending the lectures of Epiphanius, but they were restored upon their profession of penitence. Being firm catholics, they were banished by Georgius, the Arian successor of Theodotus. When Julian (A. D. 362) issued an edict forbidding Christians to teach the classics, Apollinaris and his son undertook to supply the loss by transferring the Scriptures into a body of poetry, rhetoric, and philosophy. They put the historical books of the Old Testament into poetry, which consisted partly of Homeric hexameters, and partly of lyrics, tragedies, and comedies, in imitation of Pindar, Euripides, and Menander. According to one account, the Old Testament history, up to the reign of Saul, formed a kind of heroic poem, divided into twenty-four books, which were named after the letters of the Greek alphabet, in imitation of Homer. The New Testament was put into the form of dialogues, after the manner of Plato. Only two works remain which appear to have formed a part of these sacred classics, namely, a tragedy entitled "Christ Suffering," which is found among the works of Gregory Nazianzen, and a poetic version of the Psalms, entitled "Metaphrasis Psalmorum," which was published at Paris, 1552, 1580, and 1613; by Sylburg at Heidelberg, 1596; and in the various collections of the Fathers. There is some difficulty in determining what shares the father and son had in these works. The Old Testament poems are generally ascribed to the father, who is spoken highly of as a poet, and the New Testament dialogues to the son, who was more distinguished as a philosopher and rhetorician. In accordance with this view, Vossius (de Hist. Graec. ii. 18, and de Poet. Graec. 9) and Cave (sub ann. 362), attribute both the extant works to the son. Apollinaris the younger, who was bishop of Laodicea in 362 A. D., wrote several controversial works, the most celebrated of which was one in thirty books against Porphyry. He became noted also as the founder of a sect. He was a warm op
Page 230 230 APOLLO. APOLLO. ponent of the Arians, and a personal friend of 250, &c.), and his festivals usually fell on the seAthanasius; and in arguing against the former, he venth of a month. Immediately after his birth, maintained, that the Divine Word (the Logos) Apollo was fed with ambrosia and nectar by Thesupplied the place of a rational soul in the person mis, and no sooner had lie tasted the divine food, of Christ. He died between 382 and 392 A. D. than he sprang up and demanded a lyre and a bow, His doctrine was condemned by a synod at Rome, and declared, that henceforth he would declare to about 375 A. D., but it continued to be held by a men the will of Zeus. Delos exulted with joy, considerable sect, who were called Apollinarists, and covered herself with golden flowers. (Comp. down to the middle of the fifth century. (Hieron. Theognis, 5, &c.; Eurip. Hecub. 457, &c.) de Vir. Illust. 104; Socrates, H. E. ii. 46, iii. 16; Apollo, though one of the great gods of Olympus, Sozomen, II. E. v. 18, vi. 25; Suidas, s. v.; Cave, is yet represented in some sort of dependence on Hist. Litt.; Wernsdorf, Diss. de Apollin.) Zeus, who is regarded as the source of the powers 3. The author of two epigrams in the Greek exercised by his son. The powers ascribed to Anthology, is very probably the same person as Apollo are apparently of different kinds, but all are the elder Apollinaris of Laodicea. (Jacobs, Anthol. connected with one another, and may be said to be Graec. xiii. p. 853.)!P. S.] only ramifications of one and the same, as will be APOLLINA'RIS, CLAU'DIUS, the com- seen from the following classification. mander of Vitellius' fleet at Misenum, when it Apollo is-1. thie god zwho punishes and destroys revolted to Vespasian in A. D. 70. Apollinaris es- (oaiAeos) the wicked and overbearing, and as such he caped with six galleys. (Tac. Hist. iii. 57, 76, 77.) is described as the god with bow and arrows, the APOLLO ('AirdAAcwv), one of the great divini- gift of Hephaestus. (Hom. II. i. 42, xxiv. 605, ties of the Greeks, was, according to Homer (II. i. Od. xi. 318, xv. 410, &c.; comp. Pind. Pytth. iii. 21, 36), the son of Zeus and Leto. Hesiod (Theog. 15, &c.) Various epithets given to him in the 918) states the same, and adds, that Apollo's sister Homeric poems, such as 'KCaros, ecKaEpyos, Eic7~edAOS, was Artemis. Neither of the two poets suggests ic'roIeAosh, cKAvrroros, and dpyvpo-roos, refer to anything in regard to the birth-place of the god, him as the god who with his darts hits his object unless we take AviKc-yveYjs (It. iv.101) in the sense at a distance and never misses it. All sudden of " born in Lycia," which, however, according to deaths of men, whether they were regarded as a others, would only mean "born of or in light." punishment or a reward, were believed to be the Several towns and places claimed the honour of his effect of the arrows of Apollo; and with the same birth, as we see from various local traditions men- arrows he sent the plague into the camp of the tioned by late writers. Thus the Ephesians said Greeks. Hyginus relates, that four days after his that Apollo and Artemis were born in the grove of birth, Apollo went to mount Parnassus, and there Ortygia near Ephesus (Tacit. Annal. iii. 61); the killed the dragon Python, who had pursued his inhabitants of Tegyra in Boeotia and of Zoster in mother during her wanderings, before she reached Attica claimed the same honour for themselves. Delos. He is also said to have assisted Zeus in (Steph. Byz. s. v. Tseyupa.) In some of these local his contest with the giants. (Apollod, i. 6. ~ 2.) traditions Apollo is mentioned alone, and in others The circumstance, of Apollo being the destroyer of together with his sister Artemis. The account of the wicked was believed by some of the ancients Apollo's parentage, too, was not the same in all to have given rise to his name Apollo, which they traditions (Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 23), and the connected with dsro6'A\vi, "to destroy." (Aeschyl. Egyptians made out that he was a son of Dionysus Again. 1081.) Some modern writers, on the other and Isis. (Herod. ii. 156.) But the opinion most hand, who consider the power of averting evil to universally received Was, that Apollo, the son of have been the original and principal feature in his Zeus and Leto, was born in the island of Delos, character, say that 'ArioAAhAw, i. e. 'ArhAAcwv, (from together with his sister Artemis; and the circum- the root pello), signifies the god who drives away stances of his birth there are detailed in the Ho- evil, and is synonymous with dAEisancar, ACESIuS, meric hymn on Apollo, and in that of Callimachus ACESTOR, Tawrcp, and other names and epithets on Delos. (Comp. Apollod. i. 4. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. applied to Apollo. 140.) Hera in her jealousy pursued Leto from 2. The god who afords help and wards off evil land to land and from isle to isle, and endeavoured As he had the power of visiting men with plagues to prevent her finding a resting-place where to give and epidemics, so he was also able to deliver mer birth. At last, however, she arrived in Delos, from them, if duly propitiated, or at least by hi: where she was kindly received, and after nine oracles to suggest the means by which such calami days' labour she gave birth to Apollo under a palm ties could be averted. Various names and epithet or an olive tree at the foot of mount Cynthus. She which are given to Apollo, especially by later wri was assisted by all the goddesses, except Hera and ters, such as adcKE' os, aKdierwp, dAeaiscaKcos, c refj Eileithyia, but the latter too hastened to lend her dworrpirasos, Errcoupiose, ia rpoegdVrsTs, and others aid, as soon as she heard what was taking place. are descriptive of this power. (Paus. i. 3. ~ 1 The island of Delos, which previous to this event vi. 24. ~ 5, viii. 41. ~ 5; Plut. de El ap. Delph. 21 had been unsteady and floating on or buried under de Defect. Orac. 7; Aeschyl. Eum. 62; com] the waves of the sea, now became stationary, and Muller, Dor. ii. 6. ~ 3.) It seems to be the ide was fastened to the roots of the earth. (Comp. of his being the god who afforded help, that mad Virg. Aen. iii. 75.) The day of Apollo's birth was him the father of Asclepius, the god of the healir believed to have been the seventh of the month, art, and that, at least in later times, identified hii whence he is called eSoyoayseyrs. (Plut.Symnspos. 8.) with Paeeon, the god of the healing art in Home According to some traditions, he was a seven [PAEEON.] months' child (ie'raiusYa'ios). The number seven 3. The god of prophecy. Apollo exercised th was sacred to the god; on the seventh of every power in his numerous oracles, and especially month sacrifices were offered to hinm (Mom oayrl7ss, that of Delphi. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Oracildum.) T1 Aeschyl. Sept. 802; comp. Callim. IiHymn. in Del. source of all his prophetic powers was Zeus hir
Page 231 APOLLO. APOLLO. 231 self (Apollodorus states, that Apollo received the graphers, and philosophers, and according to which pavrrcur from Pan), and Apollo is accordingly Apollo was identical with Helios, or the Sun. In called "the prophet of his father Zeus." (Aeschyl. Homer and for some centuries after his time Apollo Eum. 19); but he had nevertheless the power of and Helios are perfectly distinct. The question communicating the gift of prophecy both to gods which here presents itself, is, whether the idea of and men, and all the ancient seers and prophets the identity of the two divinities was the original are placed in some relationship to him. (Horn. II. and primitive one, and was only revived in later i. 72, Hymn. in Mere. 3, 471.) The manner in times, or whether it was the result of later specuwhich Apollo came into the possession of the oracle lations and of foreign, chiefly Egyptian, influence. of Delphi (Pytho) is related differently. According Each of these two opinions has had its able advoto Apollodorus, the oracle had previously been in cates. The former, which has been maintained by the possession of Themis, and the dragon Python Buttmann and Hermann, is supported by strong guarded the mysterious chasm, and Apollo, after arguments. In the time of Callimachus, some perhaving slain the monster, took possession of the sons distinguished between Apollo and Helios, for oracle. According to Hyginus, Python himself which they were censured by the poet. (Fragm. 48, possessed the oracle; while Pausanias (x. 3. ~ 5) ed. Bentley.) Pausanias (vii. 23. ~ 6) states, that states, that it belonged to Gaea and Poseidon in he met a Sidonian who declared the two gods to common. (Comp. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1246, &c.; be identical, and Pausanias adds, that this was Athen. xv. p. 701.; Ov. Met. i. 439; Apollon. quite in accordance with the belief of the Greeks. Rhod. ii. 706.) (Comp. Strab. xiv. p. 635; Plut. de El ap. Delph. 4, 4. The god of song and music. We find him in de DefJ Orac. 7.) It has further been said, that if the Iliad (i. 603) delighting the immortal gods Apollo be regarded as the Sun, the powers and with his play on the phorminx during their re- attributes which we have enumerated above are past; and the Homeric bards derived their art of easily explained and accounted for; that the sursong either from Apollo or the Muses. (Od. viii. name of colos (the shining or brilliant), which is 488, with Eustath.) Later traditions ascribed to frequently applied to Apollo in the Homeric poems, Apollo even the invention of the flute and lyre points to the sun; and lastly, that the traditions (Callim. 1Hymn. in Del. 253; Plut. de Mius.), while concerning the Hyperboreans and their worship of the more common tradition was, that he received Apollo bear the strongest marks of their regarding the lyre from Hermes. Ovid (Heroid. xvi. 180) the god in the same light. (Alcaeus, ap. Himer. makes Apollo build the walls of Troy by playing xiv. 10; Diod. ii. 47.) Still greater stress is laid on the lyre, as Amphion did the walls of Thebes. on the fact that the Egyptian Horus was regarded Respecting his musical contests, see MARSYAs, as identical with Apollo (Herod. ii. 144, 156; MIDAs. Diod. i. 25; Plut. de Is. et Os. 12, 61; Aelian, 5. The god zwho protects the flocks and cattle Hist. An. x. 14), as Horus is usually considered (Vidtos SEds, from vouds or voet, a meadow or as the god of the burning sun. Those who adopt pasture land). Homer (II. ii. 766) says, that this view derive Apollo from the East or from Apollo reared the swift steeds of Eumelus Phere- Egypt, and regard the Athenian'Aro'vAwv v r-rpcos tiades in Pieria, and according to the Homeric as the god who was brought to Attica by the hymn to Hermes (22, 70, &c.) the herds of the Egyptian colony under Cecrops. Another set of gods fed in Pieria under the care of Apollo. At accounts derives the worship of Apollo from the the command of Zeus, Apollo guarded the cattle of very opposite quarter of the world-from the counLaomedon in the valleys of mount Ida. (II. xxi. try of the Hyperboreans, that is, a nation living 488.) There are in Homer only a few allusions to beyond the point where the north wind rises, and this feature in the character of Apollo, but in later whose country is in consequence most happy and writers it assumes a very prominent form (Pind. fruitful. According to a fragment of an ancient Pyth. ix. 114; Callim. Hymn. in Apoll. 50, &c.): Doric hymn in Pausanias (x. 5. ~ 4), the oracle of and in the story of Apollo tending the flocks of Delphi was founded by Hyperboreans and Olenus; Admetus at Pherae in Thessaly, on the banks of Leto, too, is said to have come from the Hyperbothe river Amphrysus, the idea reaches its height. reans to Delos, and Eileithyia likewise. (Herod. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 15; Eurip. Alcest. 8; Tibull. ii. 3. iv. 33, &c.; Paus. i. 18. ~ 4; Diod. ii. 47.) The 11; Virg. Georg. iii. 2.) Hyperboreans, says Diodorus, worship Apollo more 6. THe god who delights in the foundation of towns zealously than any other people; they are all and the establishment of civil constitutions. His priests of Apollo; one town in their country is assistance in the building of Troy was mentioned sacred to Apollo, and its inhabitants are for the above; respecting his aid in raising the walls of most part players on the lyre. (Comp. Pind. Pyth. Megara, see ALCATHOUS. Pindar (Pyth. v. 80) x. 55, &c.) calls Apollo the dpx7yyEys, or the leader of the These opposite accounts respecting the original Dorians in their migration to Peloponnesus; and seat of the worship of Apollo might lead us to this idea, as well as the one that he delighted suppose, that they refer to two distinct divinities, in the foundation of cities, seems to be intimately which were in the course of time united into one, connected with the circumstance, that a town or a as indeed Cicero (de Nat. Deor. iii. 23) distincolony was never founded by the Greeks without guishes four different Apollos. Miiller has re"consulting an oracle of Apollo, so that in every jected most decidedly and justly the hypothesis, ease he became, as it were, their spiritual leader, that Apollo was derived from Egypt; but he re'he epithets Krinri)s and olcioris (see Bdckh, ad jects at the same time, without very satisfactory Pind.. c.) refer to this part in the character of reasons, the opinion that Apollo was connected Apollo. with the worship of nature or any part of it; for, These characteristics of Apollo necessarily ap- according to him, Apollo is a purely spiritual divicear in a peculiar light, if we adopt the view which nity, and far above all the other gods of Olympus.,vas almost universal among the later poets, mytho- As regards the identity of Apollo and Helios, he
Page 232 APOLLO. APOLLODORUS. justly remarks, that it would be a strange phenomenon if this identity should have fallen into oblivion for several centuries, and then have been revived. This objection is indeed strong, but not insurmountable if we recollect the tendency of the Greeks to change a peculiar attribute of a god into a separate divinity; and this process, in regard to Helios and Apollo, seems to have taken place previous to the time of Homer. Miiller's view of Apollo, which is at least very ingenious, is briefly this. The original and essential feature in the character of Apollo is that of "the averter of evil" ('ATredAcvw); he is originally a divinity peculiar to the Doric race; and the most ancient seats of his worship are the Thessalian Tempe and Delphi. From thence it was transplanted to Crete, the inhabitants of which spread it over the coasts of Asia Minor and parts of the continent of Greece, such as Boeotia and Attica. In the latter country it was introduced during the immigration of the lonians, whence the god became the 'ArodAAcwv 7raorp os of the Athenians. The conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians raised Apollo to the rank of the principal divinity in the peninsula. The 'ATdOAAcw vcopios was originally a local divinity of the shepherds of Arcadia, who was transformed into and identified with the Dorian Apollo during the process in which the latter became the national divinity of the Peloponnesians. In the same manner as in this instance the god assumed the character of a god of herds and flocks, his character was changed and modified in other parts of Greece also: with the Hyperboreans he was the god of prophecy, and with the Cretans the god with bow and darts. In Egypt he was made to form a part of their astronomical system, which was afterwards introduced into Greece, where it became the prevalent opinion of the learned. But whatever we may think of this and other modes of explaining the origin and nature of Apollo, one point is certain and attested by thousands of facts, that Apollo and his worship, his festivals and oracles, had more influence upon the Greeks than any other god. It may safely be asserted, that the Greeks would never have become what they were, without the worship of Apollo: in him the brightest side of the Grecian mind is reflected. Respecting his festivals, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. 'A7roAAcVta, T/zargelia, and others. In the religion of the early Romans there is no trace of the worship of Apollo. The Romans became acquainted with this divinity through the Greeks, and adopted all their notions and ideas about him from the latter people. There is no doubt that the Romans knew of his worship among the Greeks at a very early time, and tradition says that they consulted his oracle at Delpihi even before the expulsion of the kings. But the first time that we hear of the worship of Apollo at Rome is in the year B. c. 430, when, for the purpose of averting a plague, a temple was raised to him, and soon after dedicated by the consul, C. Julius. (Liv. iv. 25, 29.) A second temple was built to him in the year B. c. 350. One of these two (it is not certain which) stood outside the porta Capena. During the second Punic war, in B. c. 212, the ludi Apollinares wene instituted in honour of Apollo. (Liv. xxv. 12; Macrob. Sat i. 17; Diet. of Ant. s. v. Ludi Apollinares; comp. Ludi Saeculares.) The worship of this divinity, however, did not form a very prominent part in the religion of the Romans till the time of Augustus, who, after the battle of Actium, not only dedicated to him a portion of the spoils, but built or embellished his temple at Actium, and founded a new one at Rome on the Palatine, and instituted quinquennial games at Actium. (Suet. Augq. 31, 52; Diet. of Ant. s.v. 'Arcria; Hartung, die Religion der.Rimer, ii. p. 205.) Apollo, the national divinity of the Greeks, was of course represented in all the ways which the( plastic arts were capable of. As the ideas of the god became gradually and more and more fully developed, so his representations in works of art rose from a rude wooden image to the perfect ideal of youthful manliness, so that he appeared to the ancients in the light of a twin brother of Aphrodite. (Plin. II. N. xxxvi. 4. ~ 10.) The most beautiful and celebrated among the extant representations of Apollo are the Apollo of Belvedere at Rome, which was discovered in 1503 at Rettuno (Mus. Pio-Clem. i. 14, 15), and the Apollino at Florence. (Hirt. lMytihol. Bilderbuch, i. p. 29, &c.) In the Apollo of Belvedere, the god is represented with commanding but serene majesty; sublime intellect and physical beauty are combined in it in the most wonderful manner. The forehead is higher than in other ancient figures, and on it there is a pair of locks, while the rest of his hair flows freely down on his neck. The limbs are well proportioned and harmonious, the muscles are not worked out too strongly, and at the hips the figure is rather thin in proportion to the breast. (Buttmaimn, MyIthologus, i. p. 1-22; G. Hermann, Dissertatio de Apolline et Diana, 2 parts, Leipzig, 1836 and 1837; Miller, Dorians, book ii.) [L. S.] APOLLO'CRATES ('A-roXXoscpaiTs), the elder son of Dionysius, the Younger, was left by his father in command of the island and citadel of Syracuse, but was compelled by famine to surrender them to Dion, about B. c. 354. He was allowed to sail away to join his father in Italy. (Plut. Dione, 37, &c., 56; Strab. vi. p. 259; Nepos, Dion, 5; Aelian, V. H. ii. 41.) Athenaeus speaks (vi. pp. 435, f., 436, a.) of Apollocrates as the son of the elder Dionysius; but this must be a mistake, unless we suppose with Kilhn (ad Ael. 1. c.), that there were two persons of this name, one a son of the elder and the other of the younger Dionysius. APOLLODO'RUS('ATroAAo'woos) 1. Of AcHARNE in Attica, son of Pasion, the celebrated banker, who died B. c. 370, when his son Apollodorus was twenty-four years of age. (Dem. pro Phorm. p. 951.) His mother, who married Phormion, a freedman of Pasion, after her husband's death, lived ten years longer, and after her death in B. c. 360, Phormion became the guardian of her younger son, Pasicles. Several years later (B. c. 350), Apollodorus brought an action against Phormion, for whom Demosthenes wrote a defence, the oration for Phormion, which is still extant. In this year, Apollodorus was archon eponymus at Athens. (Diod. xvi. 46.) When Apollodorus afterwards attacked the witnesses who had supported Phormion, Demosthenes wrote for Apollodorus the two orations still extant carad sredvov. (Aeschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 50; Plut. Demosth. 15.) Apollodorus had many and very important law-suits, in most of whicli Demosthenes wrote the speeches for him (Clinton. Fast. Hell. ii. p. 440, &c. 3d. ed.) [DEMOSTHENES]: the latest of them is that against Neaera, in which Apollodorus is the pleader, and which may perhaps
Page 233 APOLLODORUS. be referred to the year B. c. 340, when Apollodorus was fifty-four years of age. Apollodorus was a very wealthy man, and performed twice the liturgy of the trierarchy. (Dem. c. Polycl. p. 1208, c. Nicostr. p. 1247.) 2. Of AMPHIPOLIS, one of the generals of Alexander the Great, was entrusted in B. c. 331, together with Menes, with the administration of Babylon and of all the satrapies as far as Cilicia. Alexander also gave them 1000 talents to collect as many troops as they could. (Diod. xvii. 54; Curtius, v. 1; comp. Arrian, Anab. vii. 18; Appian, de Bell. Civ. ii. 152.) 3. Of ARTEMITA, whence he is distinguished from others of the name of Apollodorus by the ethnic adjective'ApTe'ir as or 'AprsEmL'/vo's. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AprE1m-ra.) The time in which he lived is unknown. He wrote a work on the Parthians which is referred to by Strabo (ii. p. 118, xi. pp. 509, 519, xv. p. 685), and by Athenaeus (xv. p. 682), who mentions the fourth book of his work. There are two passages in Strabo (xi. pp. 516 and 526), in which according to the common reading he speaks of an Apollodorus Adramyttenus; but as he is evidently speaking of the author of the Parthica, the word 'AapawLrVLT'L ds has justly been changed into 'ApreutM-rvI'4. Whether this Apollodorus of Artemita is the same as the one to whom a history of Caria is ascribed, cannot be decided. Stephanus Byzantius (s. vv. 'Apcodvrojos and Aa'ytvia) mentions the seventh and fourteenth books of this work. 4. An ATHENIAN, commanded the Persian luxiliaries which the Athenians had solicited from;he king of Persia against Philip of Macedonia in 3. c. 340. Apollodorus was engaged with these roops in protecting the town of Perinthus while?hilip invaded its territory. (Paus. i. 29. ~ 7;!omp. Diod. xvi. 75; Arrian, Anab. ii. 14.) 5. A BOEOTIAN, who together with Epaenetus ame as ambassador from Boeotia to Messenia, in m. c. 183, just at the time when the Messenians, errified by Lycortas, the general of the Achaeans, yere inclined to negotiate for peace. The influence f the Boeotian ambassadors decided the question, nd the Messenians concluded peace with the ichaeans. (Polyb. xiv. 12.) 6. Of CARYSTUS. The ancients distinguish bewceen two comic poets of the name of Apollodorus: ie one is called a native of Gela in Sicily, and the ther of Carystus in Euboea. Suidas speaks of an.thenian comic poet Apollodorus, and this circum-:ance has led some critics to imagine that there ere three comic poets of the name of Apollodorus. ut as the Athenian is not mentioned anywhere se, and as Suidas does not notice the Carystian, is supposed that Suidas called the Carystian an thenian either by mistake, or because he had the thenian franchise. It should, however, be reembered that the plays of the Carystian were not Srformed at Athens, but at Alexandria. (Athen. v. p. 664.) Athenaeus calls him a contemporary 'Machon; so that he probably lived between the!ars B. c. 300 and 260. Apollodorus of Carystus longed to the school of the new Attic comedy,.d was one of the most distinguished among its ets. (Athen. 1. c.) This is not only stated by.od authorities, but may also be inferred from the:t, that Terence took his Hecyra and Phormio m Apollodorus of Carystus. (A. Mai, Fragmn.!atdi et Terentiz, p. 38.) According to Suidas APOLLODORUS. 233 Apollodorus wrote 47 comedies, and five times gained the prize. We know the titles and possess fragments of several of his plays; but ten comedies are mentioned by the ancients under the name of Apollodorus alone, and without any suggestion as to whether they belong to Apollodorus of Carystus or to Apollodorus of Gela. (A. Meineke, Hist. Crit. Comicor. Graecor. p. 462, &c.) 7. Tyrant of CASSANDREIA (formerly Potidaea) in the peninsula of Pallene. He at first pretended to be a friend of the people; but when he had gained their confidence, he formed a conspiracy for the purpose of making himself tyrant, and bound his accomplices by most barbarous ceremonies described in Diodorus. (xxii. Exc. p. 563.) When he had gained his object, about B. c. 279, he began his tyrannical reign, which in cruelty, rapaciousness, and debauchery, has seldom been equalled in any country. The ancients mention him along with the most detestable tyrants that ever lived. (Polyb. vii. 7; Seneca, De Ira, ii. 5, De Benef vii. 19.) But notwithstanding the support which he derived from the Gauls, who were then penetrating southward, he was unable to maintain himself, and was conquered and put to death by Antigonus Gonatas. (Polyaen. vi. 7, iv. 6, 18; Aelian, V. H. xiv. 41; Hfist. An. v. 15; Plut. De Sera Num. Vind. 10, 11; Paus. iv. 5. ~ 1; Heinsius, ad Ovid. ex Pont. ii. 9. 43.) 8. Of CUMAE, a Greek grammarian, who is said to have been the first person that was distinguished by the title of grammarian and critic. (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 309.) According to Pliny (H. N. vii. 37) his fame was so great that he was honoured by the Amphictyonic council of the Greeks. 9. Of CYRENE, a Greek grammarian, who is often cited by other Greek grammarians, as by the Scholiast on Euripides (Orest. 1485), in the Etymologicum M. (s. v. pwo/eAXiot), and by Suidas (s. vv. dv-rucpuv, 8wjoAoXXos, NavioY, and /leA;io'ow). From Athenaeus (xi. p. 487) it would seem that he wrote a work on drinking vessels (Tror-pta), and if we may believe the authority of Natalis Comes (iii. 16-18, ix. 5), he also wrote a work on the gods, but this may possibly be a confusion of Apollodorus of Cyrene, with the celebrated grammarian of Athens. (Heyne, ad Apollod. pp. 1174, &c., 1167.) 10. Of CYzlcvs, lived previous to the time of Plato, who in his dialogue Ion (p. 541), mentions him as one of the foreigners whom the Athenians had frequently placed at the head of their armies. This statement is repeated by Aelian ( V.H. xiv. 5), but in what campaigns Apollodorus served the Athenians is not known. Athenaeus (xi. p. 506), in censuring Plato for his malignity, mentions Apollodorus, and the other foreigners enumerated in the passage of the Ion, as instances of persons calumniated by the philosopher, although the passage does not contain a trace of anything derogatory to them. 11. Of CYzIcus, an unknown Greek writer, who is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (ix. 38), and is perhaps the same as the Apollodotus spoken of by Clemens of Alexandria. (Strom. ii. p. 417.) 12. Surnamed EPHILLUS, a Stoic philosopher, who is frequently mentioned by Diogenes Lairtius, who attributes to him two works, one called <vem-rm, and the other 7jt1?ui. (Diog. Laiirt. vii. 39, 41, 54, 64, 84, 102, 121, 125, 129, 135, 140.) Theon of Alexandria wrote a commentary on the -qvou-cA) (Suid. s. v. iew,), and Stobaeus (Eclog. Phys. i.
Page 234 234 APOLLODORUS. p. 257, ed. Heeren) has preserved two fragments of it. This Stoic must be distinguished from the Academic philosopher Apollodorus who is spoken of by Cicero (De Nat. Deor. i. 34), but he is perhaps the same as the one who is mentioned by Tertullian (De Anima, 15) along with Chrysippus. 13. An EPICUREAN, was according to Diogenes Laertius (x. 13) surnamed iKrarorvpavvos, from his exercising a kind of tyranny or supremacy in the garden or school of Epicurus. He was the teacher of Zeno of Sidon, who became his successor as the head of the school of Epicurus, about B. c. 84. He is said to have written upwards of 400 books (OtAi a, Diog. Lairt. x. 25), but only one of them is mentioned by its title, viz. a Life of Epicurus. (Diog. Laert. x. 2.) This as well as his other works have completely perished. 14. An EPIGRAMMATIC poet, who lived in the time of Augustus and Tiberius, and is commonly believed to have been a native of Smyrna. The Greek Anthology contains upwards of thirty epigrams which bear his name, and which are distinguished for their beautiful simplicity of style as well as of sentiment. Reiske was inclined to consider this poet as the same man as Apollonides of Nicaea, and moreover to suppose that the poems in the Anthologia were the productions of two different persons of the name of Apollodorus, the one of whom lived in the reign of Augustus, and the other in that of Hadrian. But there is no ground for this hypothesis. (Jacobs, ad Anthol. Graec. xiii. p. 854, &c.) 15. Of ERYTHRAE, a Greek writer, who spoke of the Erythraean Sibyl as his fellow-citizen. (Varro, Fragyem. p. 216, ed Bip.; Schol. ad Plat. Phaedr. p. 343; Lactant. De Fals. Relig. i. 6.) 16. Of GELA in Sicily, was, according to Suidas and Eudocia (p. 61), a contemporary of Menander, and accordingly lived between the years a. c. 340 and 290. Suidas and Eudocia attribute to him seven comedies, of which they give the titles. But while Suidas (s. v. 'AiroXXAdwpos) ascribes them to Apollodorus of Gela, he assigns one of these same comedies in another passage (s. v. anrovudcw) to the Carystian. Other writers too frequently confound the two comic poets. (Meineke, Hist. Orit. Comic. Graec. p. 459, &c.) 17. A Greek GRAMMARIAN of Athens, was a son of Asclepiades, and a pupil of the grammarian Aristarchus, of Panaetius, and Diogenes the Babylonian. He flourished about the year B. c. 140, a few years after the fall of Corinth. Further particulars are not mentioned about him. We know that one of his historical works (the ypovacdc) came down to the year B. c. 143, and that it was dedicated to Attalus IL, surnamed Philadelphus, who died in B. c. 138; but how long Apollodorus lived after the year B. c. 143 is unknown. Apollodorus wrote a great number of works, and on a variety of subjects, which were much used in antiquity, but all of them have perished with the exception of one, and even this one has not come down to us complete. This work bears the title BlgAtoOc'71; it consists of three books, and is by far the best among the extant works of the kind. It contains a well-arranged account of the numerous mythuses of the mythology and the heroic age of Greece. The materials are derived from the poets, especially the cyclic poets, the logographers, and the historians. It begins with the origin of the gods, and APOLLODORUS. goes down to the time of Theseus, when the work suddenly breaks off. The part which is wanting at the end contained the stories of the families of Pelops and Atreus, and probably the whole of the Trojan cycle also. The first portion of the work (i. 1-7) contains the ancient theogonic and cosmogonic mythuses, which are followed by the Hellenic mythuses, and the latter are arranged according to the different tribes of the Greek nation. (Phot. Cod. 186.) The ancients valued this work very highly, as it formed a running mythological commentary to the Greek poets; to us it is of still greater value, as most of the works from which Apollodorus derived his information, as well as several other works which were akin to that of Apollodorus, are now lost. Apollodorus relates his mythical stories in a plain and unadorned style, and gives only that which he found in his sources, without interpolating or perverting the genuine forms of the legends by attempts to explain their meaning. This extreme simplicity of the Bibliotheca, more like a mere catalogue of events, than a history, has led some modern critics to consider the work in its present form either as an abridgement of some greater work of Apollodorus, or as made up out of several of his works. But this opinion is a mere hypothesis without any evidence. The first edition of the Bibliotheca of Apollodorus, in which the text is in a very bad condition, was edited by Benedictus Aegius of Spoleto, at Rome, 1555, 8vo. A somewhat better edition is that of Heidelberg, 1599. 8vo. (Ap. Commelin.) After the editions oh Tan. Faber (Salmur. 1661, 8vo.), and Th. Gale in his Script. Hist. poet. (Paris, 1675, 8vo.), ther followed the critical edition of Ch. G. Heyne, Gittingen, 1782 and 83, 4 vols. 12mo., of whict a second and improved edition appeared in 1803 2 vols. 8vo. The best among the subsequen editions is that of Clavier, Paris, 1805, 2 vols. 8vo. with a commentary and a French translation The Bibliotheca is also printed in C. and Th Muller, Fragment. Hist. Graece., Paris, 1841, ans in A. Westermann's Mfytlographi, sive Scriptore Poeticae Histor. Graeci, 1843, 8vo. Among the other works ascribed to Apollodoru which are lost, but of which a considerable numbe of fragments are still extant, which are containe in Heyne's edition of the Bibliotheca and in ( and Th. MUller's Fragmn. Hflist. Graec., the follow ing must be noticed here: 1. IIepit TrV 'ArOvY'oi Eiratpiwv, i. e. on the Athenian Courtezan (Athen. xiii. pp. 567, 583, xiv. pp. 586, 591 Heyne, vol. iii. p. 1163, &c.; Miiller, p. 467, &c 2. 'AvTiypap(i -rpds r7jV 'ApiaTroKA ovs Tno-roA' (Athen. xiv. p. 636; Heyne, p. 1172, &c.) Irjs 7repiloos, couKWmV jirpwc, that is, a Univers Geography in iambic verses, such as was afterwari written by Scymnus of Chios and by Dionysin (Strabo, xiv. p. 656; Steph. Byz. passim; Heyn p. 1126, &c.; Miiller, p. 449, &c.) 4. iHe 'EnrLdpapuov, either a commentary or a dissertati< on the plays of the comic poet Epicharmus, whi, consisted of ten books. (Pophyr. Vit. Plotin. Heyne, p. 1142, &c.; Miiller, p. 462.) 'ErvpUoAo'ylai, or Etymologies, a work which frequently referred to, though not always und this title, but sometimes apparently under that the head of a particular article. (Heyne, p. 114 &c.; Miiller, p. 462, &c.) 6. fept 3Ev, twenty-four books. This work contained t
Page 235 APOLLODORUS. APOLLODORUS. 235 mythology of the Greeks, as far as the gods them- (Comp. Quintil. ii. 11. ~ 2, 15. ~ 12, iv. 1. ~ 50; selves were concerned; the Bibliotheca, giving an Tacit. De clar. Orat. 19; Seneca, Controv. i. 2, ii. account of the heroic ages, formed a kind of conti- 9; Sext. Empir. Adv. Math. ii. 79.) Lucian nuation to it. (Heyne, p. 1039, &c.; MUller, p. (Macrob. 23) states, that Apollodorus died at the 428, &c.) 7. nIepl vErv tKa'rahoyov or irept veWv, age of eighty-two. (C. W. Piderit, de Apollodoro was an historical and geographical explanation of Pergameno et Theodoro Gadarensi, Rhetoribus, the catalogue in the second book of the Iliad. It Marburg, 4to.) consisted of twelve books, and is frequently cited 23. Of PHALERON in Attica, a very ardent and by Strabo and other ancient writers. (Heyne, p. zealous friend and follower of Socrates (Xen. Apol. 1099, &c.; Muller, p. 453, &c.) 8. lept 2d<ppovos, Socr. ~ 28, Mem. iii. 11. ~ 17), but unable with all that is, a commentary on the Mimes of Sophron, of his attachment to understand the real worth of his which the third book is quoted by Athenaeus (vii. master. He was naturally inclined to dwell upon the p. 281), and the fourth by the Schol. on Aristoph. dark side of things, and thus became discontented ( Vesp. 483; Heyne, p. 1138; Muller, p. 461, and morose, though he had not the courage to strug&c.) 9. XpovLcd or XpovrLK) oiWv-ais, was a gle manfully for what was good. This brought upon chronicle in iambic verses, comprising the history him the nickname of paviK's, or the eccentric man. of 1040 years, from the destruction of Troy (1184) (Plat. Sympos. p. 173 D.) When Socrates was down to his own time, B. c. 143. This work, going to die, Apollodorus lost all controul over which was again, a sort of continuation of the himself, and gave himself up to tears and loud Bibliotheca, thus completed the history from the lamentations. (Plat. Phaed. p. 117, D.) Aelian origin of the gods and the world down to his own (V. H. i. 16) relates a droll anecdote, according to time. Of how many books it consisted is not which Apollodorus offered to Socrates before his quite certain. In Stephanus of Byzantium the death a suit of fine clothes, that he might die refourth book is mentioned, but if Syncellus (Chronoyr. spectably. Apollodorus occurs in several of Plato's p. 349, ed. Dindorf.) refers to this work, it must dialogues, but the passage which gives the most have consisted of at least eight books. The loss of lively picture of the man is in the Symposium, p. this work is one of the severest that we have to 173, &c. Compare T. A. Wolf, Praefat. ad Symlament in the historical literature of antiquity. pos. p. 41. (Heyne, p. 1072, &c.; Miiller, p. 435, &c.) For 24. Surnamed PvAcGRUS, one of the most influfurther information respecting Apollodorus and his ential citizens of the town of Agyrium in Sicily, writings, see Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. pp. 287- who gave his evidence against the praetor Verres. 299; C. and Th. Miiller, pp. xxxviii.-xlv. (Cic. in Verr. iii. 31, iv. 23.) 18. Of LEMNOs, a writer on agriculture, who 25. Governor of SUSIANA, was appointed to this lived previous to the time of Aristotle (Polit. i. 4, office by Antiochus III. after the rebellion of Molo p. 21, ed. Gottling.) He is mentioned by Varro and his brother Alexander had been put down, in 'De Re Rust. i. 1), and by Pliny. (Elench. ad B. c. 220. (Polyb. v. 54; comp. ALEXANDER, ib)b. viii. x. xiv. xv. xvii. and xviii.) brother of Molo.) 19. Surnamed LOGISTICUS, appears to have been 26. Of TARsus, a tragic poet, of whom Suidas i mathematician, if as is usually supposed, he is and Eudocia (p. 61) mention six tragedies; but;he same as the one who is called dapsL'yrs. nothing further is known about him. There is an-:Diog. Lairt. i. 25, viii. 12; Athen. x. p. 418.) other Apollodorus of Tarsus, who was probably a Whether he is the same as the Apollodotus of grammarian, and wrote commentaries on the early vhom Plutarch (Non posse vivi secund. Epic. p. dramatic writers of Greece. (Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 1094) quotes two lines, is not quite certain. 148, 169; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 323, Plut. 535.) 20. A MACEDONIAN, and secretary to king 27. Of TELMESSUS, is called by Artemidorus Philip V. He and another scribe of the name of (Oneirocr. i. 82) an cer)p 'AAyJtiuos, and seems to Demosthenes accompanied the king to the colloquy have written a work on dreams. It Nicaea, on the Maliac gulf, with T. Quinctius There are a few more persons of the name of flamininus, in B. C. 198. (Polyb. xvii. 1, 8.) Apollodorus, who are mentioned in ancient writers, 21. Of NICAEA. Nothing is known about him but nothing is known about them beyond their!xcept that Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. Nicana) men- name. A list of nearly all of them is given by ions him among the distinguished persons of that Fabricius. (Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 299, &c.) [L. S.] own. APOLLODO'RUS, artists. 1. A painter, a na22. Of PERGAMUS, a Greek rhetorician, was the tive of Athens, flourished about 408, B. c. With him uthor of a school of rhetoric called after him 'AmroA- commences a new period in the history of the art. oocpeios a'lpeoes, which was subsequently opposed He gave a dramatic effect to the essential forms of iy the school established by Theodorus of Gadara. Polygnotus, without actually departing from them as OCo0dpeios al'pe-rs.) In his advanced age Apollo- models, by adding to them a representation of per'orus taught rhetoric at Apollonia, and here young sons and objects as they really exist, not, however, )ctavianus (Augustus) was one of his pupils and individually, but in classes: " primus species exýecame his friend. (Strab. xiii. p. 625; Sueton. primere instituit." (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 1.) This lug. 89.) Strabo ascribes to him scientific works feature in the works of Apollodorus is thus exr4XVas) on rhetoric, but Quintilian (iii. 1. ~ 18, plained by Fuseli (Lect. i.):-" The acuteness of omp. ~ 1) on the authority of Apollodorus himself his taste led him to discover that, as all men were eclares only one of the works ascribed to him as connected by one general form, so they were sepaenuine, and this he calls Ars (rEXvq) edita ad rated, each by some predominant power, which latiunm, in which the author treated on oratory fixed character and bound them to a class: that in nly in so far as speaking in the courts of justice proportion as this specific power partook of indivi7as concerned. Apollodorus himself wrote little, dual peculiarities, the farther it was removed from nd his whole theory could be gathered only from a share in that harmonious system which constitutes he works of his disciples, C. Valgius and Atticus. nature and consists in a due balance of all its parts.
Page 236 2,;' APOLLODORUS. Thence he drew his line of imitation, and personified the central form of the class to which his object belonged, and to which the rest of its qualities administered, without being absorbed: agility was not suffered to destroy firmness, solidity, or weight; nor strength and weight agility; elegance did not degenerate to effeminancy, or grandeur swell to hugeness." Fuseli justly adds that these principles of style seem to have been exemplified in his two works of which Pliny has given us the titles, a worshipping priest, and Ajax struck by lightning, the former being the image of piety, the latter of impiety and blasphemy. A third picture by Apollodorus is mentioned by the Scholiast on the Pluits of Aristophanes. (v. 385 ). Apollodorus made a great advance in colouring. He invented chiaroscuro (q(Oopdv ical dsrd'Xpwoi-v o-i.ds, Plut. de Gloria Athen. 2). Earlier painters, Dionysius for example (Plut. Timol. 36), had attained to the quality which the Greeks called Trovo, that is, a proper gradation of light and shade, but Apollodorus was the first who heightened this effect by the gradation of tints, and thus obtained what modern painters call tone. Hence he was called o'wtaypd(eos. (Hesychius, s. v.) Pliny says that his pictures were the first that rivetted the eyes, and that he was the first who conferred due honour upon the pencil, plainly because the cestrum was an inadequate instrument for the production of those effects of light and shade which Apollodorus produced by the use of the pencil. In this state he delivered the art to Zeuxis [ZEUXIs], upon whom he is said to have written verses, complaining that he had robbed him of his art. Plutarch (1. c.) says, that Apollodorus inscribed upon his works the verse which Pliny attributes to Zeuxis, Mwtiuirerai Tis JadAN\ov [lil'cre-at. 2. A sculptor, who made statues in bronze. IHe was so fastidious that he often broke his works in pieces after they were finished, and hence he obtained the surname of " the madman," in which character he was represented by the sculptor Silanion. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. ~ 21.) Assuming from this that the two artists were contemporary, Apollodorus flourished about 324 B. c. A little further on (~ 26) Pliny names an Apollodorus among the artists who had made bronze statues of philosophers. On the base of the " Venus di Medici," Apollodorus is mentioned as the father of Cleomenes. Thiersch (Epocken, p. 292) suggests, that he may have been the same person as the subject of this article, for that the statue of the latter by Silanion may have been made from tradition at any time after his death. But Apollodorus is so common a Greek name that no such conclusion can be drawn from the mere mention of it. 3. Of Damascus, lived under Trajan and Hadrian. The former emperor employed him to build his Forum, Odeum, and Gymnasium, at Rome; the latter, on account of some indiscreet words uttered by the architect, first banished him and afterwards put him to death. (Dion Cass. lxix. 4; Spartian. Hadrian. 19.) [P. S.] APOLLODORUS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, and one of the commission appointed by Theodosius the Younger to compile the Theodosian Code. In A. D. 429 he appears as comes and magister memoriae (Cod. Th. 1. tit. 1. s. 5), and he appears as comes sacri consistorii in the years 435 and 438. APOLLONIDES. (Cod. Th. 1. tit. 1. s. 6; Nov. 1. Theod. II., printed in the Bonn Corpus Jturis Antejust. as a second preface to the Theod. Cod.) There seems to be no reason, beyond sameness of name and nearness of date, to identify him with the Apollodorus who was comes rei privatae under Arcadius and Honorius, A. D. 396, and was proconsul of Africa in the years 399 and 400. (Cod. Th. 11. tit. 36. s. 32; 16. tit. 11. s. 1.) To Apollodorus, proconsul of Africa, are addressed some of the letters of Symmachus, who was connected with him by affinity. (viii. 4, ix. 14, 48.) [J. T. G.] APOLLODO'RUS ('ArroA,,.dowpos), the name of two physicians mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xx. 13), one of whom was a native of Citium, in Cyprus, the other of Tarentum. Perhaps it was one of these who wrote to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, giving him directions as to what wines he should drink (ibid. xiv. 9), though to which king of this name his precepts were addressed is not mentioned. A person of the same name wrote a work, -Iepl Mvmpwov ial EpidvoWr, On Ointments and Chaplets, quoted by Athenaeus (xv. p. 675), and another, quoted by the same author, ITipl jphoiv, On Venomous Aniimals (ibid. xv. p. 681), which is possibly the work that is several times referred to by Pliny. (FL. NV. xxii. 15, 29, &c.) [W. A. G.] APOLLO'NIDESorAPOLLO'NIDAS('ATroAAWV1iuls). 1. Governor of ARGos, who was raised to this office by Cassander. In the year B. c. 315, he invaded Arcadia, and got possession of the town of Stymphalus. The majority of the Argives were hostile towards Cassander, and while Apollonides was engaged in Arcadia, they invited Alexander, the son of Polysperchon, and promised to surrender their town to him. But Alexander was not quick enough in his movements, and Apollonides, who seems to have been informed of the plan, suddenly returned to Argos. About 500 senators were at the time assembled in the prytaneum: Apollonides had all the doors of the house well guarded, that none of them might escape, and then set fire to it, so that all perished in the flames. The othei Argives who had taken part in the conspiracy were partly exiled and partly put to death. (Diod xix. 63.) 2. A BOEOTIAN, an officer in the Greek army which supported the claims of Cyrus the Younger He was a man of no courage, and the difficulties which the Greeks had to encounter led him to op. pose Xenophon, and to urge the necessity of enter ing into friendly relations with king Artaxerxes He was rebuked by Xenophon, and deprived o his office for having said things unworthy of Greek. (Xenoph. Anab. iii. 1. ~ 26, &c.) 3. Of CARDIA, to whom Philip of Macedonis assigned for his private use the whole territory o the Chersonesus. (Demosth. de Inalones. p. 86. Apollonides was afterwards sent by Charidemus a ambassador to Philip. (Demosth. c.Aristocr. p. 681. 4. Of CHaos, was during the eastern expeditioi of Alexander the Great one of the leaders of th Persian party in his native island; but whil Alexander was in Egypt, Apollonides was con quered by the king's admirals, Hegelochus aml Amphoterus. He and several of his partizan were taken prisoners and sent to Elephantine ii Egypt, where they were kept in close imprison ment. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 2; Curtius, iv. 5.) 5. Of NICAEA, lived in the time of the empero Tiberius, to whom he dedicated a commentary os
Page 237 APOLLONIDES. APOLLONIUS. 237 the Silli of Timon. (Diog. Lairt. ix. 109.) lHe Punic war, as to whether they were to join the wrote several works, all of which are lost.- Carthaginians or the Romans, insisted upon the 1. A commentary on Demosthenes' oration Irepi necessity of acting with decision either the one or reapaerpeaeLas. (Ammon. s. v. o6lpAewt.) 2. On fic- the other way, as division on this point would lead titious stories (nepl icaresTev'-pc'vwv), of which the to inevitable ruin. At the same time, he suggested third and eighth books are mentioned. (Ammon. that it would be advantageous to remain faithful s. v. IcaroiKc7ous; Anonym. in Vita Arati.) 3. A to the Romans. (Liv. xxiv. 28.) work on proverbs. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Tepwva.) 12. A TRAGIc poet, concerning whom nothing 4. A work on Ion, the tragic poet. (Harpocrat. is known. Two verses of one of his dramas are s. v. "ILw.) An Apollonides, without any -state- preserved in Clemens of Alexandria (Paedyaop. ment as to what was his native country, is men- iii. 12) and Stobaeus. (Sermon. 76.) [L. S.] tioned by Strabo (vii. p. 309, xi. pp. 523, 528), APOLLO'NIDES ('A oAAwviFa?). 1. A Greek Pliny (PI. N. vii. 2), and by the Scholiast on physician and surgeon, was born at Cos, and, like Apollonius Rhodius (iv. 983, 1174; comp. ii. 964), many other of his countrymen, went to the court as the author of a work called replhrAos Trs Evpdirjns. of Persia, under Artaxerxes Longimanus, B. c. 465 Stobaeus (Florileg. Ixvii. 3, 6) quotes some senarii -425. Here he cured Megabyzus, the king's from one Apollonides. brother-in-law, of a dangerous wound, baut was 6. An OLYNTHIAN general who used his in- afterwards engaged in a sinful and scandalous fluence at Olynthus against Philip of Macedonia. amour with his wife, Amytis, who was herself a The king, with the assistance of his intriguing most profligate woman. For this offence Apolloagents in that town, contrived to induce the people nides was given up by Artaxerxes into the hands to send Apollonides into exile. (Demosth. Philip. of his mother, Amestris, who tortured him for iii. pp. 125, 128.) Apollonides went to Athens, about two months, and at last, upon the death of where he was honoured with the civic franchise; her daughter, ordered him to be buried alive. but being found unworthy, he was afterwards de- (Ctesias, De Reb. Pers. ~~ 30, 42, pp. 40, 50, ed. prived of it. (Demosth. c. Neaer. p. 1376.), Lion.) 7. Surnamed ORAPIUS or Horapius, wrote a 2. Another Greek physician, who must have work on Egypt, entitled Semenuthi (EscevaovOi), lived in the first or second century after Christ, as and seems also to have composed other works on he is said by Galen (de Cocas. Pzls. iii. 9, vol. ix. the historyand religion of the Egyptians. (Theo- pp. 138, 139) to have differed from Archigenes phil. Alex. ii. 6; comp. Vossius, de Hist. Graec. respecting the state of the pulse during sleep. No p. 396, ed. Westermann.) other particulars are known of his history; but he 8. Of SICYON. When in B.c. 186 the great is sometimes confounded with Apollonius of Cysongress was held at Megalopolis, and king Eumenes prus, a mistake which has arisen from reading wished to form an alliance with the Achaeans, and 'AsroAAhwvrLov instead of 'AiroAAwvov in the pas1ffered them a large sum of money as a present sage of Galen where the latter physician is menwith a view of securing their favour, Apollonides tioned. [APOLLONIUS CYPRIUS.] He may perhaps )f Sicyon strongly opposed the Achaeans' accepting be the same person who is mentioned by Artemi-he money, as something unworthy of them, and dorus (Oneirocr. iv. 2), and Attius (tetrab. ii. vhich would expose them to the influence of the sernm. iv. c. 48. p. 403), in which, last passage the cing. He was supported by some other distin- name is spelled Apolloniades. (Fabricius, Bibl. Gr.;uished Achaeans, and they magnanimously re- vol. xiii. p. 74, ed. vet.) [W. A. G.] used accepting the money. (Polyb. xxiii. 8.) At APOLLO'NIUS ('AsroXivlros), historical. 1. his congress Roman ambassadors also had been The son of Charinus, appointed by Alexander the iresent, and after their return, Spartan and Achaean Great, before leaving Egypt, as governor of the mbassadors went to Rome, B. c. 185. Among the part of Libya on the confines of Egypt, B. c. 331. itter was Apollonides, who endeavoured to ex- (Arrian, Anab. iii. 5; Curtius, iv. 8.) lain to the Roman senate the real state of affairs 2. A friend of Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, t Sparta, against the Spartan ambassadors, and to who accompanied Demetrius when he went to indicate the conduct of Philopoemen and the Rome as a hostage, B. c. 175, and supported himin ichaeans against the charges of the Spartans. with his advice. Apollonius had been educated Polyb. xxiii. 11, 12.) At the outbreak of the together with Demetrius, and their two families rar between the Romans and Perseus of Mace- had been long connected by friendship. The faonia, Apollonides advised his countrymen not to ther of Apollonius, who bore the same name, had ppose the Romans openly, but at the same time possessed great influence with Seleucus. (Polyb. e censured severely those who were for throwing xxxi. 19, 21.) lemselves into their hands altogether. (Polyb. 3. The spokesman of an embassy sent by Ancviii. 6.) tiochus IV. to Rome, in B. C. 173. He brought 9. A SPARTAN who was appointed in B. c. 181 from his master tribute and rich presents, and rele of the treasurers to check the system of squan- quested that the senate would renew with Antio-,ring the public money which had been carried chus the alliance which had existed between his i for some tilne by Chaeron, a low demagogue. father and the Romans. (Liv. Iii. 6.).s Apollonides was the person whom Chaeron 4. Of Clazomenae, was sent, together with Id most to fear, he had him assassinated by his Apollonides, in B. c. 170, as ambassador to king aissaries. (Polyb. xxv. 8; CHAERON.) Antiochus after he had made himself master of 10. A STOIC philosopher, with whom Cato the Egypt. (Polyb. xxviii. 16.) ounger conversed on the subject of suicide shortly 5. One of the principal leaders during the revolt *fore he committed this act at Utica. (Plut. Cat. of the slaves in Sicily, which had been brought hin. 65, 66, 69.) about by one Titus Minucius, in B. c. 103. The 11. A SRvaAcusAN, who, during the dissensions senate sent L. Lucullus with an army against him, long his fellow-citizens, in the time of the second and by bribes and the promise of impunity he in
Page 238 238 APOLLONIUS. duced Apollonius to betray the other leaders of the insurrection, and to aid the Romans in suppressing it. (Diod. xxxvi. Eclog. 1. p. 529, &c.) 6. Of Drepanum, a son of Nicon, was a profligate but wealthy person, who had accumulated great treasures by robbing orphans of their property, and was spoiled in his turn by Verres. He obtained the Roman franchise, and then received the Roman name of A. Clodius. (Cic. in. Verr. iv. 17; Quintil. ix. 2. ~ 52.) 7. A tyrant of a town in Mesopotamia called Zenodotia, which was destroyed by M. Crassus in B. c. 54, because 100 Roman soldiers had been put to death there. (Plut. Crass. 17; PseudoAppian, Parth. p. 27, ed. Schweigh.) [L. S.] APOLLONIUS ('ATroAA\wtos), literary. 1. Of ACHARNAE, a Greek writer, the author of a work on the festivals. (Ilepi 'oprTv; Harpocrat. s. vv. 7rkavos, hIvavosIa, XahXKu~ a; Phot. s. v. vfipo(opla.) 2. Of ALABANDA, surnamed d MIaxears, was some years older than Apollonius Molon, with whom he has sometimes been confounded. He was a rhetorician, and went from Alabanda to Rhodes, where he taught rhetoric. (Strab. xiv. p. 655.) Scaevola in his praetorship saw him and spoke with him in Rhodes. He was a very distinguished teacher of rhetoric, and used to ridicule and despise philosophy. (Cic. de Orat. i. 17.) Whenever he found that a pupil had no talent for oratory, he dismissed him, and advised him to apply to what he thought him fit for, although by retaining him he might have derived pecuniary advantages. (Cic. de Orat. i. 28; comp. Spalding, ad Quintil. i. p. 430, ii. p. 453, iv. p. 562; Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 147, &c.) 3. Of ALABANDA, surnamed Molon, likewise a rhetorician, who left his country and went to Rhodes (Strabo, xiv. p. 655); but he appears to have also taught rhetoric at Rome for some time, as Cicero, who calls him a great pleader in the courts of justice and a great teacher, states that, in B. C. 88, he received instructions from him at Rome. (Cic. Brut. 89.) In B. c. 81, when Sulla was dictator, Apollonius came to Rome as ambassador of the Rhodians, on which occasion Cicero again benefited by his instructions. (Brut. 90.) Four years later, when Cicero returned from Asia, he staid for some time in Rhodes, and had an opportunity of admiring the practical eloquence of Apollonius in the courts as well as his skill in teaching. (Brut. 91.) Apollonius is also called a distinguished writer, but none of his works has come down to us. They appear however to have treated on rhetorical subjects, and on the Homeric poems. (Phoebam. i. p. 98; Porphyr. Quaest. Homeric. p. 10.) Josephus (c. Apion. ii. 36) mentions some work of his in which he spoke against the Jews. Julius Caesar was also one of his disciples. (Plut. Caes. 3; Suet. Caes. 4; comp. Cic. ad Att. ii. 1, Brut. 70, de Invent. i. 56; Plut. Cic. 4; Quintil. iii. 1. ~ 16, xii. 6. ~ 7.) 4. Of APHRODISIAs in Cilicia, is called by Suidas a high priest and an historian. He is said to have written a work on the town of Tralles, a second on Orpheus and his mysteries, and a third on the history of Caria (Kaplca), of which the eighteenth book is mentioned, and which is often referred to by Stephanus of Byzantium. (s. vv. Bapyeo-a, Xcvuraopis, JAyicvpa, XwoAv 'ITd Eos; Etym. M.s.v. "Aprac'os, &c.) APOLLONIUS. 5. The son of ARCHEBULUS, Archebius, or Anchibius, was like his father an eminent grammarian of Alexandria. He lived about the time of Augustus, and was the teacher of Apion, while he himself had been a pupil of the school of Didymus. This is the statement of Suidas, which Villoison has endeavoured to confirm. Other critics, as Ruhnken, believe that Apollonius lived after the time of Apion, and that our Apollonius in his Homeric Lexicon made use of a similar work written by Apion. This opinion seems indeed to be the more probable of the two; but, however this may be, the Homeric Lexicon of Apollonius to the Iliad and the Odyssey, which is still extant, is to us a valuable and instructive relic of antiquity, if we consider the loss of so many other works of the same kind. It is unfortunately, however, very much interpolated, and must be used with great caution. The first edition of it was published by Villoison from a MS. of St. Germain belonging to the tenth century. (Paris, 1773, 2 vols. fol., with valuable prolegomena and a Latin translation. It was reprinted in the same year at Leipzig, in 2 vols. 4to.) H. Tollius afterwards published a new edition with some additional notes, but without Villoison's prolegomena and translation. (Lugd. Bat. 1788, 8vo.) Bekker's is a very useful edition, Berlin, 1833, 8vo. This Apollonius is probably the same as the one who wrote explanations of expressions peculiar to Herodotus. (Etymol. M. s. vv Kcwaps and oporsrjs.) 6. Of ASCALON, an historian. (Steph. Byz. s. v 'AcKa-.ckV.) 7. Of ATHENS, a sophist and rhetorician, lived in the time of the emperor Severus, and was; pupil of Adrianus. He distinguished himself b; his forensic eloquence, and taught rhetoric a Athens at the same time with Heracleides. IH was appointed by the emperor to the chair of poli tical eloquence, with a salary of one talent. H held several high offices in his native place, an distinguished himself no less as a statesman an diplomatist than as a rhetorician. His declams tions are said to have excelled those of many ( his predecessors in dignity, beauty, and propriety but he was often vehement and rythmical. (Ph lostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 20; Eudoc. p. 57, &c.) 8. Of ATHENS, a son of Sotades, wrote a woi on the obscene poetry of his father. (Athen. xi p. 620; SOTADEs.) 9. Surnamed 'ArTalXu's, the author of a woi on dreams. (Artemid. Oneir. i. 34, iii. 28.) 10. The son of CHAERIS, a Greek writer, wl is referred to by the Scholiast on Aristophan (Vesp. 1231), and the Venetian Scholiast on H mer. (II. iii. 448; comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i p. 275.) 11. Of CHALCEDON or Chalcis, or, according Dion Cassius (lxxi. 35) of Nicomedia, was invit by the emperor Antonnus Pius to come to Ron for the purpose of instructing his son Marcus philosophy. (Capitolin. Antonin. Pius, 10; M. A tonin. de Rebus suis, i. 8; Lucian, Demon. 3 comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 539.) 12. A freedman of CRASSUS, to whom he v much attached. He afterwards became a use friend of Cicero's, and served in the army of J. C; sar in the Alexandrine war, and also followed h into Spain. He was a man of great diligence a learning, and anxious to write a history of the < ploits of Caesar. For this reason Cicero gave t]
Page 239 APOLLONIUS. a very flattering letter of recommendation to Caesar. (Cic. ad Famil. xiii. 6.) 13. A CHRISTIAN writer, whose parents and country are unknown, but who is believed to have been bishop of Ephesus, and to have lived about the year A. D. 192. He wrote a work exposing the errors and the conduct of the Christian sect called Cataphryges, some fragments of which are preserved in Eusebius. (Hist. Eccles. v. 18, 21.) Tertullian defended the sect of the Montanists against this Apollonius, and the seventh book of his work repl hardoa-eWs was especially directed against Apollonius. (Auctor Praedestinati, cc. 26, 27., 68; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 53; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 164.) 14. A CHRISTIAN, who suffered martyrdom at Rome in the reign of Commodus. He is said to have been a Roman senator. At his trial he made a beautiful defence of Christianity in the Roman senate, which was afterwards translated into Greek and inserted by Eusebius in his history of the Martyrs, but is now lost. (Hieronym. Epist. 84, Catalog. 42, 53; Euseb. Hist. Eccles. v. 21.) Nicephorus (iv. 26) confounds the martyr Apollonius with Apollonius the writer against the Cataphryges. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 53; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 163.) 15. Surnamed CRoNos, a native of lassus in Caria, was a philosopher of the Megarian school, a pupil of Eubulides, and teacher of the celebrated Diodorus, who received from his master the surname Cronos. (Strab. xiv. p. 658; Diog. Laert. ii. 111.) 16. Surnamed DYSCOLOS, that is, the ill-tempered, was a son of Mnesitheus and Ariadne, and born at Alexandria, where he flourished in the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. He was me of the most renowned grammarians of his;ime, partly on account of his numerous and ex-:ellent works, and partly on account of his son, kelius Herodian, who had been educated by him, ind was as great a grammarian as himself. ipollonius is said to have been so poor, that he vas obliged to write on shells, as he had no means,f procuring the ordinary writing materials; and his poverty created that state of mind to which ae owed the surname of Dyscolos. He lived and vas buried in that part of Alexandria which was ailled Bruchium or fvpovXc^eiv. But, unless he is onfounded with Apollonius of Chalcis, he also pent some time at aome, where he attracted the ttention of the emperor M. Antoninus. Apollonius and his son are called by Priscian in overal passages the greatest of all grammarians, and e declares, that it was only owing to the assistance 'hich he derived from their works that he was labled to undertake his task. (Priscian, Praef. 1 libb. i. and vi. viii. p. 833, ix. init. and p. 941.) 'e was the first who reduced grammar to anything ke a system, and is therefore called by Priscian grammaticorum princeps." A list of his works, ost of which are lost, is given by Suidas, and a ore complete one in Fabricius. (Bibl. Graec. vi. 272, &c.) We confine ourselves here to those hich are still extant. 1. Iepit ovvTriews TOmV lyov fgepciv, "de Constructione Orationis," or de Ordinatione sive Constructione Dictionum," four books. The first edition of this work is the Idine. (Venice, 1495, fol.) A much better one, ith a Latin translation and notes, was published Fr. Sylburg, Frankf. 1590, 4to. The last edin, which was greatly corrected by the assistance APOLLONIUS. 239 of four new MSS., is I. Bekker's, Berlin, 1817, 8vo. 2. nepi dmacVTvv)Ulas, " de Pronomine liber," was first edited by I. Bekker in the Museum. Antiq. Stud. i. 2, Berlin, 1811, 8vo., and afterwards separately, Berlin, 1814, 8vo. 3. HsEpl oavvSo-sw, "de Conjunctionibus," and 4. Iepi i'rqijpc'Jrsm'W, "de Adverbiis," are both printed in Bekker's Anecdot. ii. p. 477, &c. Among the works ascribed to Apollonius by Suidas there is one irep! ccmgvEiE0o-EvIS i a10ropias, on fictitious or forged histories. It is generally believed that the work of one Apollonius, which was published together with Antoninus Liberalis by Xylander, under the title "Historiae Commentitiae," (Basel, 1568, 8vo.,) is the same as the work ascribed by Suidas to Apollonius Dyscolos; and Meursius and subsequently L. H. Teucher published the work with the name of Apollonius Dyscolos. This work thus edited three times is a collection of wonderful phenomena of nature, gathered from the works of Aristotle, Theophrastus, and others. Now this is something very different from what the title of the work mentioned by Suidas would lead us to expect; that title can mean nothing else than, that Apollonius Dyscolos wrote a work which was an exposition of certain errors or forgeries which had crept into history. Phlegon, moreover, quotes from the work of Apollonius Dyscolos passages which are not to be found in the one which Meursius and others ascribe to him. (Phlegon, cc. 11, 13, 17.) The conclusion therefore must be, that the work of Apollonius Dyscolos i reppi IeTEsEUc6AEv'jVr l'oropias is lost, and that the one which has been mistaken for it belongs to an Apollonius who is otherwise unknown. (Westermann, Scriptores Reruzm mirabil. p. 20, &c., where the work of the unknown Apollonius is also incorporated, pp. 103-116.) 17. A native of EGYPT, a writer who is referred to by Theophilus Antiochenus (ad Autolyc. iii. pp. 127, 136, 139) as an authority respecting various opinions upon the age of the world. Whether he is the same as the Apollonius from whom Athenaeus (v. p. 191) quotes a passage concerning the symposia of the ancient Egyptians, is uncertain. The number of persons of the name of Apollonius, who were natives of Egypt, is so great, that unless some other distinguishing epithet is added, it is impossible to say who they were. An Apollonius, an Egyptian, is mentioned as a soothsayer, who prophesied the death of Caligula. (Dion Cass. lix. 29.) 18. Surnamed EIDOGRAPHus (e1io'ypdpos), a writer referred to by the Scholiast on Pindar (Pyth. ii. 1) respecting a contest in which Hiero won the prize. Some writers have thought he was a poet, but from the Etymol. M. (s. v. eleo9Ea) it is probable that he was some learned grammarian. 19. Of LAODICEA, is said to have written five books on astrology (astrologia apotelesmatica) in which he accused the Egyptians of various astronomical errors. (Paulus Alex. Praef. ad Isagog.) In the royal library of Paris there exists a MS. containing " Apotelesmata" of one Apollonius, which Fabricius believes to be the work of Apollonius of Laodicea. 20. Of MYNDUS, lived at the time of Alexander the Great, and was particularly skilled in explaining nativities. He professed to have learned his art from the Chaldeans. (Senec. Q.oaest. Nat. vii. 3 and 17.) His statements respecting the
Page 240 240 APOLLONIUS. comets, which Seneca has preserved, are sufficient to shew that his works were of great importance for astronomy. Whether he is the same as Apollonius, a grammarian of Myndus, who is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantins (s. v. M&jvos), is uncertain. 21. Of NAUCRATIS, a pupil of Adrianus and Chrestus, taught rhetoric at Athens. He was an opponent of Heracleides, and with the assistance of his associates he succeeded in expelling him from his chair. He cultivated chiefly political oratory, and used to spend a great deal of time upon preparing his speeches in retirement. His moral conduct is censured, as he had a son Rufinus by a concubine. He died at Athens in the seventieth year of his age. (Philostr. Vit. SapIh. ii. 19, 26. ~ 2; Eudoc. p. 66.) 22. PERGAEUS. See below. 23. RHODIUS, was, according to Suidas and his Greek anonymous biographers, the son of Silleus or Illeus and Rhode, and born at Alexandria (comp. Strab. xiv. p. 655) in the phyle Ptolemais, whereas Athenaeus (vii. p. 283) and Aelian (Hist. An. xv. 23) describe him as a native or, at least, as a citizen of Naucratis. He appears to have been born in the first half of the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, that is, about B. c. 235, and his most active period falls in the reign of Ptolemy Philopator (B. c. 221-204) and of Ptolemy Epiphanes. (B. c. 204-181.) In his youth he was instructed by Callimachus, but afterwards we find a bitter enmity existing between them. The cause of this hatred has been explained by various suppositions; the most probable of which seems to be, that Apollonius, in his love of the simplicity of the ancient poets of Greece and in his endeavour to imitate them, offended Callimachus, or perhaps even expressed contempt for his poetry. The love of Apollonius for the ancient epic poetry was indeed so great, and had such fascinations for him, that even when a youth (Efipgos) he began himself an epic poem on the expedition of the Argonauts. When at last the work was completed, he read it in public at Alexandria, but it did not meet with the approbation of the audience. The cause of this may in part have been the imperfect character of the poem itself, which was only a youthful attempt; but it was more especially owing to the intrigues of the other Alexandrine poets, and above all of Callimachus, for Apollonius was in some degree opposed to the taste which then prevailed at Alexandria in regard to poetry. Apollonius was deeply hurt at this failure, and it is not improbable that the bitter epigram on Callimachus which is still extant (Anztol. Graec. xi. 275) was written at that time. Callimachus in return wrote an invective-poem called " Ibis," against Apollonius, of the nature of which we may form some idea from Ovid's imitation of it in a poem of the same name. Callimachus, moreover, expressed his enmity in other poems also, and in his hymn to Apollo there occur several hostile allusions to Apollonius, especially in v. 105. Disheartened by these circumstances Apollonius left Alexandria and went to Rhodes, which was then one of the great seats of Greek literature and learning. Here he revised his poem, and read it to the Rhodians, who received it with great approbation. At the same time he delivered lectures on rhetoric, and his reputation soon rose to such a height, that the Rhodians honoured him with their franchise and other APOLLONIUS. distinctions. Apollonius now regarded himself as Sa Rhodian, and the surname Rhodius has at all Stimes been the name by which he has been disStinguished from other persons of the same name. Notwithstanding these distinctions, however, he afterwards returned to Alexandria, but it is un- known whether he did so of his own accord, or in * consequence of an invitation. He is said to have now read his revised poem to the Alexandrines, who were so delighted with it, that he at once rose to the highest degree of fame and popularity. According to Suidas, Apollonius succeeded Eratosthenes as chief librarian of the nuseum at Alexandria, in the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes, about B. c. 194. Further particulars about his life are not mentioned, but it is probable that he held his office in the museum until his death, and one of his biographers states, that he was buried in the same tomb with Callimachus. As regards the poem on the expedition of the Argonauts (Argonautica), which consists of four books and is still extant, Apolionius collected his materials from the rich libraries of Alexandria, and his scholiasts are always anxious to point out the sources from which he derived this or that account. The poem gives a straightforward and simple description of the adventure, and in a tone which is equal throughout. The episodes, which are not numerous and contain particular mythuses or descriptions of countries, are sometimes very beautiful, and give life and colour to the whole poem. The character of Jason, although he is the hero of the poem, is not sufficiently developed to win the interest of the reader. The character of Medeia, on the other hand, is beautifully drawn, and the gradual growth of her love is described with a truly artistic moderation. The language is an imitation of that of Homer, but it is more brief and concise, and has all the symptoms of something which is studied and not natural to the poet. The Argonautica, in short, is a work of art and labour, and thus forms, notwithstanding its many resemblances, a contrast with the natural and easy flow of the Homeric poems. On its appearance the work seems to have made a great sensation, for even contemporaries, such as Charon, wrote commentaries upon it. Omu present Scholia are abridgements of the commentaries of Lucillus of Tarrha, Sophocles, and Theon. all of whom seem to have lived before the Christiar era. One Eirenaeus is also mentioned as havins written a critical and exegetical commentary o0 the Argonautica. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhlod. i 1299, ii. 127, 1015,) The common Scholia oi Apollonius are called the Florentine Scholia, be cause they were first published at Florence, and t, distinguish them from the Paris Scholia, whic] were first published in Schaefer's edition of th Argonautica, and consist chiefly of verbal explann tions and criticisms. Among the Romans th Argonautica was much read, and P. Terentiu Varro Atacinus acquired great reputation by h: translation of it. (Quintil. x.. ~ 87.) The A: gonautica of Valerius Flaccus is a free imitatio of the poem of Apollonius. In the reign of Ana; tasius I. one Marianus made a Greek paraphras of Apollonius' poem in 5608 iambics. The fir edition of the Argonautica is that of Florenc 1496, 4to., by J. Lascaris, which contains tl Scholia. The next is the Aldine (Venice, 158 8vo.), which is little more than a reprint of tl Florentine edition. The first really critical editi,
Page 241 APOLLONIUS. is that of Brunck. (Argentorat. 1780, in 4to. and 8 o.) The edition of Beck (Leipzig, 1797, 8vo.) is incomplete, and the only volume which appeared of it contains the text, with a Latin translation and a few critical notes. G. Schaefer published an edition (Leipz. 1810-13, 2 vols. 8vo.), which is an improvement upon that of Brunck, and is the first in which the Paris Scholia are printed. The best edition is that of Wellauer, Leipzig, 1828, 2 vols. 8vo., which contains the various readings of 13 MSS., the Scholia, and short notes. Besides the Argonautica and epigrams (Antonin. Lib. 23), of which we possess only the one on Callimachus, Apollonius wrote several other works which are now lost. Two of them, UIepl 'ApXLAo'xov (Athen. x. p. 451) and rp6s Z7-v'Soeov (Schol. Venet. ad Horn. 11. xiii. 657), were probably grammatical works, and the latter may have had reference to the recension of the Homeric poems by Zenodotus, for the Scholia on Homer occasionally refer to Apollonius. A third class of Apollonius' writings were his Ki-aeLs, that is, poems on the origin or foundation of several towns. These poems were of an historico-epical character, and most of them seem to have been written in hexaneter verse. The following are known: 1. 'Po'Sov;r-tCis, of which one line and a half are preserved n Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. ACnTLov), and to vhich we have perhaps to refer the statements;ontained in the Scholiast on Pindar. (01. vii. 86; oyth. iv. 57.) 2. Navipdarews,crtis, of which ix lines are preserved in Athenaeus. (vii. p. 283, 'c.; comp. Aelian, Hist. An. xv. 23.) 3. 'AAesavpCais fvi'TLs. (Schol. ad Nicand. Ther. 11.) 4.:a'vou Kicrie. (Parthen. Erot. I and 11.) 5. Kvi-.Ns Triois. (Steph. Byz. s. v. PvKrTptos.) Whether he last three were like the first two in verse or rose is uncertain, as no fragments are extant.. Kavwros, which may likewise have been an,count of the foundation of Canopus. It was "ritten in verse, and consisted of at least two ooks. Two choliambic lines of it are extant. 3teph. Byz. s. vv. Xtdpa, Ko'pivOos.) (Compare. Gerhard, Lectiones Apollonianae, Leipzig, 1816, vo.; Weichert, Ueber das Leben und Gedicht des pollonius von Rhodus, Meissen, 1821, 8vo.) 24. A SYaRIAN, a platonic philosopher, who lived >out the time of Hadrian, and who had inserted his works an oracle which promised to Hadrian e government of the Roman world. (Spartian. adr. 2.) 25. TYANEUS. See below. 26. Of TYRE, a stoic philosopher, who lived in e reign of Ptolemy Auletes, is mentioned by ogenes Laertius (vii. 1, 2, 24, and 28) as the thor of a work on Zeno. Strabo (xvi. p. 757) mntions a work of his which he calls 7rivae rcv 0 ZI'WVoro (psXoedr6pV cKal 'iTV j3itXiCwv, and rich appears to have been a short survey of the ilosophers and their writings from the time of no. Whether this Apollonius is the same as, one who wrote a work on female philosophers hot. Cod. 161), or as the author of the chronoloal work (XpoviKc) of which Stephanus Byzans (s. v. XaAsKwrdpiov) quotes the fourth book, mot be decided. 27. King of TYRE, is the hero of a Greek ronce, the author of which is unknown. Barth Iversar. lviii. 1) thought that the author was a ristian of the name of Symposius. About the,r A. D. 1500, the romance was put into so APOLLONIUS. '241 called political verse by Constantinus or Gabriel Contianus, and was printed at Venice, 1603, 4to. A Latin translation had been published before that time by M. Velserus, under the title, " Narratio eorum quae acciderunt Apollonio Tyrio," Aug. Vindel. 1595, 4to. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries this romance was very popular, and was translated into most of the European languages. [L. S.] APOLLO'NIUS, surnamed PERGAEUS, from Perga in Pamphylia, his native city, a mathematician educated at Alexandria under the successors of Euclid. He was born in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes (Eutoc. Comm. in Ap. Con. lib. i.), and died under Philopator, who reigned B. c. 222 -205. (Hephaest. ap. Phot. cod. cxc.) He was, therefore, probably about 40 years younger than Archimedes. His geometrical works were held in such esteem, that they procured for him the appellation of the Great Geometer. (Eutoc. 1. c.) He is also mentioned by Ptolemy as an astronomer, and is said to have been called by the sobriquet of e, from his fondness for observing the moon, the shape of which was supposed to resemble that letter. His most important work, the only considerable one which has come down to our time, was a treatise on Conic Sections in eight books. Of these the first four, with the commentary of Eutocius, are extant in Greek; and all but the eighth in Arabic. The eighth book seems to have been lost before the date of the Arabic versions. We have also introductory lemmata to all the eight, by Pappus. The first four books probably contain little more than the substance of what former geometers had done; they treat of the definitions and elementary properties of the conic sections, of their diameters, tangents, asymptotes, mutual intersections, &c. But Apollonius seems to lay claim to originality in most of what follows.. (See the introductory epistle to the first book.) The fifth treats of the longest and shortest right lines (in other words the normals) which can be drawn from a given point to the curve. The sixth of the equality and similarity of conic sections; and the seventh relates chiefly to their diameters, and rectilinear figures described upon them. We learn from Eutocius (Comm. in lib. i.), that Heraclius in his life of Archimedes accused Apollonius of having appropriated to himself in this work the unpublished discoveries of that great mathematician; however this may have been, there is truth in the reply quoted by the same author from Geminus: that neither Archimedes nor Apollonius pretended to have invented this branch of Geometry, but that Apollonius had introduced a real improvement into it. For whereas Archimedes, according to the ancient method, considered only the section of a right cone by a plane perpendicular to its side, so that the species of the curve depended upon the angle of the cone; Apollonius took a more general view, conceiving the curve to be produced by the intersection of any plane with a cone generated by a right line passing always through the circumference of a fixed circle and any fixed point. The principal edition of the Conics is that of Halley, " Apoll. Perg. Conic. lib. viii., &c.," Oxon. 1710, fol. The eighth book is a conjectural restoration founded on the introductory lemmata of Pappus. The first four books were translated into Latin, and published by J. Bapt. Memus (Venice, 1537), and by Commandine R,
Page 242 242 APOLLONIUS. (Bologna, 1566). The 5th, 6th, and 7th were translated from an Arabic manuscript in the Medicean library by Abraham Echellensis and Borelli, and edited in Latin (Florence, 1661); and by Ravius (Kilonii, 1669). Apollonius was the author of several other works. The following are described by Pappus in the 7th book of his Mathematical Collections:rIep} Ao'you 'Arroroýs and TIepl Xwplov 'A7roTrouis, in which it was shewn how to draw a line through a given point so as to cut segments from two given lines, 1st. in a given ratio, 2nd. containing a given rectangle. Of the first of these an Arabic version is still extant, of which a translation was edited by Halley, with a conjectural restoration of the second. (Oxon. 1706.) IIepi Alwprspi'Ev-s To/jis. To find a point in a given straight line such, that the rectangle of its distances from two given points in the same should fulfil certain conditions. (See Pappus, 1. c.) A solution of this problem was published by Robt. Simson. nepl Toerwv 'EmrrT7rwv, " A Treatise in two books on Plane Loci. Restored by Robt. Simson," Glasg. 1749. IHpl 'ETra(p3v, in which it was proposed to draw a circle fulfilling any three of the conditions of passing through one or more of three given points, and touching one or more of three given circles and three given straight lines. Or, which is the same thing, to draw a circle touching three given circles whose radii may have any magnitude, including zero and infinity. (Ap. de Tactionibus quae supers., ed. J. G. Camerer." Goth. et Amst. 1795, 8vo.) -lepl Neýewv. To draw through a given point a right line so that a given portion of it should be intercepted between two given right lines. (Restored by S. Horsley, Oxon. 1770.) Proclus, in his commentary on Euclid, mentions two treatises, De Cochlea and De Perturbatis Rationibus. Ptolemy (Magn. Const. lib. xii. init.) refers to Apollonius for the demonstration of certain propositions relative to the stations and retrogradations of the planets. Eutocius, in his commentary on the Dimensio Circuli of Archimedes, mentions an arithmetical work called ',KUVrOoov, (see Wallis, Op. vol. iii. p. 559,) which is supposed to be referred to in a fragment of the 2nd book of Pappus, edited by Wallis. (Op. vol. iii. p. 597.) (Montucla, list. des Mathim. vol. i.; Halley, Praef. ad Ap. Conic.; Wenrich, de auct. Graec. versionibus et comment. Syriacis, Arab. Armen. Persicisque, Lips. 1842; Pope Blount, Censur. Celeb. Auth.) [W. F. D.] APOLLONIUS TYANAEUS ('AroAAhhW'os Tvavaios), a Pythagorean philosopher, born at Tyana in Cappadocia about four years before the Christian era. Much of his reputation is to be attributed to the belief in his magical or supernatural powers, and the parallel which modern and ancient writers have attempted to draw between his character and supposed miracles, and those of the Author of our religion. His life by Philostratus is a mass of incongruities and fables: whether it have any groundwork of historical trutlh and whether it were written wholly or partly with a controversial aim, are questions we shall be better prepared to discuss after giving an account of the contents of the work itself. APOLLONIUS. Apollonius, according to the narrative of his biographer, was of noble ancestry, and claimed I kindred with the founders of the city of Tyana. L We need not stop to dispute the other story of the incarnation of the god Proteus, or refer it, with STillemont, to demoniacal agency. At the age of fourteen he was placed under the care of Euthydemus, a rhetorician of Tarsus; but, being disgusted at the luxury of the inhabitants, he obtained leave of his father and instructor to retire to the neighbouring town of Aegae. Here he is said to have studied the whole circle of the Platonic, Sceptic, Epicurean, and Peripatetic philosophy, and ended by giving his preference to the Pythagorean, in which he had been trained by Euxenus of Heraclea. (Phil. i. 7.) Immediately, as if the idea of treading in the footsteps of Pythagoras had seized him in his earliest youth, he began to exercise himself in the severe asceticism of the sect; abstained from animal food and woollen clothing, foreswore wine and the company of women, suffered his hair to grow, and betook himself to the temple of Aesculapius at Aegae, who was supposed to regard him with peculiar favour. He was recalled to Tyana, in the twentieth year of his age, by his father's death: after dividing his inheritance with a brother whom he is said to have reclaimed from dissolute living, and giving the greater part of what remained to his poorer relatives (Phil. i. 13), he returned to the discipline of Pythagoras. and for five years preserved the mystic silence, during which alone the secret truths of philosophy were disclosed. At the end of the five years, h( travelled in Asia Minor, going from city to city and everywhere disputing, like Pythagoras, upor divine rites. There is a blank in his biography at this period of his life, of about twenty years during which we must suppose the same employ ment to have continued, unless indeed we havy reason to suspect that the received date of his birt] has been anticipated twenty years. He was be tween forty and fifty years old when he set out o: his travels to the east; and here Philostratu sends forth his hero on a voyage of discovery, i which we must be content rapidly to follow hin From Aegae he went to Nineveh, where he me Damis, the future chronicler of his actions, an( proceeding on his route to India, he discoursed i Babylon with Bardanes, the Parthian king, an consulted the magi and Brahmins, who were su] posed to have imparted to him some theurgic sa crets. He next visited Taxila, the capital Phraortes, an Indian prince, where he met larcha the chief of the Brahmins, and disputed with II dian Gymnosophists already versed in Alexandrih philosophy. (Phil. iii. 51.) This eastern journ, lasted five years: at its conclusion, he returned the Ionian cities, where we first hear of his pi tensions to miraculous power, founded, as it wou seem, on the possession of some divine knowled derived from the east. If it be true that t honours of a god were decreed to him at t1 period of his life, we are of course led to susp( some collusion with the priests (iv. 1), who C said to have referred the sick to him for reli From Ionia he crossed over into Greece (iv. 1 visited the temples and oracles which lay in way, everywhere disputing about religion, a assuming the authority of a divine legislator. the Eleusinian mysteries he was rejected a a r gician, and did not obtain admission to them um
Page 243 APOLLONIUS. a later period of his life: the same cause excluded him at the cave of Trophonius (from whence he pretended to have obtained the sacred books of Pythagoras), and which he entered by force. (viii. 19.) After visiting Lacedaemon, Corinth, and the other towns of Greece, he bent his course towards Rome, and arrived there just after an edict against magicians had been issued by Nero. He was immediately brought before Telesinus the consul, and Tigellinus, the favourite of the emperor, the first of whom dismissed him, we are told, from the love of philosophy, and the latter from the fear of a magic power, which could make the letters vanish from the indictment. On his acquittal, he went to Spain, Africa, and Athens, where, on a second application, he was admitted to the mysteries; and from Athens proceeded to Alexandria, where Vespasian, who was maturing his revolt, soon saw the use which might be made of such an ally. The story of their meeting may be genuine, and is certainly curious as exhibiting Apollonius in the third of the threefold characters assumed by Pythagoras -philosopher, mystic, and politician. Vespasian was met at the entrance of the city by a body of magistrates, praefects and philosophers, and hastily asked whether the Tyanean was among the numher. Being told that he was philosophizing in the Serapeum, he proceeded thither, and begged Apollonius to make him emperor: the philosopher replied that "he had already done so, in praying the gods for a just and venerable sovereign;" upon which Vespasian declared that he resigned himself entirely into his hands. A council of philosophers was forthwith held, including Dio and Euphrates, Stoics in the emperor's train, in which the question was formally debated, Euphrates protesting against the ambition of Vespasian and the base subserviency of Apollonius, and advocating the restoration of a republic. (v. 31.) This dispute laid the foundation of a lasting quarrel between the two philosophers, to which Philostratus often alludes. The last journey of Apollonius was to Ethiopia, whence he returned to settle in the Ionian cities. The same friendship which his father had shewn was continued towards him by the emperor Titus, who is said to have invited him to Argos in Cilicia, and to have obtained a promise that he would one day visit Rome. On the accession of Domitian, Apollonius endeavoured to excite the provinces of Asia Minor against the tyrant. An order was sent to bring him to Rome, which he thought proper to anticipate by voluntarily surrendering himself, to avoid bringing suspicion on his compa2ions. On being conducted into the emperor's wresence, his prudence deserted him: he launched 1orth into the praise of Nerva, and was hurried to )rison, loaded with chains. The charges against tim resolved themselves into three heads-the lingularity of his dress and appearance, his being vorshipped as a god, and his sacrificing a child vith Nerva for an augury. As destruction seemed mpending, it was a time to display his miraculous )owers: he vanished from his persecutors; and Sfter appearing to Darius at Puteoli at the same tour he disappeared from Rome, he passed over nto Greece, where he remained two years, having,iven out that the emperor had publicly acquitted iim. The last years of his life were probably pent at Ephesus, where he is said to have prolaimed the death of the tyrant Domitian at the ustant it took place. Three places-Ephesus, APOLLONIUS. 243 Rhodes, and Crete, laid claim to the honour of being his last dwelling-place. Tyana, where a temple was dedicated to him, became henceforth one of the sacred cities, and possessed the privilege of electing its own magistrates. We now proceed to discuss very briefly three questions. I. The historical groundwork on which the narrative of Philostratus was founded. II. How far, if at all, it was designed as a rival to the Gospel history. III. The real character of Apollonius himself. I. However impossible it may be to separate truth from falsehood in the narrative of Philostratus, we cannot conceive that a professed history, appealed to as such by contemporary authors, and written about a hundred years after the death of Apollonius himself, should be simply the invention of a writer of romance. It must be allowed, that all the absurd fables of Ctesias, the confused falsehoods of all mythologies (which become more and more absurd as they are farther distant), eastern fairy tales, and perhaps a parody of some of the Christian miracles, are all pressed into the service by Philostratus to adorn the life of his hero: it will be allowed further, that the history itself, stripped of the miracles, is probably as false as the miracles themselves. Still we cannot account for the reception of the narrative among the ancients, and even among the fathers themselves, unless there had been some independent tradition of the character of Apollonius on which it rested. Eusebius of Caesarea, who answered the Ao'yos (pqhaNA?'Oss Tsrps Xpe-rids'vovs of Hierocles (in which a comparison was attempted between our Lord and Apollonius), seems (c. v.) to allow the truth of Philostratus's narrative in the main, with the exception of what is miraculous. And the parody, if it may be so termed, of the life of Pythagoras, may be rather traceable to the impostor himself than to the ingenuity of his biographer. Statues and temples still existed in his honour; his letters and supposed writings were extant; the manuscript of his life by Damis the Assyrian was the original work which was dressed out by the rhetoric of Philostratus; and many notices of his visits and acts might be found in the public records of Asiatic cities, which would have at once disproved tlhe history, if inconsistent with it. Add to this, that another life of Apollonius of Tyana, by Moeragenes, is mentioned, which was professedly disregarded by Philostratus, because, he says, it omitted many important particulars, and which Origen, who had read it, records to have spoken of Apollonius as a magician whose imposture had deceived many celebrated philosophers. The conclusion we seem to come to one the whole is, that at a period when there was a general belief in magical powers Apollonius did attain great influence by pretending to them, and that the history of Philostratus gives a just idea of his character and reputation, however inconsistent in its facts and absurd in its marvels. II. We have purposely omitted the wonders with which Philostratus has garnished his narrative, of which they do not in general form an essential part. Many of these are curiously coincident with the Christian miracles. The proclamation of the birth of Apollonius to his mother by Proteus, and the incarnation of Proteus himself, the chorus of swans which sung for joy on the occasion, the casting out of devils, raising the dead, R2
Page 244 244 APOLLONIUS. and healing the sick, the sudden disappearances and reappearances of Apollonius, his adventures in the cave of Trophonius, and the sacred voice which called him at his death, to which may be added his claim as a teacher having authority to reform the world-cannot fail to suggest the parallel passages in the Gospel history. We know, too, that Apollonius was one among many rivals set up by the Eclectics (as, for instance, by Hierocles of Nicomedia in the time. of Diocletian) to our Saviour -an attempt, it may be worth remarking, renewed "by the English freethinkers, Blount and Lord Herbert. Still it must be allowed that the resemblances are very general, that where Philostratus has borrowed from the Gospel narrative, it is only as he has borrowed from all other wonderful history, and that the idea of a controversial aim is inconsistent with the account which makes the life written by Damis the groundwork of the more recent story. Moreover, Philostratus wrote at the command of the empress Julia Domna, and was at the time living in the palace of Alexander Severus, who worshipped our Lord with Orpheus and Apollonius among his Penates: so that it seems improbable he should have felt any peculiar hostility to Christianity; while, on the other hand, he would be acquainted with the general story of our Lord's life, from which he might naturally draw many of his own incidents. On the whole, then, we conclude with Ritter, that the life of Apollonius was not written with a controversial aim, as the resemblances, although real, only indicate that a few things were borrowed, and exhibit no trace of a systematic parallel. (Ritter, Geschichte der Phil. vol. iv. p. 492.) III. The character of Apollonius as well as the facts of his life bear a remarkable resemblance to those of Pythagoras, whom he professedly followed. Travel, mysticism, and disputation, are the three words in which the earlier half of both their lives may be summed up. There can be no doubt that Apollonius pretended to supernatural powers, and was variously regarded by the ancients as a magician and a divine being. The object of his scheme, as far as it can be traced, was twofold-partly philosophical and partly religious. As a philosopher, he is to be considered as one of the middle terms between the Greek and Oriental systems, which he endeavoured to harmonize in the symbolic lore of Pythagoras. The Pythagorean doctrine of numbers, and their principles of music and astronomy, he looked upon as quite subordinate, while his main efforts were directed to re-establish the old religion on a Pythagorean basis. His aim was to purify the worship of Paganism from the corruptions which he said the fables of the poets had introduced, and restore the rites of the temples in all their power and meaning. In his works on divination by the stars, and on offerings, he rejects sacrifices as impure in the sight of God. All objects of sense, even fire, partook of a material and corruptible nature: prayer itself should be the untainted offering of the heart, and was polluted by passing through the lips. (Euseb. Prep. Ev. iv. 13.) This objection to sacrifice was doubtless connected with the Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls. In the miracles attributed to him we see the same trace of a Pythagorean character: they are chiefly prophecies, and it is not the power of controlling the laws of nature which Apollonius lays claim to, but rather a wonder APOLLONIUS. working secret, which gives him a deeper insight into them than is possessed by ordinary men. Upon the whole, we may place Apollonius midway between the mystic philosopher and the mere impostor, between Pythagoras and Lucian's Alexander; and in this double character he was regarded by the ancients themselves. The following list of Apollonius's works has come down to us: 1. "TTIro Si MuejMooa-Yv. (Philostr. Vit. Apoll. i. 14; Suidas, s. v. Apoll.) 2. nv0aydpov GO4a, and 3. lvOaydpov f3ios, mentioned by Suidas, and probably (see Ritter) one of the works which, according to Philostratus (viii 19), Apollonius brought with him from the cave of Trophonius. 4. AlaOiýc, written in Ionic Greek. (Phil. i. 3; vii. 39.) 5. 'Awroyoyia against a complaint of Euphrates the philosopher to Domitian. (viii. 7.) 6. IIpt IraVrei'as dore'pwv. 7. Teeral t) ' repi SvacZv. (iii. 41, iv. 19; Euseb. Peep. Ev. iv. 13.) 8. Xp7oylrol, quoted by Suidas. 9. NvUX0gepov, a spurious work. 10. 'Eimo-roXal LXXXV. Bp. Lloyd supposes those which are still extant to be a spurious work. On the other hand, it must be allowed that the Laconic brevity of their style suits well with the authoritative character of the philosopher. They were certainly not inventions of Philostratus, and are not wholly the same with the collection to which he refers. The 'ATrohoyla which is given by Philostratus (viii. 7) is the only other extant writing of Apollonius. [B. J.] APOLLONIUS, artists. 1. APOLLONIUS and TAURIscUS of Tralles, were two brothers, and the sculptors of the group which is commonly known as the Farnese bull, representing the punishment of Dirce by Zethus and Amphion. [DIRCE.] It was taken from Rhodes to Rome by Asinius Pollio, and afterwards placed in the baths of Caracalla, where it was dug up in the sixteenth century, and deposited in the Farnese palace. It is now at Naples. After its discovery, it was restored, in a manner not at all in keeping with its style, by Battista Bianchi of Milan. There is some reason to believe that additions were made to it in the time of Caracalla. It was originally formed out of one block of marble. A full description of the group is given by Winckelmann, who distinguishes the old parts from the new. From the style of the ancient portions of the group, Winckelmann and Miiller refer its execution to the same period to which they imagine the Laocoon to belong, that is, the period after Alexander the Great. Both groups belong to the same school of art, the Rhodian, and both probably tc the same period. If, therefore, we admit the force of the arguments of Lessing and Thiersch respecting the date of the Laocoon [AGELADAS], we may infer, that the Farnese bull was newly executec when Asinius Pollio took it to Rome, and consequently, that Apollonius and Tauriscus flourishec at the beginning of the first century of the Chris tian aera. It is worth while to notice, that w( have no history of this work before its remova from Rhodes to Rome. Pliny says of Apollonius and Tauriscus, "Pa rentum ii certamen de se fecere: Menecraten videri professi, sed esse naturalem Artemidorum,' which is understood to mean, that they placed ai inscription on their work, expressing a doubt whe ther their father, Artemidorus, or their teacher Menecrates, ought to be considered their true pa
Page 245 APOLLONIUS. rent. The Farnese bull bears no such inscription, but there are the marks of an effaced inscription on a trunk of a tree which forms a support for the figure of Zethus. (Plin. xxxvi. 4. ~ 10; Winckelmann, Werke, vi. p. 52, vii. p. 205; Miiller,Archaiol. der Kunst. ~ 157.) 2. An Athenian sculptor, the son of Nestor, was the maker of the celebrated torso of Hercules in the Belvedere, which is engraved in the Mus. Pio-Clement. iii. pl. 10, and on which is inscribed ArHOAAfNIO NE:TOPOY AOHNAIOY EMOIEI. From the formation of the letters of the inscription, the age of the sculptor may be fixed at about the birth of Christ. The work itself is one of the most splendid remains of Grecian art. There is at Rome a statue of Aesculapius by the same artist. (Winckelmann, Werke, i. p. 226, iii. p. 39, vi. pp. 64, 94, 101, vii. p. 215; Thiersch, Epocken, p. 332.) 3. An Athenian sculptor, the son of Archias, made the bronze head of the young hero, which was found at Herculaneum and is engraved in the lMus. Hercul. i. tab. 45. It bears the inscription, AnOAAONIOY APXIOT AOHNAIO, EIIH2HE. It probably belongs to the period about the birth of Christ. (Winckelmann, Werke, ii. p. 158, iv. p. 284, v. p. 239, vii. p. 92.) * 4. A sculptor, whose name is inscribed on the beautiful marble statue of a young satyr, in the possession of the Earl of Egremont, at Petsworth, Sussex. [P. S.] APOLLO'NIUS ('AzroAAcyvios), physicians. For a list of the physicians of this name see Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 74, ed. vet.; Le Clerc, Hist. de la_ MId.; Haller, Biblioth. Medic. Pract. vol. i.; Harless, Analecta Historico-Crit. de Arckigene Medico et de Apolloniis, <'c., Bamberg. 1816, 4to.; Sprengel, Hist. de la MI3d. 1, 2. APOLLONIUs ANTIOCHENUS ('Av70Xoev's), the name of two physicians, father and son, who were born at Antioch, and belonged to the sect of the Empirici. They lived after Serapion of Alexandria and before Menodotus [SERAPION; MENODoTus], and therefore probably in the first or second century B. c. (Gal. Introd. c. 4. vol. xiv. p. 683.) One of them is very likely the person sometimes called " Apollonius Empiricus;" the other may perhaps be Apollonius Senior. 3. APOLLONIUS ARCHISTRATOR ('ApX1TrpdTWp)) is the author of a medical prescription quoted by Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. v. 12, vol. xiii. p. 835), and must therefore have lived in or before the first century after Christ. Nothing is known of the events of his life. 4. APOLLONIUS BIBLAS (BlAids), lived probably in the second century B. c., and wrote, after Zeno's death, a book in answer to a work which he had composed on the meaning of certain marks,XapawcTy7pes) that are found at the end of some:hapters in the third book of the Epidemics of Hippocrates. (Gal. Comm. II. in lippocr. " Epid. UI." ~ 5, vol. xvii. pt. i. p. 618.) It seems most ikely that he is not the same person as Apollonius, Empiricus. His name is supposed to be connected vith the word /3iXtatios, and seems to have been liven him for being (as we say) a book-worm. 5. APOLLONIUS CITIENSIS (Knreids), the oldest ýommentator on Hippocrates whose works are still!xtant. He was a native of Citium, in Cyprus Strabo, xiv. 6, p. 243, ed. Tauchn.), and studied nedicine at Alexandria under Zopyrus (Apollon. sit. p. 2, ed. Dietz); he is supposed to have lived APOLLONIUS. 245 in the first century B. c. The only work of his that remains is a short Commentary on Hippocrates, Isept "ApOpwv, Do Articulis, in three books. It is dedicated to a king of the name of Ptolemy, who is conjectured to have been a younger brother of Ptolemy Auletes, king of Egypt, who was made king of Cyprus, and who is mentioned several times by Cicero. (Pro Dom. c. 8, 20, Pro Flacc. c. 13, Pro Sext. c. 26.) Some portions of this work were published by Cocchi in his Discorso dell' Anatomia, Firenze, 1745, 4to., p. 8, and also in his Greecorum Chirurgici Libri, Florent. 1754, fol. The whole work, however, appeared for the first time in the first volume of Dietz's Scholia in Hippocratem et Galenum, Regim. Pruss. 1834, 8vo.; and an improved edition with a Latin translation was published by Kiihn, Lips. 1837, 4to., which, however, was not quite finished at the time of his death. (See Kiihn, Additam. ad Elenchum Medicorum Veterum a Jo. A. Fabricio, <c. exhibitum, Lips. 1826, 4to., fascic. iii. p. 5; Dietz, Scihol. in Hipp. et Gal. vol. i. praef. p. v.; Littre, Oeuvres d' Hipepocr. vol. i. Introd. p. 92; Choulant, Handbuch der Buclierkunde fur die Aeltere ledicin.) 6. APOLLONIUS, CLAUDIUS, must have lived in or before the second century after Christ, as one of his antidotes is quoted by Galen. (De Antid. ii. 11, vol. xiv. p. 171.) Nothing is known of his life. 7. APOLLONIUS CYPRIUs (Kvrwpios) was the pupil of Olympicus and the tutor to Julianus. He was a native of Cyprus, belonged to the sect of the Methodici, and lived probably in the first century after Christ. Nothing more is known of his history. (Gal. Do Meth. Med. i. 7, vol. x. pp. 53, 54.) 8. APOLLONIUs EMPIRIcus ('Ec7reIpucoJs), is supposed to be one of the persons called "Apollonius Antiochenus." He lived, according to Celsus (De Med. i. praef. p. 5), after Serapion of Alexandria, and before Heracleides of Tarentum, and therefore probably in the second century B. c. He belonged to the sect of the Empirici, and wrote a book in answer to Zeno's work on the xapawcripes in Hippocrates, mentioned above. This was answered by Zeno, and it was this second work that drew from Apollonius Biblas his treatise on the subject after Zeno's death. (Gal. Comm. II. in Hipp. " Epid. III." ~ 5, vol. xvii. pt. i. p. 618.) He is mentioned also by Galen, De Meth. Med. ii. 7, vol. x. p. 142. 9. APOLLONIUS GLAUCUS must have lived in or before the second century after Christ, as his work " On Internal Diseases" is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus. (De Morb. Chiron. iv. 8, p. 536.) Nothing is known of his life. 10. APOLLONIUS HEROPHILEIUS ('HpoPt\Aelos) is supposed to be the same person as Apollonius Mus. He wrote a pharmaceutical work entitled ITepl Eviropia-rwv, De Facile Parabilibus (Gal. De. Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. vi. 9, vol. xii. p. 995), which is very frequently quoted by Galen, and which is probably the work referred to by Oribasius (Eupor. ad Eunap. i. prooem. p. 574), and of which some fragments are quoted in Cramer's Aneed. Graeca Paris., vol. i. p. 395, as still existing in MS. in the Royal Library at Paris. He lived before Andromachus, as that writer quotes him (ap. Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. vol. xiii. pp. 76, 114, 137, 308, 326, 981), and also before Archi
Page 246 246 APOLLONIUS. genes (Gal, ibid. vol. xii. p. 515); we may therefore conclude that he lived in or before the first century after Christ. He was a follower of Herophilus, and is said by Galen (ibid. p. 510) to have lived for some time at Alexandria. His work, flpl Mvpwvo, On Ointments, is quoted by Athenaeus (xv. p. 688), and he is also mentioned by Caelius Aurelianus. (De Morb. Ac. ii. 28, p. 139). 11. ArPOLLONIU HIPPOCRATICUS ('IiriroicpdTrELos), is said by Galen (De Secta Opt. c. 14. vol. i. p. 144; Comment. III. in Hippocr. " De Rat. Vict. in Morb. Ac." c. 38. vol. xv. p. 703) to have been a pupil of Hippocrates II., and must therefore have lived in the fourth century B. c. IHe is blamed by Erasistratus (ap. Gal. 1. c.) for his excessive, severity in restricting the quantity of drink allowed to his patients. 12. APOLLONIUS MEMPHITES (MIET-Hosj) was born at Memphis in Egypt, and was a follower of Erasistratus. (Gal. Introd. c. 10. vol. xiv. p. 700.) He must therefore have lived about the third century B. c., and is probably the same person who is called " Apollonius Stratonicus." He wrote a work " On the Names of the Parts of the Human Body" (Gal. 1. c., and Definit. prooem. vol. xix. p. 347), and is quoted by Erotianus (Gloss. Hipp. p. 86), Galen (De Antid. ii. 14, vol. xiv. p. 188), Nicolaus Myrepsus (De Aur. cc. 11, 16. pp. 831, 832), and other ancient writers. 13. APOLLONIUS MUS (Mýs), a follower of Herophilus, of whose life no particulars are known, but who must have lived in the first century B. c., as Strabo mentions him as a contemporary. (xiv. 1, p. 182, ed. Tauchn.) He was a fellow-pupil of Heracleides of Erythrae (ibid.), and composed a long work on the opinions of the sect founded by Herophilus. (Cael, Aurel. De Morb. Acut. ii. 13, p. 11 0; Gal. De D)fer. Pids. iv. 10, vol. viii. pp. 744, 746.) He also wrote on pharmacy (Cels. De M/ed. v. praef. p. 81; Pallad. Comm. in Hipp. " Epid. VI.," ap. Dietz, Schol. in Hipp. et Gal. vol. ii. p. 98; Gal. De Antid. ii. 7, 8, vol. xiv. pp. 143, 146), and is supposed to be the same person who is sometimes called " Apollonius Herophileius." 14. APOLLONIUS OPHms (b "O is) is said by Erotianus (Gloss. lipp. p. 8) to have made a comre pilation from the Glossary of difficult Hippocratic words by Baccheius; he must therefore have lived about the first or second century B. c. He is supposed by some persons to be Apollonius Pergamenus, by others Apollonius Ther. 15. APOLLONIUS ORGANICUS ('Op~yavKocs) is quoted by Galen (De Compos. MJedicam. sec. Loee. v. 15, vol. xiii. p. 856), and must therefore have lived in or before the second century after Christ. Nothing is known of his life. 16. APOLLONIUS PERGAMENUS (rhepydI'jA os) is supposed by some persons to beo Apollonius Ophis, or Apollonius Ther. He was born at Pergamus in Mysia, but his date is very uncertain, since it can only be positively determined that, as he is quoted by Oribasius, he must have lived in or before the fourth century after Christ. (Orib. Eupor. ad Eun. i. 9, p. 578.) He is probably the author of rather a long extract on Scarification preserved by Oribasius (~Med. Coll. vii. 19, 20, p. 316), which is published by C. F. Matthaei in his Collection of Greek Medical Writers, entitled XXI. Veterum et Clarorum Medicorum Graecorum VJaria Opuscula, Mosqu. 1808, 4to., p. 144. APOLLOPHANES. 17. APOLLONIUS PITANAEUS was born at Pitanae in Aeolia, and must have lived in or before the first century after Christ, as an absurd and superstitious remedy is attributed to him by Pliny. (H. N. xxix. 38.) 18. APOLLONIUS SENIOR (4 IIpeO-'-repos) is quoted by Erotianus (Gloss. Hipp. p. 86), and must therefore have lived in or before the first century after Christ. Some persons suppose him to be one of the physicians called Apollonius Antiochenus. 19. APOLLONIUS STRATONICUS (o cdrd 2'Tpa'rwvos) was probably not the son, but the pupil, of Strato of Beryta: he is very likely the same person as Apollonius Memphites, and may be supposed to have lived about the third century B. c. He was a follower of Erasistratus, and wrote a work on the Pulse, which is quoted by Galen. (De Differ. Puls. iv. 17, vol. viii. p. 759.) 20. APOLLONIUS TARSENSIS (o Tapa-e's) was born at Tarsus in Cilicia, and lived perhaps in the first or second century after Christ. His prescriptions are several times quoted by Galen. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. v. 13, vol. xiii. p. 843.) 21. APOLLONIUS THER (6 '0fp) is supposed by some persons to be the same as Apollonius Ophis, or Apollonius Pergamenus. As he is quoted by Erotianus (Gloss. Hipp. p. 86), he must have lived in or before the first century after Christ. 22. Another physician of this name, who is mentioned by Apuleius (Met. ix. init.) as having been bitten by a mad dog, must (if he ever really existed) have lived in the second century after Christ; and the name occurs in several ancient authors, belonging to one or more physicians, without any distinguishing epithet. [W. A. G.J APOLLO'PHANES ('ATroAAoeqodns). 1. Of ANTIOCH, a Stoic philosopher, was a friend of Ariston of Chios, on whom he wrote a work called "Api-rmwv. (Athen. vii. p. 281.) Diogenes Lairtius (vii. 140, comp. 92) mentions a work of his called vwoect. His name also occurs in Tertullian. (De Anim. 14.) Some writers have asserted, though without any good reason, that Apollophanes the Stoic was the same as Apollophanes the physician who lived at the court of Antiochus. A later Stoic philosopher of this name occurs in Socrates (Hist. Eccl. vi. 19) and in Suidas. (s. v. 't2ptyeiv; comp. Ruhnken, Dissert. de Vita et Script. Longini, sect. vii.) 2. Of ATHENS, a poet of the old Attic comedy (Suid.), appears to have been a contemporary of Strattis, and to have consequently lived about 01. 95. (Harpocrat. s. v. dBEAXpietv.) Suidas ascribes to him five comedies, viz. AdAis, 'I)ityipwv,, Kpirey, Aavacd and Kivravpot. Of the former three we still possess a few fragments, but the last two are completely lost. (Athen. iii. pp. 75, 114, xi. pp. 467, 485; Phot. Lex. s. v. svota'dpqlis; Aelian, Hist. Ann. vi. 51; Phot. p. 624; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Comic. Graec. p. 266, &c.) 3. Of CYzicus, was connected by friendship with the Persian satrap Pharnabazus, and afterwards formed a similar connexion with Agesilaus. Soon after this, Pharnabazus requested him to persuade Agesilaus to meet him, which was done accordingly. (Xenoph. Hellen. iv. 1. ~ 29; Plut. Agesil 12.) This happened in B. c. 396, shortly befor( the withdrawal of Agesilaus from the satrapy o: Pharnabazus. [L. S.] APOLLO'PHANES ('AroXoAAoQ'sis), a nativi of Seleuceia, and physician to Antiochus the Great king of Syria, J. c. 223-187, with whom, as ap
Page 247 APPIANUS. pears from Polybius (v. 56, 58), he possessed considerable influence. Mead, in his Dissert. de Nusmmis quibusdam a Smnyrnaeis in Medicorum IHonorem percussis, Lond. 1724, 4to., thinks that two bronze coins, struck in honour of a person named Apollophanes, refer to the physician of this name; but this is now generally considered to be a mistake. (See Diet. of Ant. s. v. Medicus.) A physician of the same name is mentioned by several ancient medical writers. (Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 76, ed. vet.; C. G. K'ihn, Additam. ad Elenchum Medicorum Veternum a Jo. A. Fabricio, c., exhibitum, Lips. 4to., 1826. Fascic. iii. p. 8.) [W.A.G.] APOLLO'THEMIS ('AroAAoh0Esus), a Greek historian, whom Plutarch made use of in his life of Lycurgus. (c. 31.) APOMYIUS ('Arn6uvios) "driving away the flies," a surname of Zeus at Olympia. On one occasion, when Heracles was offering a sacrifice to Zeus at Olympia, he was annoyed by hosts of flies, and in order to get rid of them, he offered a sacrifice to Zeus Apomyius, whereupon the flies withdrew across the river Alpheius. From that time the Eleans sacrificed to Zeus under this name. (Paus. v. 14. ~ 2.) [L. S.] APONIA'NUS, DI'LLIUS, joined Antonius Primus with the third legion, A. D. 70. (Tac. Hist. iii. 10, 11.) Q. APO'NIUS, was one of the commanders of the troops which revolted, in B. c. 46, from Trebonius, Caesar's lieutenant in Spain. (Dion Cass. xliii. 29.) Aponius was proscribed by the triumvirs in B.c. 43, and put to death. (Appian, B. C. iv. 26.) APO'NIUS MU'TILUS. [MUTILUS.] APO'NIUS SATURNI'NUS. [SATURNINUS.] APOTROPAEI ('AroTrporatoi), certain divinities, by whose assistance the Greeks believed that they were able to avert any threatening danger or calamity. Their statues stood at Sicyon near the tomb of Epopeus. (Paus. ii. 11. ~ 2.) The Romans likewise worshipped gods of this kind, and called them dii averrunci, derived from averruncare. (Varro, de L. L. vii. 102; Gellius, v. 12.) [L. S.] APOTRO'PHIA ('AmroTpoeia), "the expeller," a surname of Aphrodite, under which she was worshipped at Thebes, and which described her as the goddess who expelled from the hearts of men the desire after sinful pleasure and lust. Her worship under this name was believed to have been instituted by Harmonia, together with that of Aphrodite Urania and Pandemos, and the antiquity of her statues confirmed this belief. (Paus. ix. 16. ~ 2.) [L. S.] SAPPIA'NUS ('ATrriavo's), a native of AlexanIria, lived at Rome during the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius, as we gather from various passages in his work. We have hardly my particulars of his life, for his autobiography, to srhich he refers at the end of the preface to his listory, is now lost. In the same passage he menaions, that he was a man of considerable distinction It Alexandria, and afterwards removed to Rome, vhere he was engaged in pleading causes in the;ourts of the emperors. He further states, that the mperors considered him worthy to be entrusted vith the management of their affairs (EiXpl,e1 r ca ETrposTrEieV iojiwrav); which Schweighiiuser,nd others interpret to mean, that he was appointed o the office of procurator or praefectus of Egypt. [here is, however, no reason for this supposition. APPIANUS. 247 We know, from a letter of Fronto, that it was the office of procurator which he held (Fronto, Ep. ad Anton. Pium, 9, p. 13, &c., ed. Niebuhr); but whether he had the management of the emperors' finances at Rome, or went to some province in this capacity, is quite uncertain. Appian wrote a Roman history ('Pwatai'cc, or 'Poepa'triece iopla) in twenty-four books, on a plan different from that of most historians. He did not treat the history of the Roman empire as a whole in chronological order, following the series of events; but he gave a separate account of the affairs of each country from the time that it became connected with the Romans, till it was finally incorporated in the Roman empire. The first foreign people with whom the Romans came in contact were the Gauls; and consequently his history, according to his plan, would have begun with that people. But in order to make the work a complete history of Rome, he devoted the first three books to an account of the early times and of the various nations of Italy which Rome subdued. The subjects of the different books were: 1. The kingly period ('Pwptaccaw opa3ahuKJ). 2. Italy ('IIraAmrt). 3. The Samnites (2avvrTim ). 4. The Gauls or Celts (KeANhTr). 5. Sicily and the other islands (EsKceAtue ical NsrWTiCrfc). 6. Spain ('cl7piKcj). 7. Hannibal's wars ('AvvtaZeic). 8. Libya, Carthage, and Numidia (AivKu), KapX-iovs') ical Nop/acin). 9. Macedonia (MaCceSov6uc). 10. Greece and the Greek states in Asia Minor ('EAATvrir) Kal 'IwvKwu'). 11. Syria and Parthia (SvpiaKm Kal IlapOKc4). 12. The war with Mithridates (MIOpIdrUTos). 13-21. The civil wars ('EopiiAla), in nine books, from those of Marius and Sulla to the battle of Actium. The last four books also had the title of r Alyvmrnacid. 22. 'EKarovrae-ia, comprised the history of a hundred years, from the battle of Actium to the beginning of Vespasian's reign. 23. The wars with Illyria ('IAAhpitKc or AaKiKri). 24. Those with Arabia ('ApaGios). We possess only eleven of these complete; namely, the sixth, seventh, eighth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and twenty-third. There are also fragments of several of the others. The Parthian history, which has come down to us as part of the eleventh book, has been proved by Schweighiuser to be no work of Appian, but merely a compilation from Plutarch's Lives of Antony and Crassus, probably made in the middle ages. (See Schweighiiuser's Appian, vol. iii. p. 905, &c.) Appian's work is a mere compilation. In the early times he chiefly followed Dionysius, as far as the latter went, and his work makes up to a considerable extent for the books of Dionysius, which are lost. In the history of the second Punic war Fabius seems to have been his chief authority, and subsequently he made use of Polybius. His style is clear and simple; but he possesses few merits as -an historian, and he frequently makes the most absurd blunders. Thus, for instance, he places Saguntum on the north of the Iberus (Iber. 7), and states that it takes only half a day to sail from Spain to Britain. (Iber. 1.) Appian's history was first published in a barbarous Latin translation by Candidus, at Venice, in 1472. A part of the Greek text was first published by Carolus Stephanus, Paris, 1551; which was followed by an improved Latin version by Gelenius, which was published after the death of
Page 248 248 APPULEIUS. the latter at Basel, 1554. The Greek text of the 'l7pcK) ical 'Avvts:ai't was published for the first time by H. Stephanus, Geneva, 1557. Ursinus published some fragments at Antwerp, 1582. The second edition of the Greek text was edited, with the Latin version of Gelenius, by H. Stephanus, Geneva, 1592. The twenty-third book of Appian, containing the wars with Illyria, was first published by Hoeschelius, Augsburg, 1599, and some additional fragments were added by Valesius, Paris, 1634. The third edition of Appian's work was published at Amsterdam in 1670, and is a mere reprint of the edition of H. Stephanus. The work bears on the title-page the name of Alexander Tollius, but he did absolutely nothing for the work, and allowed the typographical errors of the old edition to remain. The fourth edition, and infinitely the best, is that of Schweighihuser, Leipzig, 1785, 3 vols. 8vo. A few new fragments of Appian were published by Mai in the second volume of his Nova Collectio vet. Scrip.: they are reprinted, together with the new fragments of Polybius, in "Polybii et Appiani Iistoriarum Excerpta Vaticana, &c.," edited by Lucht, Altona, 1830. Mai also discovered a letter of Appian to Fronto (p. 229 in Niebuhr's edition of Fronto). A'PPIAS, a nymph of the Appian well, which was situated not far from the temple of Venus Genitrix in the forum of Julius Caesar. It was surrounded by statues of nymphs, who were called Appiades. (Ovm.Ren. Am. 659, Ars Am. i. 81, iii. 451.) Cicero (ad Fam. iii. 1) flatters Appius Pulcher by applying the name Appias to a statue of Minerva. In modern times, statues of, nymphs have been found on the spot where the Appian well existed in ancient times, and they are considered to be statues of the Appiades. (Visconti, in Mus. Pio-Clem. i. p. 216, ed. Mediolan.) [L. S.] APPION. [APION.] APPION, a jurist, contemporary with Justinian, by whom he is named in terms of high commendation in the 82nd Novell, on account of the excellent discharge of his legal duties as the assessor of Marcellus. On his appointment, A. D. 539, as communis omnium, or major judex, with jurisdiction next to the emperor's praefects (apXovire), he is said by Justinian to have acquired a high character, not only legal, but general. He was previously advocatus fisci, an office to which was attached the title spectabilis. His name appears as consul A. D. 539. [J. T. G.] A'PPIUS CLAU'DIUS. [CLAUDIUS.] A'PPTUS SILA'NUS. [SILANUS.] APPULEIA or APULEIA GENS, plebeian. The cognomens of this gens are DECIANUS, PANSA, and SATURNINUS: those who bear no cognomen are given under APPUL EIs. The first of the Appuleii, who obtained the consulship, was Q. Appuleius Pansa, B. c. 300. APPULEIA VARI'LIA. [APPULEIUS,No. 9.] APPULEIUS or APULETUS. 1. L. APPULEIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 391, impeached Camillus for having secreted part of the spoils of Veil. (Liv. v. 32; Plut. Cam. 12.) 2. L. APPULEIUS, one of the Roman ambassadors sent in B.C. 156 to examine into the state of affairs between Attalus and Prusias. (Polyb. xxxii. 26.) 3. APPULEIUs, proquaestor, to whom Cicero addresses two letters (ad Fame. xiii. 45, 46), was perhaps the proquaestor of Q. Philippus, the proconsul, in Asia B. c. 55. APPULEIUS. 4. APPULEIUS, a praediator, mentioned by Cicero in two of his letters (ad Att. xii. 14, 17), must be distinguished from No. 3. 5. M. APPULEIUS, was elected augur in B.c. 45, and Cicero pleaded illness as a reason for his absence from the inaugural festival, which seems to have lasted several days. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 13 -15.) At the time of Caesar's death, B. c. 44. Appuleius seems to have been quaestor in Asia; and when Brutus crossed over into Greece and Asia, he assisted him with money and troops. (Cic. Phil. x. 11, xiii. 16; Appian, B. C. iii. 63, iv. 75.) He was proscribed by the triumvirs, B. c. 43, and fled to Brutus, who placed him over Bithynia. After the death of Brutus, B. c. 42, he surrendered the province to Antony, and was restored by him to his native country. (Appian, B. C. iv. 46.) 6. APPULEIUS, proscribed by the triumvirs in B. c. 43, escaped with his wife to Sicily. (Appian, B. C. iv. 40.) He must be distinguished from No. 5, who was proscribed at the same time. This Appuleius is probably the same as the tribune of the plebs spoken of by Appian. (B. C. iii. 93.) 7. SEx. APPUiEIUS SEX. F. SEX. N., consul in B. C. 29. IHe afterwards went to Spain as proconsul, and obtained a triumph in n. c. 26, for the victories he had gained in that country. (Dion Cass. li. 20; Fast. Capitol.) 8. M. APPULETUS SEX. F. SEX. N., consul in B. c. 20, may possibly be the same person as No. 5. (Dion Cass. liv. 7.) 9. SEX. APPULEIUS SEX. F. SEX. N., probably a son of No. 7, consul in A. D. 14, the year in which Augustus died. (Dion Cass. Ivi. 29; Suet. Aug. 100; Tac. Ann. i. 7; Vell. Pat. ii. 123.) He is called in two passages of Dion Cassius (I. c. and liv. 30) a relation of Augustus. Tacitus (Ann. ii. 50) speaks of Appuleia Varilia, who was accused of adultery and treason in A.0. D17, as a granddaughter of a sister of Augustus. It is, therefore, not impossible that Sex. Appuleius may have married one of the Marcellae, the two daughters of Octavia, by her first husband Marcellus; but there is no authority for this marriage. APPULEIUS or APULEIUS (inscriptions and the oldest MSS. generally exhibit the double consonant, see Cren. Animad. Phil. P. xi. sub. init.; Oudendorp, ad Apul. Asin. not. p. 1), chiefly celebrated as the author of the Golden Ass, was born in the early part of the second century in Africa, at Madaura, which was originally attached to the kingdom of Syphax, was transferred to Masinissa at the close of the second Punic war, and having been eventually colonized by a detachment of Roman veterans, attained to considerable splendour. This town was situated far inland on the border line between Numidia and Gaetulia, and hence Appuleius styles himself Seninumida et Semigaetulus, declaring at the same time, that he had nc more reason to feel ashamed of his hybrid origin than the elder Cyrus, who in like manner might bE termed Semimedus ac Semipersa. (Apolog. pp.443. 444, ed. Florid.) His father was a man of higI respectability, who having filled the office o: duumvir and enjoyed all the other dignities of hi, native town, bequeathed at his death the sum o nearly two millions of sesterces to his two sons (Apolog. p. 442.) Appuleius received the firs rudiments of education at Carthage, renowned a that period as a school of literature (Florida, iv p. 20), and afterwards proceeded to Athens, wher<
Page 249 APPULEIUS. he became warmly attached to the tenets of the Platonic philosophy, and, prosecuting his researches in many different departments, laid the foundations of that copious stock of various and profound learning by which he was subsequently so distinguished. He next travelled extensively, visiting, it would appear, Italy, Greece, and Asia, acquiring a knowledge of a vast number of religious opinions and modes of worship, and becoming initiated in the greater number of the mysteries and secret fraternities so numerous in that age. (De Alundo, p. 729; Apolog. p. 494.) Not long after his return home, although he had in some degree diminished his patrimony by his long-continued course of study, by his protracted residence in foreign countries, and by various acts of generosity towards his friends and old instructors (Apolog. p. 442), he set out upon a new journey to Alexandria. (Apolog. p. 518.) On his way thither he was taken ill at the town of Oea, and was hospitably received into the house of a young man, Sicinius Pontianus, with whom he had lived upon terms of close intimacy, a few years previously, at Athens. (Apolog. 1. c.) The mother of Pontianus, Pudentilla by name, was a very rich widow whose fortune was at her own disposal. With the full consent, or rather in compliance with the earnest solicitation of her son, the young philosopher agreed to marry her. (Apolog. p. 518.) Meanwhile Pontianus himself was united to the daughter of a certain Herennius Rufinus, who being indignant that so much wealth should pass out of the family, instigated his son-in-law, together with a younger brother, Sicinius Pudens, i mere boy, and their paternal uncle, Sicinius Aemilianus, to join him in impeaching Appuleius ipon the charge, that he had gained the affections of?udentilla by charms and magic spells. (Apolog. )p. 401, 451, 521, 522, &c.) The accusation eems to have been in itself sufficiently ridiculous. Fhe alleged culprit was young, highly accomplishd, eloquent, popular, and by no means careless in he matters of dress and personal adornment, alhough, according to his own account, he was worn nd wan from intense application. (Apolog. p. 06, seqq. 421, compare p. 547.) The lady was early old enough to be his mother; she had been widow for fourteen years, and owned to forty, 7hile her enemies called her sixty; in addition to,hich she was by no means attractive in her apearance, and had, it was well known, been for )me time desirous again to enter the married ate. (Apolog. pp. 450, 514, 520, 535, 546, 541, 47.) The cause was heard at Sabrata before laudius Maximus, proconsul of Africa (Apolog. ). 400, 445, 501), and the spirited and triumphit defence spoken by Appuleius is still extant. f his subsequent career we know little. Judging Din the voluminous catalogue of works attributed his pen, he must have devoted himself most siduously to literature; he occasionally declaimed public with great applause; he had the charge exhibiting gladiatorial shows and wild beast Lnts in the province, and statues were erected in 3 honour by the senate of Carthage and of other ites. (Apolog. pp. 445, 494; Florid. iii. n. 16; agustin. Ep. v.) Nearly the whole of the above particulars are rived from the statements contained in the writrs of Appuleius, especially the Apologia; but in dition to these, we find a considerable number of APPULEIUS. 249 -circumstances recorded in almost all the biographies prefixed to his works. Thus we are told that his praenomen was Lucius; that the name of his father was Theseus; that his mother was called Salvia, was of Thessalian extraction, and a descendant of Plutarch; that when he visited Rome he was entirely ignorant of the Latin language, which he acquired without the aid of an instructor, by his own exertions; and that, having dissipated his fortune, he was reduced at one time to such abject poverty, that he was compelled to sell the clothes which he wore, in order to pay the fees of admission into the mysteries of Osiris. These and other details as well as a minute portrait of his person, depend upon the untenable supposition, that Appuleius is to be identified with Lucius the hero of his romance. That production being avowedly a work of fiction, it is difficult to comprehend upon what principle any portion of it could be held as supplying authentic materials for the life of its author, more especially when some of the facts so extracted are at variance with those deduced from more trustworthy sources; as, for example, the assertion that he was at one time reduced to beggary, which is directly contradicted by a passage in the Apolo-. gia referred to above, where he states that his fortune had been merely "modice imminutum" by various expenses. In one instance only does he appear to forget himself (Met. xi. p. 260), where Lucius is spoken of as a native of Madaura, but no valid conclusion can be drawn from this, which is probably an oversight, unless we are at the same time prepared to go as far as Saint Augustine, who hesitates whether we ought not to believe the account given of the transformation of Lucius, that is, Appuleius, into an ass to be a true narrative. It is to this fanciful identification, coupled with the charges preferred by the relations of Pudentilla, and his acknowledged predilection for mystical solemnities, that we must attribute the belief, which soon became current in the ancient world, that he really possessed the supernatural powers attributed to him by his enemies. The early pagan controversialists, as we learn from Lactantius, were wont to rank the marvels said to have been wrought by him along with those ascribed to Apollonius of Tyana, and to appeal to these as equal to, or more wonderful than, the miracles of Christ. (Lactant. Div. Inst. v. 3.) A generation later, the belief continued so prevalent, that St. Augustine was requested to draw up a serious refutation-a task which that renowned prelate executed in the most satisfactory manner, by simply referring to the oration of Appuleius himself. (Marcellin. Ep. iv. ad Augustin. and Augustin. Ep. v., ad Marcellin.) No one can peruse a few pages of Appuleius without being at once impressed with his conspicuous excellences and glaring defects. We find everywhere an exuberant play of fancy, liveliness, humour, wit, learning, acuteness, and not unfrequently, real eloquence. On the other hand, no style can be more vicious. It is in the highest degree unnatural, both in its general tone and also in the phraseology employed. The former is disfigured by the constant recurrence of ingenious but forced and tumid conceits and studied prettinesses, while the latter is remarkable for the multitude of obsolete words ostentatiously paraded in almost every sentence. The greater number of these are to be found in the extant compositions of the oldest
Page 250 250 APPULEIUS. dramatic writers, and in quotations preserved by the grammarians; and those for which no authority can be produced were in all probability drawn from the same source, and not arbitrarily coined to answer the purpose of the moment, as some critics have imagined. The least faulty, perhaps, of all his pieces is the Apologia. Here he spoke from deep feeling, and although we may in many places detect the inveterate affectation of the rhetorician, yet there is often a bold, manly, straight-forward heartiness and truth which we seek in vain in those compositions where his feelings were less touched. We do not know the year in which our author was born, nor that in which he died. But the names of Lollius Urbicus, Scipio Orfitus, Severianus, Lollianus Avitus, and others who are incidentally mentioned by him as his contemporaries, and who from other sources are known to have held high offices under the Antonines, enable us to determine the epoch when he flourished. The extant works of Appuleius are: I. Metamorphoseon seu de Asino Aureo Libri XI. This celebrated romance, which, together with the b'oos of Lucian, is said to have been founded upon a work bearing the same title by a certain Lucius of Patrae (Photius, Bibl. cod. cxxix. p. 165) belonged to the class of tales distinguished by the ancients under the title of IMilesiae fabulae. It seems to have been intended simply as a satire upon the hypocrisy and debauchery of certain orders of priests, the frauds of juggling pretenders to supernatural powers, and the general profligacy of public morals. There are some however who discover a more recondite meaning, and especially the author of the Divine Legation of Moses, who has at great length endeavoured to prove, that the Golden Ass was written with the view of recommending the Pagan religion in opposition to Christianity, which was at that time making rapid progress, and especially of inculcating the importance of initiation into the purer mysteries. (Div. Leg. bk. ii. sect. iv.) The epithet Aureus is generally supposed to have been bestowed in consequence of the admiration in which the tale was held, for being considered as the most excellent composition of its kind, it was compared to the most excellent of metals, just as the apophthegms of Pythagoras were distinguished as XpvoeTri. Warburton, however, ingeniously contends that aureus was the common epithet bestowed upon all Milesian tales, because they were such as strollers used to rehearse for a piece of money to the rabble in a circle, after the fashion of oriental story-tellers. He founds his conjecture upon an expression in one of Pliny's Epistles (ii. 20), assem para, et accipe auream fabulam, which seems, however, rather to mean " give me a piece of copper and receive in return a story worth a piece of gold, or, precious as gold," which brings us back to the old explanation. The well-known and exquisitely beautiful episode of Cupid and Psyche is introduced in the 4th, 5th, and 6th books. This, whatever opinion we may form of the principal narrative, is evidently an allegory, and is generally understood to shadow forth the progress of the soul to perfection. II. Floridorum Libri IV. An dvOoAoyia, containing select extracts from various orations and dissertations, collected probably by some admirer. It has, however, been imagined that we have here a sort of common-place-book, in which Appuleius APPULEIUS. registered, from time to time, such ideas and forms of expression as he thought worth preserving, with a view to their insertion in some continuous composition. This notion, although adopted by Oudendorp, has not found many supporters. It is wonderful that it should ever have been seriously propounded. III. De Deo Socratis Liber. This treatise has been roughly attacked by St. Augustine. IV. De Dogmate Platonis Libri tres. The first book contains some account of the speculative doctrines of Plato, the second of his morals, the third of his logic. V. De Mcundo Liber. A translation of the work 7repi KOicdaov, at one time ascribed to Aristotle. VI. Apologia sive De Magia Liber. The oration described above, delivered before Claudius Maximus. VII. HIermetis Trismegisti De Natura Deorum Dialogus. Scholars are at variance with regard to the authenticity of this translation of the Asclepian dialogue. As to the original, see Fabric. Bibl. Grace. i. 8. Besides these a number of works now lost are mentioned incidentally by Appuleius himself, and many others belonging to some Appuleius are cited by the grammarians. He professes to be the author of "poemata omne genus apta virgae, lyrae, socco, cothurno, item satiras ac griphos, item historias varics rerum nec non orationes laudatas disertis nec non dialogos laudatos philosophis," both in Greek and Latin (Florid. ii. 9, iii. 18, 20, iv. 24); and we find especial mention made of a collection of poems on playful and amatory themes, entitled Ludicra, from which a few fragments are quoted in the Apologia. (pp. 408, 409, 414; compare 538.) The Editio Princeps was printed at Rome, b3 Sweynheym and Pannartz, in the year 1469, edite( by Andrew, bishop of Aleria. It is excessivel3 rare, and is considered valuable in a critical poin of view, because it contains a genuine text honestl: copied from MSS., and free from the multitude o conjectural emendations by which nearly all th rest of the earlier editions are corrupted. It is moreover, the only old edition which escaped mu tilation by the Inquisition. An excellent edition of the Asinus appeared a Leyden in the.year 1786, printed in 4to., an edited by Oudendorp and Ruhnken. Two add tional volumes, containing the remaining work appeared at Leyden in 1823, edited by Bosche A new and very elaborate edition of the who' works of Appuleius has been published at Leipzil 1842, by G. F. Hildebrand. A great number of translations of the Goldc Ass are to be found in all the principal Europec languages. The last English version is that I Thomas Taylor, in one volume 8vo., Londo 1822, which contains also the tract De D Socratis. [W. R.] L. APPULEIUS, commonly called APPULEI BBABARUS, a botanical writer of whose life no pi ticulars are known, and whose date is rather unce tain. He has somtimes been identified with Apr leius, the author of the " Golden Ass," and son times with Appuleius Celsus [CELSUS, APPULEIU; but his work is evidently written later than the ti: of either of those persons, and probably cannot placed earlier than the fourth century after Chr It is written in Latin, and entitled Hlerbariuma
Page 251 APRONIUS. de Medicaminibus Herbarum; it consists of one hundred and twenty-eight chapters, and is mostly taken from Dioscorides and Pliny. It was first published at Rome by Jo. Phil. de Lignamine, 4to., without date, but before 1484. It was reprinted three times in the sixteenth century, besides being included in two collections of medical writers, and in several editions of the works of Appuleius of Madaura. The last and best edition is that by Ackermann in his Parabiliuzm Medicamentorusm Scriptores Antiqui, Norimb. 1788, 8vo. A short work, " De Ponderibus et Mensuris," bearing the name of Appuleius, is to be found at the end of several editions of Mesue's works. (Haller, Bibliothi. Botan.; Choulant, Handbuch der BUicheruonde filr die Altere Medicin.) [W.A.G.] APPULEIUS, L. CAECI'LICUS MINUTIA'NUS, the author of a work de Orthographia, of which considerable fragments were first published by A. Mai in "Juris Civilis Ante-Justinianei Reliquiae, &c.," Rome, 1823. They were republished by Osann, Darmstadt, 1826, with two other grammatical works, de Nota Aspirationis and de Diphthongis, which also bear the name of Appuleius. Madvig has shewn (de Apuleii Fragmo. de Orthogr,, I-afniae, 1829), that the treatise de Orthographia is the work of a literary impostor of the fifteenth century. The two other grammatical treatises above mentioned were probably written in the tenth century of our aera. A'PRIES ('Arpiys, 'A7rpas), a king of Egypt, 'he 8th of the 26th (Saite) dynasty, the PharaohHlophra of Scripture (Ixx. Odappfj), the Vaphres )f Manetho, succeeded his father Psammuthis, B. c. 196. The commencement of his reign was distinruished by great success in war. He conquered?alestine and Phoenicia, and for a short time restablished the Egyptian influence in Syria, which iad been overthrown by Nebuchadnezzar. He ailed, however, to protect his ally Zedekiah, king f Jerusalem, from the renewed attack of Nebuhadnezzar, who took and destroyed Jerusalem. B. c. 586.) About the same time, in consequence f the failure of an expedition which Apries had ant against Cyrene, his army rebelled and elected s king Amasis, whom Apries had sent to reconcile aem. The cruelty of Apries to Patarbemis, whom e had sent to bring back Amasis, and who had diled in the attempt, exasperated the principal:gyptians to such a degree, that they deserted im, leaving him only to the protection of an ixiliary force of 30,000 Greeks. With these id the few Egyptians who remained faithful I him, Apries encountered Amasis at Momemiis, but his army was overpowered by numbers, id he himself was taken alive. Amasis eated him for some time with kindness, but length, in consequence of the continued mururs of the Egyptians, he suffered him to be it to death. (Herod. 161, &c., 169, iv. 159; iod. i. 68; Athen. xiii. p. 560; Jerem. xxxvii. 5,7, iv. 30, xlvi. 26; Ezek. xxix. 3; Joseph. Ant. x. S7; AMASIS.) [P. S.] APRO'NIUS. 1. C. APRONIus, elected one of e tribunes of the plebs on the abolition of the cemvirate, B. c. 449. (Liv. iii. 54.) 2. Q. APRONIUS, the chief of the decumani in ~ily during the government of Verres (B. c. 73 -), was one of the most distinguished for rapacity d wickedness of every kind. (Cic. Verr. ii. 44, 9, 12, 21, 23.) APSINES. 251 3. L. APRONIUS, consul suffectus in A. D. 8 (Fast. Capit.), belonged to the military staff of Drusus (cohors Drusi), when the latter was sent to quell the revolt of the army in Germany, A. D. 14. Apronius was sent to Rome with two others to carry the demands of the mutineers; and on his return to Germany he served under Germanicus, and is mentioned as one of the Roman generals in the campaign of A. D. 15. On account of his services in this war he obtained the honour of the triumphal ornaments. (Tac. Ann. i. 29, 56, 72.) He was in Rome in the following year, A. D. 16 (ii. 32); and four years afterwards (A. D. 20), he succeeded Camillus, as proconsul, in the government of Africa. He carried on the war against Tacfarinas, and enforced military discipline with great severity. (iii. 21.) He was subsequently the propraetor of lower Germany, when the Frisii revolted, and seems to have lost his life in the war against them. (iv. 73, compared with xi. 19.) Apronius had two daughters: one of whom was married to Plautius Silvanus, and was murdered by her husband (iv. 22); the other was married to Lentulus Gaetulicus, consul in A. D. 26. (vi. 30.) He had a son, L. Apronius Caesianus, who accompanied his father to Africa in A. D. 20 (iii. 21), and who waa consul for six months with Caligula in A. D. 39. (Dion Cass. lix. 13.) APRONIA'NUS. 1. C. VIPSTANus AaRONIANUS, was proconsul of Africa at the accession of Vespasian, A. D. 70. (Tac. Hist. i. 76.) He is probably the same Apronianus as the consul of that name in A. D. 59. 2. CAssius APRONIANUS, the father of Dion Cassius, the historian, was governor of Dalmatia and Cilicia at different periods. Dion Cassius was with his father in Cilicia. (Dion Cass. xlix. 36, Ixix. 1, lxxii. 7.) Reimar (de Vita Cassii Dionis ~ 6. p. 1535) supposes, that Apronianus was admitted into the senate about A. D. 180. 3. APRONIANUS, governor of the province of Asia, was unjustly condemned to death in his absence, A. D. 203. (Dion Cass. lxxvi. 8.) 4. APRONIANUS ASTERIUS. [ASTERIUS.] A'PSINES ('A, insis). 1. An Athenian sophist, called by Suidas (s. v.; comp. Eudoc. p. 67) a man worthy of note, and father of Onasimus, but otherwise unknown. 2. A son of Onasimus, and grandson of Apsines No. 1, is likewise called an Athenian sophist. It is not impossible that he may be the Apsines whose commentary on Demosthenes is mentioned by Ulpian (ad Demosth. Leptin. p. 11; comp. Schol. ad Hermog. p. 402), and who taught rhetoric at Athens at the time of Aedesius, in the fourth century of our era, though this Apsines is called a Lacedaemonian. (Eunap. Vit. Soph. p. 113, ed. Antwerp. 1568.) This Apsines and his disciples were hostile to Julianus, a contemporary rhetorician at Athens, and to his school. This enmity grew so much that Athens in the end found itself in a state of civil warfare, which required the presence of a Roman proconsul to suppress. (Eunap. p. 115, &c.) 3. Of Gadara in Phoenicia, a Greek sophist and rhetorician, who flourished in the reign of Maximinus, about A. D. 235. He studied at Smyrna under Heracleides, the Lycian, and afterwards at Nicomedia under Basilicus. He subsequently taught rhetoric at Athens, and distinguished himself so much that he was honoured with the con
Page 252 252 AQUILA. sular dignity. (Suidas, s. v.; Tzetzes.' Chil. viii. 696.) He was a friend of Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. ii. 33. ~ 4), who praises the strength and fidelity Sof his memory, but is afraid to say more for fear of being suspected of flattery or partiality. We still possess two rhetorical works of Apsines: 1. rlepl "TeWv p.eipw rov 7 TOALTrlco Adyou ereXyv, which was first printed by Aldus in his Rhetores Graeci (pp..682-726), under the incorrect title TerXv? p7TopUM 7rsepi 7rpootLfowP, as it is called by the Scholiast on Hermogenes (p. 14, but see p. 297). This work, however, is only a part of a greater work, and is so much interpolated that it is scarcely possible to form a correct notion of it. In some of the interpolated parts Apsines himself is quoted. A considerable portion of it was discovered by Rhunken to belong to a work of Longinus on rhetoric, which is now lost, and this portion has,consequently been omitted in the new edition of Walz in his Rhetores Graeci. (ix. p. 465, &c.;,comp. Westermann, Gesch. d. Griech. Beredtsamk. ~ 98, n. 6.) 2. Hlepl rca~v d'-Xra'jrTLeuvwv rpoA-\qngdTrwv, is of little importance and very short. It is printed in Aldus' Rhetor. Graec. pp. 727-730, and in Walz. Rhetor. Graec. ix. p. 534, &c. [L.S.] APSYRTUS or ABSYRTUS ('Ap'ros), one of the principal veterinary surgeons of whom any remains are still extant, was born, according to Suidas (s. v.) and Eudocia (Violar. ap. Villoison, Anecd. Graeca, vol. i. p. 65), at Prusa or Nico. media in Bithynia. He is said to have served under Constantine in his campaign on the Danube, which is generally supposed to mean that under Constantine the Great, A. D. 322, but some refer it to that under Constantine IV. (or Pogonatus), A. D. 671. His remains are to be found in the " Veterinariae Medicinae Libri Duo," first published in Latin by J. Ruellius, Paris, 1530, fol., and afterwards in Greek by S. Grynaeus, Basil. 1537, 4to. Sprengel published a little work entitled " Programma de Apsyrto Bithynio," Halae, 1832, 4to. [W. A. G.] A'PTEROS (ATreI-pos), "the wingless," a surname under which Nice (the goddess of victory) had a sanctuary at. Athens. This goddess was usually represented with wings, and their absence in this instance was intended to signify that Victory would or could never fly away from Athens. The same idea was expressed at Sparta by a statue of Ares with his feet chained. (Paus. i. 22. ~ 4, iii. 15. ~ 5.) [L. S.] APULEIUS. [APPULEIUS.] APU'STIA GENS, had the cognomen FULLO. The Apustii who bear no cognomen are spoken of under APusTIUs. The first member of this gens who obtained the consulship, was L. Apustius Fullo, B. c. 226. APU'STIUS. 1. L. APUSTIUs, the commander of the Roman troops at Tarentum, B. c. 215. (Liv. xxiii. 38.) 2. L. APuSTIUS, legate of the consul P. Sulpicius in Macedonia, B. c. 200, was an active officer in the war against Philip. He was afterwards a legate of the consul L. Cornelius Scipio, B. c, 190, and was killed in the same year in an engagement in Lycia. (Liv. xxxi. 27, xxxvii. 4, 16.) 3. P. APUSTIus, one of the ambassadors sent to the younger Ptolemy, B. c. 161. (Polyb. xxxii. 1.) A'QUILA ('AXdta's), the translator of the Old. AQUILA. Testament into Greek, was a native of Pontus, Epiphanes (De Pond. et Alens. 15) states, that he was a relation of the emperor Hadrian, who employed him in the rebuilding of Jerusalem (Aelia Capitolina); that he was converted to Christianity, but excommunicated for practising the heathen astrology; and that he then went over to the Jews, and was circumcised; but this account is probably founded only on vague rumours. All that we know with certainty is, that having been a heathen he became a Jewish proselyte, and that he lived in the reign of Hadrian, probably about 130 A. D. (Iren. iii. 24; Euseb. Praep. Evan. vii. 1; Hieron. Ep. ad Pammach. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 255, Mart.) He translated the Old Testament from Hebrew into Greek, with the purpose of furnishing the Jews who spoke Greek with a version better fitted than the Septuagint to sustain them in their opposition to Christianity. He did not, however, as some have supposed, falsify or pervert the sense of the original, but he translated every word, even the titles, such as Messiah, with the most literal accuracy. This principle was carried to the utmost extent in a second edition, which was named Kica dclpiteiay. The version was very popular with the Jews, in whose synagogues it was read. (Novell. 146.) It was generally disliked by the Christians; but Jerome, though sometimes showing this feeling, at other times speaks most highly of Aquila and his version. (Quaest. 2, ad Damas. iii. p. 35; Epist. ad Marcell. iii. p. 96, ii. p. 312; Queaest. Heb. in Genes. iii. p. 216; Comment. in Jes. c. 8; Comment. in Hos. c. 2.) The version is also praised by Origen. (Comment. in Job. viii. p. 131; Respons. ad Aifrican. p. 224.) Only a few fragments remain, which have been published in the editions of the Hexapla [ORnGENES], and in Dathe's Opuscula, Lips. 1746. [P.S.] A'QUILA, JU'LIUS, a Roman knight, stationed with a few cohorts, in A. D. 50, to protect Cotys, king of the Bosporus, who had received the sovereignty after the expulsion of Mithridates. In the same year, Aquila obtained the praetorian insignia. (Tac. Ann. xii. 15, 21.) A'QUILA, JU'LIUS (GALLUS?), a Roman jurist, from whose liber responsorum two fragments concerning tutores are preserved in the Digest. Ir the Florentine Index he is named Gallus Aquila probably from an error of the scribe in reading Fa\Xov for Iovuiov. This has occasioned Juliu: Aquila to be confounded with Aquillius Gallus His date is uncertain, though he probably live( under or before the reign of Septimius Severus A. D. 193-8; for in Dig. 26. tit. 7, s. 34 he give an opinion upon a question which seems to hav been first settled by Severus. (Dig. 27. tit. 3. s. 1 ~ 3.) By most of the historians of Roman law h is referred to a later period. He may possibly b the same person with Lucius Julius Aquila, wh wrote de Etrusca disciplina, or with that Aquil who, under Septimius Severus, was praefect ( Egypt, and became remarkable by his persecution the Christians. (Majansius, Comm. ad 30 Jurisco, Fragm. vol. ii. p. 288; Otto, in Praef. Thes. vc i. p. 13; Zimmern, RSm. Rechts-Geschichte, vol. ~ 103.) [J. T. G.] A'QUILA, L. PO'NTIUS, tribune of the pleb probably in B. c. 45, was the only member of tl college that did not rise to Caesar as he passed 1 the tribunes' seats in his triumph. (Suet. Jul. Cat
Page 253 AQUILLIA. 78.) He was ore of Caesar's murderers, and afterwards served as a legate of Brutus at the beginning of B. c. 43 in Cisalpine Gaul. He defeated T. Munatius Plancus, and drove him out of Pollentia, but was killed himself in the battle fought against Antony by Hirtius. He was honoured with a statue. (Appian, B. C. ii. 113; Dion Cass. xlvi. 38, 40; Cic. Phil. xi. 6, xiii. 12, ad Fam. x. 33.) Pontius Aquila was a friend of Cicero, and is frequently mentioned by him in his letters. (Ad Fam. v. 2-4, vii. 2, 3.) A'QUILA ROMA'NUS, a rhetorician, who lived after Alexander Numenius but before Julius Rufinianus, probably in the third century after Christ, the author of a small work intitled, deFiguris Sententiarum et Elocutionis, which is usually printed with Rutilius Lupus. The best edition is by Ruhnken, Lugd. Bat. 1768, reprinted with additional notes by Frotscher, Lips. 1831. Rufinianus states, that Aquila took the materials of this work from one of Alexander Numenius on the same subject. [See p. 123, a.] A'QUILA, VE'DIUS, commander of the thirteenth legion, one of Otho's generals, was present in the battle in which Otho's troops were defeated by those of Vitellius, A. u. 70. He subsequently espoused Vespasian's party. (Tac. Hist. ii. 44, iii. 7.) AQUI'LIA SEVE'RA, JU'LIA, the wife of;he emperor Elagabalus, whom he married after livorcing his former wife, Paula. This marriage,ave great offence at Rome, since Aquilia was a festal virgin; but Elagabalus said that he had!ontracted it in order that divine children might )e born from himself, the pontifex maximus, and a 'estal virgin. Dion Cassius says, that he did not ive with her long; but that after marrying three thers successively, he again returned to her. It ppears from coins that he could not have married er before A. D. 221. (Dion Cass. lxxix. 9; Heroian. v. 6; Eckhel, vii. p. 259.) ARACHNE. 253 B. c. 44, and says, in another, that young Quintus would not endure her as a step-mother. (ad Alt. xiv. 13, 17.) AQUILLIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. On coins and inscriptions the name is almost always written Aquillius, but in manuscripts generally with a single 1. This gens was of great antiquity. Two of the Aquillii are mentioned among the Roman nobles who conspired to bring back the Tarquins (Liv. ii. 4); and a member of the house, C. Aquillius Tuscus, is mentioned as consul as early as B. c. 487. The cognomens of the Aquillii under the republic are CoRvus, CRAssus, FLORUS, GALLUS, Tuscus: for those who bear no surname, see AQUILLIUS. AQUI'LLIUS. 1. M'. AQUILLIUS, M'. F. M'. N. Consul B. c. 129, put an end to the war which had been carried on against Aristonicus, the son of Eumenes of Pergamus, and which had been almost terminated by his predecessor, Perperna. On his return to Rome, he was accused by P. Lentulus of maladministration in his province, but was acquitted by bribing the judges. (Flor. ii. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4; Vell. Pat. ii. 4; Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 5, Div. in Caecil. 21; Appian, B. C. i. 22.) He obtained a triumph on account of his successes in Asia, but not till B. c. 126. (Fast. Capitol.) 2. M'. AQUILLIUS M'. F. M'. N., probably a son of the preceding, consul in B. c. 101, conducted the war against the slaves in Sicily, who had a second time revolted under Athenion. Aquillius completely subdued the insurgents, and triumphed on his return to Rome in 100. (Florus, iii. 19; Liv. Epit, 69; Diod. xxxvi. Eel. 1; Cic. in Verr. iii. 54, v. 2; Fast. Capitol.) In 98, he was accused by L. Fufius of maladministration in Sicily; he was, defended by the orator M. Antonius, and, though there were strong proofs of his guilt, was acquitted on account of his bravery in the war. (Cic. Brut. 52, de Off. ii. 14, proFlacc. 39, de Orat. ii. 28, 47.) In B. c. 88, he went into Asia as one of the consular legates to prosecute the war against Mithridates and his allies. He was defeated near Protostachium, and was afterwards delivered up to Mithridates by the inhabitants of Mytilene. Mithridates treated him in the most barbarous manner, and eventually put him to death by pouring molten gold down his throat. (Appian, Mithr. 7, 19, 21; Liv. Epit. 77; Vell. Pat. ii. 18; Cic. pro Leg. Man. 5; Athen. v. p. 213, b.) AQUI'LLIUS JULIA'NUS. [JULIANUS.] AQUI'LLIUS RE'GULUS. [REGULUS.] AQUI'LLIUS SEVE'RUS. [SEvERUS.] AQUI'NIUS, a very inferior poet, a contemporary of Catullus and Cicero. (Catull. xiv. 18; Cic. Tusc. v. 22.) M. AQUINIUS, a Pompeian, who took part in the African war against Caesar. After the defeat of the Pompeians, he was pardoned by Caesar, B. c. 47. (De Bell. Afric. 57, 89.) ARABIA'NUS ('Apagtavos), an eminent Christian writer, about 196 A. D., composed some books on Christian doctrine, which are lost. (Euseb. H. E. v. 27; Hieron. de Vir. Illust. c. 51.) [P. S.] ARA'BIUS SCHOLA'STICUS ('Apadlos 2XoXaarrTds), the author of seven epigrams in the Greek Anthology, most of which are upon works of art, lived probably in the reign of Justinian. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 856.) [P. S.] ARACHNE, a Lydian maiden, daughter of Idmon of Colophon, who was a famous dyer in COIN OF JULIA AQUILIA SEVERA. AQUILI'NUS, a cognomen of the Herminia Ims. 1. T. HERMINIUS AQUILINUS, one of the heroes the lay of the Tarquins, was with M. Horatius Scommander of the troops of Tarquinius Superbus ten he was expelled from the camp. He was Sof the defenders of the Sublician bridge against whole force of Porsenna, and took an active -t in the subsequent battle against the Etruscans. Swas consul in B. c. 506, and fell in the battle the lake Regillus in 498, in single combat with milius. (Liv. ii. 10, 11, 20; Dionys. iv. 75, 12, 23, 26, 36, vi. 12; Plut. Poplic. 16.) L. LAR HERMINIUS T. F. AQUILINUS, Cos.. 448. (Liv. iii. 65; Dionys. xi. 51.) kQ U I'LLIA, whom some had said that Quintus oro, the brother of the orator, intended to marry. ero mentions the report in one of his letters,
Page 254 '254 ARAROS. purple. His daughter was greatly skilled in the art of weaving, and, proud of her talent, she even ventured to challenge Athena to compete with her. Arachne produced a piece of cloth in which the amours of the gods were woven, and as Athena could find no fault with it, she tore the work to pieces, and Arachne in despair hung herself. The goddess loosened the rope and saved her life, but the rope was changed into a cobweb and Arachne herself into a spider (dpdayz), the animal most odious to Athena. (Ov. Met. vi. 1-145; Virg. Georg. iv. 246.) This fable seems to suggest the idea that man learnt the art of weaving from the spider, and that it was invented in Lydia. [L. S.] ARAETHY'REA ('ApaiOvpEa), a daughter of Aras, an autochthon who was believed to have built Arantea, the most ancient town in Phliasia. She had a brother called Aoris, and is said to have been fond of the chase and warlike pursuits. When she died, her brother called the country of Phliasia after her Araethyrea. (Hom. II. ii. 571; Strab. viii. p. 382.) She was the mother of Phlias. The monuments of Araethyrea and her brother, consisting of round pillars, were still extant in the time of Pausanias; and before the mysteries of Demeter were commenced at Phlius, the people always invoked Aras and his two children with their faces turned towards their monuments. (Paus. ii. 12. ~~ 4-6.) [L. S.] A'RACUS (ApaKcos), Ephor, B. c. 409, (Hell. ii. 3. ~ 10,) was appointed admiral of the Lacedaemonian fleet in B. c. 405, with Lysander for vice-admiral (7rnoTroXeus), who was to have the real power, but who had not the title of admiral (vavdpXos), because the laws of Sparta did not allow the same person to hold this office twice. (Plut. Lyc. 7; Xen. Hell. ii. 1. ~ 7; Diod. xiii. 100; Paus. x. 9. ~ 4.) In 398 he was sent into Asia as one of the commissioners to inspect the state of things there, and to prolong the command of Dercyllidas (iii. 2. ~ 6); and in 369 he was one of the ambassadors sent to Athens. (vi. 5. ~ 33, where 'Apatcos should be read instead of "Apacros.) ARACY'NTHIAS ('ApaovvOids), a surname of Aphrodite, derived from mount Aracynthus, the position of which is a matter of uncertainty, and on which she had a temple. (Rhianus, ap. Steph/. Byz. s. v. 'ApdicvvOos.) EL. S.] ARA'RSIUS, PATRI'CIUS (ra'rpLitos 'Apdparos), a Christian writer, was the author of a discourse in Greek entitled Oceanus, a passage out of which, relating to Meletius and Arius, is quoted in the Synodicon Vetus (32, ap. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 369). The title of this fragment is flarpiiciov 'Apapniov Tov ocpdapor, ic rTOV Adyou avrouv TroO briXE~yopLvou 'acseavoD. Nothing more is known of the writer. [P. S.] ARA'ROS ('Apapds), an Athenian comic poet of the middle comedy, was the son of Aristophanes, who first introduced him to public notice as the principal actor in the second Plutus (B. c. 388), the last play which he exhibited in his own name: he wrote two more comedies, the KscKaXos and the AloholiKcv, which were brought out in the name of Araros (Arg. ad Plut. iv. Bekker), probably very soon after the above date. Araros first exhibited in his own name B. c. 375. (Suidas, s. v.) Suidas mentions the following as his comedies: Kavev's, KaenrvAiwv, Havds yovai, 'TpeYazor, "Alavrs, TnapOevirov. All that we know of his dramatic ARATUS. character is contained in the following passage of Alexis (Athen. iii p. 123, e.), who, however, was his rival: Kal yap 0ovoruyat vaerds oe yeOcraei rpaiyia 8' i TIa JAOl FoL ya <ppEatos mv'ov msvXpo'repov 'Apaporos. [P. S.] ARAS. [ARAETHYREA.] ARASPES ('Apdo-arns), a Mede, and a friend of tlie elder Cyrus from his youth, contends with Cyrus that love has no power over him, but shortly afterwards refutes himself by falling in love with Pantheia, whom Cyrus had committed to his charge. [ABRADATAS.] He is afterwards sent to Croesus as a deserter, to inspect the condition of the enemy, and subsequently commands the right wing of Cyrus' army in the battle with Croesus. (Xen. Cyr. v. 1. ~ 1, 8, &c., vi. 1. ~ 36, &c., 3. ~ 14, 21.) ARA'TUS ("Aparos), of Sicyon, lived from B. c. 271 to 213. The life of this remarkable man, as afterwards of Philopoemen and Lycortas, was devoted to an attempt to unite the several Grecian states together, and by this union to assert the national independence against the dangers with which it was threatened by Macedonia and Rome. Aratus was the son of Cleinias, and was born at Sicyon, B. c. 271. On the murder of his father by Abantidas [ABANTIDAS], Aratus was saved from the general extirpation of the family by Soso, his uncle's widow, who conveyed him to Argos, where he was brought up. When he had reached the age of twenty, he gained possession of his native city by the help of some Argians, and the cooperation of the remainder of his party in Sicyon itself, without loss of life, and deprived the usurper Nicocles of his power, B. c. 251. (Comp. Polyb. ii. 43.) Through the influence of Aratus, Sicyon now joined the Achaean league, and Aratus himsell sailed to Egypt to obtain Ptolemy's alliance, in which he succeeded. In B. c. 245 he was elected general (<-rpaTryds) of the league, and a seconc time in 243. In the latter of these years he tool< the citadel of Corinth from the Macedonian garrison, and induced the Corinthian people to joir the league. It was chiefly through his instru mentality that Megara, Troezen, Epidaurus, Argos Cleonae, and Megalopolis, were soon afterward: added to it. It was about this time that the Aetolians, who had made a plundering expeditioi into Peloponnesus, were stopped by Aratus a Pellene (Polyb. iv. 8), being surprised at the sac] of that town, and 700 of their number put to th sword. But at this very time, at which the powe of the league seemed most secure, the seeds of it ruin were laid. The very prospect, which noa for the first time opened, of the hitherto scattere powers of Greece being united in the leagu< awakened the jealousy ofAetolia, and of Cleomene who was too ready to have a pretext for wa [CLEIOMENES.] Aratus, to save the league from th danger, contrived to win the alliance of Antigom Doson, on the condition, as it afterwards appeare of the surrender of Corinth. Ptolemy, as might 1 expected, joined Cleomenes; and in a successia of actions at Lycaeum, Megalopolis, and Hecator baeum, near Dyme, the Achaeans were well ni1 destroyed. By these Aratus lost the confidence the people, who passed a public censure on his co duct, and Sparta was placed at the head of a cc federacy, fully able to dictate to the whole of Gree,
Page 255 ARATUS. --Troezen, Epidaurus, Argos, Hermione, Pellene, Caphyae, Phlius, Pheneus, and Corinth, in which the Achaean garrison kept only the citadel.It was now necessary to call on Antigonus for the promised aid. Permission to pass through Aetolia having been refused, he embarked his army in transports, and, sailing by Euboea, landed his army near the isthmus, while Cleomenes was occupied with the siege of Sicyon. (Polyb. ii. 52.) The latter immediately raised the siege, and hastened to defend Corinth; but no sooner was he engaged there, than Aratus, by a masterstroke of policy, gained the assistance of a party in Argos to place the Lacedaemonian garrison in a state of siege. Cleomenes hastened thither, leaving Corinth in the hands of Antigonus; but arriving too late to take effectual measures against Aratus, while Antigonus was in his rear, he retreated to Mantineia and thence home. Antigonus meanwhile was by Aratus'. influence elected general of the league, and made Corinth and Sicyon his winter quarters. What hope was there now left that the great design of Aratus' life could be accomplished,-to unite all the Greek governments into one Greek nation? Henceforward the caprice of the Macedonian monarch was to regulate the relations of the powers of Greece. The career of Antigonus, in which Aratus seems henceforward to have been no further engaged than as his adviser and guide, ended in the great battle of Sellasia (B. c. 222), in which the Spartan power was for ever put down. Philip succeeded Antigonus in the throne of Macedon (B. c. 221), and it was his policy during the next two years (from 221 to 219 B. c.) to make the Achaeans feel how dependent they were on him. This period is ac"mordingly taken up with incursions of the Aetolians,;he unsuccessful opposition of Aratus, and the trial rhich followed. The Aetolians seized Clarium, t fortress near Megalopolis (Polyb. iv. 6.), and hence made their plundering excursions, till 'imoxenus, general of the league, took the place.nd drove out the garrison. As the time for the exiration of Aratus' office arrived, the Aetolian geneals Dorimachus and Scopas made an attack on 'harae and Patrae, and carried on their ravages up o the borders of Messene, in the hope that o active measures would be taken against them ill the commander for the following year was hosen. To remedy this, Aratus anticipated is command five days, and ordered the troops of ie league to assemble at Megalopolis. The Aetoans, finding his force superior, prepared to quit re country, when Aratus, thinking his object ifficiently accomplished, disbanded the chief part his army, and marched with about 4000 to atrae. The Aetolians turned round in pursuit, id encamped at Methydrium, upon which Aratus tanged his position to Caphyae, and in a battle, hich began in a skirmish of cavalry to gain some gh ground advantageous to both positions, was tirely defeated and his army nearly destroyed. re Aetolians marched home in triumph, and catus was recalled to take his trial on several arges,--assuming the command before his legal ae, disbanding his troops, unskilful conduct in aosing the time and place of action, and carelessss in the action itself. He was acquitted, not the ground that the charges were untrue, but consideration of his past services. For some time er this the Aetolians continued their invasions, ARATUS. 255 and Aratus was unable effectually to check them, till at last Philip took the field as commander of the allied army. The six remaining years of Aratus' life are a mere history of intrigues, by which at different times his influence was more or less shaken with the king. At first he was entirely set aside; and this cannot be wondered at, when his object was to unite Greece as an independent nation, while Philip wished to unite it as subject to himself. In B. c. 218, it appears that Aratus regained his influence by an exposure of the treachery of his opponents; and the effects of his presence were shewn in a victory gained over the combined forces of the Aetolians, Eleans, and Lacedaemonians. In B. c. 217 Aratus was the 17th time chosen general, and every thing, so far as the security of the leagued states was concerned, prospered; but the feelings and objects of the two men were so different, that no unity was to be looked for, so soon as the immediate object of subduing certain states was effected. The story told by Plutarch, of his advice to Philip about the garrisoning of Ithome, would probably represent well the general tendency of the feeling of these two men. In B. c. 213 ha died, as Plutarch and Polybius both say (Polyb. viii. 14; Plut. Arat. 52), from the effect of poison administered by the king's order. Divine honours were paid to him by his countrymen, and annual solemnities established. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. 'ApdeMsa.) Aratus wrote Commentaries, being a history of his own times down to B. c. 220 (Polyb. iv. 2), which Polybius characterises as clearly written and faithful records. (ii. 40.) The greatness of Aratus lay in the steadiness with which he pursued a noble purpose, - of uniting the Greeks as one nation; the consummate ability with which he guided the elements of the storm which raged about him; and the zeal which kept him true to his object to the end, when a different conduct would have secured to him the greatest personal advantage. As a general, he was unsuccessful in the open field; but for success in stratagem, which required calculation and dexterity of the first order, unrivalled. The leading object of his life was noble in its conception, and, considering the state of Macedon and of Egypt, and more especially the existence of a contemporary with the virtues and abilities of Cleomenes, ably conducted. Had he been supported in his attempt to raise Greece by vigour and purity, such as that of Cleomenes in the cause of Sparta, his fate might have been different. As it was, he left his country surrounded by difficulty and danger to the guiding hand of Philopoemen and Lycortas. (Plut. Aratus and Agis; Polyb. ii. iv. vii. viii.) [C. T. A.] ARA'TUS ('Aparos), author of two Greek astronomical poems. The date of his birth is not known; but it seems that he lived about B. c. 270; it is probable, therefore, that the death of Euclid and the birth of Apollonius Pergaeus happened during his life, and that he was contemporary with Aristarchus of Samos, and Theocritus, who mentions him. (Idyll. vi. and vii.) There are several accounts of his life by anonymous Greek writers: three of them are printed in the 2nd vol. of Buhle's Aratus, and one of the same in the Uranologium of Petavius. Suidas and Eudocia also mention him. From these it appears that he was a native of Soli (afterwards Pompeiopolls) in Cilicia, or (according to one authority) of
Page 256 256 ARATUS. Tarsus; that he was invited to the court of Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, where he spent all the latter part of his life; and that his chief pursuits were physic (which is also said to have been his profession), grammar, and philosophy, in which last he was instructed by the Stoic Dionysius Heracleotes. Several poetical works on various subjects, as well as a number of prose epistles, are attributed to Aratus (Buhle, vol. ii. p. 455), but none of them have come down to us, except the two poems mentioned above. These have generally been joined together as if parts of the same work; but they seem to be distinct poems. The first, called laLcvdLsEva, consists of 732 verses; the second, ALocr7?pJa (Proynostica), of 422. Eudoxus, about a century earlier, had written two prose works,,awvdae'va and "Evonrrpov, which are both lost; but we are told by the biographers of Aratus, that it was the desire of Antigonus to have them turned into verse, which gave rise to the )awvo'vea of the latter writer; and it appears from the fragments of them preserved by Hipparchus (Petav. Uranolog. p. 173, &c., ed. Paris. 1630), that Aratus has in fact versified, or closely imitated parts of them both, but especially of the first. The design of the poem is to give an introduction to the knowledge of the constellations, with the rules for their risings and settings; and of the circles of the sphere, amongst which the milky way is reckoned. The positions of the constellations, north of the ecliptic, are described by reference to the principal groups surrounding the north pole (the Bears, the Dragon, and Cepheus), whilst Orion servos as a point of departure for those to the south. The immobility of the earth, and the revolution of the heavens about a fixed axis are maintained; the path of the sun in the zodiac is described; but the planets are introduced merely as bodies having a motion of their own, without any attempt to define their periods; nor is anything said about the moon's orbit. The opening of the poem asserts the dependence of all things upon Zeus, and contains the passage "Troi y-p eaa 'yEvos aE'oEv, quoted by St. Paul (Aratus' fellow-countryman) in his address to the Athenians. (Acts xvii. 28.) From the general want of precision in the descriptions, it would seem that Aratus was neither a mathematician nor observer (comp. Cic. de Orat. i. 16) or, at any rate, that in this work he did not aim at scientific accuracy. He not only represents the configurations of particular groups incorrectly, but describes some phaenomena which are inconsistent with any one supposition as to the latitude of the spectator, and others which could not coexist at any one epoch. (See the article ARATUS in the Penny Cyclopaedia.) These errors are partly to be attributed to Eudoxus himself, and partly to the way in which Aratus has used the materials supplied by him. Hipparchus (about a century later), who was a scientific astronomer and observer, has left a commentary upon the P'aLvdoegva of Eudoxus and Aratus, occasioned by the discrepancies which he had noticed between his own observations and their descriptions. The ALo't7pexa consists of prognostics of the weather from astronomical phaenomena, with an account of its effects upon animals. It appears to be an imitation of Hesiod, and to have been imitated by Virgil in some parts of the Georgics. ARBORIUS. The materials are said to be taken almost wholly from Aristotle's Meteorologica, from the work of Theophrastus, " De Signis Ventorum," and from Hesiod. (Buhle, vol. ii. p. 471.) Nothing is said in either poem about Astrology in the proper sense of the word. The style of these two poems is distinguished by the elegance and accuracy resulting from a study of ancient models; but it wants originality and poetic elevation; and variety of matter is excluded by the nature of the subjects. (See Quintil. x. 1.) That they became very popular both in the Grecian and Roman world (comp. Ov. Am. i. 15. 16) is proved by the number of commentaries and Latin translations. The Introduction to the 4Oawvod/E/a by Achilles Tatius, the Commentary of Hipparchus in three books, and another attributed by Petavius to Achilles Tatius, are printed in the Uranologium, with a list of other Commentators (p. 267), which includes the names of Aristarchus, Geminus, and Eratosthenes. Parts of three poetical Latin translations are preserved. One written by Cicero when very young (Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 41), one by Caesar Germanicus, the grandson of Augustus, and one by Festus Avienus. The earliest edition of Aratus is that of Aldus. (Ven. 1499, fol.) The principal later ones are by Grotius (Lugd. Bat. 1600, 4to.), Buhle (Lips. 1793, 1801, 2 vols. 8vo., with the three Latin versions), Matthiae (Francof. 1817, 8vo.), Voss (Heidelb. 1824, 8vo., with a German poetical version), Buttmann (Berol. 1826, 8vo.), and Bekker. (Berol. 1828, 8vo.) (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. p. 87; Schaubach, Gesch. d. griech. Astronomic, p. 215, &c.; Delambre, Hist. de l'Astron. Ancienne.) [W. F. D.] ARA'TUS ("Aparos), of Cnidus, the author of a history of Egypt. (Anonym. Vit. Arat.) ARBACES ('ApqdicK7). 1. The founder of the Median empire, according to the account of Ctesias (ap. Diod. ii. 24, &c., 32). He is said to have taken Nineveh in conjunction with Belesis, the Babylonian, and to have destroyed the old Assyrian empire under the reign of Sardanapalus, B. c. 876. Ctesias assigns 28 years to the reign of Arbaces, B. c. 876-848, and makes his dynasty consist o0 eight kings. This account differs from that o: Herodotus, who makes Deioces the first king o Media, and assigns only four kings to his dynasty [DEIOCES.] Ctesias' account of the overthrow o the Assyrian empire by Arbaces is followed b, Velleius Paterculus (i. 6), Justin (i. 3), and Strabc (xvi. p. 737.) 2. A commander in the army of Artaxerxe, which fought against his brother Cyrus, B. c. 401 He was satrap of Media. (Xen. Anab. i. 7. ~ 1I vii. 8. ~ 25.) A'RBITER, PETRO'NIUS. [PETRONII ARBITER.] ARBO'RIUS, AEMI'LIUS MAGNUS, tl author of a poem in ninety-two lines in elegih verse, entitled "Ad Nympham nimis cultam. which contains a great many expressions take from the older poets, and bears all the traces oftl artificial labour which characterizes the later Lat poetry. It is printed in the Anthology of Bu mann (iii. 275) and Meyer (Ep. 262), and Wernsdorf's Poet. Lat. Miinor. (iii. p. 217.) T author of it was a rhetorician at Tolosa in Ga' the maternal uncle of Ausonius, who speaks of h with great praise, and mentions that he enjoy
Page 257 ARCADIUS. the friendship of the brothers of Constantine, when they lived at Tolosa, and was afterwards called to Constantinople to superintend the education of one of the Caesars. (Auson. Parent. iii., Profess. xvi.) A'RBIUS ("ApGLos), a surname of Zeus, derived from mount Arbius in Crete, where he was worshipped. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Apets.) [L. S.] ARBU'SCULA, a celebrated female actor in Pantomimes, whom Cicero speaks of in B. c. 54 as having given him great pleasure. (Ad Att. iv. 15; Hor. Serm. i. 10. 76.) ARCATDIUS, emperor of the East, was the elder of the two sons of the emperor Theodosius I. and the empress Flaccilla, and was born in Spain in A. D. 383. Themistius, a pagan philosopher, and afterwards Arsenius, a Christian saint, conducted his education. As early as 395, Theodosius conferred upon him the title of Augustus; and, upon the death of his father in the same year, he became emperor of the East, while the West was given to his younger brother, Honorius; and with him begins the series of emperors who reigned at Constantinople till the capture of the city by the Turks in 1453. Arcadius had inherited neither the talents nor the manly beauty of his father; he was ill-shapen, of a small stature, of a swarthy complexion, and without either physical or intellectual vigour; his only accomplishment was a beautiful,handwriting. Docility was the chief quality of his character; others, women or eunuchs, reigned for him; for he had neither the power to have his own will, nor even passion enough to make others obey his whims. Rufinus, the praefect of the East, a man capable of every crime, had been appointed by Theodosius the guardian of Arcadius, while Stilicho became guardian of Honorius. Rufinus intended to marry his daughter to the young emperor, but the eunuch Eutropius rendered this plan abortive, and contrived a marriage between Arcadius and Eudoxia, the beautiful daughter of Bauto, a Frank, who was a general in the Roman army. Exposed to the rivalship of Eutropius, as well as of Stilicho, who pretended to the guardianship over Arcadius also, Rufinus was accused of having caused an invasion of Greece by Alaric, chief of the Goths, to whom he had neglected to pay the annual tribute. His fall was the more easy, as the people, exasperated by the rapacity of the minister, held him in general execration; and thus Rufinus was murdered as early as 395 by order of the Goth Gainas, who acted on the command of Stilicho. His successor as minister was Eutropius, and the emperor was a mere tool in the hands of his eunuch, his wife, and his general, Gainas. They declared Stilicho an enemy of the empire, confiscated his estates within the limits of the Eastern empire, and concluded an alliance with Alaric, for the purpose of preventing Stilicho from marching upon Constantinople. (397.) After this, Eutropius was invested with the dignities of consul and general-in-chief,-the first eunuch in the Roman empire who had ever been honoured.with those titles, but who was unworthy of them, being as ambitious and rapacious as Rufinus. The fall of Eutropius took place under the following circumstances. Tribigildus, the chief of a portion of the Goths who had been transplanted to Phrygia, rose in rebellion, and the disturbances became so dangerous, that Gainas, who was perlaps the secret instigator of them, advised the emseror to settle this affair in a friendly way. No ARCADIUS. 257 sooner was Tribigildus informed of it, than he demanded the head of Eutropius before he would enter into negotiations; and the emperor, persuaded by Eudoxia, gave up his minister. St. Chrysostom, afraid of Arianism, pleaded the cause of Eutropius, but in vain; the minister was banished to Cyprus, and soon afterwards beheaded. (399.) Upon this, the Goths left Phrygia and returned to Europe, where they stayed partly in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, and partly within the walls of the city. Gainas, after having ordered the Roman troops to leave the capital, demanded liberty of divine service for the Goths, who were Arians; and as St. Chrysostom energetically opposed such a concession to heresy, Gainas tried to set fire to the imperial palace. But the people of Constantinople took up arms, and Gainas was forced to evacuate the city with those of the Goths who had not been slain by the inhabitants. Crossing the Bosporus, he suffered a severe defeat by the imperial fleet, and fled to the banks of the Danube, where he was killed by the Huns, who sent his head to Constantinople. After his fall the incompetent emperor became entirely dependent upon his wife Eudoxia, who assumed the title of " Augusta," the empress hitherto having only been styled " Nobilissima." Through her influence St. Chrysostom was exiled. in 404, and popular troubles preceded and follow-. ed his fall. As to Arcadius, he was a sincere adherent of the orthodox church. He confirmed the laws of his father, which were intended for its protection; he interdicted the public meetings of the heretics; he purged his palace from heretical officers and servants; and in 396 he ordered that all the buildings in which the heretics used to hold their meetings should be confiscated. During his reign great numbers of pagans adopted the Christian religion. But his reign is stigmatized by a cruel and unjust law concerning high treason, the work of Eutropius, which was issued in 397. By this law, which was a most tyrannical extension of the Lex Julia Majestatis, the principal civil and military officers of the emperor were identified with his sacred person, and offences against them, either by deeds or by thoughts, were punished as crimes of high treason. (Cod. ix. tit. 8. s. 5; Cod. Theod. ix. tit. 14. s. 3.) Arcadius died on the 1st of May, 408, leaving the empire to his son Theodosius II., who was a minor. (Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 574-586, ed. Bonn, pp. 327-334, ed. Paris; Socrates, Hist. Eccles. v. 10, vi. pp. 272, 305-344, ed. Reading; Sozomenes, viii. pp. 323-363; Theophanes, pp. 63-69, ed. Paris; Theodoret. v. 32, &c., p. 205, ed. Vales.; Chrysostom. (cura Montfaucon, 2nd ed. Paris, in 4to.) Epistolae ad Innocentium Papam, &c. vol. iii. pp. 613-629;` Vita hrysostomi, in vol.xiii.; Claudianus.) [W. P.] COIN OF ARCALIUS. ARCA'DIUS, bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, wrote a life of Simeon Stylita the younger, surS
Page 258 258 ARCATHIAS. named Thaumastorita, several passages from whici are quoted in the Acts of the second council o Nice. A few other works, which exist in MS. are ascribed to him. (Fabric. Bib. Grae. xi. pp 578, 579, xii. p. 179.) Cave (Diss. de Script Incert. Act. p. 4) places him before the eighth century. [P. S.] ARCA'DIUS ('Apildsoos) of Antioch, a Greek grammarian of uncertain date, but who did not live before 200 A. D., was the author of several grammatical works, of which Suidas mentions IIepI 3pooypopaq)ie naepi ovvrd(ews rv tro Aoyo psepdb, and 'OvogaOrTKsv. A work of his on the accents (Hepli 7rvwv) has come down to us, and was first published by Barker from a manuscript at Paris. (Leipzig, 1820.) It is also included in the first volume of Dindorf's Gramat. Graec. Lips. 1823. ARCAS ("ApKas). 1. The ancestor and eponymic hero of the Arcadians, from whom the country and its inhabitants derived their name. He was a son of Zeus by Callisto, a companion of Artemis. After the death or the metamorphosis of his mother [CALLISTo], Zeus gave the child to Maia, and called him Areas. (Apollod. iii. 8. ~ 2.) Areas became afterwards by Leaneira or Meganeira the father of Elatus and Apheidas. (Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 1.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 176, Poet. Astr. ii. 4) Areas was the son of Lycaon, whose flesh the father set before Zeus, to try his divine character. Zeus upset the table (Tpdarea) which bore the dish, and destroyed the house of Lycaon by lightning, but restored Areas to life. When Areas had grown up, he built on the site of his father's house the town of Trapezus. When Areas once during the chase pursued his mother, who was metamorphosed into a she-bear, as far as the sanctuary of the Lycaean Zeus, which no mortal was allowed to enter, Zeus placed both of them among the stars. (Ov. Met. ii. 410, &c.) According to Pausanias (viii. 4. ~ 1, &c.), Areas succeeded Nyctimus in the government of Arcadia, and gave to the country which until then had been called Pelasgia the name of Arcadia, He taught his subjects the arts of making bread and of weaving. He was married to the nymph Erato, by whom he had three sons, Elatus, Apheidas, and Azan, among whom he divided his kingdom. He had one illegitimate son, Autolaus, whose mother is not mentioned. The tomb of Areas was shewn at Mantineia, whither his remains had been carried from mount Maenalus at the command of the Delphic oracle. (Paus. viii. 9. ~ 2.) Statues of Areas and his family were dedicated at Delphi by the inhabitants of Tegea. (x. 9. ~ 3.) 2. A surname of Hermes. (Lucan, Phars. ix. 661; Martial, ix. 34. 6; HERMEs.) [L. S.] ARCA'THIAS ('ApcaOias), a son of Mithridates, joined Neoptolemus and Archelaus, the generals of his father, with 10,000 horse, which he brought from the lesser Armenia, at the commencement of the war with the Romans, B. c. 88. He took an active part in the great battle fought near the river Amneius or Amnias (see Strab. xii. p. 562) in Paphlagonia, in which Nicomedes, the king of Bithynia, was defeated. Two years afterwards, B. c. 86, he invaded Macedonia with a separate army, and completely conquered the country. He then proceeded to march against Sulla, but died on the way at Tidaeum (Potidaea?) (Appian, Mitlir. 17, 18, 35, 41.) ARCESILAUS. 1I APCE ("ApKoe), a daughter of Thaumas and sisf ter of Iris, who in the contest of the gods with, the Titans sided with the latter. Zeus afterwards Spunished her for this by throwing her into Tartarus. and depriving her of her wings, which were given i to Thetis at her marriage with Peleus. Thetis afterwards fixed these wings to the feet of her son Achilles, who was therefore called.Troaiptcns. (PtoSlem. Hephaest. 6.) [L. S.] I ARCEISI'ADES ('ApmKcotasotd ), a patronymic s from Arceisius, the father of Lairtes, who as well Sas his son Odysseus are designated by the name of Arceisiades. (Hom. Od. xxiv. 270, iv. 755.) [L. S.] ARCEISIUS ('ApKideos), a son of Zeus and SEuryodia, husband of Chalcomedusa and father of SLaertes. (Hom. Od. xiv. 182, xvi. 118; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16; Ov. Met. xiii. 145; Eustath, ad Hoem. p. 1796.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 189), he was a son of Cephalus and Procris, and according to others, of Cephalus and a she-bear. (Eustath. ad HoE. p. 1961, comp. p. 1756.) [L. S.] ARCEOPHON ('Apiceo(4v), a son of Minnyrides of Salamis in Cyprus. Antoninus Liberalis (39) relates of him and Arsinoe precisely the same story which Ovid (Met. xiv. 698, &c.) relates of Anaxarete and Iphis. [ANAXARETE.] [L. S.] ARCESILAUS ('Apicro-xaos), a son of Lycus and Theobule, was the leader of the Boeotians in the Trojan war. He led his people to Troy in ten ships, and was slain by Hector. (Hom. Ii. ii. 495, xv. 329; Hygin. Fab. 97.) According to Pausanias (ix. 39. ~ 2) his remains were brought back to Boeotia, where a monument was erected to his memory in the neighbourhood of Lebadeia. A son of Odysseus and Penelope of the name of Arcesilaus is mentioned by Eustathius. (Ad Hoen. p. 1796.) [L. S.] ARCESILA'US ('Aptcealhaos). 1. The name of four kings of Cyrene. [BATTUS and BATTIADAE.] 2. The murderer of Archagathus, the son of Agathocles, when the latter left Africa, B. c. 307. Arcesilaus had formerly been a friend of Agathocles. (Justin, xxii. 8; AGATHOCLES, p. 64.) 3. One of the ambassadors sent to Rome by the Lacedaemonian exiles about B. c. 183, who was intercepted by pirates and killed. (Polyb. xxiv. 11.) 4. Of Megalopolis, was one of those who dissuaded the Achaean league from assisting Perseus in the war against the Romans in B. c. 170. In the following years he was one of the ambassadors sent by the league to attempt the reconciliation of Antiochus Epiphanes and Ptolemy. (Polyb. xxviii. 6, xxix. 10.) ARCESILA'US('Apiceo-'laos) or ARCESILAS, the founder of the new Academy, flourished towards the close of the third century before Christ. (Comp. Strab.i.p.15.) He was the son of Seuthes or Scythes (Diog. Laert. iv. 18), and born at Pitane in Aeolis. His early education was entrusted to Autolycus, a mathematician, with whom he migrated to Sardis. Afterwards, at the wish of his elder brother and guardian, Moireas, he came 'to Athens to study rhetoric; but becoming the disciple first of Theophrastus and afterwards of Crantor, he found his inclination led to philosophical pursuits. Not content, however, with any single school, he left his early masters and studied under sceptical and dialectic philosophers; and the line of Ariston upon him, lIp6o'rOe IhArwvc oTrtOEv T-Ipwv, ietoa'os' Aid6wpos, described the course of his early education, as well
Page 259 ARCESILAUS. ARCESILAUS. 259 as the discordant character of some of his later views. He was not without reputation as a poet, and Diogenes LaErtius (iv. 30) has preserved two epigrams of his, one of which is addressed to Attalus, king of Pergamus, and records his admiration of Homer and Pindar, of whose works he was an enthusiastic reader. Several of his puns and witticisms have been preserved in his life by the same writer, which give the idea of an accomplished man of the world rather than a grave philosopher. Many traits of character are also recorded of him, some of them of a pleasing nature-, The greatness of his personal character is shewn by the imitation of his peculiarities, into which his admirers are said insensibly to have fallen. His oratory is described as of an attractive and persuasive kind, the effect of it being enhanced by the frankness of his demeanour. Although his means were not large, his resources being chiefly derived from king Eumenes, many tales were told of his unassuming generosity. But it must be admitted, that there was another side to the picture, and his enemies accused him of the grossest profligacy-a charge which he only answered by citing the example of Aristippus-and it must be confessed, that the accusation is slightly confirmed by the circumstance that he died in the 76th year of his age from a fit of excessive drunkenness; on which event an epigram has been preserved by Diogenes. It was on the death of Crantor that Arcesilaus succeeded to the chair of the Academy, in the history of which he makes so important an era. As, however, he committed nothing to writing, his opinions were imperfectly known to his contemporaries, and can now only be gathered from the confused statements of his opponents. There seems to have been a gradual decline of philosophy since the time of Plato and Aristotle: the same subjects had been again and again discussed, until no room was left for original thought-a deficiency which was but poorly compensated by the extravagant paradox or overdrawn subtlety of the later schools. Whether we attribute the scepticism of the Academy to a reaction from the dogmatism of the Stoics, or whether it was the natural result of ex-.ending to intellectual truth the distrust with which Plato viewed the information of sense, it would oeem that in the time of Arcesilaus the whole of )hilosophy was absorbed in the single question of he grounds of human knowledge. What were the cculiar views of Arcesilaus on this question, it is lot easy to collect. On the one hand, lie is said to ave restored the doctrines of Plato in an uncorupted form; while, on the other hand, according ) Cicero (Acad.i. 12), he summed up his opinions i the formula, "that hlie knew nothing, not even is own ignorance." There are two ways of re)nciling the difficulty: either we may suppose im to have thrown out such d'ropifat as an exercise,r the ingenuity of his pupils, as Sextus Empiricus Pyrrh. I-Ippotyp. i. 234), who disclaims him as a -eptic, would have us believe; or he may have ally doubted the esoteric meaning of Plato, and Ive supposed himself to have been stripping his Drks of the figments of the Dogmatists, while he is in fact taking from them all certain principles, iatever. (Cic. de Orat. iii. 18.) A curious result the confusion which pervaded the New Academy is the return to some of the doctrines of the elder nic school, which they attempted to harmonize th Plato and their own views. (Euseb. Pr. Ev. xiv. 5, 6.) Arcesilaus is also said to have restored the Socratic method of teaching in dialogues; although it is probable that he did not confine himself strictly to the erotetic method, perhaps the supposed identity of his doctrines with those of Plato may have originated in the outward form in which they were conveyed. The Stoics were the chief opponents of Arcesilaus; he attacked their doctrine of a convincing conception (KaraiM7rrTiKo) i pavaTria) as understood to be a mean between science and opinion-a mean which he asserted could not exist, and was merely the interpolation of a name. (Cic. Acad. ii. 24.) It involved in fact a contradiction in terms, as the very idea of <pav-raoia implied the possibility of false as well as true conceptions of the same object. It is a question of some importance, in what the scepticism of the New Academy was distinguished from that of the followers of Pyrrhon. Admitting the formula of Arcesilauus, "that he knew nothing, not even his own ignorance," to be an exposition of his real sentiments, it was impossible in one sense that scepticism could proceed further: but the New Academy does not seem to have doubted the existence of truth in itself, only our capacities for obtaining it. It differed also from the principles of the pure sceptic in the practical tendency of its doctrines: while the object of the one was the attainment of perfect equanimity (biroxo), the other seems rather to have retired from the barren field of speculation to practical life, and to have acknowledged some vestiges of a moral law within, at best but a probable guide, the possession of which, however, formed the real distinction between the sage and the fool. Slight as the difference may appear between the speculative statements of the two schools, a comparison of the lives of their founders and their respective successors leads us to the conclusion, that a practical moderation was the characteristic of the New Academy, to which the Sceptics were wholly strangers. (Sex. Empiricus, adv. Math. ii. 158, Pyrh'-. Hypoiyp. i. 3, 226.) [B.J.] ARCESILAUS ('ApXsotAaos), an Athenian comic poet of the old comedy, none of whose works are extant. (Diog. Laert. iv. 45.) [P. S.] ARCESILA'US, artists. 1. A sculptor who made a statue of Diana, celebrated by an ode of Simonides. (Diog. Lart. iv. 45.) He may, therefore, have flourished about 500 B. c. 2. Of Paros, was, according to Pliny (xxxv. 39), one of the first encaustic painters, and a contemporary of Polygnotus (about 460 B. c.). 3. A painter, the son of the sculptor Tisicrates, flourished about 280 or 270 B. c. (Plin. xxxv. 40. ~ 42.) Pausanias (i. 1. ~ 3) mentions a painter of the same name, whose picture of Leosthenes and his sons was to be seen in the Peiraeeus. Though Leosthenes was killed in the war of Athens against Lamia, 1. c. 323, Sillig argues, that the faict of his sons being included in the picture favours the supposition that it was painted after his death, and that we may therefore safely refer the passages of Pausanias and of Pliny to the same person. (Catal. Artif. s. v.) 4. A sculptor in the first century B. c., who, according to Pliny, was held in high esteem at Rome, was especially celebrated by M. Varro, and was intimate with L. Lentulus. Among his works were a statue of Venus Genetrix in the forum of Caesar, and a marble lioness surrounded by winged Cupids, who were sporting with her. Of the latter s2
Page 260 260 ARCHEDEMUS. work the mosaics in the Mus. Borb. vii. 61, and the Mus. Capit. iv. 19, are supposed to be copies. There were some statues by him of centaurs carrying nymphs, in the collection of Asinius Pollio. He received a talent from Octavius, a Roman knight, for the model of a bowl (crater), and was engaged by Lucullus to make a statue of Felicitas for 60 sestertia; but the deaths both of the artist and of his patron prevented the completion of the work. (Plin. xxxv. 45, xxxvi. 4. ~~ 10, 13: the reading Archesitae, in ~ 10, ought, almost undoubtedly, to be Areesilae or Arcesilai.) [P. S.] ARCHAEANA'CTIDAE ('ApXaiYaacKrc8a), the name of a race of kings who reigned in the Cimmerian Bosporus forty-two years, B. c. 480 -438. (Diod. xii. 31, with Wesseling's note.) ARCHA'GATHUS ('ApX&ya6os). 1. The son of Agathocles, accompanied his father in his expedition into Africa, B. c. 310. While there he narrowly escaped being put to death in a tumult of the soldiers, occasioned by his having murdered Lyciscus, who reproached him with committing incest with his step-mother Alcia. When Agathocles was summoned from Africa by the state of affairs in Sicily, he left Archagathus behind in command of the army. He met at first with some success, but was afterwards defeated three times, and obliged to take refuge in Tunis. Agathocles returned to his assistance; but a mutiny of the soldiers soon compelled him to leave Africa again, and Archagathus and his brother were put to death by the troops in revenge, B. c. 307. (Diod. xx. 33, 57-61; Justin. xxii. 8.) 2. The son of the preceding, described as a youth of great bravery and daring, murdered Agathocles, the son of Agathocles, that he might succeed his grandfather. He was himself killed by Maenon. (Diod. xxi. Eecl. 12.) ARCHA'GATHUS ('ApXdyaOos), a Peloponnesian, the son of Lysanias, who settled at Rome as a practitioner of medicine, B. c. 219, and, according to Cassius Hemina (as quoted by Pliny, H. N. xxix. 6), was the first person who made it a distinct profession in that city. He was received in the first instance with great respect, the " Jus Quiritium" was given him, and a shop was bought for him at the public expense; but his practice was observed to be so severe, that he soon excited the dislike of the people at large, and produced a complete disgust to the profession generally. The practice of Archagathus seems to have been almost exclusively surgical, and to have consisted, in a great measure, in the use of the knife and powerful caustic applications. (Bostock, Hist. of Med.) [W. A. G.] ARCHEBU'LUS ('ApXO@ovXos), of Thebes, a lyric poet, who appears to have lived about the year B. c. 280, as Euphorion is said to have been instructed by him in poetry. (Suid. s. v. EdVpopiwv.) A particular kind of verse which was frequently used by other lyric poets, was called after him. (Hephaest. Enchlir. p. 27.) Not a fragment of his poetry is now extant. [L. S.] ARCHEDE'MUS or ARCHEDA'MUS ('Ap-qu^os or 'ApXeSaios). 1. A popular leader at Athens, took the first step against the generals who had gained the battle of Arginusae, B. c. 406, by imposing a fine on Erasinides, and calling him to account in a court of justice for some public money which he had received in the Hellespont. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~ 2.) This seems to be the same ARCHEGETES. Archedemus of whom Xenophon speaks in the Memorabilia (ii. 9), as originally poor, but of considerable talents both for speaking and public business, and who was employed by Criton to protect him and his friends from the attacks of sycophants. It appears that Archedemus was a foreigner, and obtained the franchise by fraud, for which he was attacked by Aristophanes (Ran. 419) and by Eupolis in the Baptae. (Schol. ad Aristoph. 1. c.) Both Aristophanes (Ran. 588) and Lysias (c. Alcib. p. 536, ed. Reiske) call him blear-eyed (yXapAwv). 2. '0 fljAmg, mentioned by Aeschines (c. Cles. p. 531, ed. Reiske), should be distinguished from the preceding. 3. An Aetolian (called Archidamus by Livy), who commanded the Aetolian troops which assisted the Romans in their war with Philip. In B. c. 199 he compelled Philip to raise the siege of Thaumaci (Liv. xxxii. 4), and took an active part in the battle of Cynoscephalae, B. c. 197, in which Philip was defeated. (Polyb. xviii. 4.) When the war broke out between the Romans and the Aetolians, he was sent as ambassador to the Achaeans to solicit their assistance, B. c. 192 (Liv. xxxv. 48); and on the defeat of Antiochus the Great in the following year, he went as ambassador to the consul M'. Acilius Glabrio to sue for peace. (Polyb. xx. 9.) In B. c. 169 he was denounced to the Romans by Lyciscus as one of their enemies. (Polyb. xxviii. 4.) He joined Perseus the same year, and accompanied the Macedonian king in his flight after his defeat in 168. (Liv. xliii. 23, 24, xliv. 43.) 4. Of Tarsus, a Stoic philosopher (Strab. xiv. p. 674; Diog. Laert. vii. 40, 68, 84, 88), two of whose works, nepl 4wvris and.IEpl -or0TxieW, are mentioned by Diogenes Laertius. (vii. 55, 134.) He is probably the same person as the Archedemus, whom Plutarch (de Exsilio, p. 605) calls an Athenian, and who, he states, went into the country of the Parthians and left behind him the Stoic succession at Babylon. Archedemus is also mentioned by Cicero (Acad. Qnaest. ii. 47), Seneca (Epist. 121), and other ancient writers. ARCHE'DICE ('APXE6bic3), daughter ofHippias the Peisistratid, and given in marriage by him after the death of Hipparchus to Aeantides, son of Hippoclus, the tyrant of Lampsacus. She is famous for the epitaph given in Thucydides, and ascribed by Aristotle to Simonides, which told that, with father, husband, and sons in sovereign power, still she retained her meekness. (Thuc. vi. 59; Arist. Rlet. i. 9.) [A. H. C.] ARCHE'DICUS ('ApXfhicos), an Athenian comic poet of the new comedy, who wrote, at the instigation of Timaeus, against Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes, and supported Antipater and the Macedonian party. The titles of two of his plays are preserved, Amaogaprdrvwv and oqaavpo's. He flourished about 302 B. c. (Suidas, s. v.; Athen. vi. p. 252, f., vii. pp. 292, e., 294, a. b., x. p. 467, e., xiii. p. 610, f.; Polyb. xii. 13.) [P. S.] ARCHE'GETES ('ApXyEmrus). 1. A surname of Apollo, under which he was worshipped in several places, as at Naxos in Sicily (Thuc. vi. 3 Pind. Pyth. v. 80), and at Megara. (Paus. i. 42, ~ 5.) The name has reference either to Apollo as the leader and protector of colonies, or as th( founder of towns in general, in which case the impor of the name is nearly the same as bheds i arp 5os.
Page 261 ARCHELAUS. 2. A surname of Asclepius, under which he was worshipped at Tithorea in Phocis. (Paus. x. 32. ~ 8.) [L. S.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXyAaos), a son of Temenus, a Heraclid, who, when expelled by his brothers, fled to king Cisseus in Macedonia. Cisseus promised him the succession to his throne and the hand of his daughter, if he would assist him against his neighbouring enemies. Archelaus performed what was asked of him; but when, after the defeat of the enemy, he claimed the fulfilment of the promise, Cisseus had a hole dug in the earth, filled it with burning coals, and covered it over with branches, that Archelaus might fall into it. The plan was discovered, and Cisseus himself was thrown into the pit by Archelaus, who then fled, but at the command of Apollo built the town of Aegae on a spot to which he was led by a goat. According to some accounts, Alexander the Great was a descendant of Archelaus. (Hygin. Fab. 219.) Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Apollodorus. (ii. 1. ~ 5, 4. ~ 5, &c.) [L. S.] ARCHELA'US ('Apxfeao5), the author of a poem consisting of upwards of three hundred barbarous Greek iambics, entitled riepi rrj 'lepds Ts'vrs', De Sacra Arte (sc. Chrysopoeia). Nothing is known of the events of his life; his date also is uncertain, but the poem is evidently the work of a comparatively recent writer, and must not be attributed to any of the older authors of this name. It was published for the first time in the second volume of Ideler's Physici et Medici Graeci MAinores, Berol. 1842, 8vo.; but a few extracts had previously been inserted by J. S. Bernard, in his edition of Palladius, De Febribus, Lugd. Bat. 1745, 8vo. pp. 160-163. [W. A. G.] ARCHELA'US ('Ape'Aaos), one of the illegitimate sons of AIvYNTras II. by Cygnaea. Himself and his two brothers (Archideus or Arrhidaeus, and Menelaus) excited the jealousy of their halfbrother Philip; and, this having proved fatal to one of them, the other two fled for refuge to Olynthus. According to Justin, the protection which they obtained there gave occasion to the Olynthian war, B. c. 349; and on the capture of the city, B. c. 347, the two princes fell into Philip's hands and were put to death. (Just. vii. 4, viii. 3.) [E. E.] ARCHELA'US, bishop of CAESAREIA in Cappadocia, wrote a work against the heresy of the Messalians, which is referred to by Photius. (Cod. 52.) Cave places him at 440 A. D. (Hist. Lit. sub. ann.) [P. S.] ARCHELA'US, KING OF CAPPADOCIA. [Archelaus, general of Mithridates, No. 4, p. 263.] ARCHELA'US, bishop of CARRHA in Mesopotamia, A. D. 278, held a public dispute with the heretic Manes, an account of which he published in Syriac. The work was soon translated both into Greek and into Latin. (Socrates, H. E. i. 22; Hieron. de Vir. Illustr. 72.) A large fragment of the Latin version was published by Valesius, in his edition of Socrates and Sozomen. The same version, almost entire, was again printed, with the Fragments of the Greek version, by Zaccagnius, n his Collect. Monument. Vet., Rom. 1698, and by Vabricius in his edition of Hippolytus. [P. S.] ARCHELA'US ('ApX'Aaos), a Greek GEOGRAH ER, who wrote a work in which he described all he countries which Alexander the Great had traersed. (Diog. Laert. ii. 17.) This statement would ARCHELAUS. 261 lead us to conjecture, that Archelaus was a contemporary of Alexander, and perhaps accompanied him on his expeditions. But as the work is campletely lost, nothing certain can be said about the matter. In like manner, it must remain uncertain whether this Archelaus is the same as the one whose " Euboeica" are quoted by Harpocration (s. v. 'AAdv-,J0o-oS, where however Maussac readsA rchemachus), and whose works on rivers and stones are mentioned by Plutarch (de Fluv. I and 9) and Stobaeus. (Florileg. i. 15.) [L. S.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXEAaos). son of HEROD the Great by Malthace, a Samaritan woman, is called by Dion Cassius 'Hpc8 s IatXaa-Y 'drs, and was whole brother to Herod Antipas. (Dion Cass. Iv. 27; Joseph. Ant. xvii. 1. ~ 3, 10. ~ 1;" Bell. Jud. i. 28. ~ 4.) The will of Herod, which had at first been so drawn up as to exclude Archelaus in consequence of the false representations of his eldest brother Antipater, was afterward altered in his favour on the discovery of the latter's treachery [see p. 203]; and, on the death of Herod, he was saluted as king by the army. This title, however, he declined till it should be ratified by Augustus; and, in a speech to the people after his father's funeral, he made large professions of his moderation and his willingness to redress all grievances. (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 4. ~ 3, 6. ~ 1, 8. ~~ 2-4; Bell. Jud. i. 31. ~ 1, 32. ~ 7, 33. ~~ 7-9.) Immediately after this a serious sedition occurred, which Archelaus quenched in blood (Ant. xvii. 9. ~~ 1-3; Bell. Jud. ii. 1; comp. Ant. xvii. 6; Bell. Jud. i. 33), and he then proceeded to Rome to obtain the confirmation of his father's will. Here he was opposed by Antipas, who was supported by Herod's sister Salome and her son Antipater, and ambassadors also came from the Jews to complain of the cruelty of Archelaus, and to entreat that their country might be annexed to Syria and ruled by Roman governors. The will of Herod was, however, ratified in its main points by Augustus, and in the division of the kingdom Archelaus received Judaea, Samaria, and Idumaea, with the title of Ethnarch, and a promise of that of king should he be found to deserve it. (Ant. xvii. 9, 11; Bell. Jud. ii. 2, 6; Euseb. Hist. Ecc. i. 9; comp. Luke, xix. 12-27.) On his return from Rome he set the Jewish law at defiance by his marriage 'with Glaphyra (daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia), the widow of his brother Alexander, by whom she had children living (Levit. xviii. 16, xx. 21; Deut. xxv. 5); and, his general government being most tyrannical, he was again accused before Augustus by the Jews in the 10th year of his reign (A. D. 7), and, as he was unable to clear himself from their charges, he was banished to Vienna in Gaul, where he died. (Ant. xvii. 13; Bell. Jud. ii. 7. ~ 3; Strab. xvi. p. 765; Dion Cass. lv. 27; Euseb. Hist. Ecc. i. 9.) [E. E.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXEAaos), king of MACEDONIA from B. c. 413 to 399. According to Plato, he was an illegitimate son of Perdiccas II. and obtained the throne by the murder of his uncle Alcetas, his cousin, and his half-brother (Plat. Gorgy. p. 471; Athen. v. p. 217, d.; Ael. V. H. xii. 43), further strengthening himself by marriage with Cleopatra, his father's widow. (Plat. Gorg. p. 471, c.; Aristot. Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk.) Nor does there appear to be any valid reason for rejecting this story, in spite of the silence of Thucydides, who
Page 262 262 ARCHELAUS. had no occasion to refer to it, and of the remarks of Athenaeus, who ascribes it to Plato's love of scandal. (Thuc. ii. 100; Athen. xi. p. 506, a. e.; Mitford, Gr. Hist. ch. 34, sec. 1; Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. v. p. 157.) In B. c. 410 Pydna revolted from Archelaus, but he reduced it with the aid of an Athenian squadron under Theramenes, and the better to retain it, in subjection, rebuilt it at a distance of about two miles from the coast. (Diod. xiii. 49; Wess. ad loc.) In another war, in which he was involved with Sirrhas and Arrhabaeus, he purchased peace by giving his daughter in marriage to the former. (Aristot. Polit.1. c.; comp. Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. v. p. 158.) For the internal improvement and security of his kingdom, as well as for its future greatness, he effectually provided by building fortresses, forming roads, and increasing the army to a stronger force than had been known under any of the former kings. (Thuc. ii. 100.) He established also at Aegae (Arr. Anab. i. p. 11, f.) or at Dium (Diod. xvii. 16; Wess. ad Diod. xvi. 55), public games, and a festival which he dedicated to the Muses and called "Olympian." His love of literature, science, and the fine arts is well known. His palace was adorned with magnificent paintings by Zeuxis (Ael. V.H. xiv. 17); and Euripides, Agathon, and other men of eminence, were among his guests. (Ael. V. I. ii. 21, xiii. 4; Kfihn, ad Ael. V. H. xiv. 17; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 85.) But the tastes and the (so-called) refinement thus introduced failed at least to prevent, even if they did not foster, the great moral corruption of the court. (Ael. II. cc.) Socrates himself received an invitation from Archelaus, but refused it, according to Aristotle (Rlet. ii. 23. ~ 8), that he might not subject himself to the degradation of receiving favours which he could not return. Possibly, too, he was influenced by disgust at the corruption above alluded to, and contempt for the king's character. (Ael. V. H. xiv. 17.) We read in Diodorus, that Archelaus was accidentally slain on a hunting party by his favourite, Craterus or Crateuas (Diod. xiv. 37; Wess. ad loc.); but according to other accounts of apparently better authority, Craterus murdered him, either from ambition, or from disgust at his odious vices, or from revenge for his having broken his promise of giving him one of his daughters in marriage. (Aristot. Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk; Ael. V. I-. viii. 9; Pseud.-Plat. Alcib. ii. p. 141.) [E.E.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXEAaos), a general of MITHRIDATES, and the greatest that he had. He was a native of Cappadocia, and the first time that his name occurs is in B.c. 88, when he and his brother Neoptolemus had the command against Nicomedes III. of Bithynia, whom they defeated near the river Amnius in Paphlagonia. In the next year he was sent by Mithridates with a large fleet and army into Greece, where he reduced several islands, and after persuading the Athenians to abandon the cause of the Romans, he soon gained for Mithridates nearly the whole of Greece south of Thessaly. In Boeotia, however, he met Bruttius Sura, the legate of Sextius, the governor of Macedonia, with whom he had during three days a hard struggle in the neighbourhood of Chaeroneia, until at last, on the arrival of Lacedaemonian and Achaean auxiliaries for Archelaus, the Roman general withdrew to Peiraeeus, which however was blockaded and taken possession of by Archelaus. In the meantime, Sulla, to whom the command of the war against Mithridates had been given, had ar ARCHELAUS. rived in Greece, and immediately marched towards Attica. As he was passing through Boeotia, Thebes deserted the cause of Archelaus, and joined the Romans. On his arrival in Attica, he sent a part of his army to besiege Aristion in Athens, while he himself with his main force went straight on to Peiraeeus, where Archelaus had retreated within the walls. Archelaus maintained himself during a long-protracted siege, until in the end, Sulla, despairing of success in Peiraeeus, turned against Athens itself. The city was soon taken, and then fresh attacks made upon Peiraeeus, with such success, that Archelaus was obliged to withdraw to the most impregnable part of the place. In the meanwhile, Mithridates sent fresh reinforcements to Archelaus, and on their arrival he withdrew with them into Boeotia, B. c. 86, and there assembled all his forces. Sulla followed him, and in the neighbourhood of Chaeroneia a battle ensued, in which the Romans gained such a complete victory, that of the 120,000 men with whom Archelaus had opened the campaign no more than 10,000 assembled at Chalcis in Euboea, where Archelaus had taken refuge. Sulla pursued his enemy as far as the coast of the Euripus, but having no fleet, he was obliged to allow him to make his predatory excursions among the islands, from which, however, he afterwards was obliged to return to Chalcis. Mithridates had in the meantime collected a fresh army of 80,000 men, which Doryalus or Dorylaus led to Archelaus. With these increased forces, Archelaus again crossed over into Boeotia, and in the neighbourhood of Orchomenos was completely defeated by Sulla in a battle which lasted for two days. Archelaus himself was concealed for three days after in the marshes, until he got a vessel which carried him over to Chalcis, where he collected the few remnants of his forces. When Mithridates, who was himself hard pressed in Asia by C. Fimbria, was informed of this defeat, he conmmissioned Archelaus to negotiate for peace on honourable terms, B. c. 85. Archelaus accordingly had an interview with Sulla at Delium in Boeotia. Sulla's attempt to make Archelaus betray his master was rejected with indignation, and Archelaus confined himself to concluding a preliminary treaty which was to be binding if it received the sanction of Mithridates. While waiting for the king's answer, Sulla made an expedition against some of the barbarous tribes which at the time infested Macedonia, and was accompanied by Archelaus, for whom he had conceived great esteem. In his answer, Mithridates refused to surrender lis fleet, which Archelaus, in his interview with Sulla, had likewise refused to do; and when Sulla would not conclude peace on any other terms, Archelaus himself, who was exceedingly anxious that peace should be concluded, set out for Asia, and brought about a meeting of Sulla and his king at Dardanus in Troas, at which peace was agreed upon, on condition that each party should remain in possession of what had belonged to them before the war. This peace was in so far unfavourable to Mithridates, as he had made all his enormous sacrifices for nothing; and when Mithridates began to feel that he had made greater concessions than he ought, he also began to suspect Archlelans of treachery, and the latter, fearing for his life, deserted to the Romans just before the outbreak of the second Mithridatic war, B. c. 81. He stimulated Murena not to wait for the attack of the king, but to begin hostilities
Page 263 ARCIELAUS. at once. From this moment Archelaus is no more mentioned in history, but several writers state incidentally, that he was honoured by the Roman senate. (Appian, de Bell. Miithrid. 17-64; Plut. Sull. 11-24; Liv. Epit. 81 and 82; Veil. Pat. ii. 25; Florus, iii. 5; Ores. vi. 2; Pans. i. 20. ~ 3, &c.; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illustr. 75, 76; Dion Cass. Frugm. n. 173, ed. Reimar.; Sallust. Fragm. Hist. lib. iv.) 2. A son of the preceding. (Strab. xvii. p. 796; Dion Cass. xxxix. 57.) In the year B. c. 63, Pompey raised him to the dignity of priest of the goddess (Enyo or Bellona) at Comana, which was, according to Strabo, in Pontus, and according to Hirtius (de Bell. Alex. 66), in Cappadocia. The dignity of priest of the goddess at Comana conferred upon the person who held it the power of a king over the place and its immediate vicinity. (Appian, de Bell. Mithr. 114; Strab. 1. c., xii. p. 558.) In B. c. 56, when A. Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria, was making preparations for a war against the Parthians, Archelaus went to Syria and offered to take part in the war; but this plan was soon abandoned, as other prospects opened before him. Berenice, the daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, who after the expulsion of her father had become queen of Egypt, wished to marry a prince of royal blood, and Archelaus, pretending to be a son of Mithridates Eupator, sued for her hand, and succeeded. (Strab. 11. cc.; Dion Cass. 1..) According to Strabo, the Roman senate would not permit Archelaus to take part in the war against Parthia, and Archelaus left Gabinius in secret; whereas, according to Dion Cassius, Gabinius was induced by bribes to assist Archelaus in his suit for the hand of Berenice, while at the same time he received bribes from Ptolemy Auletes on the understanding that he would restore him to his throne. Archelaus enjoyed the honour of king of Egypt only for six months, for Gabinius kept his promise to Ptolemy, and in B. c. 55 he marched with an army into Egypt, and in the battle which ensued, Archelaus lost his crown and his life. His daughter too was put to death. (Strab. 11. cc.; Dion Cass. xxxix. 58; Liv. Epit. lib. 105; Cic. pro Rabir. Post. 8; Val. Max. x. 1, extern. 6.) M. Antonius, who had been connected with the family of Archelaus by ties of hospitality and friendship, had his body searched for among the dead, and buried it in a manner worthy of a king. (Plut. Ant. 3.) 3. A son of the preceding, and his successor in the office of high priest of Comana. (Strab. xvii. 3. 796, xii. p. 558.) In B. c. 51, in which year 2icero was proconsul of Cilicia, Archelaus assisted.vith troops and money those who created disturbinces in Cappadocia and threatened king Ariobar-:anes II.; but Cicero compelled Archelaus to quit lappadocia. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 4.) In B. c. 47, 1. Caesar, after the conclusion of the Alexanidrine var, deprived Archelaus of his office of high priest, nd gave it to Lycomedes. (Appian, deBell. Mithr. 21; Hirt. de Bell. Alex. 66.) 4. A son of the preceding. (Strab. xvii. p. 796.) n B. c. 34, Antony, after having expelled Ariarahes, gave to Archelaus the kingdom of Cappadocia -a favour which he owed to the charms of his lother, Glaphyra. (Dion Cass. xlix. 32; Strab. ii. p. 540.) Appian (de Bell. Civ. v. 7), who laces this event in the year B. c. 41, calls the son C Glaphyra, to whom Antony gave Cappadocia, isinna; which, if it is not a mistake, may have ARCHELAUS. 263 been a surname of Archelaus. During the war between Antony and Octavianus, Archelaus was among the allies of the former. (Plut. Ant. 61.) After his victory over Antony, Octavianus not only left Archelaus in the possession of his kingdom (Dion Cass. Ii. 3), but subsequently added to it a part of Cilicia and Lesser Armenia. (Dion Cass. liv. 9; Strab. xii. p. 534, &c.) On one occasion, during the reign of Augustus, accusations were brought before the emperor against Archelaus by his own subjects, and Tiberius defended the king. (Dion Cass. lvii. 17; Suet. Tib. 8.) But afterwards Tiberius entertained great hatred of Archelaus, the cause of which was jealousy, as Archelaus had paid greater attentions to Caius Caesar than to him. (Comp. Tacit. Annal. ii. 42.) When therefore Tiberius had ascended the throne, he enticed Archelaus to come to Rome, and then accused him in the senate of harbouring revolutionary schemes, hoping to get him condemned to death. But Archelaus was then at such an advanced age, or at least pretended to be so, that it appeared unnecessary to take away his life. He was, however, obliged to remain at Rome, where he died soon after, A. D. 17. Cappadocia was then made a Roman province. (Dion Cass., Tacit. 11. cc.; Suet. Tib. 37, Calig. 1; Strab. xii. p. 534.) [L. S.] The annexed coin of Archelaus contains on the reverse a club and the inscription BA"IAE24 APXEAAOT 4IA(A?)OTIATPIAO TOT KTITOT. He is called KTirTjs, according to Eckhel (iii. p. 201), on account of his having founded the city of Eleusa in an island of the same name, off the coast of Cilicia. (Comp. Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4. ~ 6.) ARCHELA'US ('ApXAeaos), a PHILOSOPHER of the Ionian school, called Physicus from having been the first to teach at Athens the physical doctrines of that philosophy. This statement, which is that of Laertius (ii. 16), is contradicted by the assertion of Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. i. p. 30), that Anaxagoras serT'/yayEv drrd TTJS 'Iwvlas 'AO,vaee riv ia-rpiGfv, but the two may be reconciled by supposing with Clinton (F. H. ii. p. 51), that Archelaus was the first Athenian who did so. For the fact that he was a native of Athens, is considered by Ritter as nearly established on the authority of Simplicius (in Phys. Arislot. fol. 6, b.), as it was probably obtained by him from Theophrastus; and we therefore reject the statement of other writers, that Archelaus was a Milesian. He was the son of Apollodorus, or as some say, of Mydon, Midon, (Suid.) or Myson, and is said to have taught at Lampsacus before he established himself at Athens. He is commonly reported to have numbered Socrates and Euripides among his pupils. If he was the instructor of the former, it is strange that he is never mentioned by Xenophon, Plato, or Aristotle; and the tradition which connects him with Euripides may have arisen from a confusion with his namesake Archelaus, king of Macedonia, the well-known patron of that poet. The doctrine of Archelaus is remarkable, as
Page 264 264 ARCHELAUS. forming a point of transition from the older to the newer form of philosophy in Greece. In the mental history of all nations it is observable that scientific inquiries are first confined to natural objects, and afterwards pass into moral speculations; and so, among the Greeks, the lonians were occupied with physics, the Socratic schools chiefly with ethics. Archelaus is the union of the two: he was the last recognized leader of the former (succeeding Diogenes of Apollonia in that character), and added to the physical system of his teacher, Anaxagoras, some attempts at moral speculation. He held that air and infinity (rdo dreipov) are the principle of all things, by which Plutarch (Plac. Phil. i. 3) supposes that he meant infinite air; and we are told, that by this statement he intended to exclude the operations of mind from the creation of the world. (Stob. Eel. Phys. i. 1,2.) If so, he abandoned the doctrine of Anaxagoras in its most important point; and it therefore seems safer to conclude with Ritter, that while he wished to inculcate the materialist notion that the mind is formed of air, he still held infinite mind to be the cause of all things. This explanation has the advantage of agreeing very fairly with that of Simplicius (1. c.); and as Anaxagoras himself did not accurately distinguish between mind and the animal soul, this confusion may have given rise to his pupil's doctrine. Archelaus deduced motion from the opposition of heat and cold, caused of course, if we adopt the above hypothesis, by the will of the material mind. This opposition separated fire and water, and produced a slimy mass of earth. While the earth was hardening, the action of heat upon its moisture gave birth to animals, which at first were nourished by the mud from which they sprang, and gradually acquired the power of propagating their species. All these animals were endowed with mind, but man separated from the others, and established laws and societies. It was just from this point of his physical theory that he seems to have passed into ethical speculation, by the proposition, that right and wrong are oA <v'ooei dAd yedJy -a dogma probably suggested to him, in its form at least, by the contemporary Sophists. But when we consider the purely mechanical and materialistic character of his physics, which make every thing arise from the separation or distribution of the primary elements, we shall see that nothing, except the original chaotic mass, is strictly by nature ((uo et), and that Archelaus assigns the same origin to right and wrong that he does to man. Now a contemporaneous origin with that of the human race is not very different from what a sound system of philosophy would demand for these ideas, though of course such a system would maintain quite another origin of man; and therefore, assuming the Archelaic physical system, it does not necessarily follow, that his ethical principles are so destructive of all goodness as they appear. This view is made almost certain by the fact that Democritus taught, that the ideas of sweet and bitter, warm and cold, &c., are by v64cos, which can be accounted for only by a similar supposition. Of the other doctrines of Archelaus we need only mention, that he asserted the earth to have the form of an egg, the sun being the largest of the stars; and that he correctly accounted for speech by the motion of the air. For this, according to Plutarch (Plac. Phil. iv. 19), he was indebted to Anaxagoras, ARCHELAUS. Archelaus flourished B. c. 450. In that year Anaxagoras withdrew from Athens, and during his absence Archelaus is said to have taught Socrates. (Laert. 1. c.) To the authorities given above add Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 1; Ritter, Geschichte der Phil. iii. 9; Tennemann, Grundriss der Gesch. der Phil. ~ 107. [G. E. L. C.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXeAaos), a Greek POET, is called an Egyptian, and is believed to have been a native of a town in Egypt called Chersonesus, as he is also called Chersonesita. (Antig. Caryst. 19; Athen. xii. p. 554.) He wrote epigrams, some of which are still extant in the Greek Anthology, and Jacobs seems to infer from an epigram of his on Alexander the Great (Anthol. Planud. 120) that Archelaus lived in the time of Alexander and Ptolemy Soter. Lobeck (Aglaoph. p. 749), on the other hand, places him in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes II. But both of these opinions are connected with chronological difficulties, and Westerman n ihas shoewn that Arclielaus in all probability flourished under Ptolemy Philadelphus, to whom, according to Antigonus Carystius (1. c., comp. 89), he narrated wonderful stories (wrapd6o0a) in epigrams. Besides this peculiar kind of epigrams, Archelaus wrote a work called llloiupv, i. e. strange or peculiar animals (Athen. ix. p. 409; Diog. Laert. ii. 17), which seems to have likewise been written in verse, and to have treated on strange and paradoxical subjects, like his epigrams. (Plin. Elench. lib. xxviii.; Schol. ad Nicand. Th'er. 822; Artemid. Oneirocr. iv. 22. Compare Westermann, Scriptor. Rer. smirabil. G6raeci, p. xxii., &c., who has also collected the extant fragments of Archelaus, p. 158, &c.) [L. S.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXEAaos), a Greek RHETORIcIAN of uncertain date, who wrote on his profession; whence he is called TeyXvoypda'o prs rp. (Diog. Laeirt. ii. 17.) [L. S.] ARCHELA'US, a SCULPTOR of Priene, the son of Apollonius, made the marble bas-relief representing the Apotheosis of Homer, which formerly belonged to the Colonna family at Rome, and is now in the Townley Gallery of the British Museum (Inscription on the work). The style of the basrelief, which is little, if at all, inferior to the best remains of Grecian art, confirms the supposition that Archelaus was the son of Apollonius of Rhodes [APOLLONIUS], and that he flourished in the first century of the Christian aera. From the circumstance of the "Apotheosis" having been found in the palace of Claudius at Bovillae (now Frattocchi), coupled with the known admiration of that emperor for Homer (Suet. Claud. 42), it is generally supposed that the work was executed in Iis reign. A description of the bas-relief, and a list of the works in which it is referred to, is given in Thme Townley Gallery, in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge, ii. p. 120. [P. S.] ARCHELA'US ('ApXeAaos), king of SPARTA, 7th of the Agids, son of Agesilaus I., contempo. rary with Charilaus, with whom he took Aegys, i town on the Arcadian border, said to have revolt ed, but probably then first taken. (Paus. iii. 2 Plut. Lye. 5; Euseb. Praep. v. 32.) [A. H. C. ARCHELA'US ('ApX'Aaos), son of TiHEODO Rus, was appointed by Alexander the Great th military commander in Susiana, B. c. 300. (Arriar iii. 16; Curt. v. 2.) In the division of the province in 323, Archelaus obtained Mesopotamia. (Dexip1 ap. Phot. Cod, 82, p. 64, b., ed. Bekker.)
Page 265 ARCHESTRATUS. ARCHE'MACHUS ('ApxCaXos). There are two mythical personages of this name, concerning whom nothing of interest is known, the one a son of Heracles and the other a son of Priam. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8, iii. 12. ~ 5.) [L. S.] ARCHE'MACHUS ('ApXGeaXos), of Euboea, wrote a work on his native country, which consisted at least of three books. (Strab. x. p. 465; Athen. vi. p. 264, a.; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 327, a. ed. Paris, 1629; Harpocrat. s. v. KTrd\haaov.ipos; Plut. de Is. et Osir. c. 27.) Whether this Archelaus was the author of the grammatical work A METrwvvLiat (Schol. ad Apollon. lRhod. iv. 262), is uncertain. ARCHEMO'RUS ('ApX iwpos), a son of the Nemean king Lycurgus, and Eurydice. His real name was Opheltes, which was said to have been changed into Archemorus, that is, "the Forerunner of death," on the following occasion. When the Seven heroes on their expedition against Thebes stopped at Nemea to take in water, the nurse of the child Opheltes, while shewing the way to the Seven, left the child alone. In the meantime, the child was killed by a dragon, an4 buried by the Seven. But as Amphiaraus saw in this accident an omen boding destruction to him and his companions, they called the child Archemorus, and instituted the Nemean games in honour of him. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 4.) [L. S.] ARCHE'NOR ('ApX/vwp), one of the Niobids (Hygin. Fab. 11), and perhaps the same who is called by Ovid (Met. vi. 248) Alphenor. The names of the Niobids, however, differ very much in the different lists. [L. S.] ARCHESITA. [ARCESILAUS, Artists, No. 4.] ARCHE'STRATUS ('ApXEorparos). 1. One of the ten o(rpaTr7yol who were appointed to supersede Alcibiades in the command of the Athenian fleet after the battle of Notium, B. c. 407. Xenophon and Diodorus, who give us his name in this list, say no more of him; but we learn from Lysias that he died at Mytilene, and he appears therefore to have been with Conon when Callicratidas chased the Athenian fleet thither from 'Eca-rdvvsnoto (Xen. Hell. i. 5. ~ 16; Diod. xiii. 74, 77, 78; Lys. 'AroA. Swpos. p. 162; Schn. ad Xen. Hell. i. 6. ~ 16; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. p. 119, note 3.) 2. A member of the Sovx?' at Athens, who during the siege of the city after the battle of Aegospotami, B. c. 405, was thrown into prison for advising capitulation on the terms required by the Spartans. (Xen. Hell. ii. 2. ~ 15.) 3. The mover of the decree passed by the Athenians at the instigation of Agnonides, that an embassy should be sent to the Macedonian king Arrhidaeus Philip, and the regent Polysperchon, to accuse Phocion of treason, B. c. 318. (Plut. PJLc. c. 33.) Schneider (ad Xen. Hell. ii. 2. ~ 15), by a strange anachronism, identifies this Archestratus with the one mentioned immediately Ibove. [E. E.] ARCHE'STRATUS ('ApXCo'rparos). 1. Of 3ela or Syracuse (Athen. i. p. 4, d), but more isually described as a native of Gela, appears to rave lived about the time of the younger Diolysius. He travelled through various countries in )rder to become accurately acquainted with every hing which could be used for the table; and gave he results of his researches in an Epic poem on he Art of Cookery, which was celebrated in an ARCHIAS. tiquity, and is constantly referred io by Athenaeus. In no part of the Hellenic world was the art of good living carried to such an extent as in Sicily (the Siculae dapes, Hor. Carm. iii. 1. 18, became proverbial); and Terpsion, who is described as a teacher of Archestratus, had already written a work on the Art of Cookery. (Athen. viii. p. 337, b.) The work of Archestratus is cited by the ancients under five different titles,-Faa'rpohoyia, raocrpovo/lfa, 'O-oroix'ta, AYrvoAhoyia, and 'EHvnrdOBea. Ennius wrote an imitation or translation of this poem under the title of Carmina fledypathelica or Iledypathica. (Apul. Apol. p. 484, Oudend.) Archestratus delivered his precepts in the style and with the gravity of the old gnomic poets, whence he is called in joke the Hesiod or Theognis of gluttons, and his work is referred to as the " Golden Verses," like those of Pythagoras. (Athen. vii. pp. 310,a. 320,f.) His description of the various natural objects used for the table was so accurate, that Aristotle made use of his work in giving an account of the natural history of fishes. The extant fragments have been collected and explained by Schneider, in his edition of Aristotle's Natural History (vol. i. pp. Iv.-lxxv.), and also by Domenico Scina, under the title of " I frammenti della Gastronomia di Archestrato raccolti e volgarizzati," Palermo, 1823, 8vo. 2. The author of a work flepl AMAtwrcv (Athen. xiv. p. 634, d.) seems to be a different person from the one mentioned above. ARCHETI'MUS ('ApXc-7e as), of Syracuse, wrote an account of the interview of Thales and the other wise men of Greece with Cypselus of Corinth, at which Archetimus was present. (Diog. Laert. i. 40.) A'RCHIAS ('Apxias), of Corinth, the founder of Syracuse, B. c. 734. He was a Heracleid, either of the Bacchiad or the Temenid line, and of high account at Corinth. In consequence of the death of Actaeon [ACTAEON, No. 2] he resolved to leave his country. He consulted the Delphic Oracle, which directed him, says Pausanias, who gives the three hexameters, "to an Ortygia in Trinacria, where Arethusa and Alpheius reappeared." According to an account given in Strabo, Steph. Byz., and at greater length, with the four verses of the Oracle, by the Scholiast to Aristophanes, he and Myscellus, the founder of Croton, were inquiring together, and when the Pythoness asked which they would choose, health or wealth, Myscellus chose health, and Archias wealth; a decision with which, it was thought, the afterfortunes of their colonies were connected. Archias sailed in company, we are also told by Strabo, with Chersicrates, his countryman, and left him at Corcyra: as also Myscellus at Croton, in the founding of which he assisted. Thence he proceeded to his destination. (Thuc. vi. 3; Plut. Amat. Narr. p. 772; Diod. Exc. ii. p. 288; Paus. v. 7. ~ 2; Strabo, vi. pp. 262, 269; Steph. Byz. s. v. Syracus.; Schol. ad Arist. Eq. 1089. See also Clinton, F. I. B. c. 734, and vol. ii. pp. 264, 265; Muller's Dor. i. 6. ~ 7.) [A. H. C.] ARCHIAS ('ApXias). 1. A Spartan, who fell bravely in the Lacedaemonian attack upon Samos in B. c. 525. Herodotus saw at Pitana in Laconia his grandson Archias. (Herod. iii. 55.) 2. Of Thurii, originally an actor, was sent in B. c. 322, after the battle of Cranon, to apprehend the orators whom Antipater had demanded of the
Page 266 266 ARCHIAS. Athenians, and who had fled from Athens. He seized Hyperides and others in the sanctuary of Aeacus in Aegina, and transported them to Cleonae in Argolis, where they were executed. He also apprehended Demosthenes in the temple of Poseidon in Calaureia. Archias, who was nicknamed pv-yaSoOsfpas, the hunter of the exiles, ended his life in great poverty and disgrace. (Plut. Dem. 28, 29, Vit. X. Orat. p. 849; Arrian, ap. Phot. p. 69, b. 41, ed. Bekker.) 3. The governor of Cyprus under Ptolemy, received a bribe in order to betray the island to Demetrius, B. c. 155, but being detected he hanged himself. (Polyb. xxxiii. 3.) 4. An Alexandrine grammarian, probably lived about the time of Augustus, as he was the teacher of Epaphroditus. (Suidas, s. v. 'E7ra)p6o'rTOs; Villoison, Proleg. ad Apoll, Lex. iHonm. p. xx.) A'RCHIAS, A. LICI'NIUS, a Greek poet, born at Antioch in Syria, about B. c. 120. His name is known chiefly from the speech of Cicero * in his defence, which is the only source of information about him, and must therefore be very questionable evidence of his talent, considering that the verses of Archias had been employed in celebrating the part which that orator played in the conspiracy of Catiline. He was on intimate terms withs many of the first families in Rome, particularly with the Licinii, whose name he adopted. His reception during a journey through Asia Minor and Greece (pro Arch. c. 3), and afterwards in Grecian Italy, where Tarentum, Rhegium, Naples, and Locri enrolled him on their registers, shews that his reputation was, at least at that time, considerable. In B. c. 1 02 he came to Rome, still young (though not so young as the expression "praetextatus" (c. 3) literally explained would lead us to suppose; comp. Clinton, F. H. iii. p. 542), and was received in the most friendly way by Lucullus (ad Att. i. 16. 9), Marius, then consul, Hortensius the father, Metellus Pius, Q. Catulus, and Cicero. After a short stay, he accompanied Lucullus to Sicily, and followed him, in the banishment to which he was sentenced for his management of the slave war in that island, to Heraclea in Lucania, in which town, as being a confederate town and having more privileges than Tarentum, he was enrolled as a citizen. lHe was in the suite of L. Lucullus,-in Asia under Sulla, again in B. c. 76 in Africa, and again in the third Mithridatic war. As he had sung the Cimbric war in honour of Marius, so now he wrote a poem on this war, which he had witnessed (c. 9), in honour of Lucullus. We do not hear whether he finished his poem in honour of Cicero's consulship (c. 11); in B. c. 61, when he was already old, he had not begun it (ad Att. i. 16); or whether he ever published his intended Caeciliana, in honour of Metellus Pius. He wrote many epigrams: it is still disputed, whether any of those preserved under his name in the Anthologia were really his writings. (Comp. Ilgen, Opuscula, ii. p. 46; Clinton, iii. p. 452, note k.) These are all of little merit. In B.c. 61, a charge was brought against him, probably at the instigation of a party opposed to his patrons, of assuming the citizenship illegally, and the trial came on before Q. Cicero, who ARCHIDAMUS. was praetor this year. (Schol. Bob. p. 354, ed. Orelli.) Cicero pleaded his cause in the speech by which the name of Archias has been preserved. " If he had no legal right, yet the man who stood so high as an author, whose talent had been employed in celebrating Lucullus, Marius, and himself, might well deserve to be a Roman citizen. The register certainly, of Heraclea, in which his name was enrolled, had been destroyed by fire in the Marsian war; but their ambassadors and L. Lucullus bore witness that he was enrolled there. He had settled in Rome many years before he became citizen, had given the usual notice before Q. Metellus Pius, and if his property had never been enrolled in the censor's register, it was because of his absence with Lucullus-and that was after all no proof of citizenship. He had made wills, had been an heir (comp. Diet. of Ant. s. v. Testasmentum., Heres), and his name was on the civil list. But, after all, his chief claim was his talent, and the cause to which he had applied it." If we may believe Cicero (c. 8) and Quintilian (x. 7. ~ 19), Archias had the gift of making good extempore verses in great numbers, and was remarkable for the richness of his language and his varied range of thought. [C. T. A.] ARCHI'BIUS ('ApXidtos). 1. An Alexandrine grammarian, the son or father of the grammarian Apollonius [APOLLONIUs, No. 5, p. 238], wrote an interpretation of the Epigrams of Callimachus. (Suidas, s. v.) 2. Of Leucas or Alexandria, a grammarian, who taught at Rome in the time of Trajan. (Suid. s. v.) ARCHI'BIUS ('ApXiitos), a Greek surgeon, of whom no particulars are known, but who must have lived in or before the first century after Christ, as he is quoted by Heliodorus (in Cocchi's Graecor. Chlirurg. Libri, c., Flor. 1754, fol. p. 96) and Galen. (De Antid. ii. 10, vol. xiv. p. 159; De Cohsmpos. Medicame. sec. Gen. v. 14, vol. xiii. p. 849.) Pliny mentions (H. N. xviii. 70) a person of the same name who wrote a foolish and superstitious letter to Antiochus, king of Syria; but it is uncertain which king is meant, nor is it known that this Archibius was a physician. [W. A. G.] ARCHIDAMEIA ('AppXac4era). 1. The priestess of Demeter, who, through love of Aristomenes, set him at liberty when he had been taken prisoner. (Paus. iv. 17. ~ 1.) 2. The grandmother of Agis IV., was put to death, together with her grandson, in n. c. 240. (Plut. Agis, 4, 20.) 3. A Spartan woman, who distinguished herself by her heroic spirit when Sparta was nearly taken by Pyrrhus in n. c. 272, and opposed the plan which had been entertained of sending the women to Crete. Plutarch (Pyrrh. 27) calls her 'ApysMaetla, but Polyaenus (viii. 49) 'ApXiajpts. The latter writer calls her the daughter of king Cleadas (Cleomenes?). ARCHIDA'MUS I. ('Apyiaapos), king of Sparta, 12th of the Eurypontids, son of Anaxidamus, contemporary with the Tegeatan war, which followed soon after the end of the second Messenian, in n. c. 668. (Paus. iii. 7. ~ 6, comp. 3. ~ 5.) [A. H. C.] ARCHIDA'MUS II., king of Sparta, 17th oi the Eurypontids, son of Zeuxidamus, succeeded tc the throne on the banishment of his grandfathes Leotychides, B. c. 469. In the 4th or perhap' rather the 5th year of his reign, his kingdom wes * Schroeter has attacked the genuineness of this oration (Oratio quae mulgo fertsur pro A rc/hia, &c., Lips. 1818), which is however as fully established as that of any other of Cicero's speeches.
Page 267 ARCHIDAMUS. visited by the tremendous calamity of the great earthquake, by which all Laconia was shaken, and Sparta made a heap of ruins. On this occasion his presence of mind is said to have saved his people. Foreseeing the danger from the Helots, he summoned, by sounding an alarm, the scattered surviving Spartans, and collected them around him, apparently at a distance from the ruins, in a body sufficient to deter the assailants. To him, too, rather than to Nicomedes, the guardian of his colleague, Pleistbanax, (Pleistarchus was probably dead,) would be committed the conduct of the contest with the revolted Messenians, which occupies this and the following nine years. In the expeditions to Delphi and to Doris, and the hostilities with Athens down to the 30 years' truce, his name is not mentioned; though in the discussion at Sparta before the final dissolution of that truce he comes forward as one who has nad experience of many wars. Of the Peloponnesian war itself we find the first 10 years sometimes styled the Archidamian war; the share, however, taken in it by Archidamus was no more than the command of the first two expeditions into Attica; in the 3rd year, of the investment of Plataea; and again of the third expedition in the 4th year, 428.B. c. In 427 Cleomenes commanded; in 426 Agis, son and now successor of Archidamus. His death must therefore be placed before the beginning of this, though probably after the beginning of that under Cleomenes; for had Agis already succeeded, he, most likely, and not Cleomenes, would have Sommanded; in the 42nd year, therefore, of his:eign, B. c. 427. His views of this momentous itruggle, as represented by Thucydides, seem to ustify the character that historian gives him )f intelligence and temperance. His just estimate >f the comparative strength of the parties, and tis reluctance to enter without preparation on, contest involving so much, deserve our admiraion; though in his actual conduct of it he may eem to have somewhat wasted Lacedaemon's loral superiority. The opening of the siege of 'lataea displays something of the same deliberate haracter; the proposal to take the town and teritory in trust, however we may question the proable result, seems to breathe his just and temperate )irit. He may at any rate be safely excluded eom all responsibility for the cruel treatment of le besieged, on their surrender in the year of his eath. We may regard him as the happiest inance of an accommodation of the Spartan character altered circumstances, and his death as a misrtune to Sparta, the same in kind though not in tgree as that of Pericles was to Athens, with horn he was connected by ties of hospitality and homrn in some points he seems to have resembled. e left two sons and one daughter, Agis by his st wife, Lampito or Lampido, his father's halfAter; Agesilaus by a second, named Eupolia (aprently the woman of small stature whom the )hors fined him for marrying), and Cynisca, the ly woman, we are told, who carried off an Olympic Atory. (Thuc. i. ii. iii.; Diod. xi. 63; Paus. iii. ~~ 9, 10; Plut. Cimoen, 16, Ages. 1; Herod. 71.) [A. H. C.] ARCHIDA'MUS III., king of Sparta, 20th the Eurypontids, was son of Agesilaus II. e first hear of him as interceding with his father behalf of Sphodrias, to whose son Cleonymus he s attached, and who was thus saved, through ARCHIIDAMUS. 267 the weak affection of Agesilaus, from the punishment which his unwarrantable invasion of Attica had deserved, B. c. 378. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~~ 25 -33; Diod. xv. 29; Plut. Ages. c. 25; comp. Plut. Pel. c. 14.) In B. C. 371, he was sent, in consequence of the illness of Agesilaus (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~ 58; Plut. Ages. c. 27), to succour the defeated Spartans at Leuctra; but Jason of Pherae had already mediated between them and the Thebans, and Archidamus, meeting his countrymen on their return at Aegosthena in Megara, dismissed the allies, and led the Spartans home. (Xen. Hell. vi. 4. ~~ 17-26; comp. Diod. xv. 54, 55; Wess. ad loc.; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. p. 78, note.) In 367, with the aid of the auxiliaries furnished by Dionysius I. of Syracuse, he defeated the Arcadians and Argives in what has been called the "Tearless Battle," from the statement in his despatches, that he had won it without losing a man (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~ 28; Plut. Ages. c. 33; Polyaen. i. 45; Diod. xv. 72); and to the next year, 366, must be assigned the "Archidamus" of Isocrates, written perhaps to be delivered by the prince in the Spartan senate, to encourage his country in her resolution of maintaining her claim to Messenia, when Corinth had made, with Sparta's consent, a separate peace with Thebes. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. ~ 9.) In 364, he was again sent against Arcadia, then at war with Elis (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. ~ 20, &c.; Just. vi. 5); and in 362, having been left at home to protect Sparta while Agesilaus went to join the allies at Mantineia, he baffled the attempt of Epaminondas on the city. (Xen. Hell. vii. 5. ~ 9, &c.; Diod. xv. 82,83; Plut. Ages. c.34; Isocr.Ep.ead A r. ~ 5.) He succeeded his father on the throne in 361. In 356, we find him privately furnishing Philomelus, the Phocian, with fifteen talents, to aid him in his resistance to the Amphictyonic decree and his seizure of Delphi, whence arose the sacred war. (Diod. xvi. 24; Just. viii. 1; comp. Paus. iv. 4; Theopomp. ap. Paus. iii. 10.) In 352, occurred the war of Sparta against Megalopolis with a view to the dissolution (8tomctpo'ds) of that community; and Archidamus was appointed to the command, and gained some successes, though the enterprise did not ultimately succeed. (Diod. xvi. 39; Paus. viii. 27; Demosth. pro Megal.; comp. Aristot. Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk.) In the last year of the sacred war, 346, we find Archidamus marching into Phocis at the head of 1000 men. According to Diodorus (xvi. 59), the Phocians had applied for aid to Sparta, but this seems questionable from what Aeschines (de Fals. Leg. p. 45) reports as the advice of the Phocian leaders to Archidamus, " to alarm himself about the dangers of Sparta rather than of Phocis." Demosthenes (deFals.Leg.p. 365) hints at a private understanding between Philip and the Spartans, and at some treachery of his towards them. Whether however on this account, or as being distrusted by Phalaecus (Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 46), or as finding it impossible to effect anything on behalf of the Phocians, Archidamus, on the arrival of Philip, withdrew his forces and returned home. In 338, he went to Italy to aid the Tarentines against the Lucanians, and there he fell in battle on the very day, according to Diodorus, of Philip's victory at Chaeroneia. (Diod. xvi. 63, 88; Paus. iii. 10; Strab. vi. p. 280; Theopomp. ap. Athen. xii. p. 536, c. d.; Plut. Agis, c. 3.) The Spartans erected a statue of him at Olympia, which is mentioned by Pausanias. (vi. ch. 4,15.) [E. E.]
Page 268 268 ARCHIGENES. ARCHIDA'MUS IV., king of Sparta, 23rd of the Eurypontids, was the son of Eudamidas I. and the grandson of Archidamus III. (Plut. Agis, 3.) He was king in B. c. 296, when he was defeated by Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Plut. Demetr. 35.) ARCHIDA'MUS V., king of Sparta, 27th of the Eurypontids, was the son of Eudamidas II., and the brother of Agis IV. On the murder of his brother Agis, in B. c. 240, Archidamus fled from Sparta, but obtained possession of the throne some time after the accession of Cleomenes, through the means of Aratus, who wished to weaken the power of the Ephors: it appears that Cleomenes also was privy to his recall. Archidamrus was, however, slain almost immediately after his return to Sparta, by those who had killed his brother and who dreaded his vengeance. It is doubtful whether Cleomenes was a party to the murder. (Plut. Cleom. 1, 5; comp. Polyb. v. 37, viii. 1.) Archidamus V. was the last king of the Eurypontid race. He left sons, who were alive at the death of Cleomenes in B. c. 220, but they were passed over, and the crown given to a stranger, Lycurgus. (Polyb. iv. 35; Clinton, F. H. ii. Append. c. 3.) ARCHIDA'MUS, the Aetolian. [ARCHEDAmus, No. 3.] ARCHIDA'MUS ('ApXiSaltos), a Greek physician of whom no particulars are known, but who must have lived in the fourth or fifth century B. c., as Galen quotes one of his opinions (De Simpl. Medicam. Temper. ac Facult. ii. 5, &c., vol. xi. p. 471, &c.), which was preserved by Diodes of Carystus. A physician of the same name is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. Ind. Auct.), and a few fragments on veterinary surgery by a person named Archedemus are to be found in the " Veterinariae Medicinae Libri Duo," first published in Latin by J. Ruellius, Paris, 1530, fol., and afterwards in Greek by S. Grynaeus, Basil. 1537, 4to. [W. A. G.] ARCHIIDICE ('ApX5iKc?), a celebrated hetaira of Naucratis in Egypt, whose fame spread through Greece, was arrogant and avaricious. (Herod. ii. 136; Aelian, V. H. xii. 63; Athen. xiii. p. 596, d.) ARCHI'GENES ('ApXy7El'vY), an eminent ancient Greek physician, whose name is probably more familiar to most non-professional readers than that of many others of more real importance, from his being mentioned by Juvenal. (vi. 236, xiii. 98, xiv. 252.) He was the most celebrated of the sect of the Eclectici (Dict. ofAnt. s.v. Eclectici), and was a native of Apamea in Syria; he practised at Rome in the time of Trajan, A. D. 98-117, where he enjoyed a very high reputation for his professional skill. He is, however, reprobated as having been fond of introducing new and obscure terms into the science, and having attempted to give to medical writings a dialectic form, which produced rather the appearance than the reality of accuracy. Archigenes published a treatise on the pulse, on which Galen wrote a Commentary; it appears to have contained a number of minute and subtile distinctions, many of which have no real existence, and were for the most part the result rather of a preconceived hypothesis than of actual observation; and the same remark may be applied to an arrangement which he proposed of fevers. He, however, not only enjoyed a considerable degree of the public confidence during his life-time, but left behind him a number of disciples, who for many years maintained a respectable rank in their profession. The name of ARCHILOCHUS. the father of Archigenes was Philippus; he was a pupil of Agathinus, whose life he once saved [AGoAHINUS]; and he died at the age either of sixty-three or eighty-three. (Suid. s. v. 'ApXry.; Eudoc. Violar. ap. Villoison, Anecd. Gr. vol. i. p. 65.) The titles of several of his works are preserved, of which, however, nothing but a few fragments remain; some of these have been preserved by other ancient authors, and some are still in MS. in the King's Library at Paris. (Cramer's Anecd. Gr. Paris. vol. i. pp. 394, 395.) By some writers he is considered to have belonged to the sect of the Pneumatici. (Galen, Introd. c. 9. vol. xiv. p. 699.) For further particulars respecting Archigenes see Le Clerc, Hist. de la Mid.; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 80, ed. vet.; Sprengel, Hist. de la iMd.; Haller, Bibl. Medic. Pract. vol. i. p. 198; Osterhausen, Hist. Sectae Pneumatic. Mled. Altorf, 1791, 8vo.; Harless, A nalecta Historico-Crit. de Archigene, 6c., Bamberg, 4to. 1816; Isensee, Gesch. der dMed.; Bostock's History of Medicine, from which work part of the preceding account is taken. [W. A. G.] ARCHI'LOCHUS ('ApXiXoXo1), of Paros, was one of the earliest Ionian lyric poets, and the first Greek poet who composed Iambic verses according to fixed rules. He flourished about 714-676 B. c. (Bode, Geschichte der Lyr. Dichtkl. i. pp. 38, 47.) He was descended from a noble family, who held the priesthood in Paros. His grandfather was Tellis, who brought the worship of Demeter intc Thasos, and whose portrait was introduced by Polygnotus into his painting of the infernal region at Delphi. His father was Telesicles, and his mo ther a slave, named Enipo. In the flower of hi age (between 710 and 700 B. c.), and probabb after he had already gained a prize for his hymn t( Demeter (Schol. in Aristoph. Av. 1762), Archilochu went from Paros to Thasos with a colony, of whic] one account makes him the leader. The motiv for this emigration can only be conjectured. I was most probably the result of a political change to which cause was added, in the case of Archilc chus, a sense of personal wrongs. He had been suitor to Neobule, one of the daughters of Lycan bes, who first promised and afterwards refused t give his daughter to the poet. Enraged at thi treatment, Archilochus attacked the whole famil in an iambic poem, accusing Lycambes of perjur: and his daughters of the most abandoned live The verses were recited at the festival of Demete and produced such an effect, that the daughters ( Lycambes are said to have hung themselves throup shame. The bitterness which he expresses in h poems towards his native island (Athen. iii. p. 7 b.) seems to have arisen in part also from the lo estimation in which he was held, as being the sc of a slave. Neither was he more happy at Thas( He draws the most melancholy picture of h adopted country, which he at length quitted disgust. (Plut. de Exil. 12. p. 604; Strabo, xi p. 648, viii. p. 370; Eustath. in Odyss. i. p. 22 Aelian, V. H. xii. 50.) While at Thasos, he i curred the disgrace of losing his shield in an e gagement with the Thracians of the opposite co tinent; but, like Alcaeus under similar circu stances, instead of being ashamed of the disast, he recorded it in his verse. Plutarch (Inst. Lac( p. 239, b.) states, that Archilochus was banish from Sparta the very hour that he had arriv there, because he had written in his poems, tha
Page 269 ARCHILOCHUS. man had better throw away his arms than lose his life. But Valerius Maximus (vi. 3, ext. 1) says, that the poems of Archilochus were forbidden at Sparta because of their licentiousness, and especially on account of the attack on the daughters of Lycambes. It must remain doubtful whether a confusion has been made between the personal history of the poet and the fate of his works, both in this instance and in the story that he won the prize at Olympia with his hymn to Heracles (Tzetzes, Chil. i. 685), of which thus much is certain, that the Olympic victors used to sing a hymn by Archilochus in their triumphal procession. (Pindar, Olymp. ix. 1.) These traditions, and the certain fact that the fame of Archilochus was spread, in his lifetime, over the whole of Greece, together with his unsettled character, render it probable that he made many journeys of which we have no account. It seems, that he visited Siris in Lower Italy, the only city of which he speaks well. (Athen. xii. p. 523, d.) At length he returned to Paros, and, in a war between the Parians and the people of Naxos, he fell by the hand of a Naxian named Calondas or Corax. The Delphian oracle, which, before the birth of Archilochus, had promised to his father an immortal son, now pronounced a curse upon the man who had killed him, because "he had slain the servant of the Muses." (Dion Chrysost. Orat. 33, vol. ii. p. 5.) Archilochus shared with his contemporaries, Thaletas and Terpander, in the honour of establishing lyric poetry throughout Greece. The invention of the elegy is ascribed to him, as well as to Callinus; and though Callinus was somewhat older than Archilochus [CALLINUS], there is no doubt that the latter was one of the earliest poets who excelled in this species of composition. Meleager enumerates him among the poets in his Corona. (38.) But it was on his satiric iambic poetry that the fame of Archilochus was founded. The first place in this style of poetry was awarded to him by the consent of the ancient writers, who did not hesitate to compare him with Sophocles, Pindar, and sven Homer,-meaning, doubtless, that as they stood at the head of tragic, lyric, and epic poetry,;o was Archilochus the first of iambic satirical writers; while some place him, next to Homer, tbove all other poets. (Dion Chrysost. 1. c.; Longin. dii. 3; Velleius, i. 5; Cicero, Orat. 2; Heraleitus, ap. Diog. Laert. ix. 1.) The statues of krchilochus and of Homer were dedicated on the.ame day (Antip. Thessal. Epigr. 45), and two aces, which are thought to be their likenesses, are bund placed together in a Janus-like bust. (Visonti, Icon. Grec. i. p. 62.) The emperor Hadrian udged that the Muses had shown a special mark f favour to Homer in leading Archilochus into a ifferent department of poetry. (Epig. 5.) Other estimonies are collected by Liebel (p. 43). The Iambics of Archilochus expressed the trongest feelings in the most unmeasured lanuage. The licence of Ionian democracy and the itterness of a disappointed man were united with he highest degree of poetical power to give them )rce and point. In countries and ages unfamiliar rith the political and religious licence which at ace incited and protected the poet, his satire was lamed for its severity (Liebel, p. 41); and the motion accounted most conspicuous in his verses ARCHILOCHUS. 2 was "rage," as we see in the line of Horace (A.P. 79): "Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo," and in the expression of Hadrian (I.c.), Xvoao'rvras idp.Covs; and his bitterness passed into a proverb, 'ApXLAdou ' raTcE s. But there must have been something more than mere sarcastic power, there must have been truth and delicate wit, in the sarcasms of the poet whom Plato does not hesitate to call "the very wise," (7ro0 oropwrdrov, Repub. ii. p. 365.) Quintilian (x. 1. ~ 60) ascribes to him the greatest power of expression, displayed in sentences sometimes strong, sometimes brief, with rapid changes (quum validae, turm breves vibrantesque sentenliae), the greatest life and nervousness (plurimnum sanguinis atque nervorum), and considers that whatever blame his works deserve is the fault of his subjects and not of his genius. In the latter opinion the Greek critics seem to have joined. (Plut. de Aud. 13, p. 45, a.) Of moder writers, Archilochus has been perhaps best understood by MIller, who says, " The ostensible object of Archilochus' Iambics, like that of the later comedy, was to give reality to caricatures, every hideous feature of which was made more striking by being magnified. But that these pictures, like caricatures from the hand of a master, had a striking truth, may be inferred from the impression which Archilochus' iambics produced, both upon contemporaries and posterity. Mere calumnies could never have driven the daughters of Lycambes to hang themselves,-if, indeed, this story is to be believed, and is not a gross exaggeration. But we have no need of it; the universal admiration which was awarded to Archilochus' iambics proves the existence of a foundation of truth; for when had a satire, which was not based on truth, universal reputation for excellence? When Plato produced his first dialogues against the sophists, Gorgias is said to have exclaimed "Athens has given birth to a new Archilochus!" This comparison, made by a man not unacquainted with art, shows at all events that Archilochus must have possessed somewhat of the keen and delicate satire which in Plato was most severe where a dull listener would be least sensible of it." (History of the Literature of Greece, i. p. 135.) The satire of preceding writers, as displayed for example in the Margites, was less pointed, because its objects were chosen out of the remote world which furnished all the personages of epic poetry; while the iambics of Archilochus were aimed at those among whom he lived. Hence their personal bitterness and sarcastic power. This kind of satire had already been employed in extemporaneous effusions of wit, especially at the festivals of Demeter and Cora, and Dionysus. This raillery, a specimen of which is preserved in some of the songs of the chorus in Aristophanes' Frogs, was called iambus; and the same name was applied to the verse which Archilochus invented when he introduced a new style of poetry in the place of these irregular effusions. For the measured movement of the heroic hexameter, with its arsis and thesis of equal lengths, he substituted a movement in which the arsis was twice as long as the thesis, the light tripping character of which was admirably adapted to express the lively play of wit. According as the arsis followed or preceded the thesis, the verse gained, in the former case, strength, in tihe latter, speed and lightness, which are the charac
Page 270 270 ARCHIMEDES. teristics respectively of the iambus and of the trochee. These short feet he formed into continued. systems, by uniting every two of them into a pair (a metre or dipodia), in which one arsis was more strongly accentuated than the other, and one of the two theses was left doubtful as to quantity, so that, considered with reference to musical rhythm, each dipod formed a bar.* Hence arose the great kindred dramatic metres, the iambic trimeter and the trochaic tetrameter, as well as the shorter forms of iambic and trochaic verse. Archilochus was the inventor also of the epode, which was formed by subjoining to one or more verses a shorter one. One form of the epode, in which it consists of three trochees, was called the ithyphallic verse (iOvpa.Xos). He used also a kind of verse compounded of two different metrical structures, which was called asynartete. Some writers ascribe to him the invention of the Saturnian verse. (Bentley's Dissertation on Phalaris.) Archilochus introduced several improvements in music, which began about his time to be applied to the public recitations of poetry. The best opportunity we have of judging of the structure of Archilochus' poetry, though not of its satiric character, is furnished by the Epodes of Horace, as we learn from that poet himself (Epist. i. 19. 23): " Parios ego primum iambos Ostendi Latio, numeros animosque secutus Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben." Some manifest translations of Archilochus may be traced in the Epodes. The fragments of ArchilochuIs which remain are collected in Jacobs' Anthol. Graec., Gaisford's Poet. Graec. M1in., Bergk's Poet. Lyrici Graec,, and by Liebel, Archilochi Reliquiae, Lips. 1812, 8vo. Fabricius (ii. pp. 107-110) discusses fully the passages in which other writers of the name are supposed to be mentioned. [P. S.] ARCHIME'DES ('ApXmiujabs7), of Syracuse, the most famous of ancient mathematicians, was born B. c. 287, if the statement of Tzetzes, which makes him 75 years old at his death, be correct. Of his family little is known. Plutarch calls him a relation of king Hiero; but Cicero (busc. Dij). v. 23), contrasting him apparently not with Dionysius (as Torelli suggests in order to avoid the contradiction), but with Plato and Archytas, says, " humilem homunculum a pulvere et radio excitabo." At any rate, his actual condition in life does not seem to have been elevated (Silius Ital. xiv, 343), though he was certainly a friend, if not a kinsman, of Hiero. A modern tradition makes him an ancestor of the Syracusan virgin martyr St. Lucy. (Itivaltus, in vit. Armcinm. 1M1azzucdeli, p. 6.) In the early part of his life he travelled into Egypt, where he is said, on tIhe authority of Proclus, to have studied under Conon the Samian, a mathematician and astronomer (mentioned by Virg. Ed. iii. 40), who lived under tihe Ptolemies, Philadelphus and Energetes, and for whom he testifies his respect and esteem in ARCHIMEDES. several places of his works. (See the introductions to the Quadratura Paraboles and the De Helicibus.) After visiting other countries, he returned to Syracuse. (Diod. v. 37.) Livy (xxiv. 34) calls him a distinguished astronomer, " unicus spectator coeli siderumque;" a description of which the truth is made sufficiently probable by his treatment of the astronomical questions occurring in the Arenarius. (See also Macrob. Somn. Scip. ii. 3.) He was popularly best known as the inventor of several ingenious machines; but Plutarch (Marcell. c. 14), who, it should be observed, confounds the application of geometry to mechanics with the solution of geometrical problems by mechanical means, represents him as despising these contrivances, and only condescending to withdraw himself from the abstractions of pure geometry at the request of Hiero. Certain it is, however, that Archimedes did cultivate not only pure geometry, but also the mathematical theory of several branches of physics, in a truly scientific spirit, and with a success which placed him very far in advance of the age in which he lived. His theory of the lever was the foundation of statics till the discovery of the composition of forces in the time of Newton, and no essential addition was made to the principles of the equilibrum of fluids and floating bodies, established by him in his treatise " De Insidentibus," till the publication of Stevin's researches on the pressure of fluids in 1608. (Lagrange, Mec. Anal. vol. i. pp. 11, 176.) He constructed for Hiero various engines of war, which, many years afterwards, were so far effectual in the defence of Syracuse against Marcellus, as to convert the siege into a blockade, and delay the taking of the city for a considerable time. (Pint. Moarcell. 15-18; Liv. xxiv. 34; Polyb. viii. 5-9.) The accounts of the performances of these engines are evidently exaggerated; and the story of the burning of the Roman ships by the reflected rays of the sun, though very current in later times, is probably a fiction, since neither Polybius, Livy, nor Plutarch gives the least hint of it. The earliest writers who speak of it are Galen (De Temper. iii. 2) and his contemporary Lucian (Hippias, c. 2), who (in the second century) merely allude to it as a thing well known. Zonaras (about A. D. 1100) mentions it in relating the use of a similar apparatus, contrived by a certain Proclus, when Byzantiuram was besieged in the reign of Anastasius; and gives Dion as his authority, without referring to the particular passage. The extant works of Dion contain no allusion to it. Tzetzes (about 1150) gives an account of the principal inventions of Archimedes (Chil. ii. 103-156), and amongst them of this burning machine, which, he says, set the Roman ships on fire when they came within - bow-shot of the walls; and consisted of a large hexagonal mirror with smaller ones disposed round it, each of the latter being a polygon of 24 sides. The subject has been a good deal discussed ir modern times, particularly by Cavalieri (in cap. 21 of a tract entitled " Del Specchio Ustorio," Bologna 1650), and by Buffon, who has left an elaborat( dissertation upon it in his introduction to the his tory of minerals. (Oeuvres, tom. v. p. 301, &c. The latter author actually succeeded in ignitinI wood at a distance of 150 feet, by means of; combination of 148 plane mirrors. The questioi is also examined in vol. ii. of Peyrard's Archi medes; and a prize essay upon it by Capelle i I--- * These two remarks apply to the first arsis and the first thesis of the iambic metre, and to the second arsis and the second thesis of the trochaic: V, N.I-. '
Page 271 ARCHIMEDES. translated from the Dutch in Gilbert's " Annalen der Physik," vol. liii. p. 242. The most probable conclusion seems to be, that Archimedes had on some occasion set fire to a ship or ships by means of a burning mirror, and that later writers falsely connected the circumstance with the siege of Syracuse. (See Ersch and Gruber's Cyclop. art. Archim. note, and Gibbon, chap. 40.) The following additional instances of Archimedes' skill in the application of science have been collected from various authors by Rivaltus (who edited his works in 1615) and others. He detected the mixture of silver in a crown which Hiero had ordered to be made of gold, and determined the proportions of the two metals, by a method suggested to him by the overflowing of the water when he stepped into a bath. When the thought struck him he is said to have been so much pleased that, forgetting to put on his clothes, he ran home shouting Eip cKa, ip-ipca. The particulars of the calculation are not preserved, but it probably depended upon a direct comparison of the weights of certain volumes of silver and gold with the weight and volume of the crown; the volumes being measured, at least in the case of the crown, by the quantity of water displaced when the mass ývas immersed. It is not likely that Archimedes nvas at this time acquainted with the theorems lemonstrated in his hydrostatical treatise con-:erning the loss of weiqht of bodies immersed in vater, since he would hardly have evinced such ively gratification at the obvious discovery that hey might be applied to the problem of the crown;:is delight must rather have arisen from his now rst catching sight of a line of investigation which id immediately to the solution of the problem Squestion, and ultimately to the important leorems referred to. (Vitruv. ix. 3.; Proclus. omm. in lib. i. Eucl. ii. 3.) He superintended the building of a ship of exaordinary size for Hiero, of which a description given in Athenaeus (v. p. 206, D), where he is so said to have moved it to the sea by the help a screw. According to Proclus, this ship was tended by Hiero as a present to Ptolemy; it may )ssibly have been the occasion of Archimedes' sit to Egypt. He invented a machine called, from its form, )chlea, and now known as the water-screw of rchimedes, for pumping the water out of the hold this vessel; it is said to have been also used in )ypt by the inhabitants of the Delta in irrigating eir lands. (Diod. i. 34; Vitruv. x. 11.) An vestigation of the mathematical theory of the tter screw is given in Ersch and Gruber. The 'abian historian Abulpharagius attributes to -chimedes the raising of the dykes and bridges ýd as defences against the overflowing of the le. (Pope-Blount, Censura, p. 32.) Tzetzes I Oribasius (de Mach. xxvi.) speak of his Tris1t, a machine for moving large weights; probably:ombination of pulleys, or wheels and axles. A Iraulic organ (a musical instrument) is mentionby Tertullian (de Anima, cap. 14), but Pliny i. 37) attributes it to Ctesibius. (See also PapM, Math. Coll. lib. 8, introd.) An apparatus led loculus, apparently somewhat resembling the inese puzzle, is also attributed to Archinmedes. )rtunatianus, de Arte Metrica, p. 2684.) His st celebrated performance was the construction a sphere; a kind of orrery, representing the ARCH IMEDES. 271 movements of the heavenly bodies, of which we have no particular description. (Claudian, EpVigr. xxi. in Sphaeram A reinmedis; Cic.Nat. Deor. ii. 35, Tusc. Disp. i. 25; Sext. Empir. adv. Mcath. ix. 115; Lactant. Div. Inst. ii. 5; Ov. Fast. vi. 277.) When Syracuse was taken, Archimedes was killed by the Roman soldiers, ignorant or careless who he might be. The accounts of his death vary in some particulars, but mostly agree in describing him as intent upon a mathematical problem at the time. He was deeply regretted by Marcellus, who directed his burial, and befriended his surviving relations. (Liv. xxv. 31; Valer. Max. viii. 7. ~ 7; Plut. Marcell. 19; Cic. de fin. v. 19.) Upon his tomb was placed the figure of a sphere inscribed in a cylinder, in accordance with his known wish, and in commemoration of the discovery which he most valued. When Cicero was quaestor in Sicily (B. c. 75) he found this tomb near one of the gates of the city, almost hid amongst briars, and forgotten by the Syracusans. (Tusc. Disp. v. 23.) Of the general character of Archimedes we have no direct account. But his apparently disinterested devotion to his friend and admirer Hiero, in whose service he was ever ready to exercise his ingenuity upon objects which his own taste would not have led him to choose (for there is doubtless some truth in what Plutarch says on this point); the affectionate regret which he expresses for his deceased master Conon, in writing to his surviving friend Dositheus (to whom most of his works are addressed); and the unaffected simplicity with which he announces his own discoveries, seem to afford probable grounds for a favourable estimate of it. That his intellect was of the very highest order is unquestionable. He possessed, in a degree never exceeded unless by Newton, the inventive genius which discovers new provinces of inquiry, and finds new points of view for old and familiar objects; the clearness of conception which is essential to the resolution of complex phaenomena into their constituent elements; and the power and habit of intense and persevering thought, without which other intellectual gifts are comparatively fruitless. (See the introd. to the treatise " De Con. et Sphaer.") It may be noticed that he resembled other great thinkers, in his habit of complete abstraction from outward things, when reflecting on subjects which made considerable demands on his mental powers. At such times he would forget to eat his meals, and require compulsion to take him to the bath. (Plut. 1. c.) Compare the stories of Newton sitting great part of the day half dressed on his bed, while composing the Principia; and of Socrates standing a whole day and night, thinking, on the same spot. (Plat. Symp. p. 220, c. d.) The success of Archimedes in conquering difficulties seems to have made the expression wrp6o'dkqa 'ApXbii'elorv proverbial. (See Cic. ad All. xiii. 28, pro Cluent. 32.) The following works of Archimedes have come down to us: A treatise on Equiponderants and Centres of Gravity, in which the theory of the equilibrium of the straight lever is demonstrated, both for commensurable and incommensurable weights; and various properties of the centres of gravity of plane surfaces bounded by three or four straight lines, or by a straight line and a parabola, are established. "The Quadrature of the Parabola, in which it is proved, that the area cut off from a parabola by
Page 272 272 ARCHIMEDES. any chord is equal to two-thirds of the parallelogram of which one side is the chord in question, and the opposite side a tangent to the parabola. This was the first real example of the quadrature of a curvilinear space; that is, of the discovery of a rectilinear figure equal to an area not bounded entirely by straight lines. A treatise on the Sphere and Cylinder, in which various propositions relative to the surfaces and volumes of the sphere, cylinder, and cone, were demonstrated for the first time. Many of them are now familiarly known; for example, those which establish the ratio (|) between the volumes, and also between the surfaces, of the sphere and circumscribing cylinder; and the ratio (1) between the area of a great circle and the surface of the sphere. They are easily demonstrable by the modern analytical methods; but the original discovery and geometrical proof of them required the genius of Archimedes. Moreover, the legitimacy of the modern applications of analysis to questions concerning curved lines and surfaces, can only be proved by a kind of geometrical reasoning, of which Archimedes gave the first example. (See Lacroix, Dilf. Cal. vol. i. pp. 63 and 431; and compare De Morgan, Dif. Cal. p. 32.) The book on the Dimension of the Circle consists of three propositions. 1st. Every circle is equal to a right-angled triangle of which the sides containing the right angle are equal respectively to its radius and circumference. 2nd. The ratio of the area of the circle to the square of its diameter is nearly that of 11 to 14. 3rd. The circumference of the circle is greater than three times its diameter by a quantity greater than 0 of the diameter but less than of the same. The last two propositions are established by comparing the circumference of the circle with the perimeters of the inscribed and circumscribed polygons of 96 sides. The treatise on Spirals contains demonstrations of the principal properties of the curve, now known as the Spiral of Archimedes, which is generated by the uniform motion of a point along a straight line revolving uniformly in one plane about one of its extremities. It appears from the introductory epistle to Dositheus that Archimedes had not been able to put these theorems in a satisfactory form without long-continued and repeated trials; and that Conon, to whom he had sent them as probleins along with various others, had died without accomplishing their solution. The book on Conoids and Spheroids relates chiefly to the volumes cut off by planes from the solids so called; those namely which are generated by the rotation of the Conic Sections about their principal axes. Like the work last described, it was the result of laborious, and at first unsuccessful, attempts. (See the introduction.) The Arenarius (d VapnF'irqs) is a short tract addressed to Gelo, the eldest son of Hiero, in which Archimedes proves, that it is possible to assign a number greater than that of the grains of sand which would fill the sphere of the fixed stars. This singular investigation was suggested by an opinion which some persons had expressed, that the sands on the shores of Sicily were either infinite, or at least would exceed any numbers which could be assigned for them; and the success with which the difficulties caused by the awkward and imperfect notation of the ancient Greek arithmetic are eluded by a device identical in principle with ARCHIMEDES. the modern -method of logarithms, affords one of the most striking instances of the great mathematician's genius. Having briefly discussed the opinions of Aristarchus upon the constitution and extent of the Universe [ARIsTARCHUS], and described his own method of determining the apparent diameter of the sun, and the magnitude of the pupil of the eye, he is led to assume that the diameter of the sphere of the fixed stars may be taken as not exceeding 100 million of millions of stadia; and that a sphere, one deIcruAos in diameter, cannot contain more than 640 millions of grains of sand; then, taking the stadium, in round numbers, as not greater than 10,000 58drcrvAot, he shews that the number of grains in question could not be so great as 1000 myriads multiplied by the eighth term of a geometrical progression of which the first term was unity and the common ratio a myriad of myriads; a number which in our notation would be expressed by unity with 63 ciphers annexed. The two books On Floating Bodies (HIepi rv 'Oxeový'vwv) contain demonstrations of the laws which determine the position of bodies immersed in water; and particularly of segments of spheres and parabolic conoids. They are extant only in the Latin version of Commandine, with the exception of a fragment lepl V rv "TSart a q)r/raTpifvwv in Ang. Mai's Collection, vol. i. p. 427. The treatise entitled Lemmata is a collection ol 15 propositions in plane geometry. It is derived from an Arabic MS. and its genuineness has beer doubted. (See Torelli's preface.) Eutocius of Ascalon, about A. D. 600, wrote commentary on the Treatises on the Sphere an( Cylinder, on the Dimension of the Circle, and or Centres of Gravity. All the works above men tioned, together with this Commentary, were founm on the taking of Constantinople, and brought firs into Italy and then into Germany. They wer printed at Basle in 1544, in Greek and Latin, bHervagius. Of the subsequent editions by far th best is that of Torelli, "Archim. quae supers omnia, cum Eutocii Ascalonitae commentarii: Ex recens. Joseph. Torelli, Veronensis," Oxoi 1792. It was founded upon the Basle editioi except in the case of the Arenarius, the text ( which is taken from that of Dr. Wallis, who pul lished this treatise and the Dimensio Circuli, wit a translation and notes, at Oxford, in 1679. (The are reprinted in vol. iii. of his works.) The Arenarius, having been little meddled wil by the ancient commentators, retains the DoI dialect, in which Archimedes, like his countryms Theocritus, wrote. (See Wallis, Op. vol. iii. p 537, 545. Tzetzes says, E'AEye sd ical Swptoau c(wvPr ZvpaKovefa, Hr /C3, Kal xapriwut 'l dv 'y IcivIscw rdayv.) A French translation of t works of Archimedes, with notes, was publish, by F. Peyrard, Paris, 1808, 2 vols. 8vo., and English translation of the Arenarius by G. And( son, London, 1784. (G. M. Mazuchelli, Notizie istoriche e critii intorno alla vita, alle invenzioni, ed agli scritti Archimede, Brescia, 1737, 4to.; C. M. Brande Dissertatio sistens Archimedis vitam, ejusque Mathesin merita, Gryphiswald.1789,4to.; Mirte in Ersch und Gruber, Allgemeine Encycclopjii art. Archimedes; Quarterly Review, vol. iii. f Peyrard's Archimedes; Rigaud, The Arenarius Archimedes, Oxford, 1837, printed for the Ashr
Page 273 ARCIIPPUS. lean Society Fabric. Bill. Grace. vol. ii. p. 544; Pope-Blount, Censura celebriorum Aultioruzm, Lond. 1690, fol.) [W. F. D.] ARCHIIME'DES, of Tralles, wrote commentaries upon Homer and Plato, and also a work upon mechanics. (Suidas, s. v.; Eudocia, p. 74.) ARCHIME'LUS ('ApX'L^ Xor), the author of an epigram on the great ship of Hiero, which appears to have been built about '220 B. c. (Athen. v. p. 209.) To this epigram Brunck (Analect. ii. p. 64) added another, on an imitator of Euripides, the title of which, however, in the Vatican MS. is ApXvP'tSovs, which there is no good reason for altering, although we have no other mention of a poet named Archimedes. [P. S.] ARCHI'NUS ('ApX^vos). 1. An Athenian statesman and orator. He was a native of Coele, and one of the leading Athenian patriots, who together with Thrasybulus and Anytus occupied Phyle, led the Athenian exiles back, and overthrew the government of the Thirty tyrants, B. c. 403. (Demosth. c. Timocrat. p. 742.) It was on the advice of Archinus that Thrasybulus proclaimed the general amnesty (Aeschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 338); Archinus, moreover, carried a law which afforded protection to those included in the amnesty against sycophantism. (Isocrat. in Callim. p. 618.) Although the name of Archinus is obscured in history by that of Thrasybulus, yet we have every reason for believing that he was a better and a greater man. Demosthenes says, that he was often at the head of armies, and that he was particularly great as a statesman. When Thrasybulus proposed, contrary to law, that one of his friends should be rewarded with a crown, Archinus opposed the illegal proceeding, and came forward as accuser of Thrasybulus. (Aeschin. c. Ctesipti. p. 584.) He acted in a similar manner when Thrasybulus endeavoured in an illegal way to procure honours for Lysias. (Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 835, f.; Phot. Cod. 260.) There are several other passages of ancient writers which attest that Archinus was a skilful nid upright statesman. He is also of importance n the literary history of Attica, for it was on his idvice that, in the archonship of Eucleides, B. c. F0O3, the Ionic alphabet ('luvici 'ypfipeara) was ntroduced into all public documents. (Suid. s. v. EiaLw a' 6ý )uos.) Some ancient as well as modern vriters have believed that Archinus wrote a tineral oration, of which a fragment was thought o be preserved in Clemens of Alexandria. (Strom. i. p. 749.) But this is a mistake which arose Aith Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De adm. vi 'icend. in Demostis. p. 178) from a misunderstood assage of Plato. (Menex. p. 403.) See Valesius, d Harpocrat. p. 101, &c.; Ruhnken, Hist. Orat. lracc. p. xlii.; Taylor, Lysiae Vita, p. 141, &c.) 2. A Greek historian of uncertain date, who 'rote a work on the history of Thessaly which is 3w lost. (Schol. ad Pind. PytIh. iii. 59; Steph. yz. s. s. v. ACvov.) [L. S.] ARCHIPPUS "ApX7r7ros), an Achaean, who.companied Andronidas to Diaeus, the commander the Achaeans, to offer peace from the Romans, c. 146. HIe was seized by Diaeus, but released )on the payment of forty miniae. (Polyb. xl. 5, nmp. c. 4, init.) There was another Archippus, i Achacan, who expelled the garrison of Nabis )m Argos, B. c. 194. (Liv. xxxiv. 40.) ARCHIIPPUS ("ApXrnos), an Athenian comic et of the old comedy, gained a single prize B. c. ARCIIYTAS. 273 415. (Suidas, s. v.) Ilis chief play was 'IXO^s, " the Fishes," in which, as far as can be gathered from the fragments, the fish made war upon the Athenians, as excessive eaters of fish, and at length a treaty was concluded, by which Melanthius, the tragic poet, and other voracious fish-eaters, were given up to be devoured by the fishes. The wit of the piece appears to have consisted chiefly in playing upon words, which Archippus was noted for carrying to great excess. (Schol. in Aristoph. Vesp. 481, Bekker.) The other plays of Archippus, mentioned by the grammarians, are 'Auprirpshwv, 'HparcAjs *yapucv, "O'vov oICi, HIAooros, and 'Pivev. Four of the lost plays which are assigned to Aristophanes, were by some ascribed to Archippus, namely, HoitjosS, Navay0`s, Nijote, Nioris or Nitoos. (Meineke, i. 207-210.) Two Pythagorean philosophers of this name are mentioned in the list of Fabricius. (Bibl. Grae,. i. p. 831.) [P. S.] ARCHI'TELES ('ApXnrefXrs). 1. Father of the boy Eunomus, whom Heracles killed by accident on his visit to Architeles. The father forgave Heracles, but Heracles nevertheless went into voluntary exile. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 6; Diod. iv. 36, who calls the boy Eurynomus; Athen. ix. p. 410, &c.) 2. A son of Achaeus and Automate, and brother of Archander, together with whom he carried on a war against Lamedon. (Paus. ii. 6. ~ 2.) He married Automate, the daughter of Danaus. (vii. 1. ~ 3.) [L. S.] ARCHITI'MUS ('Apxinos), the autlhor of a work on Arcadia. (Plut. Quaest. Graec. c. 39.) ARCHO, the daughter of Herodicus, a Thessalian chief, whose children met with the tragical death mentioned by Livy. (xl. 4.) [THEOXENA.r ARCHON ("ApXwv). 1. The Pellaean, appointed satrap of IBabylonia after the death of Alexander, B.C. 32. 3 (Justin, xiii. 4; Diod. xviii. 3), is probably the same as the son of Cleinias mentioned in the Indian expedition of Alexander. (Arrian, Ind. c. 18.) 2. Of Aegeira, one of those who defended the conduct of the Achaean league with reference to Sparta before Caecilius Metellus, B. c. 185. IHe was one of the Achaean ambassadors sent to Egypt in B. c. 168 (Polyb. xxiii. 10, xxix. 10), and is perhaps the same as the Archo, the brother of Xenarchus, mentioned by Livy. (xli. 29.) ARCHY'TAS ('ApXsiras), of AMPHIssA, a Greek poet, who was probably a contemporary of Euphorion, about B. c. 300, since it was a matter of doubt with the ancients themselves whether the epic poem PI'pavos was the work of Archytas or Euphorion. (Athen. iii. p. 82.) Plutarch (Quaest. Gr. 15) quotes from him an hexameter verse concerning the country of the Ozolian Locrians. Two other lines, which he is said to have inserted in the -Hermes of Eratosthenes, are preserved in Stobaeus. (Serm. Iviii. 10.) He seems to have been the same person whom Labrtius (viii. 82) calls an epigrammatist, and upon whom Bion wrote an epigram which lie quotes. (iv. 52.) [L. S.] ARCHY'TAS ('AgoXras), of MYTILENE, a musician, who may perhaps have been the author of the work [lepi AiA\v, which is ascribed to Archytas of Tarentum. (Diog. Laert. viii. 82; Athen. xiii. p. 600, f., iv. p. 184, e.) ARCHY'TAS ('Apyvr'as), a Greek of TAREN-, TUM, who was distinguished as a philosopher, Imathematician, general, and statesman, and was r
Page 274 274 ARCHYTAS. ARDALUS. no less admired for his integrity and virtue, both in public and in private life. Little is known of his history, since the lives of him by Aristoxenus and Aristotle (Athen. xii. p. 545) are lost. A brief account of him is given by Diogenes Lairtius. (viii. 79-83.) His father's name was Mnasarchus, Mnesagoras, or Histiaeus. The time when he lived is disputed, but it was probably about 400 B. c., and onwards, so that he was contemporary with Plato, whose life he is said to have saved by his influence with the tyrant Dionysius (Tzetzes, Chil. x. 359, xi. 362; Suidas, s. v. 'ApXydas), and with whom he kept up a familiar intercourse. (Cic. de Senect. 12.) Two letters which are said to have passed between them are preserved by Diogenes (1. c.; Plato, Ep. 9). He was seven times the general of his city, though it was the custom for the office to be held for no more than a year, and he commanded in several campaigns, in all of which he was victorious. Civil affairs of the greatest consequence were entrusted to him by his fellow-citizens. After a life which secured to him a place among the very greatest men of antiquity, he was drowned while upon a voyage on the Adriatic. (Hor. Carm. i. 28.) He was greatly admired for his domestic virtues. He paid particular attention to the comfort and education of his slaves. The interest which he took in the education of children is proved by the mention of a child's rattle ( rnana'ey) among his mechanical inventions. (Aelian, V. H. xiv. 19; Aristot. Pol. viii. 6. ~ 1.) As a philosopher, he belonged to the Pythagorean school, and he appears to have been himself the founder of a new sect. Like the Pythagoreans in general, he paid much attention to mathematics. Horace (I.c.) calls him "maris et terrae numeroque carentis arenae Mensorem." He solved the problem of the doubling of the cube, (Vitruv. ix. praef.) and invented the method of analytical geometry. He was the first who applied the principles of mathematics to mechanics. To his theoretical science he added the skill of a practical mechanician, and constructed various machines and automatons, among which his wooden flying dove in particular was the wonder of antiquity. (Gell. x. 12.) He also applied mathematics with success to musical science, and even to metaphysical philosophy. His influence as a philosopher was so great, that Plato was undoubtedly indebted to him for some of his views; and Aristotle is thought by some writers to have borrowed the idea of his categories, as well as some of his ethical principles, from Archytas. The fragments and titles of works ascribed to Archytas are very numerous, but the genuineness of many of them is greatly doubted. Most of them are found in Stobaeus. They relate to physics, metaphysics, logic, and ethics. A catalogue of them is given by Fabricius. (Bib. Graec. i. p. 833.) Several of the fragments of Archytas are published in Gale, Opusc. Mytlhol. Cantab. 1671, Amst. 1688. A work ascribed to him "on the 10 Categories," was published by Camerarius, in Greek, under the title 'ApXro0TOV ( EpevoL EoCsa Ahyot Ka6ohNKCoi, Lips. 1564; and in Greek and Latin, Ven. 1571. A full collection of his fragments is promised in the Tentamen de Archytae Tarentini vita aique operibus, a Jos. Navarro, of which only one part has yet appeared, Hafn. 1820., From the statement of lamblichus ( Vit. Pyth. 23), that Archytas was a hearer of Pythagoras, some writers have thought that there were two Pythagorean philosophers of this name. But lamblichus was undoubtedly mistaken. (Bentley's Phalaris.) The writers of this name on agriculture (Diog Laert. 1. c.; Varro, R. R. i. 1; Columella, R. R. i. 1), on cookery (d4apTrtved, lamblich, Vit. Pyth. 29, 34; Athen. xii. p. 516, c.), and on architecture (Diog. I. c.; Vitruv. vii. praef.), are most probably identical with the philosopher, to whom the most various attainments are ascribed. Busts of Archytas are engraved in Gronovius' Thesaur. Antiq. Graec. ii. tab. 49, and in the Antichita d'Ercolano, v. tab. 29, 30. (Schmidii Dissert. de Archyta Tarent. Jenae, 1683, Vossius, de Scient. Math. 48. ~ 1; Montucla, Hist. Mathes. vol. i. pt. i. 1. iii. p. 137; Ritter, Geschichte der Pythag. Philos. p. 65.) [P. S.] ARCT'NUS ('Apm^'r4os), of Miletus, is called by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (A. R. i. 68, &c.) the most ancient Greek poet, whence some writers have placed him even before the time of Homer; but the ancients who assign to him any certain date, agree in placing him about the commencement of the Olympiads. We know from good authority that his father's name was Teles, and that he was a descendant of Nautes. (Suid. s. v. 'Apsr7ivos; Tzetzes, Chil. xiii. 641.) He is called a disciple of Homer, and from all we know about him, there was scarcely a poet in his time who deserved this title more than Arctinus. He was the most distinguished among the so-called cyclic poets. There were in antiquity two epic poems belonging to the cycle, which are unanimously attributed to him. 1. The Aethiopis (AiOtoris), in five books. It was a kind of continuation of Homer's Iliad, and its chief heroes were Memnon, king of the Ethiopians, and Achilles, who slew him. The substance of it has been preserved by Proclus. 2. The Destruction of Ilion ('IAiov Trepris), in two books, contained a description of the taking and destruction of Troy, and the subsequent events until the departure of the Greeks. The substance of this poem has likewise been preserved by Proclus. A portion of the Little Iliad of Lesches was likewise called 'IMov 7rrepais, but the account which it gave differed materially from that of Arctinus. [LESCHES.] A third epic poem, called TrnavooAaxia, that is, the fight of the gods with the Titans, and which was probably the first poem in the epic cycle, was ascribed by some to Eumelus of Corinth, and by others to Arctinus. (Athen. i. p. 22, vii. p. 277.) The fragments of Arctinus have been collected by Diintzer (Die Fragm. der ep. Poes. bis auf Alex. pp. 2, &c., 16. &c., 21, &c., Nachtrag, p. 16) and Diibner. (Homer' Carm. et Cycli Epici Reliquiae, Paris, 1837.) Compare C. W. Muller, De Cyclo Graecorum Epico Welcker, Der Epische Cycls, p. 211, &c.; Bode Gesch. der Ep. Dichtkunst der LHellen. pp. 276, &c. 378, &c. [L.S.] ARCYON ('ApK;wv), or, as others read, Alcyo' ('AAhiuwv), a surgeon at Rome, mentioned by Jose phus (Ant. xix. 1) as having been called in t attend to those persons who had been wounded a Caligula's assassination, A. D. 41. [W. A. G.] A'RDALUS C(ApakXos), a son of Hephaestu who was said to have invented the flute, and I have built a sanctuary of the Muses at Troezel who derived from him the surname Ardalides < Ardaliotides. (Paus. ii. 31. ~ 3; Hesych. s. 'ApaaAties.) [L. S.]
Page 275 AREITHOUS. ARENE. 275 A'RDEAS ('Ape'as), a son of Odysseus and hand of the Arcadian Lycurgus, who drove him Circe, the mythical founder of the town of Ardea into a narrow defile, where he could not make use in the country of the Rutuli. (Dionys. i. 72; of his club. Erythalion, the friend of Lycurgus, Steph. Byz. s. v. "Avresa.) [L. S.] wore the armour of Areithous in the Trojan war. A'RDICES of Corinth and TELETPHANES of (Hom. II. vii. 138, &c.) The tomb of Areithous Sicyon, were, according to Pliny (xxxv. 5), the was shewn in Arcadia as late as the time of Paufirst artists who practised the monogram, or draw- sanias. (viii. 11. ~ 3.) There is another mythical ing in outline with an indication also of the parts personage of this name in the Iliad (xx.487). [L.S.] within the external outline, but without colour, as AREIUS ('Aplos), a surname of Zeus, which in the designs of Flaxman and Retzsch. Pliny, may mean either the warlike or the propitiating after stating that the invention of the earliest form and atoning god, as Areia in the case of Athena. of drawing, namely, the external outline, as marked Under this name, Oenomaus sacrificed to him as by the edge of the shadow (umbra ihominis lineis often as he entered upon a contest with the suitors circumducta, or pictura linearis), was claimed by of his daughter, whom he put to death as soon as the Egyptians, the Corinthians, and the Sicyonians, they were conquered. (Paus. v. 14. ~ 5.) [L. S.] adds, that it was said to have been invented by AREIUS or ARIUS ("Apteo), a citizen of Philocles, an Egyptian, or by Cleanthes, a Corin- Alexandria, a Pythagorean or Stoic philosopher in thian, and that the next step was made by Ardices the time of Augustus, who esteemed him so highly, and Telephanes, who first added the inner lines of that after the conquest of Alexandria, he declared the figure (spargentes lineas intus). [P. S.] that he spared the city chiefly for the sake of ARDYS ('Apous). 1. King of Lydia, succeeded Areius. (Plut. Ant. 80, Apophth. p. 207; Dion hlis father Gyges, and reigned from B.c. 680 to 631. Cass. li. 16; Julian. Epist. 51; comp. Strab. xiv. lie took Priene and made war against Miletus. p. 670.) Areius as well as his two sons, DionyDuring his reign the Cimmerians, who had been sius and Nicanor, are said to have instructed Audriven out of their abodes by the Nomad Scythians, gustus in philosophy. (Suet. Aug. 89.) He is took Sardis, with the exception of the citadel. frequently mentioned by Themistius, who says (Herod. i. 15, 16; Paus. iv. 24. ~ 1.) that Augustus valued him not less than Agrippa. 2. An experienced general, commanded the right (Themist. Orat. v. p. 63, d. viii. p. 108, b. x. p. wing of the army of Antiochus the Great in his 130, b. xiii. p. 173, c. ed. Petav. 1684.) From battle against Molo, B. c. 220. [See. p. 196, b.] Quintilian (ii. 15. ~ 36, iii. 1. ~ 16) it appears, He distinguished himself in the next year in the that Areius also taught or wrote on rhetoric. siege of Seleuceia. (Polyb. v. 53, 60.) (Comp. Senec. consol. ad Marc. 4; Aelian, V. H. ARE'GON ('Ap'oywv), a Corinthian painter, xii. 25; Suid. s. v. Oliw.) [L. S.] who, in conjunction with Cleanthes, ornamented AREIUS, LECA'NIUS (AEscdvis "Apetos), a the temple of Artemis Alpheionia at the mouth of Greek physician, one of whose medical formulae is the Alpheius in Elis. He painted Artemis riding quoted by Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos. on a griffin. (Strab. vii. p. 343.) If Cleanthes be Medicam. sec. Gen. v. 13, vol. xiii. p. 840), and the artist mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 5), Aregon who must therefore have lived in or before the must be placed at the very earliest period of the first century after Christ. He may perhaps be the rise of art in Greece. [CLEANTHES.] [P. S.] same person who is several times quoted by Galen, ARE'GONIS ('Apqyeovis), according to the Or- and who is sometimes called a follower of Asclephic Argonautica (127), the wife of Ampycus and piades, 'AoXichred6Eos (De Compos. Medicam. sec. mother of Mopsus. Hyginus (Fab. 14) calls her Locos, v. 3, vol. xii. p. 829; ibid. viii. 5, vol. Chloris. [L. S.] xiii. p. 182"; De Compos. Medicam. see. Gen. v. AREIA ('ApEda), the warlike. 1. A surname 15, vol. xiii. p. 857), sometimes a native of Tarsus of Aphrodite, when represented in full armour like in Cilicia (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, iii. 1, Ares, as was the case at Sparta. (Paus. iii. 17. ~5.) vol. xii. p. 636; ibid. ix. 2, vol. xiii. p. 247), and 2. A surname of Athena, under which she was sometimes mentioned without any distinguishing worshipped at Athens. Her statue, together with epithet. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, x. 2, those of Ares, Aphrodite, and Enyo, stood in the vol. xiii. p. 347; De Compos. Medicam. see. Gen. temple of Ares at Athens. (Paus. i. 8. ~ 4.) Her v. 11, 14. vol. xiii. pp. 827, 829, 852.) He may worship under this name was instituted by Orestes perhaps also be the person who is said by Soranus after he had been acquitted by the Areiopagus of (Vita Hippocr. init., in Hipp. Opera, vol. iii. p. the murder of his mother. (i. 28. ~ 5.) It was 850) to have written on the life of Hippocrates, Athena Areia who gave her casting vote in cases and to whom Dioscorides addresses his work on where the Areiopagites were equally divided. Materia Medica. (vol. i. p. 1.) Whether all these 'Aeschyl. Eum. 753.) From these circumstances, passages refer to the same individual it is impos-:t has been inferred, that the name Areia ought not sible to say for certain, but the writer is not aware.0 be derived from Ares, but from dpd, a prayer, or of any chronological or other difficulties in the rom dp6&u or dptwccw, to propitiate or atone for. supposition. [W. A. G.] 3. A daughter of Cleochus, by whom Apollo be- ARE'LLIUS, a painter who was celebrated name the father of Miletus. (Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 2.) at Rome a little before the reign of Augustus, Cor other traditions about Miletus, see ACACALLIS but degraded the art by painting goddesses after Ind MILETUS. [L. S.] the likeness of his own mistresses. (Plin. xxxv. AREI'LYCUS ('AplmAvtcos). Two mythical 37.) [P. S.] ersonages of this name occur in the Iliad. (xiv. ARE'LLIUS FUSCUS. [Fuscus.] 51, xvi. 308.) [L. S.] ARENE. [APHAREUS.] AREI'THOUS ('Ap'O^oos), king of Arne in!oeotia, and husband of Philomedusa, is called in * In this latter passage, instead of 'Agefov ie Iliad (vii. 8, &c.) eopMVYrijs, because he fought 'AcrrtAprLdov we shosuld read 'Agoov 'Aor-cA1rta"ith no other weapon but a club. He fell by the esoeu. [ASCLEPIADES AREIUS.] T2
Page 276 276 ARES. C. ARE'NNIUS and L. ARE'NNIUS, were tribunes of the plebs in B. c. 210. L. Arennius was praefect of the allies two years afterwards, B. c. 208, and was taken prisoner in the battle in which Marcellus was defeated by Hannibal. (Liv. xxvii. 6, 26, 27.) ARES (Apis), the god of war and one of the great Olympian gods of the Greeks.. He is represented as the son of Zeus and Hera. (Hom. II. v. 893, &c.; Hes. Theog. 921; Apollod. i. 3. ~ 1.) A later tradition, according to which Hera conceived Ares by touching a certain flower, appears to be an imitation of the legend about the birth of Hephaestus, and is related by Ovid. (Fast. v. 255, &c.) The character of Ares in Greek mythology will be best understood if we compare it with that of other divinities who are likewise in some way connected with war. Athena represents thoughtfulness and wisdom in the affairs of war, and protects men and their habitations during its ravages. Ares, on the other hand, is nothing but the personification of bold force and strength, and not so much the god of war as of its tumult, confusion, and horrors. His sister Eris calls forth war, Zeus directs its course, but Ares loves war for its own sake, and delights in the din and roar of battles, in the slaughter of men, and the destruction of towns. He is not even influenced by party-spirit, but sometimes assists the one and sometimes the other side, just as his inclination may dictate; whence Zeus calls him d\ho,'rpdo'ahxos. (Ii. v. 889.) The destructive hand of this god was even believed to be active in the ravages made by plagues and epidemics. (Soph. Oed. Tyr. 185.) This savage and sanguinary character of Ares makes him hated by the other gods and his own parents. (II. v. 889-909.) In the Iliad, he appears surrounded by the personifications of all the fearful phenomena and effects of war (iv. 440, &c., xv. 119, &c.); but in the Odyssey his character is somewhat softened down. It was contrary to the spirit which animated the Greeks to represent a being like Ares, with all his overwhelming physical strength, as always victorious; and when he comes in contact with higher powers, he is usually conquered. He was wounded by Diomedes, who was assisted by Athena, and in his fall he roared like nine or ten thousand other warriors together. (II. v. 855, &c.) When the gods began to take an active part in the war of the mortals, Athena opposed Ares, and threw him on the ground by hurling at him a mighty stone (xx. 69, xxi. 403, &c.); and when he lay stretched on the earth, his huge body covered the space of seven plethra. The gigantic Aloadae had likewise conquered and chained him, and had kept him a prisoner for thirteen months, until he was delivered by Hermes. (v. 385, &c.) In the contest of Typhon against Zeus, Ares was obliged, together with the other gods, to flee to Egypt, where he metamorphosed himself into a fish. (Antonin. Lib. 28.) He was also conquered by Heracles, with whom he fought on account of his son Cycnus, and obliged to return to Olympus. (Hesiod, Scut. Ilerc. 461.) In numerous other contests, however, he was victorious. This fierce and gigantic, but withal handsome god loved and was beloved by Aphrodite: he interfered on her behalf with Zeus (v. 883), and lent her his war-chariot. (v. 363; comp. APHRODITE.) When Aphrodite loved Adonis, Ares in his jealousy metamorphosed himself into a bear, ARESAS. and killed his rival. [ADONIS.] According to a late tradition, Ares slew Halirrhotius, the son of Poseidon, when he was on the point of violating Alcippe, the daughter of Ares. Hereupon Poseidon accused Ares in the Areiopagus, where the Olympian gods were assembled in court. Ares was acquitted, and this event was believed to have given rise to the name Areiopagus. (Ditd. of At. s. v.) The warlike character of the tribes of Thrace led to the belief, that the god's residence was in that country, and here and in Scythia were the principal seats of his worship. (Hom. Od. viii. 361, with the note of Eustath.; Ov. Ars Am. ii. 585; Statius, T/eb. vii. 42; Herod. iv. 59, 62.) In Scythia he was worshipped in the form of a sword, to which not only horses and other cattle, but men also were sacrificed. Respecting the worship of an Egyptian divinity called Ares, see Herodotus, ii. 64. He was further worshipped in Colchis, where the golden fleece was suspended on an oak-tree in a grove sacred to him. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16.) From thence the Dioscuri were believed to have brought to Laconia the ancient statue of Ares which was preserved in the temple of Ares Thareitas, on the road from Sparta to Therapnae. (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 7, &c.) The island near the coast of Colchis, in which the Stymphalian birds were believed to have dwelt, and which is called the island of Ares, Aretias, Aria, or Chalceritis, was likewise sacred to him. (Steph. Byz. s. v. "Apeos vrioos; Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1047; Plin. IL.N. vi. 12; Pomp. Mela, ii.. 7.~ 1.) In Greece itself the worship of Ares was not very general. At Athens he had a temple containing a statue made by Alcamenes (Paus. i. 8. ~ 5); at Geronthrae in Laconia he had a temple with a grove, where an annual festival was celebrated, during which no woman was allowed to approach the temple. (iii. 22. ~ 5.) He was also worshipped near Tegea, and in the town (viii. 44. ~ 6, 48. ~ 3), at Olympia (v. 15. ~ 4), near Thebes (Apollod. iii. 4. ~ 1), and at Sparta, where there was an ancient statue, representing the god in chains, to indicate that the martial spirit and victory were never to leave the city of Sparta. (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 5.) At Sparta human sacrifices were offered to Ares. (Apollod. Fragm. p. 1056, ed. Heyne.) The temples of this god were usually built outside the towns, probably to suggest the idea that he was to prevent enemies from approaching them. All the stories about Ares and his worship in the countries north of Greece seem to indicate that his worship was introduced in the latter country from Thrace; and the whole character of the god, as described by the most ancient poets of Greece, seems to have been thought little suited to be represented in works of art: in fact, we hear of no artistic representation of Ares previous to the time of Alcamenes, who appears to have created the ideal of Ares. There are few Greek monuments now extant with representations of the god; he appears principally on coins, reliefs, and gems. (Hirt. Myihol. Bilderb. i. p. 51.) The Romans identified their god Mars with the Greek Ares. [MARs.] [L. S.] A'RESAS ('Apeoas), of Lucania, and probably of Croton, was at the head of the Pythagorean school, and the sixth in succession from Pythagoras. Some attribute to him a work "about Human Nature," of which a fragment is preserved by Stobaeu:
Page 277 ARETAEUS. (.Ecl i. p. 847, ed. Heeren); but others suppose it to have been written by Aesara. [AESARA.] ARESTOR ('Ape'orwp), the father of Argus Panoptes, the guardian of lo, who is therefore called Arestorides. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 3; Apollon. Rhod. i. 112; Ov. Met. i. 624.) According to Pausanias (ii. 16. ~ 3), Arestor was the husband of Mycene, the daughter of Inachus, from whom the town of Mycenae derived its name. [L. S.] ARETADES ('Ap-raSi15s), of Cnidus, of uncertain date, wrote a work on Macedonian affairs (Miac-eSoviKd) in three books at least, and another on the history of islands (vijeuiwriCd) in two books at least. (Plut. Parall. 11, 27.) It is uncertain whether the Aretades referred to by Porphyry (ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. x. 3), as the author of a work Ilcol eovve rrrw'erEws, is the same as the above or not. ARETAEUS ('Apereuos), one of the most celebrated of the ancient Greek physicians, of whose life, however, no particulars are known. There is some uncertainty respecting both his age and country; but it seems probable that he practised in the first century after Christ, in the reign of Nero or Vespasian, and he is generally styled 'the Cappadocian" (Kaorsrdaio). HeI wrote in Ionic Greekl a general treatise on diseases, which is still extant, and is certainly one of the most valuable reliques of antiquity, displaying great accuracy in the detail of symptoms, and in seizing the diagnostic character of diseases. In his practice he followed for the most part the method of Hippocrates, bOut he paid less attention to what have been styled " the natural actions " of the system; and, contrary to the practice of the Father of Medicine, ihe did not hesitate to attempt to counteract them, when they appeared to him to be injurious. The account which he gives of his treatment of various diseases indicates a simple and sagacious system, and one of more energy than that of the professed Methodici. Thus he freely administered active purgatives; he did not object to narcotics; he was much less averse to bleeding; and upon the whole his Materia Medica was both ample and efficient. It may be asserted generally that there are few of the ancient physicians, since the time of Hippocrates, who appear to have been less biassed by attachment to any peculiar set of opinions, and whose account of the phenomena and treatment of disease has better stood the test of subsequent experience. Aretaeus is placed by some writers among tile Pneumatici:Dict. of Ant. s. v. Pneumeatici), because he main-:ained the doctrines which are peculiar to this.ect; other systematic writers, however, think hat he is better entitled to be placed with the Eclectics. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Eclectici.) His work. consists of eight book, of which four are ntitled liepl AiLCricv alO _s77peiwv'Oeiw Vical Xpoveiwv la(0v, Do Causis et Signis Acutorum et Diuturnoum MorbormU; and the other four, nlepIt ~espaEIas )fmwy ical Xpoviwcv HTaOv, De Curatione Acutorumn ' Diutsrnorwum Mlorborum. They are in a tolerably )mplete state of preservation, though a few chap-.rs are lost. The work was first published in a atin translation by J. P. Crassus, Venet. 1552, to., together with Rufus Ephesius. The first reek edition is that by J. Goupylus, Paris, 1554, "o., which is more complete than the Latin vermn of Crassus. In. 1723 a magnificent edition in lio was published at the Clarendon press at Oxcd, edited by J. Wigan, containing an improved ARETAS. 277 text, a new Latin version, learned dissertations and notes, and a copious index by Maittaire. In 1731, the celebrated Boerhaave brought out a new edition, of which the text and Latin version had been printed before the appearance of Wigan's, and are of less value than his; this edition, however, contains a copious and useful collection of annotations by P. Petit and D. W. Triller. The last and most useful edition is that by C. G. Kaihn, Lips. 1828, 8vo., containing Wigan's text, Latin version, dissertations, &c., together with Petit's Commentary, Triller's Emendations, and Maittaire's Index. A new edition is preparing for the press at this present time by Dr. Ermerins, of Middelburg in Zealand. (See his preface, p. viii., to Hippocr. De Vict. Rat. in Morb. Acut. Lugd.Bat. 1841.) The work has been translated into French, Italian, and German; there are also two English translations, one by J. Moffat, Lond. 1785, 8vo., and the other by T. F. Reynolds, Lond. 1837, 8vo., neither of which contains the whole work. Further information respecting the medical opinions of Aretaeus may be found in Le Clerc's Hist. de lat Mid.; Haller's Bibl. Medic. Pract. vol. i.; Sprengel's Hist. de la Mid.; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. vol. iv. p. 703, ed. Harles; Isensee, Gesch. der Med. See also Bostock, Hist. of Med., and Choulant's Handbziuc der Biicherkunde fir die Aeltere Medicin, from which two works the preceding article has been chiefly taken. [W. A. G.] ARETA'PHILA ('ApeTraplAa), of Cyrene, lived at the time of the Mithridatic war. Nicocrates, the tyrant of Cyrene, killed her husband, Phaedimus, and compelled her to live with him; but she at length delivered the city from tyranny by procuring the murder of Nicocrates, and subsequently of his brother Leander, when he acted in the same tyrannical manner. (Plut. de Mstl. virt. p. 255, &c.) A'RETAS ('Ap-ras), the name of several kings of Arabia Petraea. 1. The contemporary of Jason, the high-priest of the Jews, and of Antiochus Epiphanes, about e. c. 170. (2 Maccab. v. 8.) 2. A contemporary of Alexander Jannacus, king of Judaea. This Aretas is probably the same who reigned in Coele-Syria after Antiochus XII., surnamed Dionysus. He was invited to the kingdom by those who had possession of Damascus. (Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 13. ~ 3, 15. ~ 2.) Subsequently he seems to have been compelled to relinquish Syria; and we next hear of his taking part in the contest between Aristobulus and Hyrcanus for the Jewish crown, though whether this Aretas is the same as the one who ruled over Syria may be doubted. At the advice of Antipater, Hyrcanus fled to Aretas, who invaded Judaea in B. c. 65, in order to place him on the throne, and laid siege to Jerusalem. Aristobulus, however, purchased the intervention of Scaurus and Gabinius, Pompey's legates, who compelled Aretas to raise the siege. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. i. ~ 4, c. 2, Bell. Jud. i. 6. ~ 2.) [ARIsTOBULUS, No. 2.] After Pompey had reduced Syria to the form of a Roman province, he turned his arms against Aretas, B. c. 64, who submitted to him for a time. This expedition against Aretas preceded the war against Aristobulus in Judaea, which Plutarch erroneously represents as the first. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 15; Appian, Mithr. 106; Plut. Pomp. 39, 41.) The war against Aretas was renewed after Pompey's departure Sfrom Asia; and Scaurns, Pompey's legate, who
Page 278 278 ARETE. remained behind in Syria, invaded Arabia Petraea, but was unable to reach Petra. He laid waste, however, the surrounding country, and withdrew his army on Aretas' paying 300 talents. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 5. ~ 1.) This expedition of Scaurus is commemorated on a coin, which is given under SCAURUS. The successors of Scaurus in Syria also prosecuted the war with the Arabs. (Appian, Syr. 50.) 3. The father-in-law of Herod Antipas of Judaea. Herod dismissed his wife, the daughter of Aretas, in consequence of having formed an incestuous connexion with Herodias, his brother Philip's wife, as we learn from the Evangelists. To revenge the wrongs of his daughter, Aretas made war upon Herod, and defeated him in a great battle. Herod applied for assistance to the Romans; and Vitellius, the governor of Syria, received an order to punish Aretas. He accordingly marched against Petra; but while he was on the road, he received intelligence of the death of Tiberius (A. 1. 37), and gave up the expedition in consequence. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~~ 1, 3.) This Aretas seems to have been the same who had possession of Damascus at the time of the conversion of the Apostle Paul, A. D. 31. (2 Corinth. xi. 32, 33; Acts ix. 19-25.) It is not improbable that Aretas obtained possession of Damascus in a war with Herod at an earlier period than Josephus has mentioned; as it seems likely that Aretas would have resented the affront soon after it was given, instead of allowing so many years to intervene, as the narrative of Josephus would imply. The Aretas into whose dominions Aelius Gallus came in the time of Augustus, is probably also the same as the father-in-law of Herod. (Strab. xvi. p. 781.) The following is a coin of Aretas, king of Damascus, but whether it belongs to No. 2 or No. 3 is doubtful. (Eckhel, iii. p. 330.) Perhaps it is a coin of No. 2, and may have been struck when he took possession of Syria at the invitation of the inhabitants of Damascus: in that case there would have been good reason for the inscription 'IAEAAHNO2 upon it. COIN OF ARETAS. ARE'TE ('ApjiT), the wife of Alcinous, king of the Phaeacians. In the Odyssey she appears as a noble and active superintendent of the household of her husband, and when Odysseus arrived in tihe island, he first applied to queen Arete to obtain hospitable reception and protection. (Hom. Od. vi. 310, vii. 65, &c., 142.) Respecting her connexion with the story of Jason and Medeia, see ALCINOUS. [L. S.] A'RETE ('ApeT7), daughter of the elder Dionysius and Aristomache. She was first married to Thearides, and upon his death to her uncle Dion, the brother of her mother Aristomache. After Dion had fled fr9m Syracuse during the reign of the younger Dionysits, Arete was compelled by her brother to ARETHUSA. marry Timocrates, one of his friends; but she was again received by Dion as his wife, when he had obtained possession of Syracuse and expelled the younger Dionysius. After Dion's assassination, B. c. 353, Arete was imprisoned together with her mother, and brought forth a son while in confinement. Arete and Aristomache were subsequently liberated and kindly received by Hicetas, one of Dion's friends, but he was afterwards persuaded by the enemies of Dion to drown them. (Plut. Dion, 6, 21, 51, 57, 58; Aelian, V. H. xii. 47, who erroneously makes Arete the mother, and Aristomache the wife of Dion.) ARE'TE ('ApjrT), daughter of Aristippus, the founder of the Cyrenaic school of philosophy. She was instructed by him in the principles of his system, which she transmitted to her son, Aristippus jnirpoi16acKros, to whom Ritter (Gesch. der Phil. vii. 1. 3) ascribes the formal completion of the earlier Cyrenaic doctrine. We are told by Diogenes Laertius (ii. 72), that her father taught her contentment and moderation, both by precept and practice, and the same duties are insisted on in an epistle now extant, said to be addressed to her by him. This letter is certainly spurious [ARISTIPPUS], although Lairtius mentions among the writings of Aristippus an irri-rom)} srphs 'Aprs'rrv sw v svya-rpa. Whether the letter to which he refers was the same as that which we possess, is uncertain; but the fact that it was extant in his time would not prove its authenticity. Aelian (HI. A. iii. 40) calls Arete the sister of Aristippus, but this assertion is opposed to the statement of all other writers; and, besides, the passage which contains it is corrupt. (Diog. Lairt. ii. 72, 86; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 3.) [G. E. L. C.] ARETES of Dyrrachium, an ancient chronographer, some of whose calculations Censorinus (de Die Nat. 18, 21) mentions. A'RETHAS ('ApeOas). 1. Archbishop of Caesareia in Cappadocia at an uncertain time (A. D. 540, according to Coccius and Cave), appears to have succeeded ANDREAS. He wrote a commentary on the Apocalypse (o'uho'oy7 'j'yracrwv eic la(pdpowv dyiwv avs3pcv els Trv 'Iwdvvuov T70O dya7ringcvov tal eda'y'yeAorov 'A rociAsmJtu), which, as its title implies, was compiled from many preprevious works, and especially from that of Andreas. It is usually printed with the works of OECUMENIUS. 2. Presbyter of Caesareia in Cappadocia, wrote a work " on the translation of St. Euthymius, patriarch of Constantinople," who died A. D. 911. The date of Arethas is therefore fixed at 920. (Oudinus, Comment. de Script. Eccles. ii. p. 426, who, without sufficient reason, identifies the former Arethas with this writer.) 3. The author of an epigram " On his own Sister" (enl rr 71a, dSAhp.), which is found ir the Vatican MS. under the title of 'ApdOa roi amoi'edov. (Jacobs, Paralip. ex Cod. Vatic. No 211, in Anthol. Graec. xiii. p. 744.) If thi words added in the margin, Y'eyov6ros I8 K dpXE7ricaKOrov KaImaealas KairraSoLc/as, may b taken as an authority, he was the same person a the Archbishop of Caesareia. [P. S.] ARETHU'SA ('ApEOovea), one of the Nereid (Hygin. Praef. p. 9, ed. Staveren; Virg. Geory. i, 344), and the nymph of the famous well Arethus in the island of Ortygia near Syracuse. [ALPHEIUS, Virgil (Eclog. iv. 1, x. 1) reckons her among tl
Page 279 ARGAEUS. Sicilian nymphs, and as the divinity who inspired pastoral poetry. The Syracusans represented on many of their coins the head of Arethusa surrounded by dolphins. (Rasche, Lex. Numism. i. 1, p. 107.) One of the Hesperides likewise bore the name of Arethusa. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ I.) [L. S.] M. ARETHU'SIUS ('ApeOovBL os), the author of a confession of faith, promulgated in the third council of Sirmium, A. D. 359, and was subsequently a martyr under Julian. (Socrat. H. E. ii. 30, with Valesius' note; Nazian. Orat. 48; Tillemont, vii. p. 726.) ARE'TUS (Apsrros). Two mythical personages of this name are mentioned in Homer. (II. xvii. 494, 517, and Od. iii. 413.) [L. S.] A'REUS I. ('Apeds), succeeded his grandfather, Cleomenes II., as king of Sparta, of the Eurysthenid family, B. c. 309, his father, ACROTATUS, having died before him. He reigned 44 years. (Diod. xx. 29.) In the year 280 B. c., a league of the Greek states was formed, at the instigation of Sparta, acting under the influence of its ally, Ptolemy Ceraunus, to free themselves from the dominion of Antigonus Gonatas. The first blow was struck by Areus, who, having obtained a decree of the Amphyctions against the Aetolians, because they had cultivated the sacred land of Cirrha, attacked Cirrha unexpectedly, and plundered and burnt the town. His proceedings were viewed by the Aetolian shepherds on the mountains, who formed themselves into a body of about 500 men, and attacked the scattered troops of Areus. These, ignorant of the number of their enemies, were struck with a panic and fled, leaving 9000 of their number dead. Thus the expedition turned out fruitless, and the attempts of Sparta to renew the war met with no encouragement from the other states, which suspected that the real design of Sparta was not to liberate Greece, but to obtain the supremacy for herself. (Justin. xxiv. 1: it is scarcely credible that the numbers can be right.) When Sparta was attacked by Pyrrhus, in B. c. 272 [ACROTATUS], Areus was absent on an expedition in Crete. He returned straight to Sparta, and formed an alliance with the Argives, the effect of which was, that Pyrrhus drew off his forces fromi Sparta to attack Argos. (Paus. iii. 6. ~ 2; Plut. Pyrrli. 26-29.) In the year 267, Areus united with Ptolemy Philadelphus in an unsuccessful attempt to save Athens from Antigonus Gonatas. (Paus. iii. 6. ~ 3; Justin, xxvi. 2.) He fell in a battle against the Macedonians at Corinth, in the next year but one, 265 B. c., and was succeeded by his' son Acrotatus. (Plut. Agis, 3; Justin, xxvi., Prol.) He was the king of Sparta to whom the Jews sent the embassy mentioned in 1 Macc. xii. 20. 2. Areus II., a posthumous son of Acrotatus, was born as king probably in 264 A. D., and died at the age of eight years. He was succeeded by his great uncle, Leonidas II. (Plut. Agis, 3; Paus. iii. 6. ~ 3.) [P. S.] AREUS ('Apeds), a Spartan exile, who was restored to his country with Alcibiades, another exile [see p. 100, a.], about B. C. 184, by the Achaeans, but afterwards went as ambassador to Rome to accuse the Achaeans. (Polyb. xxiii. 11, 12, xxiv. 4; Liv. xxxix. 35; Paus. vii. 9. ~ 2.) ARGAEUS ('Apyalos), king of Macedonia was the son and successor of Perdiccas I., who ARGEIUS. 279 according to Herodotus and Thucydides, was the founder of the dynasty. Thirty-four years are given as the length of his reign by Dexippus (ap. Syncell. p. 494, Dind.), but apparently without any authority. (Herod. viii. 139; Justin, vii. 2.) There was a pretender to the Macedonian crown of this name, who, with the assistance of the Illyrians, expelled Amyntas II. from his dominions (B. c. 393), and kept possession of the throne for two years. Amyntas then, with the aid of the Thessalians, succeeded in expelling Argaeus and recovering at least a part of his dominions. It is probably the same Argaeus who in B. c. 359 again appears as a pretender to the throne. He had induced the Athenians to support his pretensions, but Philip, who had just succeeded to the regency of the kingdom, by his intrigues and promises induced them to remain inactive. Argaeus upon this collected a body of mercenaries, and being accompanied by some Macedonian exiles and some Athenian troops, who were permitted by their general, Manlias, to join him, he made an attempt upon Aegae, but was repulsed. On his retreat to Methone, he was intercepted by Philip, and defeated. What became of him we are not informed. (Diod. xiv. 92, xvi. 2, 3; Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 660; Thirlwall, vol. v. pp. 161, 173.) [C. P. M.] A'RGALUS ("ApyaAos), the eldest son of Amyclas, and his successor in the throne of Sparta. (Paus. iii. 1. ~ 3.) ARGANTHO'NE ('Ap-yWOdve), a fair maiden in Mysia, who used to hunt alone in the forests. Rhesus, attracted by the fame of her beauty, came to her during the chase; he succeeded in winning her love, and married her. After he was slain at Troy by Diomedes, she died of grief. (Parthen. Erot. 36; Steph. Byz. s.v. 'ApyavOcvis.) [L. S.] ARGANTHO'NIUS ('ApyavuWvios), king of Tartessus in Spain, in the sixth century B. c., received in the most friendly manner the Phocaeans who sailed to his city, and gave them money in order that they might fortify their city. He is said to have reigned 80 years, and to have lived 120. (Herod. i. 163; Strab. iii. p. 151; Lucian, lMacrob. 10; Cic. de Senect. 19; Plin. H. N. vii. 48; Val. Max. viii. 13, ext. 4.) ARGAS ('Apycl), who is described as vo'A rovnpuPV hal dpyaewvO' TroLT7's. (Plut. Dem. 4; Athen. xiv. p. 638, c. d., comp. iv. p. 131, b.) ARGEIA ('Apyela). 1. A surname of Hera derived from Argos, the principal seat of her worship. (Paus. iii. 13. ~ 6.) 2. Argeia also occurs as the name of several mythical personages, as-a. The wife of Inachus and mother of lo. (Hygin. Fab. 145; comp. Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 3.) b. The wife of Polybus and mother of Argus, the builder of the ship Argo. (Hygin. Fab. 14.) c. A daughter of Adrastus and Amphithea, and wife of Polyneices. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 13, iii. 6. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 72.) d. A daughter of Autesion and wife of Aristodemus, the Heraclid, by whom she became the mother of Eurysthenes and Procles. (Herod. vi. 52; Paus. iv. 3. ~ 3; Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 2.) [L. S.] ARGEIPHONTES ('Apyeupm'vmis), a surname of Hermes, by which he is designated as the murderer of Argus Panoptes. (Hom. II. ii. 103, and numerous other passages in the Greek and Latin poets.) [L. S.] ARGEIUS ('Apye7os), was one of the Elean deputies sent to Persia to co-operate with Pelopidas
Page 280 280 ARGONAUTAE. (3. C. 367) in counteracting Spartan negotiation and attaching Artaxerxes to the Theban cause. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~ 33.) He is again mentioned by Xenophon (Hell. vii. 4. ~ 15), in his account of thle war between the Arcadians and Eleans (a. c. 365), as one of the leaders of the democratic party at Elis. (Comp. Diod. xv. 77.) [E. E.] ARGE'LIUS, wrote a work on the Ionic temple of Aesculapius, of which he was said to have been the architect. Hie alse wrote on the proportions of the Corinthian order (de Symsmetriis CorintMiis). His time is unknown. (Vitruv. vii. praef. ~ 12.) [P.S.] ARGENNIS ('Ap'yevis), a surname of Aphrodite, which she derived from Argennus, a favourite of Agamemnon, after whose death, in the river Cephissus, Agamemnon built a sanctuary of Aphrodite Argennis. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Apyervis; Athen. xiii. p. 608.) [L. S.] M. ARGENTA'RIUS, the author of about thirty epigrams in the Greek Anthology, most of which are erotic, and some are plays on words. We may infer from his style that he did not live before the time of the Roman empire, but nothing more is known of his age. (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec. xiii. pp. 860, 861.) [P. S.] ARGES. [CYCLOPES.] ARGILEONIS (Ap-yihewvis), mother of Brasidas. When the ambassadors from Amphipolis brought the news of his death, she asked if lie had behaved bravely; and on their speaking of him in reply as the best of the Spartans, answered, that the strangers were in error; Brasidas was a brave man, but there were many better in Sparta. The answer became famous, and Argileonis is said to have been rewarded for it by the ephors. (Plut. Lye. 25, Apophtli. Lac.) [A. H. C.] ARGI'OPE ('Ap-ynirsl), a nymph by whom Philammon begot the celebrated bard, Thamyris. She lived at first on mount Parnassus, but when Philarnmon refused to take her into his house as his wife, she left Parnassus and went to the country of the Odrysians in Thrace. (Apollod. i. 3. ~ 3; Paus. iv. 33. ~ 4.) Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Diod. iv. 33, and H-ygin. Fab. 178. [L. S.] ARGIUS, a sculptor, was the disciple of Polycletus, and therefore flourished about 388 B. c. (Plin. xxxiv. 19.) Thiersch (ELpocien, p. 275) supposes that Pliny, in the words "ArgiZus, Asopodorus," mis-translated his Greek authority, which had 'ApyTeos 'Aocw7esd wpos, "Asopodorus the Argive." But Argius is found as a Greek proper name in both the forms, "Apyios and 'ApyEos. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5; Aristoph. Eccles. 201.) [P. S.] ARGO. [ARGONA UTAE.] ARGONAUTAE ('Ap-yovavrai), the heroes and demigods who, according to the traditions of the Greeks, undertook the first bold maritime expedition to Colchis, a far distant country on the coast of the Euxine, for the purpose of fetching the golden fleece. They derived their name from the ship Argo, in which the voyage was made, and which was constructed by Argus at the command of Jason, the leader of the Argonauts. The time which the Greek traditions assign to this enterprise is about one generation before the Trojan war. The story of the expedition seems to have been known to the author of the Odyssey (xii. 69, &c.), who states, that the ship Argo was the only onell that ever passed between tihe whirling rocks (ipa-per 7raycrai). Jason is mentioned several ARGONAUTAE. times in the Iliad (vii. 467, &c., xxi. 40, xxiii. 743, &c.), but not as the leader of the Argoniauts. [JASON.] Hesiod (Thieog. 992, &c.) relates the story of Jason saying that he fetched Medeia at the command of his uncle Pelias, and that she bore him a son, Medeius, who was educated by Cheiron. The first trace of the common tradition that Jason was sent to fetch the golden fleece from Aea, tl-he city of Aeetes, in the eastern boundaries of the earth, occurs in Mimnermus (ap. Strab. i. p. 46, &c.), a contemporary of Solon; but the most ancient detailed account of the expedition of tihe Argonauts which is extant, is that of Pindar. (Pythi. iv.) Pelias, who had usurped the throne of lolcus, and expelled Aeson, the father of Jason, had received an oracle that he was to be on lis guard against the man who should come to him with only one sandal. When Jason had grown up, he came to lolcus to demand the succession to the -throne of his father. On his way thither, lie had lost one of his- sandals in crossing the river Anaurus. Pelias recognised the man indicated by the oracle, but concealed his fear, hoping to destroy him in some way; and when Jason claiuned the throne of his ancestors, Pelias declared himself ready to yield; but as Jason was blooming in youthful vigour, Pelias entreated him to propitiate the manes of Phrixus 1by going to Colchis and fetching the golden fleece. [Pr-mixus; HELLE.] Jason accepted the proposal, and heralds were seint to all parts of Greece to invite the iheroes to join hill in the expedition. When all were assembled at lolcus, they set out on their voyage, and a south wirnd carried them to the mouth of the Axeinus Pontus (subsequently Euxinus Pontus), where they built a temple to Poseidon, and implored his protection against the danger of the whirling rocks. The ship then sailed to the eastern coasto of the Euxine and ran up the river Phasis, in the country of Aeetes, and the Argonauts had to fight against tihe dark-eyed Colchians. Aphrodite inspired Medeia, the daughter of Aeetes, with love for Jason, and made her forget the esteem and affection she owed to her parent. She was in possession of magic powers, and taught Jason how to avert the dangers which her father might prepare for him, and gave him remedies with which he was to heal his wounds. Aeetes promised to give up the fleece to Jason on condition of his ploughing a piece of land with his adamantine plough drawn by fire-breathing oxen. Jason undertook the task, and, following the advice of Medeia, he remained unhurt by the fire of the oxen, and accomplished what had been demanded of him. The golden fleece, which Jason himself had to fetch, was hung up in a thicket, and guarded by a fearful dragon, thicker and longer than the ship of the Argonauts. Jason succeeded by a stratagem in slaying the dragon, and on his return he secretly carried away Medeia with him. They sailed home by the Erythraean sea, and arrived in Lemnos. In this account of Pindar, all the Argonauts are thrown into the background, and Jason alone appears as the acting hero. The brief description of their return through the Erythraean sea is difficult to understand. Pindar, as the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (iv 259) remarks, like some other poets, makes th( Argonauts return through the eastern current o. Oceanus, which it must be supposed that they en tered through the river Phasis; so that they sailec from the Euxine throungh the river Phasis into thi
Page 281 ARGONAUTAE. 'ARGONAUTAE. e81 eastern ocean, and then round Asia to the southern gations, and whose works were used by Apollocoast of Libya. Here the Argonauts landed, and nius Rhodius, is given by the Scholiast on this carried their ship through Libya on their shoulders poet. Besides the Argonautics of the Pseudountil they came to the lake of Triton, through Orpheus, we now possess only those of Apollonius which they sailed northward into the Mediterra- Rhodius, and his Roman imitator, Valerius Flaccus. nean, and steered towards Lemnos and Iolcus. The account which is preserved in Apollodorus' The Erythraean sea in this account is the eastern Bibliotheca (i. 9. ~~ 16-27) is derived from the ocean. There is scarcely any other adventure in best sources that were extant in his time, and the ancient stories of Greece the detail of which chiefly'from Pherecydes. We shall give his achas been so differently related by poets of all kinds, count here, partly because it is the plainest, and The most striking differences are those relative to partly because it may fill up those parts which the countries or seas through which the Argonauts Pindar in his description has touched upon but returned home. As it was in most cases the object slightly. of the poets to make them return through some un- When Jason was commissioned by his uncle known country, it was necessary, in later times, to Pelias of lolcus to fetch the golden fleece, which shift their road, accordingly as geographical know- was suspended on an oak-tree in the grove of Ares ledge became more and more extended. While in Colchis, and was guarded day and night by a thus Pindar makes tLem return through the eastern dragon, he commanded Argus, the son of Phrixus, ocean, others, such as Apollonius Rhodius and to build a ship with fifty oars, in the prow of Apollodorus, make them sail from the Euxine into which Athena inserted a piece of wood from the the rivers Ister and Eridanus into the western speaking oaks in the grove at Dodona, and he inocean, or the Adriatic; and others, again, such as vited all the heroes of his time to take part in the the Pseudo-Orpheus, Timaeus, and Scymnus of expedition. Their first landing-place after leaving Chios, represent them as sailing through the river lolcus was the island of Lemnos, where all the Tanais into the northern ocean, and round the womien had just before murdered their fathers and northern countries of Europe. A fourth set of husbands, in consequence of the anger of Aphrotraditions, which was adopted by Herodotus, Cal- dite. Thoas alone had been saved by his daughters limachus, and Diodorus Siculus, made them return and his wife Hypsipyle. The Argonauts united by the same way as they had sailed to Colchis. themselves with the women of Lemnos, and HypAll traditions, however, agree in stating, that sipyle bore to Jason two sons, Euneus and Nebrothe object of the Argonauts was to fetch the golden pho'nus. From Lemnos the Argonauts sailed to fleece which was kept in the country of Aeetes. the country of the Doliones, where king Cizycus This fleece was regarded as golden as early as the received them hospitably. They left the country time of Hesiod and Pherecydes (Eratosth. Catast. during the night, and being thrown back on the 19), but in the extant works of Hesiod there is coast by a contrary wind, they were taken for no trace of this tradition, and Mimnermus only Pelasgians, the enemies of the Doliones, and a calls it "a large fleece in the town of Aeetes, struggle ensued, in which Cizycus was slain; but where the rays of Helios rest in a golden chamber." being recognised by the Argonauts, they buried Simonides and Acusilaus described it as of purple him and mourned over his fate. They next landed colour. (Schol. adEitrip. Med. 5, ad Apollon. Rhod. in Mysia, where they left behind Heracles aind iv. 1147.) If, therefore, the tradition in this form Polyphemus, who had gone into the country in had any historical foundation at all, it would seem search of Hylas, whom a nymph had carried off to suggest, that a trade in furs with the countries while he was fetching water for his companions. north and east of the Euxine was carried on by In the country of the Bebryces, king Amycus the Minyans in and about Iolcus at a very early challenged the Argonauts to fight with him; and time, and that some bold mercantile enterprise to when Polydeuces was killed by him, the Argothose countries gave rise to the story about the nauts in revenge slew many of the Bebryces, and Argonauts. In later traditions, the fleece is uni- sailed to Salmydessus in Thrace, where the seer versally called the golden fleece; and the won- Phineus was tormented by the Harpyes. When drous ram who wore it is designated by the name the Argonauts consulted him about their voyage, of Chrysomallus, and called a son of Poseidon and he promised his advice on condition of their deliTheophane, the daughter of Brisaltes in the island vering him from the Harpyes. This was done by of Crumissa. (Hygin. Fab. 188.) Strabo (xi. Zetes and Calais, two sons of Boreas;'and Phineus p. 499; comp. Appian, de Bell. Mithrid. 103) en- now advised them, before sailing through the Symdeavours to explain the story about the golden plegades, to mark the flight of a dove, and to judge fleece from the Colchians' collecting by means of from its fate of what they themselves would have skins the gold sand which was carried down in to do. When they approached the Symplegades, their rivers from the mountains, they sent out a dove, which in its rapid flight The ship Argo is described as a pentecontoros, between the rocks lost only the end of its tail. that is, a ship with fifty oars, and is said to have The Argonauts now, with the assistance of Hera, conveyed the same number of heroes. The Scho- followed the example of the dove, sailed quickly liast on Lycophron (175) is the only writer who between the rocks, and succeeded in passing through states the number of the heroes to have been one without injuring their ship, with the exception of hundred. But the names of the fifty heroes are not some ornaments at the stern. Henceforth the the same in all the lists of the Argonauts, and it is Symplegades stood immoveable in the sea. On a useless task to attempt to reconcile them. (Apol- their arrival in the country of the Mariandyni, the lod. i. 9. ~ 16; Hygin. Fab. 14, with the commen- Argonauts were kindly received by their k1i'g, tators; compare the catalogue of the Argonauts in Lycus. The seer Idmon and the helmsman Tipij-s Burmann's edition of Val. Flaccus.) An account died here, and the place of the latter was suppli'ed. of the writers who had made the expedition of the by Ancaeus. They now sailed along the TihernoArgonauts the subject of poems or critical investi- don and the Caucasus, until they arrived at the
Page 282 282 ARGONAUTAE. mouth of the river Phasis. The Colchian king Aeetes promised to give up the golden fleece, if Jason alone would yoke to a plough two firebreathing oxen with brazen feet, and sow the teeth of the dragon which had not been used by Cadmus at Thebes, and which he had received from Athena. The love of Medeia furnished Jason with means to resist fire and steel, on condition of his taking her as his wife; and she taught him how he was to create feuds among and kill the warriors that were to spring up from the teeth of the dragon. While Jason was engaged upon his task, Aeetes formed plans for burning the ship Argo and for killing all the Greek heroes. But Medeia's magic powers sent to sleep the dragon who guarded the golden fleece; and after Jason had taken possession of the treasure, he and his Argonauts, together with Medeia and her young brother Absyrtus, embarked by night and sailed away. Aeetes pursued them, but before he overtook them, Medeia murdered her brother, cut him into pieces, and threw his limbs overboard, that her father might be detained in his pursuit by collecting the limbs of his child. Aeetes at last returned home, but sent out a great number of Colchians, threatening them with the punishment intended for Medeia, if they returned without her. While the Colchians were dispersed in all directions, the Argonauts had already reached the mouth of the river Eridanus. But Zeus, in his anger at the murder of Absyrtus, raised a storm which cast the ship from its road. When driven on the Absyrtian islands, the ship began to speak, and declared that the anger of Zeus would not cease, unless they sailed towards Ausonia, and got purified by Circe. They now sailed along the coasts of the Ligyans and Celts, and through the sea of Sardinia, and continuing their course along the coast of Tyrrhenia, they arrived in the island of Aeaea, where Circe purified them. When they were passing by the Sirens, Orpheus sang to prevent the Argonauts being allured by them. Bates, however, swam to them, but Aphrodite carried him to Lilybaeum. Thetis and the Nereids conducted them through Scylla and Charybdis and between the whirling rocks (7TrTpL 7rAhycTral); and sailing by the Trinacian island with its oxen of Helios, they came to the Phaeacian island of Corcyra, where they were received by Alcinous. In the meantime, some of the Colchians, not being able to discover the Argonauts, had settled at the foot of the Ceraunian mountains; others occupied the Absyrtian islands near the coast of Illyricum; and a third band overtook the Argonauts in the island of the Phaeacians. But as their hopes of recovering Medeia were deceived by Arete, the queen of Alcinous, they settled in the island, and the Argonauts continued their voyage. [ALCINOUS.] During the night, they were overtaken by a storm; but Apollo sent brilliant flashes of lightning which enabled them to discover a neighbouring island, which they called Anaphe. Here they erected an altar to Apollo, and solemn rites were instituted, which continued to be observed down to very late times. Their attempt to land in Crete was prevented by Talus, who guarded the island, but was killed by the artifices of Medeia. From Crete they sailed to Aegina, and from thence between Euboea and Locris to lolcus. Respecting the events subsequent to their arrival in Iolcus, see AESON, MEDEIA, JASON, PELIAS. (Compare Schoenemann, de Geographia Argonautarum, Gdt ARGYRUS. tingen, 1788; Ukert, Geog. der Griech. u. R'm. i. 2. p. 320, &c.; Miiller, Orchom. pp. 164, &c., 267, &c.) The story of the Argonauts probably arose out of accounts of commercial enterprises which the wealthy Minyans made to the coasts of the Euxine. [L. S.] ARGUS ("Apyos). 1. The third king of Argos, was a son of Zeus and Niobe. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 1, &c.) AScholiast (ad Hom. II. i. 115) calls him a son of Apis, whom he succeeded in the kingdom of Argos. It is from this Argus that the country afterwards called Argolis and all Peloponnesus derived the name of Argos. (Hygin. Fab. 145; Paus. ii. 16. 1, 22.~ 6, 34. ~ 5.) By Euadne, or according to others, by Peitho, he became the father of Jasus, Peiranthus or Peiras, Epidaurus, Criasus, and Tiryns. (Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1151, 1147; ad Eurip. Orest. 1252, 1248, 930.) 2. Surnamed Panoptes. His parentage is stated differently, and his father is called Agenor, Arestor, Inachus, or Argus, whereas some accounts described him as an Autochthon. (Apollod. ii. 1, 2, &c.; Ov. Met. i. 264.) He derived his surname, Panoptes, the all-seeing, from his possessing a hundred eyes, some of which were always awake. He was of superhuman strength, and after he had slain a fierce bull which ravaged Arcadia, a Satyr who robbed and violated persons, the serpent Echidna, which rendered the roads unsafe, and the murderers of Apis, who was according to some accounts his father, Hera appointed him guardian of the cow into which lo had been metamorphosed. (Comp. Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1151, 1213.) Zeus commissioned Hermes to carry off the cow, and Hermes accomplished the task, according to some accounts, by stoning Argus to death, or according to others, by sending him to sleep by the sweetness of his play on the flute and then cutting off his head. Hera transplanted his eyes to the tail of the peacock, her favourite bird. (Aeschyl. Prom.; Apollod. Ov. 11. cc.) 3. The builder of the Argo, the ship of the Argonauts, was according to Apollodorus (ii. 9. ~~ 1, 16), a son of Phrixus. Apollonius Rhodius (i. 112) calls him a son of Arestor, and others a son of Hestor or Polybus. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 4, ad Lycophr. 883; Hygin. Fab. 14; Val. Flacc. i. 39, who calls him a Thespian.) Argus, the son of Phrixus, was sent by Aeetes, his grandfather, after the death of Phrixus, to take possession of his inheritance in Greece. On his voyage thither he suffered shipwreck, was found by Jason in the island of Aretias, and carried back to Colchis. (Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1095, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 21.) Hyginus (Fab. 3) relates that after the death of Phrixus, Argus intended to flee with his brothers to Athamas. [L. S.] ARGYRA ('Apyvpa), the nymph of a well in Achaia, was in love with a beautiful shepherd-boy, Selemnus, and visited him frequently, but when his youthful beauty vanished, she forsook him. The boy now pined away with grief, and Aphrodite, moved to pity, changed him into the river Selemnus. There was a popular belief in Achaia, that if an unhappy lover bathed in the water of this river, he would forget the grief of his love. (Paus. vii. 23. ~ 2.) [L. S.] ARGYRUS, ISAAC, a Greek monk, who lived about the year A. D. 1373. He is the author of a considerable number of works, but only one of them has yet been published, viz. a work
Page 283 ARIADNE. ARIANTAS. 283 upon the method of finding the time when Easter (Plut. Thes. 20; Ov. iMet. viii. 175, Heroid. 10; should be celebrated (7raao-Xcios.KavW'v), which he Hygin. Fab. 43.) According to this tradition, dedicated to Andronicus, praefect of the town of Ariadne put an end to her own life in despair, or Aenus in Thessaly. It was first edited, with a was saved by Dionysus, who in amazement at her Latin translation and notes, by J. Christmann, at beauty made her his wife, raised her among Heidelberg, 1611, 4to., and was afterwards insert- the immortals, and placed the crown which he ed by Petavius in his " Uranologium" (Paris, gave her at his marriage with her, among the stars. 1630, fol., and Antwerp, 1703, fol.), with a new (Hesiod. Theog. 949; Ov. Met. 1.c.; Hygin. Poet. Latin translation and notes; but the last chap- Astr. ii. 5.) The Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius ter of the work, which is contained in Christ- (iii. 996) makes Ariadne become by Dionysus the mann's edition and had been published before mother of Oenopion, Thoas, Staphylus, Latromis, by Jos. Scaliger, is wanting in the " Uranologium." Euanthes, and Tauropolis. There are several cirPetavius inserted in his " Uranologium" also a cumstances in the story of Ariadne which offered the second " canon paschalis" (iii. p. 384), which he happiest subjects for works of art, and some of the ascribes to Argyrus, but without having any finest ancient works, on gems as well as paintings, authority for it. There exist in various European are still extant, of which Ariadne is the subject. libraries, in MS., several works of Argyrus, which (Lippert, Dactylioth. ii. 51, i. 383, 384; Matfei, have not yet been printed. (Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. Gem. Ant. iii. 33; Pitture d'Ercolano, ii. tab. 14; xi. p. 126, &c.; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. Append. p. 63, Bellori, Adm. Roem. Antig. Vest. tab. 48; Bfittiger, ed. London.) [L. S.] Archaeol. iMus. part i.) [L. S.] ARIABIGNES ('Apia-glyv?1s), the son of Da- ARIAETHUS ('Apiatios), of Tegea, the author reius, and one of the commanders of the fleet of of a work on the early history of Arcadia. (Hy gin. his brother Xerxes, fell in the battle of Salamis, Poiet. Astr. ii. 1; Dionys. i. 49, where 'ApiaiOcy is B. c. 480. (Herod. vii. 97, viii. 89.) Plutarch the right reading.) calls him (Them. c. 14) Ariamenes, and speaks of ARIAEUS ('Apta7os), or ARIDAE'US ('Aptbim as a brave man and the justest of the brothers Saos), the friend and lieutenant of Cyrus, comof Xerxes. The same writer relates (de Fratern. manded the barbarians in that prince's army at Am. p. 448; comp. Apophth. p. 173), that this the battle of Cunaxa, B. c. 401. (Xen. Anab. i. 8. Ariamenes (called by Justin, ii. 10, Artemenes) ~ 5; Diod. xiv. 22; comp. Plut. Artax. c. 11.) laid claim to the throne on the death of Dareius, as After the death of Cyrus, the Cyrean Greeks the eldest of his sons, but was opposed by Xerxes, offered to place Ariaeus on the Persian throne; who maintained that he had a right to the crown but he declined making the attempt, on the ground as the eldest of the sons born after Dareius had that there were many Persians superior to himself, become king. The Persians appointed Artabanus who would never tolerate him as king. (Anab. ii. to decide the dispute; and upon his declaring in 1. ~ 4, 2. ~ 1.) He exchanged oaths of fidelity, favour of Xerxes, Ariamenes immediately saluted however with the Greeks, and, at the commencehis brother as king, and was treated by him with ment of their retreat, marched in company with great respect. According to Herodotus (vii. 2), them; but soon afterwards he purchased his parwho calls the eldest son of Dareius, Artabazanes, don from Artaxerxes by deserting them, and aidthis dispute took place in the life-time of Dareius. ing (possibly through the help of his friend Menon) ARIADNE ('AptdaSvi), a daughter of Minos the treachery of Tissaphernes, whereby the princiand Pasiphae or Creta. (Apollod. iii.. ~ 2.) pal Greek generals fell into the hands of the PerWhen Theseus was sent by his father to convey sians. (Anab. ii. 2. ~ 8, &c., 4. ~~ 1, 2, 9, 5. the tribute of the Athenians to Minotaurus, ~~ 28, 38, &c.; comp. Plut. Artax. c. 18.) It Ariadne fell in love with him, and gave him the was perhaps this same Ariaeus who was emstring by means of which he found his way out of ployed by Tithraustes to put Tissaphernes to death the Labyrinth, and which she herself had received in accordance with the king's order, B. c. 396. from Hephaestus. Theseus in return promised to (Polyaen. viii. 16; Diod. xiv. 80; Wess. and Palm. marry her (Plut. Tles. 19; Hygin. Fab. 42; ad loc.; comp. Xen. Tel. iii. 1. ~7.) In the ensuing Didyn. ad Odyss. xi. 320), and she accordingly year, B. c. 395, we again hear of Ariaeus as having left Crete with him; but when they arrived in the revolted from Artaxerxes, and receiving Spithridates island of Dia (Naxos), she was killed there by and the Paphlagonians after their desertion of the Artemis. (Hom. Od. xi. 324.) The words added Spartan service. (Xen. Hell. iv. 1. ~ 27; Plut. in the Odyssey, Alovvrhov feapTrpiprolv, are difficult Ages. c. 11.) [E. E.] to understand, unless we interpret them with ARIA'MENES. [ARIABIGNES.] Pherecydes by " on the denunciation of Dionysus," ARIAMNES ('Apta'uvs-). I. King, or more because he was indignant at the profanation of his properly satrap, of Cappadocia, the son of Datames, grotto by the love of Theseus and Ariadne. In and father of Ariarathes I., reigned 50 years. this case Ariadne was probably killed by Artemis (Diod. xxxi. Eel. 3.) at the moment she gave birth to her twin children, II. King of Cappadocia, succeeded his father for she is said to have had two sons by Theseus, Ariarathes II. He was very fond of his children, Oenopion and Staphylus. The more common tradi- and shared his crown with his son Ariarathes III. tion, however, was, that Theseus left Ariadne in in his life-time. (Diod. 1. c.) Naxos alive; but here the statements again differ, ARIAMNES. [ABGAtus, No. 1.] for some relate that he was forced by Dionysus to ARIANTAS ('ApmavTds), a king of the Scyleave her (Diod. iv. 61, v. 51; Paus. i. 20. ~ 2, ix. thians, who, in order to learn the population of his 40. ~ 2, x. 29. ~ 2), and that in his grief he forgot people, commanded every Scythian to bring him to take down the black sail, which occasioned the an arrow-head. With these arrow-heads he made death of his father. According to others, Theseus a brazen or copper vessel, which was set up in a faithlessly forsook her in the island, and different place called Exampaeus, between the rivers Borysmotives are given for this act of faithlessness. thenes and Hypanis. (Herod. iv. 81.)
Page 284 284 ARIARATHES. ARIA'NUS ('Apeav6s), a friend of Bolis, was employed by him to betray Achaeus to Antiochus the Great, B. c. 214. (Polyb. viii. 18, &c.) [See p. 8, a.] ARIAPEITHES ('AptaErdEiOs), a king of the Scythians, the father of Scyles, was treacherously killed by Spargapeithes, the king of the Agathyrsi. Ariapeithes was a contemporary of Herodotus, for he tells us that lie had from Timnes, the guardian of Ariapeithes, an account of the family of Anacharsis. (Herod. iv. 76, 78.) ARIARA'THES ('Aptapdarj,.) There are a great many Persian names beginning with Aria-, Ario-, and Art-, which all contain the root Ar, which is seen in 'Apra-of, the ancient national name of the Persians (Herod. vii. 61), and "Aptor or"Aperoi, likewise an ancient designation of the inhabitants of the table land of Persia. (Herod. iii. 93, vii. 62.) Dr. Rosen, to whom we are indebted for these remarks, (in Quarterly Journal of Education, vol. ix. p. 336,) also observes that the name Arii is the same with the Sanscrit word Arya, by which in the writings of the Hindus the followers of the Brahmanical law are designated. He shews thatAriya signifies in Sanscrit " honourable, entitled to respect," and Arta, in all probability, " honoured, respected." In Aria-raihes, the latter part of the word apparently is the same as the Zend rato, " great, master" (Bopp, Vergleichende Granimatiic, p. 196), and the name would therefore signify " an honourable master." (Comp. Pott, LE'tlmologyschse lForschungen, p. xxxvi., &c.) Ariariathes was the name of several kings of Cappadocia, who traced their origin to Anaphas, one of the seven Persian chiefs who slew the Magi. [ANAPHAS.I. The son of Ariamnes I., was distinguished for his love of his brother Holophernes, whom he sent to assist Ochus in the recovery of Egypt, B. c. 350. After the death of Alexander, Perdiccas appointed Eumenes governor of Cappadocia; but upon Ariarathes refusing to submit to Eumenes, Perdiccas made war upon him. Ariarathes was defeated, taken prisoner, and crucified, together with many of his relations, B. c. 322. Eumenes then obtained possession of Cappadocia. Ariarathes was 82 years of age at the time of his death: he had adopted as his son, Ariarathes, the eldest son of his brother Holophernes. (Diod. xxxi. Ed. 3, where it is stated that he fell in battle; Died. xviii. 16; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 69, b. 26. ed. Bekker; Appian, Mithr. 8; Lucian, Miacrob. 13; Plut. Euzmen. 3; Justin, xiii. 6, whose account is quite erroneous.) II. Son of Holophernes, fled into Armenia after the death of Ariarathes I. After the death of Eumenes, B. c. 315, he recovered Cappadocia with the assistance of Ardoates, the Armenian king, and killed Amyntas, the Macedonian governor. He was succeeded by Ariamnes II., the eldest of his three sons. (Diod. xxxi. Ecl. 3.) III. Son of Ariamnes II., and grandson of the preceding, married Stratonice, a daughter of Antiochus II., king of Syria, and obtained a share in the government during the life-time of his father. (Diod. 1. c.) IV. Son of the preceding, was a child at his accession, and reigned B. c. 220-163, about 57 years. (Diod. 1. c.; Justin. xxix. 1; Polyb. iv. 2.) He married Antiochis, the daughter of Aintiochus III., king of Syria, and, in consequence of this ARIARATHES. alliance, assisted Antiochus in his war against theRomans. After the defeat of Antiochus by the Romans, B. c. 190, Ariarathes sued for peace in 188, which he obtained on favourable terms, as his daughter was about that time betrothed to Eumenes, the ally of the Romans. In B. c. 183 -179, he assisted Eumenes in his war against Pharnaces. Polybius mentions that a Roman embassy was sent to Ariarathes after the death of Antiochus IV., who died B. c. 164. Antiochis, the wife of Ariarathes, at first bore him no children, and accordingly introduced two supposititious ones, who were called Ariarathes and Holophernes. Subsequently, however, she bore her husband two daughters and a son, M'ithridates, afterwards Ariarathes V., and then informed Ariarathes of the deceit she had practised upon him. The other two were in consequence sent away from Cappadocia, one to Rome, the other to lonia. (Liv. xxxvii. 31, xxxviii. 38, 39; Polyb. xxii. 24, xxv. 2, 4, xxvi. 6, xxxi. 12, 13; Appian, Syr. 5, 32, 42; Died. 1. c.) L V. Son of the preceding, previously called Mithridates, reigned 33 years, B. c. 163-130. He was surnamed Philopator, and was distinguished by the excellence of his character and his cultivation of philosophy and the liberal arts. According to Livy (xlii. 19), he was educated at Rome; but this account may perhaps refer to the other Ariarathes, one of the supposititious sons of the late king. In consequence of rejecting, at the wish of the Romans, a marriage with the sister of Demetrius Soter, the latter made war upon him, and brought forward Holophernes, one of the supposititious sons of the late king, as a claimant of the throne. Ariarathes was deprived of his kingdom, and fled to Rome about B. c. 158. He was restored by the Romans, who, however, appear to have allowed Holophernes to reign jointly with him, as is expressly stated by Appian (Syr. 47), and implied by Polybius (xxxii. 20). The joint government, however, did not last long; for we find Ariarathes shortly afterwards named as sole king. In B. c. 154, Ariarathes assisted Attalus in his war against Prusias, and sent his son Demetrius in command of his forces. He fell in B. c. 130, in the war of the Romans against Aristonicus of Pergamus. In return for the succours which he had brought the Romans on that occasion, Lycaonia and Cilicia were added to the dominions of his family. By his wife Laodice he had six children; but they were all, with the exception of the youngest, killed by their mother, that she might. obtain the government of the kingdom. After she
Page 285 ARIA RAT IIES. ARIGNOTUS. 285 had been put to death by the people on account of her cruelty, her youngest son succeeded to the crown. (Diod. 1. c., Etc. xxiv. p. 626, ed. Wess.; Polyb. iii. 5, xxxii. 20, 23, xxxiii. 12; Justin, xxv. 1, xxxvii. 1.) VI. The youngest son of the preceding, reigned about 34 years, i. c. 130-96. tie was a child at his succession. HIe married Laodice, the sister of Mithridates Eupa'tor, king of Pontus, and was put to death by Miithridates by means of Gordius. (Justin, xxxvii. 1, xxxviii. 1; Memnon, ap. lPhoot. Cod. 224, p. 230, a. 41, ed. Bekker.) On his death the kingdom was seized by Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, who married Laodice, the widow of the late king. But Nicomedes was soon expelled by Mithridates, who placed upon the throne, VII. A son of Ariarathes VI. He was, however, also murdered by Mithridates in a short time, who now took possession of his kingdom. (Justin, xxxviii. 1.) The Cappadocians rebelled against Mithridates, and placed upon the throne,.i \ \i VIII. A second son of Ariarathes VI.; but he was speedily driven out of the kingdom by Mithridates, and shortly afterwvards died a natural death. By the death of these two sons of Ariarathes VI., the royal family was extinct. Mithridates placed upon the throne one of his own sons, who was only eight years old. Nicomedes sent an embassy to Rome to lay claim to the throne for a youth, who, he pretended, was a third son of Ariarathes VI. and Laodice. Mithridates also, with equal shamelessness, says Justin, sent an embassy to Rome to assert that the youth, whom he had placed upon the throne, was a descendant of Ariarathes V., who fell in the owar against Aristonicus. The senate, however, did not assign the.kingdom to either, but granted liberty to the Cappadocians. But as the people wished for a king, the Romans allowed them to choose whom they pleased, and their choice fell upon Ariobarzanes. (Justin, xxxviii. 1, 2; Strab. xii. p. 540.) IX. A son of Ariobarzanes II., and brother of Ariobarzanes III. (Cic. ad Fain. xv. 2), reigned six years, B. c. 42-36. When Caesar had confirmed Ariobarzanes III. in this kingdom, he placed Ariarathes under his brother's government. Ariarathes succeeded to the crown after the battle of Philippi, but was deposed and put to death by Antony, who appointed Archelaus as his successor. (Appian, B. C. v. 7; Dion Cass. xlix. 32; Val. Max. ix. 15, ex. 2.) Clinton makes this Ariarathes the son of Ariobarzanes III. (whom he calls the second); but as there were three kings of the name of Ariobarzanes, grandfather, son, and grandson [ARIOBARZANES], and Strabo (xii. p. 540) says that the fainily became extinct in three generations, it seems most probable, that this Ariarathes was a brother of Ariobarzanes III. Cicero (ad Att. xiii. 2) speaks of an Ariarathes, a son of Ariobarzanes, who came to Rome iln B. c. 45; but there seems no reason to believe that he was a different person from the one mentioned above, the son of Ariobarzanes II. Respecting the kings of Caippadocia, see Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. Appendix, c. 9. The four coins that have been given above, have been placed under those kings to whom they are usually assigned; but it is quite uncertain to whom they really belong. The coins of these kings bear only three surnames, ETSEBOTY, EIIIQANOTS, and DIAOMHTOPO:. On the reverse of all, Pallas is represented. (Eckhel, iii. p. 198.) ARIASPES ('Apdo-rrs), called by Justin (x. 1) Ariarates, one of the three legitimate sons of Artaxerxes Mnemon, was, after the death of his eldest brother Dareius, driven to commit suicide by the intrigues of his other brother, Ochus. (Plut. Artax. c. 30.) ARIBAEUS ('Apia@cos), the king of the Cappadocians, was slain by the Ilyrcanians, in the time of the elder Cyrus, according to Xenophon's Cyropaedia. (ii. 1. ~ 5, iv. 2. ~ 31.) ARICI'NA (Apadciv ), a surname of Artemis, derived from the town of Aricia in Latium, where she was worshipped. A tradition of that place related that Hippolytus, after being restored to life by Asclepius, came to Italy, ruled over Aricia, and dedicated a grove to Artemis. (Paus. ii. 27. ~ 4.) This goddess was believed to be the Taurian Artemis, and her statue at Aricia was considered to be the same as the one which Orestes had brought with him from Tauris. (Serv. ad Aeen. ii. 116; Strab. v. p. 239; Hygin. Fab. 261.) According to Strabo, the priest of the Arician Artemis was always a run-away slave, who obtained his office in the following manner:-The sacred grove of Artemis contained one tree from which it was not allowed to break off a branch; but if a slave succeeded in effecting it, the priest was obliged to fight with him, and if he was conquered and killed, the victorious slave became his successor, and might in his turn be killed by another slave, who then succeeded him. Suetonius (Caig. 35) calls the priest -rex nemorensis. Ovid (Fast. iii. 260, &c.), Suetonius, and Pausanias, speak of contests of slaves in the grove at Aricia, which seem to refer to the frequent fights between the priest and a slave who tried to obtain his office. [L. S.] ARIDAEUS. [ARIsEUS; ARRHIDAEUS.] ARIDO'LIS ('ApfiwAts), tyrant of Alabanda in Caria, accompanied Xerxes in his expedition against Greece, and was taken by the Greeks off Artemisium, B. c. 480, and sent to the isthmus of Corinth in chains. (Herod. vii. 195.) ARIGNO'TE ('AprvCdr), of Samos, a female Pythagorean philosopher, is sometimes described as a daughter, at other times merely as a disciple of Pythagoras and Theano. She wrote epigrams and several works upon the worship and mysteries of Dionysus. (Suidas, s.v. 'Api'yv'dr-, OeavId, rlvay/.; Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. p. 522, d., Paris, 1629; Harpocrat. s. v. Eeo?.) ARIGNO'TUS ('Apiyrwros), a Pythagorean in the time of Lucian, was renowned for his wisdom.
Page 286 286 ARIOBARZANES. and had the surname of Iepo's. (Lucian, Philopseud. c. 29, &c.) ARIMA'ZES ('Aptdjans) or ARIOMA'ZES ('Apio/ydM s), a chief who had possession, in B. c. 328, of a very strong fortress in Sogdiana, usually called the Rock, which Droysen identifies with a place called Kohiten, situate near the pass of Kolugha or Derbend. Arimazes at first refused to surrender the place to Alexander, but afterwards yielded when some of the Macedonians had climbed to the summit. In this fortress Alexander found Roxana, the daughter of the Bactrian chief, Oxyartes, whom he made his wife. Curtius (vii. 11) relates, that Alexander crucified Arimazes and the leading men who were taken; but this is not mentioned by Arrian (iv. 19) or Polyaenus (iv. 3. ~ 29), and is improbable. (Comp. Strab. xi. p. 517.) ARIMNESTUS ('Apisvoros-), the commander of the Plataeans at the battles of Marathon and Plataea. (Paus. ix. 4. ~ 1; Herod. ix. 72; Plut. Arist. c. 11.) The Spartan who killed Mardonius is called by Plutarch Arimnestus, but by Herodotus Aeimestus. [AEIMNESTUS.] ARIOBARZA'NES ('Apitoaptdvcis). 1. The name of three kings or satraps of Pontus. I. Was betrayed by his son Mithridates to the Persian king. (Xen. Cyr. viii. 8. ~ 4; Aristot. Polit. v. 8. ~ 15, ed. Schneid.) It is doubtful whether this Ariobarzanes is the same who conducted the Athenian ambassadors, in B. c. 405, to the sea-coast of Mysia, after they had been detained three years by order of Cyrus (Xen. Hell. i. 4. ~ 7), or the same who assisted Antalcidas in B. c. 388. (Id. v. 1. ~ 28.) II. Succeeded his father, Mithridates I., and reigned 26 years, B. c. 363-337. (Diod. xvi. 90.) He appears to have held some high office in the Persian court five years before the death of his father, as we find him, apparently on behalf of the king, sending an embassy to Greece in B. c. 368. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~ 27.) Ariobarzanes, who is called by Diodorus (xv. 90) satrap of Phrygia, and by Nepos (Datam. c. 2) satrap of Lydia, Ionia, and Phrygia, revolted from Artaxerxes in B. c. 362, and may be regarded as the founder of the independent kingdom of Pontus. Demosthenes, in B. c. 352, speaks of Ariobarzanes and his three sons having been lately made Athenian citizens. (In Aristocrat. pp. 666, 687.) He mentions him again (pro Rhod. p. 193) in the following year, B. c. 351, and says, that the Athenians had sent Timotheus to his assistance; but that when the Athenian general saw that Ariobarzanes was in open revolt against the king, he refused to assist him. III. The son of Mithridates III., began to reign B. c. 266 and died about B. c. 240. He obtained possession of the city of Amastris, which was surrendered to him. (Memnon, cc. 16, 24, ed. Orelli.) Ariobarzanes and his father, Mithridates, sought the assistance of the Gauls, who had come into Asia twelve years before the death of Mithridates, to expel the Egyptians sent by Ptolemy. (Apollon. ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. '"A-yvcpa.) Ariobarzanes was succeeded by Mithridates IV. 2. The satrap of Persis, fled after the battle of Guagamela, B. c. 331, to secure the Persian Gates, a pass which Alexander had to cross in his march to Persepolis. Alexander was at first unable to force the pass; but some prisoners, or, according to other accounts, a Lycian, having acquainted him with a ARIOBARZANES. way over the mountains, he was enabled to gain the heights above the Persian camp. The Persians then took to flight, and Ariobarzanes escaped with a few horsemen to the mountains. (Arrian, iii. 18; Diod. xvii. 68; Curt. v. 3, 4.) 3. The name of three kings of Cappadocia. Clinton (F. H. iii. p. 436) makes only two of this name, but inscriptions and coins seem to prove that there were three. I. Surnamed P/iloromaeus (4sAeopw'jaios) on coins (a. c. 93-63), was elected king by the Cappadocians, under the direction of the Romans, about B.C. 93. (Justin, xxxviii. 2; Strab. xii. p. 540; Appian, Mithr. 10.) He was several times expelled from his kingdom by Mithridates, and as often restored by the Romans. IHe seems to have been driven out of his kingdom immediately after his accession, as we find that he was restored by Sulla in B. c. 92. (Plut. Salla, 5; Liv. Epit. 70; Appian, Mithr. 57.) He was a second time expelled about B. c. 90, and fled to Rome. He was then restored by M.' Aquillius, about B. c. 89 (Appian, Mithr. 10, 11; Justin, xxxviii. 3), but was expelled a third time in B.C. 88. In this year war was declared between the Romans and Mithridates; and Ariobarzanes was deprived of his kingdom till the peace in B. c. 84, when he again obtained it from Sulla, and was established in it by Curio. (Plut. Salla, 22, 24; Dion Cass. Fragm. 173, ed. Reim.; Appian, Mit/r. 60.) Ariobarzanes appears to have retained possession of Cappadocia, though frequently harassed by Mithridates, till B. c. 66, when Mithridates seized it after the departure of Lucullus and before the arrival of Pompey. (Cic. pro Leg. Man. 2, 5.) He was, however, restored by Pompey, who also increased his dominions. Soon after this, probably about B. c. 63, he resigned the kingdom to his son. (Appian, Mit/lr. 105, 114, B. C. i. 103; Val.Max. v. 7. ~ 2.) We learn from a Greek inscription quoted by Eckhel (iii. p. 199), that the name of his wife was Athenais, and that their son was Philopator. The inscription on the coin from which the annexed drawing was made, is indistinct and partly effaced: it should be BAYIAEM2 APIOBAPZANOT (IlAOPMMAIOT. Pallas is represented holding a small statue of Victory in her right hand. II. Surnamed Philopator (4iXordrOwp), according to coins, succeeded his father B. c. 63. The time of his death is not known; but it must have been previous to B.C. 51, in which year his son was reigning. HIe appears to have been assassinated, as Cicero (ad Fam. xv. 2) reminds the son of the fate of his father. Cicero also mentions this Ariobarzanes in one of his orations. (De Prov. Cons. 4.) It appears, from an inscription, that his wife, as well as his father's, was named Athenais. III. Surnamed Eusebes and Philoromaeus (Edcsre'Gs ical.AopV'sasos), according to Cicero (ad Fam. xv. 2) and coins, succeeded his father not long before B. c. 51. (Cic. 1. c.) While Cicero was in Cilicia, he protected Ariobarzanes from a con
Page 287 ARION. spiracy which was formed against him, and established him in his kingdom. (Ad Fam. ii. 17, xv. 2, 4, 5, ad Alt. v. 20; Plut. Cic. 36.) It appears from Cicero that Ariobarzanes was very poor, and that he owed Pompey and M. Brutus large sums of money. (Ad Alt. vi. 1-3.) In the war between Caesar and Pompey, he came to the assistance of the latter with five hundred horsemen. (Caes. B. C. iii. 4; Flor. iv. 2.) Caesar, however, forgave him, and enlarged his territories. He also protected him against the attacks of Pharnaces, king of Pontus. (Dion Cass. xli. 63, xlii. 48; Hirt. Bell. Alex. 34, &c.) He was slain in B.c. 42 by Cassius, because he was plotting against him in Asia. (Dion Cass. xlvii. 33; Appian, B. C. iv. 63.) On the annexed coin of Ariobarzanes the inscription is BAFIAEMSI APIOBAPZANOT ET2EBOTY2 KAI DIAOPMMAIOT. (Eckhel, iii. p. 200.) ARIOMARDUS ('Apo6uapaos), a Persian word, the latter part of which is the same as the Persian merd (vir), whence comes merdi (virilitas, virtus). A rio-mardus would therefore signify " a man or hero honourable, or entitled to respect." (Pott, Etymologiscshe Forschungen, p. xxxvi.) Respecting the meaning of Ario, see ARIARATHES. 1 The son of Dareius and Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis, commanded the Moschi and Tibareni in the army of Xerxes. (Herod. vii. 78.) 2. The brother of Artuphius, commanded the Caspii in the army of Xerxes. (Herod. vii. 67.) 3. The ruler of Thebes in Egypt, one of the commanders of the Egyptians in the army of Xerxes. (Aesch. Pers. 38, 313.) ARION ('Apiwar). 1. An ancient Greek bard and great master on the cithara, was a native of Methymna in Lesbos, and, according to some accounts, a son of Cyclon or of Poseidon and the nymph Oncaea. He is called the inventor of the dithyrambic poetry, and of the name dithyramb. (Herod. i. 23; Schol. ad Pind. 01. xiii. 25.) All traditions about him agree in describing him as a contemporary and friend of Periander, tyrant of Corinth, so that he must have lived about B. c. 700. He appears to have spent a great part of his life at the court of Periander, but respecting his life and his poetical or musical productions, scarcely anything is known beyond the beautiful story of his escape from the sailors with whom he sailed from Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion, thus runs the story, Arion went to Sicily to take part in some musical contest. He won the prize, and, laden with presents, he embarked in a Corinthian ship to return to his friend Periander. The rude sailors coveted his treasures, and meditated his murder. Apollo, in a dream, informed his beloved bard of the plot. After having tried in vain to save his life, he at length obtained permission once more to seek delight in his song and playing on the cithara. In festal attire he placed himself in the prow of the ship and invoked the gods in inspired strains, and then threw himself into the sea. But many song-loving dolphins had assem ARIOVISTUS. 287 bled round the vessel, and one of them now took the bard on its back and carried him to Taenarus, from whence he returned to Corinth in safety, and related his adventure to Periander. When the Corinthian vessel arrived likewise, Periander inquired of the sailors after Arion, and they said that he had remained behind at Tarentum; but when Arion, at the bidding of Periander, came forward, the sailors owned their guilt and were punished according to their desert. (Herod. i. 24; Gellius, xvi. 19; Hygin. Fab. 194; Paus. iii. 25. ~ 5.) In the time of Herodotus and Pausanias there existed on Taenarus a brass monument, which was dedicated there either by Periander or Arion himself, and which represented him riding on a dolphin. Arion and his cithara (lyre) were placed among the stars. (Hygin. 1. c.; Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. viii. 54; Aelian, H. A. xii. 45.) A fragment of a hymn to Poseidon, ascribed to Arion, is contained in Bergk's Poetae Lyrici Graeci, p. 566, &c. 2. A fabulous horse, which Poseidon begot by Demeter; for in order to escape from the pursuit of Poseidon, the goddess had metamorphosed herself into a mare, and Poseidon deceived her by assuming the figure of a horse. Demeter afterwards gave birth to the horse Arion, and a daughter whose name remained unknown to the uninitiated. (Paus. viii. 25. ~ 4.) According to the poet Antimachus (ap. Paus. 1. c.) this horse and Caerus were the offspring of Gaea; whereas, according to other traditions, Poseidon or Zephyrus begot the horse by a Harpy. (Eustath. ad Homr. p. 1051; Quint. Smyrn. iv. 570.) Another story related, that Poseidon created Arion in his contest with Athena. (Serv. ad Virg. Georg. i. 12.) From Poseidon the horse passed through the hands of Copreus, Oncus, and Heracles, from whom it was received by Adrastus. (Paus. 1. c.; Hesiod. Scut. Here. 120.) [L. S.] ARIOVISTUS, a German chief, who engaged in war against C. Julius Caesar in Gaul, B. c. 58. For some time before that year, Gaul had been distracted by the quarrels and wars of two parties, the one headed by the Aedui (in the modern Burgundy), the other by the Arverni (Auvergne), and Sequani (to the W. of Jura). The latter called in the aid of the Germans, of whom at first about 15,000 crossed the Rhine, and their report of the wealth and fertility of Gaul soon attracted large bodies of fresh invaders. The number of the Germans in that country at length amounted to 120,000: a mixed multitude, consisting of members of the following tribes:- the Harudes, Marcomanni, Triboci, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii, and Suevi, most of whom had lately occupied the country stretching from the right bank of the Rhine to the Danube, and northwards to the Riesengebirge and Erzgebirge, or even beyond them. At their head was Ariovistus, whose name is supposed to have been Latinized from IHeer, " a host," and uiirsf, " a prince," and who was so powerful as to receive from the Roman senate the title of amuicus. They entirely subdued the Aedui, and compelled them to give hostages to the Sequani, and swear never to seek help from Rome. But it fared worse with the conquerors than the conquered, for Ariovistus first seized a third part of the Sequanian territory, as the price of the triumph which he had won for them, and soon after demanded a second portion of equal extent. Divi
Page 288 288 ARISBE. tiacus, the only noble Aeduan who Had neither given hostages nor taken the oath, requested help from Caesar, and was accompanied by a numerous deputation of Gallic chiefs of all tribes, who had now forgotten their mutual quarrels in their terror of the common foe. They all expressed the greatest fear lest their request should be known to Ariovistus, and the Sequani regarded him with such awe, that they durst not utter a word to Caesar, but only shewed their misery by their downcast looks. Caesar, who was afraid that first Gaul and then Italy would be overrun by the barbarians, sent orders to Ariovistus to prevent the irruption of any more Germans, and to restore the hostages to the Aedui. These demands were refused in the same haughty tone of defiance which Ariovistus had before used in declining an interview proposed by Caesar. Both parties then advanced with warlike intentions, and the Romans seized Vesontio (Besanfon), the chief town of the Sequani. Here they were so terrified by the accounts which they heard of the gigantic bulk and fierce courage of the Germans, that they gave themselves up to despair, and the camp was filled with men making their wills. Caesar reanimated them by a brilliant speech, at the end of which he said that, if they refused to advance, he should himself proceed with his favourite tenth legion only. Upon this they repented of their despondency, and prepared for battle. Before this could take place, an interview between Caesar and Ariovistus was at last held by the request of the latter. They could come, however, to no agreement, but the battle was still delayed for some days; Ariovistus contriving means of postponing it, on account of a prophecy that the Germans would not succeed if they engaged before the new moon. The battle ended by the total defeat of Ariovistus, who immediately fled with his army to the Rhine, a distance of 50 miles from the field. Some crossed the river by swimming, others in small boats, and among the latter Ariovistus himself. His two wives perished in the retreat; one of his daughters was taken prisoner, the other killed. The fame of Ariovistus long survived in Gaul, so that in Tacitus (Hist. iv. 73) we find Cerealis telling the Treveri that the Romans had occupied the banks of the Rhine, " nequis alius Ariovistus regno Galliarzum potiretur." This shews that the representation which Caesar gives of his power is not exaggerated. (Caes. B. G. i. 31-53; Dion Cass. xxxviii. 31, &c.; Plut. Caes. 18; Liv. Epit. 104.) [G. E. L.C.I ARIPHRON ('Apt~pwv). 1. The father of Xanthippus, and grandfather of Pericles. (Herod, vi. 131, 136, vii. 33, viii. 131; Paus. iii. 7. ~ 8.) 2. The brother of Pericles. (Plat. Proltag. p. 320, a.) 3. Of Sicyon, a Greek poet, the author of a beautiful paean to health ('TyilEa), which has been preserved by Athenaeus. (xv. p. 702, a.) The beginning of the poem is quoted by Lucian (de Lapsu inter Salt. c. 6.) and Maximus Tyrius (xiii. 1.) It is printed in. Bergk's Poe/ae Lyrici Graeci, p. 841. ARISBE ('Apiafo-). 1. A daughter of Merops and first wife of Priam, by whom she became the mother of Aesacus, but was afterwards resigned to 1Hyrtacus. (Apollod. i. 12. ~ 5.) According to some accounts, the Trojan town of Arisbe derived its name from her. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) 2. A daughter of Teucer and wife of Dardanus. ARISTAENUJS. She wras: a nlitive of Crete, and soine traditions stated that it was this Arisbe who gave the name to the town of Arisbe. (Steph. Byz. s. v.; Lycophr. 1308.) According to others, Bateia was the wife of Dardanus. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 1; comp. Eustath. ad Hom2. p. 894.) 3. A daughter of Macarus, and wife of Paris, from whom the town of Arisbe in Lesbos derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.; Eustath. I.c.) [L.S.] ARISTAE'NETUS ('Apiaraiveros), of Dymae, an Achaean general, the commander of the Achaean cavalry on the right wing in the battle of Mantineia, B. c. 207. (Polyb. xi. 11.) [ARISTAENUS.] 2. The author of a work on Phaselis, of which the first book is quoted by Stephanus Byz. (s. v. FIeAa.) He appears also to have written on Egypt and the good things of the Nile. (Eudoc. Viol. p. 67.) Fabricius (Bibl. Grace. ii. p. 697) mentions several other persons of this name. ARISTAE'NETUS ('Apbo-ralveTos),the reputed author of two books of Love-Letters (irsaroAal PWTICcaQ), which were first edited by Samsbucus, (Antwerp, 1566), and subsequently by de Pauwv, (Utrecht, 1736), Abresch, (Zwoll. 1749), and Boissonade (1822). These Letters are taken almost entirely from Plato, Lucian, Philostratus, and Plutarch; and so owe to their reputed author Aristaenetus nothing but the connexion. They are short unconnected stories of love adventures; and if the language in occasional sentences, or even paragraphs, is terse and elegant, yet on the whole they are only too insipid to be disgusting. Of the author nothing is known. It has been conjectured, that he is the same as Aristaenetus of Nicaea, to whom several of Libanius' Epistles are addressed, and who lost his life in the earthquake in Nicomedia, A. D. 358. (Comp. Ammian. Marcell. xvii. 7.) That this supposition, however, is erroneous, is proved by the mention of the celebrated pantomimus Caramallus in one of the epistles, who is mentioned in the fifth century by Sidonius Apolloniaris (xxiii. 267) as his contemporary. Sidonius died A. D. 484. [C. T. A.] ARISTAENUS ('ApiorTaios), of Megalopolis, sometimes called Aristaenetus by Polybius (Schweigh. ad Polyb. xvii. 1) and Plutarch (Philop. 13, 17). Aristaenus, however, appears to be the correct name. He was strategus of the Achaean league in B. c. 198, and induced the Achaeans to join the Romans in the war against Philip of Macedon. Polybius defends him from the charge of treachery for having done so. In the following year (a. c. 197) he was again strategus and accomnpanied the consul T. Quinctius Flamininus to his interview with Philip. (Polyb. xxxii. 19--21, 32; Polyb. xvii. 1, 7, 13.) In the same year he also persuaded the Boeotians to espouse the side of the Romans. (Liv. xxxiii. 2.) In B. c. 195, when he was again strategus, he joined Flamininus with 10,000 foot and 1000 horse in order -to attack Nabis. (Liv. xxxiv. 25, &c.) He was also strategus in B. c. 185, and attacked Philopoemen and Lycortas for their conduct in relation to the embassy that had been sent to Ptolemy. (Polyb. xxiii. 7, 9, 10.) Aristaenus was the political opponent of Philopoemen, and showed more readiness to gratify the wishes of the Romans than Philopoemen did. He was eloquent and skilled in politics, but not distinguished in war. (Polyb. xxv. 9; comp. Plut. Philop. 17; Paus. viii. 51. ~ 1.)
Page 289 ARISTAEUS. ARISTAEON. [ARISTAEUS.] ARISTAEUS ('Aptircatos), an ancient divinity worshipped in various parts of Greece, as in Thessaly, Ceos, and Boeotia, but especially in the islands of the Aegean, Ionian, and Adriatic seas, which had once been inhabited by Pelasgians. The different accounts about Aristaeus, who once was a mortal, and ascended to the dignity of a god through the benefits he had conferred upon mankind, seem to have arisen in different places and independently of one another, so that they referred to several distinct beings, who were subsequently identified and united into one. He is described either as a son of Uranus and Ge, or according to a more general tradition, as the son of Apollo by Cyrene, the grand-daughter of Peneius. Other, but more local traditions, call his father Cheiron or Carystus. (Diod. iv. 81, &c.; Apollon. Rhod. iii. 500, &c. with the Schol.; Pind. Pytlh. ix. 45, &c.) The stories about his youth are very marvellous, and shew him at once as the favourite of the gods. His mother Cyrene had been carried off by Apollo from mount Pelion, where he found her boldly fighting with a lion, to Libya, where Cyrene was named after her, and where she gave "birth to Aristaeus. After he had grown up, Aristaeus went to Thebes in Boeotia, where he learned from Cheiron and the muses the arts of healing and prophecy. According to some statements he married Autonoe, the daughter of Cadmus, who bore him several sons, Charmus, Calaicarpus, Actaeon, and Polydorus. (Hesiod. Theog. 975.) After the unfortunate death of his son Actaeon, he left Thebes and went to Ceos, whose inhabitants he delivered from a destructive drought, by erecting an altar to Zeus Icmaeus. This gave rise to an identification of Aristaeus with Zeus in Ceos. From thence he returned to Libya, where his mother prepared for him a fleet, with which he sailed to Sicily, visited several islands of the Mediterranean, and for a time ruled over Sardinia. From these islands his worship spread over Magna Graecia and other Greek colonies. At last he went to Thrace, where he became initiated in the mysteries of Dionysus, and after having dwelled for some time near mount Haemus, where he founded the town of Aristaeon, he disappeared. (Comp. Paus. x. 17. ~ 3.) Aristaeus is one of the most beneficent divinities in ancient mythology: he was worshipped as the protector of flocks and shepherds, of vine and olive plantations; he taught men to hunt and keep bees, and averted from the fields the burning heat of the sun and other causes of destruction; he was a aEdS vo'lcLos, dypevs, and daAEoTrip. The benefits which he conferred upon man, differed in different places according to their especial wants: Ceos, which was much exposed to heat and droughts, received through him rain and refreshing winds; in Thessaly and Arcadia he was the protector of the flocks and bees. (Virg. Georg. i. 14, iv. 283, 317.) Justin (xiii. 7) throws everything into confusion by describing Nomios and Agreus, which are only surnames of Aristaeus, as his brothers. Respecting the representations of this divinity on ancient coins, see Rasche, Lex. Numism. i. 1. p. 1100, and respecting his worship in general Brindsted, Reisen, <c. in Griech. i. p. 40, &c. [L. S.] ARISTAEUS, the original name according to Justin (xiii. 7) of Battus, the founder of Cyrene. [BATT US.] ARISTAGORAS. 289 ARISTAEUS ('AplurraTos), the son of Damophon, of Croton, a Pythagoraean philosopher, who succeeded Pythagoras as head of the school, and married his widow Theano. (Iambl. c. 36.) He was the author of several mathematical works, which Euclid used. (Pappus, lib. vii. 1Mathtem. Coll. init.) Stobaeus has given (Ecl. i. 6, p. 429, ed. Heeren) an extract from a work on Harmony (ncpl 'Appeovras), by Aristaeon, who may be the same as this Aristaeus. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i. p. 836.) ARISTAEUS. [ARISTEAS.] ARISTA'GORA ('Apur-rayopa). 1. An hetaira, the mistress of the orator Hyperides, against whom he afterwards delivered two orations. (Athen. xiii. pp. 590, d. 586, a. 587, d. 588, c.; Harpocrat. s. v. 'A<Pdat.) 2. A Corinthian hetaira, the mistress of Demetrius, the grandson of Demetrius Phalereus. (Athen. iv. p. 167, d. e.) ARISTA'GORAS ('Apioaydpas), of Miletus, brother-in-law and cousin of Histiaeus, was left by him, on his occupation of Myrcinus and during his stay at the Persian court, in charge of the government of Miletus. His misconduct in this situation caused the first interruption of an interval of universal peace, and commenced the chain of events which raised Greece to the level of Persia. In 501 B. c., tempted by the prospect of making Naxos his dependency, he obtained a force for its reduction from the neighbouring satrap, Artaphernes. While leading it he quarrelled with its commander; the Persian in revenge sent warning to Naxos, and the project failed. Aristagoras finding his treasure wasted, and himself embarrassed through the failure of his promises to Artaphernes, began to meditate a general revolt of Ionia. A message from Histiaeus determined him. His first step was to seize the several tyrants who were still with the armament, deliver them up to their subjects, and proclaim democracy; himself too, professedly, surrendering his power. He then set sail for Greece, and applied for succours, first at Sparta; but after using every engine in his power to win Cleomenes, the king, he was ordered to depart: at Athens he was better received; and with the troops from twenty galleys which he there obtained, and five added by the Eretrians, he sent, in 499, an army up the country, which captured and burnt Sardis, but was finally chased back to the coast. These allies now departed; the Persian commanders were reducing the maritime towns; Aristagoras, in trepidation and despondency, proposed to his friends to migrate to Sardinia or Myrcinus. This course he was bent upon himself; and leaving the Asiatic Greeks to allay as they could, the storm he had raised, he fled with all who would join him to Myrcinus. Shortly after, probably in 497, while attacking a town of the neighbouring Edonians, he was cut off with his forces by a sally of the besieged. He seems to have been a supple and eloquent man, ready to venture on the boldest steps, as means for mere personal ends, but utterly lacking in address to use them at the right moment; and generally weak, inefficient, and cowardly. (Herod. v. 30-38, 49-51, 97-100, 124-126; Thuc. iv. 102.) [A. H. C.] ARISTA'GORAS ('Api'rrayo'pas). 1. Tyrant of Cuma, son of Heracleides, one of the Ionian chiefs left by Dareius to guard the bridge over the Danube. On the revolt of the lonians from Peril
Page 290 290 ARISTARCHUS. sia, B. c. 500, Aristagoras was taken by stratagem and delivered up to his fellow-citizens, who, however, dismissed him uninjured. (Herod. iv. 138, v. 37, 38.) 2. Tyrant of Cyzicus, one of the Ionian chiefs left by Dareius to guard the bridge over the Danube. (Herod. iv. 138.) ARISTA'GORAS ('Aptorcyo'pas), a Greek writer on Egypt. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. 'Epyo~v-uCtfEs, TdKojLos, Nueiou iccw4ur, 'TEPcI, 'EAAYif KOy; Aelian, H. A. xi. 10.) Stephanus Byz. (s. v. rvvalsKoroAXs) says, that Aristagoras was not much younger than Plato, and from the order in which he is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 12. s. 17) in the list of authors, who wrote upon Pyramids, he would appear to have lived between, or been a contemporary of, Duris of Samos and Artemiodorus of Ephesus. ARISTA'GORAS, comic poet. [METAGENES.] ARISTANAX ('Apiordvae), a Greek physician, of whose life nothing is known, and of whose date it can be positively determined only that, as he is mentioned by Soranus (De Arte Obstetr. p. 201), he must have lived some time in or before the second century after Christ. [W. A. G.] ARISTANDER ('Aplo'ravapos), the most celebrated soothsayer of Alexander the Great. He survived the king. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 2, iv. 4, &c.; Curt. iv. 2, 6, 13, 15, vii. 7; Plut. Alex. 25; Aelian, V. H. xii. 64; Artemid. i. 31, iv. 24.) The work of Aristander on prodigies, which is referred to by Pliny (H. N. xvii. 25. s. 38; Elenchus, lib. viii. x. xiv. xv. xviii.) and Lucian (Philopat. c. 21), was probably written by the soothsayer of Alexander. ARISTANDER, of Paros, was the sculptor of one of the tripods which the Lacedaemonians made out of the spoils of the battle of Aegospotami (B. c. 405), and dedicated at Amyclae. The two tripods had statues beneath them, between the feet: that of Aristander had Sparta holding a lyre; that of Polycleitus had a figure of Aphrodite. (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 5.) [P. S.] ARISTARCHUS ('ApiorapXos). 1. Is named with Peisander, Phrynichus, and Antiphon, as a principal leader of the "Four Hundred" (B. c. 411) at Athens, and is specified as one of the strongest anti-democratic partisans. (Thuc. viii. 90.) On the first breaking out of the counter-revolution we find him leaving the council-room with Theramenes, and acting at Peiraeeus at the head of the young oligarchical cavalry (ib. 92); and on the downfall of his party, he took advantage of his office as strategus, and rode off with a party of the most barbarous of the foreign archers to the border fort of Oenoe, then besieged by the Boeotians and Corinthians. In concert with them, and under cover of his command, he deluded the garrison, by a statement of terms concluded with Sparta, into surrender, and thus gained the place for the enemy. (Ib. 98.) He afterwards, it appears, came into the hands of the Athenians, and was with Alexicles brought to trial and punished with death, not later than 406. (Xen. Hell. i. 7. ~ 28; Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 164; Thirlwall, iv. pp. 67 and 73.) [A. H. C.] 2. There was an Athenian of the name of Aristarchus (apparently a different person from the oligarchical leader of that name), a conversation between whom and Socrates is recorded by Xenophon. (Aem. ii. 7.) 3. A Lacedaemonian, who in B. c. 400 was ARISTARCHUS. sent out to succeed Cleander as harmost of Byzantium. The Greeks who had accompanied Cyrus in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, had recently returned, and the main body of them had encamped near Byzantium. Several of them, however, had sold their arms and taken up their residence in the city itself. Aristarchus, following the instructions he had received from Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, whom he had met at Cyzicus, sold all these, amounting to about 400, as slaves. Having been bribed by Pharnabazus, he prevented the troops from recrossing into Asia and ravaging that satrap's province, and in various ways annoyed and ill-treated them. (Xen. Anab. vii. 2. ~~ 4-7, vii. 3. ~~ 1-3, vii. 6. ~~ 13, 24.) 4. One of the ambassadors sent by the Phocaeans to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus the Great, B. c. 190. (Polyb. xxi. 4.) 5. A prince or ruler of the Colchians, appointed by Pompey after the close of the Mithridatic war. (Appian, de Bell. Mitih. c. 114.) [C. P. M.] ARISTARCHUS ('Apo"rapXos), of ALEXANDRIA, the author of a work on the interpretation of dreams. ('OyVEpoKpird, Artemid. iv. 23.) ARISTARCHUS ('Apirrapxos), the CHRONOGRAPHER, the author of a letter on the situation of Athens, and the events which took place there in the time of the Apostles, and especially of the life of Dionysius, the Areiopagite. (Hilduinus, Ep. ad Ludovicum, quoted by Vossius, Hist. Graec. p. 400, &c. ed. Westermann.) ARISTARCHUS ('Apilorapxos), the most celebrated GRAMMARIAN and critic in all antiquity, was a native of Samothrace. He was educated at Alexandria, in the school of Aristophanes of Byzantium, and afterwards founded himself a grammatical and critical school, which flourished for a long time at Alexandria, and subsequently at Rome also. Ptolemy Philopator entrusted to Aristarchus the education of his son, Ptolemy Epiphanes, and Ptolemy Physcon too was one of his pupils. (Athen. ii. p. 71.) Owing, however, to the bad treatment which the scholars and philosophers of Alexandria experienced in the reign of Physcon, Aristarchus, then at an advanced age, left Egypt and went to Cyprus, where he is said to have died at the age of seventy-two, of voluntary starvation, because he was suffering from incurable dropsy. He left behind him two sons, Aristagoras and Aristarchus, who are likewise called grammarians, but neither of them appears to have inherited anything of the spirit or talents of the father. The numerous followers and disciples of Aristarchus were designated by the names of ol "AprordpXELor or o cdr7' 'ApiordpXov. Aristarchus, his master Aristophanes, and his opponent Crates of Mallus, the head of the grammatical school at Pergamus, were the most eminent grammarians of that period; but Aristarchus surpassed them all in knowledge and critical skill. His whole life was devoted to grammatical and critical pursuits, with the view to explain and constitute correct texts of the ancient poets of Greece, such as Homer, Pindar, Archilochus, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Aristophanes, Ion, and others. His grammatical studies embraced everything, which the term in its widest sense then comprised, and he together with his great contemporaries are regarded as the first who established fixed principles of grammar, though Aristarchus himself is often called the prince of grammarians d Kopvpaios Trv ypapua'71Kwv, or c 'yplCaUU 5TKsC
Page 291 ARISTARCHUS. ARISTARCHUS. 291 aTTOs). Suidas ascribes to him more than 800 balanced by others. A Scholiast on Homer (II. commentaries (Tro/uiar'a), while from an expres- iv. 235) declares, that Aristarchus must be followed sion of a Scholiast on Horace (Epist. ii. 1. 257) in preference to other critics, even if they should some writers have inferred, that Aristarchus did be right; and Panaetius (Athen. xiv. p. 634) not write anything at all. Besides these V7rowAv- called Aristarchus a d-U'TiS, to express the skill feaTa, we find mention of a very important work, and felicity with which he always hit the truth in irepI dvaXoyias, of which unfortunately a very few his criticisms and explanations. (For further infragments only are extant. It was attacked by formation see Matthesius, Dissertatio de Aristarcko Crates in a work rept dEvw1AaAlas. (Gellius, ii. 25.) Grammatico, Jena, 1725, 4to.; Villoison, Proleg. All the works of Aristarchus are lost, and all that ad Apollon. Lex Horn. p. xv., &c., Proleg. ad Horn. we have of his consists of short fragments, which Iliad. p. xxvi., &c.; and more especially F. A. are scattered through the Scholia on the above- Wolf, Prolegom. in Horn. p. ccxvi., &c., and Lehrs, mentioned poets.. These fragments, however, De Aristarchi Studiis Homericis Regimont. Pruss. would be utterly insufficient to give us any idea of 1833, 8vo.) [L. S.] the immense activity, the extensive knowledge, ARISTARCHUS ('ApiorTapxos). 1. A Greek and above all, of the uniform strictness of his PHYSICIAN, of whom no particulars are known, excritical principles, were it not that Eustathius, and cept that he was attached to the court of Berenice, still more the Venetian Scholia on Homer (first the wife of Antiochus Theos, king of Syria, B. c. published by Villoison, Venice, 1788, fol.), had 261-246 (Polyaen. Strateg. viii. 50), and perpreserved such extracts from his works on Homer, suaded her to trust herself in the hands of her as, notwithstanding their fragmentary nature, treacherous enemies. shew us the critic in his whole greatness. As far as 2. Some medical prescriptions belonging to anthe Homeric poems are concerned, he above all other physician of this name are quoted by Galen things endeavoured to restore their genuine text, and Aitius, who appears to have been a native of and carefully to clear it of all later interpolations Tarsus in Cilicia. (Gal. De Compos. Medicam. ec. and corruptions. He marked those verses which Loc. v. 11, vol. xiii. p. 824.) [W. A. G.] he thought spurious with an obelos, and those ARISTARCHUS ('Apio-apXos), of SAMOS, which he considered as particularly beautiful with one of the earliest astronomers of the Alexandrian an asterisk. It is now no longer a matter of doubt school. We know little of his history, except that that, generally speaking, the text of the Homeric he was living between B. c. 280 and 264. The poems, such as it has come down to us, and the first of these dates is inferred from a passage in division of each poem into twenty-four raphsodies, the geydAX? eLvuVraeLs of Ptolemy (iii. 2, vol. i. p. are the work of Aristarchus; that is to say, the 163, ed. Halma), in which Hipparchus is said to edition which Aristarchus prepared of the Homeric have referred, in his treatise on the length of the poems became the basis of all subsequent editions. year, to an observation of the summer solstice made To restore this recension of Aristarchus has been by Aristarchus in the 50th year of the 1st Calippic more or less the great object with nearly all the period: the second from the mention of him in editors of Homer, since the days of F. A. Wolf, a Plutarch (de Facie in Orbe Lunae), which makes critic of a kindred genius, who first shewed the him contemporary with Cleanthes the Stoic, the great importance to be attached to the edition of successor of Zeno. Aristarchus. Its general appreciation in antiquity It seems that he employed himself in the deteris attested by the fact, that so many other gram- mination of some of the most important elements marians, as Callistratus, Aristonicus, Didymus, and of astronomy; but none of his works remain, exPtolemaeus of Ascalon, wrote separate works upon cept a treatise on the magnitudes and distances of it. In explaining and interpreting the Homeric the sun and moon (repi /Eye61Owv Kal dWrooer-T dTWV' poems, for which nothing had been done before his rAiov eal reA.Vmis). We do not know whether time, his merits were as great as those he acquired the method employed in this work was invented by his critical labours. His explanations as well by Aristarchus (Suidas, s. v. <^i6o'iopos, mentions is his criticisms were not confined to the mere a treatise on the same subject by a disciple of letail of words and phrases, but he entered also Plato); it is, however, very ingenious, and correct ipon investigations of a higher order, concerning in principle. It is founded on the consideration nythology, geography, and on the artistic composi- that at the instant when the enlightened part of ion and structure of the Homeric poems. He was the moon is apparently bounded by a straight line, Sdecided opponent of the allegorical interpretation the plane of the circle which separates the dark )f the poet which was then beginning, which some and light portions passes through the eye of the enturies later became very general, and was per- spectator, and is also perpendicular to the line joinaps never carried to such extreme absurdities as ing the centres of the sun and moon; so that the disa our own days by the author of " Homerus." tances of the sun and moon from the eye are at 'he antiquity of the Homeric poems, however, as that instant respectively the hypothenuse and side rell as the historical character of their author, of a right-angled triangle. The angle at the eye sem never to have been doubted by Aristarchus. (which is the angular distance between the sun [e bestowed great care upon the metrical correct- and moon) can be observed, and then it is an easy *ess of the text, and is said to have provided the problem to find the ratio between the sides con~orks of Homer and some other poets with ac- taining it. But this process could not, unless by mnts, the invention of which is ascribed to Aristo- accident, lead to a true result; for it would be imaanes of Byzantium. It cannot be surprising possible, even with a telescope, to determine with tat a man who worked with that independent much accuracy the instant at which the phaenomeitical spirit, had his enemies and detractors; but non in question takes place; and in the time of ich isolated statements as that of Athenaeus (v. Aristarchus there were no means of measuring 177), in which Athenocles of Cyzicus is pre- angular distances with sufficient exactness. In rred to Aristarchus, are more than counter- fact, he takes the angle at the eye to be 83 degrees u2
Page 292 292 ARISTARCHUS. ARISTEAS& whereas its real value is less than a right angle by same theory. (iborviOierar yap, K.. A.) But the about half a minute only; and hence he infers that treatise rsept pAyesO6v contains not a word upon the the distance of the sun is between eighteen and subject, nor does Ptolemy allude to it when he twenty times greater than that of the moon, where- maintains the immobility of the earth. It seems as the true ratio is about twenty times as great, the therefore probable, that Aristarchus adopted it radistances being to one another nearly as 400 to 1. ther as a hypothesis for particular purposes than as The ratio of the true diameters of the sun and a statement of the actual system of the universe. moon would follow immediately from that of their In fact, Plutarch, in another place (Plat. Queest, distances, if their apparent (angular) diameters p. 1006) expressly says, that Aristarchus taught it were known. Aristarchus assumes that their ap- only hypothetically. On this question, see Schauparent diameters are equal, which is nearly true; bach. (Gesch. d. Griech. Astronomie, p. 468, &c.) but estimates their common value at two degrees, It appears from the passage in the ia)pl'oTls alludwhich is nearly four times too great. The theory ed to above, that Aristarchus had much juster of parallax was as yet unknown, and hence, in views than his predecessors concerning the extent order to compare the diameter of the earth with of the universe. He maintained, namely, that the the magnitudes already mentioned, he compares sphere of the fixed stars was so large, that it bore the diameter of the moon with that of the earth's to the orbit of the earth the relation of a sphere to shadow in its neighbourhood, and assumes the its centre. What he meant by the expression, is latter to be twice as great as the former. (Its not clear: it may be interpreted as an anticipation mean value is about 84'.) Of course all the numne- of modern discoveries, but in this sense it could rical results deduced from these assumptions are, express only a conjecture which the observations like the one first mentioned, very erroneous. The of the age were not accurate enough either to congeometrical processes employed shew that nothing firm or refute-a remark which is equally applicalike trigonometry was known. No attempt is ble to the theory of the earth's motion. Whatever made to assign the absolute values of the magni- nmay be the truth on these points, it is probable tudes whose ratios are investigated; in fact, this that even the opinion, that the sun was nearly could not be done without an actual measurement twenty times as distant as the moon, indicates a of the earth-an operation which seems to have great step in advance of the popular doctrines. been first attempted on scientific principles in the Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 18) attributes to next.generation. [ERATOSTHENES.] Aristarchus Aristarchus the invention of the magnus annus of does not explain his method of determining the 2484 years. apparent diameters of the sun and of the earth's A Latin translation of the treatise rsepi IseyesO&v shadow; but the latter must have been deduced was published by Geor. Valla, Venet. 1498, and from observations of lunar eclipses, and the former another by Commandine, Pisauri, 1572. The may probably have been observed by means of the Greek text, with a Latin translation and the comskcphium by a method described by Macrobius. mentary of Pappus, was edited by Wallis, Oxon. (Somn. Scip. i. 20.) This instrument is said to 1688, and reprinted in vol. iii. of his works. have been invented by Aristarchus (Vitruv. ix. 9): There is also a French translation, and an edition it consisted of an improved gnomon [ANAXIMAN- of the text, Paris, 1810. (Delambre, Hist. de DER], the shadow being received not upon a hori- 'Astronomie Ancienne, liv. i. chap. 5 and 9; Lazontal plane, but upon a concave hemispherical place, Syst. dii Monde, p. 381; Schaubach in Ersch surface having the extremity of the style' at its and Gruber's Enmryclopbddie.) [W. F. D.] centre, so that angles might be measured directly ARISTARC1HUS ('ApiarapXos) of TEGEA, a by arcs instead of by their tangents. The gross tragic poet at Athens, was contemporary with error in the value attributed to the sun's apparent Euripides, and flourished about 454 B. c. He diameter is remarkable; it appears, however, that lived to the age of a hundred. Out of seventy Aristarchus must afterwards have adopted a much tragedies which he exhibited, only two obtained more correct estimate, since Archimedes in the the prize. (Suidas, s. v.; Euseb. -Chron. Armen.) *aFiLsT77r (Wallis, Op. vol. iii. p. 515) refers to a Nothing remains of his works, except a few lines treatise in which he made it only half a degree. (Stobaeus, Tit. 63. ~ 9, tit. 120. ~ 2; Athen, Pappus, whose commentary on the book 7repl IEYE- xiii. p. 612, f.), and the titles of three of his plays Ody, &c. is extant, does not notice this emendation, namely, the 'Aoac Aujrids,, which he is said to hav( whence it has been conjectured, that the other written and named after the god in gratitude foworks of Aristarchus did not exist in his time, his recovery from illness (Suidas), the 'AXiAevsis having perhaps perished with the Alexandrian which Ennius translated into Latin (Festus, s. t library. prolato acre), and the TchiraAos. (Stobaeus, ii It has been the common opinion, at least in mo- 1. ~ 1.) [P. S.] dern times, that Aristarchus agreed with Philolaus ARIISTARETE, a painter, the daughter an, and other astronomers of the Pythagorean school pupil of Nearchus, was celebrated for her pictur in considering the sun to be fixed, and attributing of Aesculapius. (Plin. xxxv. 40. ~ 43.) [P. S. a motion to the earth. Plutarch (defaic. in orb. lun. ARI'STEAS ('Apia-ries), of Proconnesus, a so p. 922) says, that Cleanthes thought that Aristar- of Caystrobius or Demochares, was an epic poe chus ought to be accused of impiety for supposing who flourished, according to Suidas, about th ( itroTnOs'dewEos), that the heavens were at rest, and time of Croesus and Cyrus. The accounts of h that the earth moved in an oblique circle, and also life are as fabulous as those about Abaris the Hype about its own axis (the true reading is evidently borean. According to a tradition, which Herod Ksv6'Ors seTo osv 'ApiaorapXoV, K. r. A.); and tus (iv. 15) heard at Metapontum, in southes Diogenes Laertius, in his list of the works of Cle- Italy, he re-appeared there among the living 34 anthes mentions one 7rpis 'ApioraepXo. (See also years after his death, and according to this trac S-ext. Empir. adv. Math. p. 410, c,; Stobaeus, i. 26.) tion Aristeas would belong to the eighth or nin Archimedes, in the 4a'ignus (I. c.), refers to the century before thle Christian era; and there a
Page 293 ARISTEAS. other traditions which place him before the time of Homer, or describe him as a contemporary and teacher of Homer. (Strab. xiv. p. 639.) In the account of Herodotus (iv. 13-16), Tzetzes (Chil. ii. 724, &c.) and Suidas (s. v.), Aristeas was a magician, who rose after his death, and whose soul could leave and re-enter its body according to its pleasure. He was, like Abaris, connected with the worship of Apollo, which he was said to have introduced at Metapontum. Herodotus calls him the favourite and inspired bard of Apollo (poto'dAaelrJros). He is said to have travelled through the countries north and east of the Euxine, and to have visited the countries of the Issedones, Arimaspae, Cimmerii, Hyperborei, and other mythical nations, and after his return to have written an epic poem, in three books, called T 'Apicda-Treia, in which he seems to have described all that he had seen or pretended to have seen. This work, which was unquestionably full of marvellous stories, was nevertheless looked upon as a source of historical and geographical information, and some writers reckoned Aristeas among the logographers. But it was nevertheless a poetical production, and Strabo (i. p. 21, xiii. p. 589) seems to judge too harshly of him, when he calls him an dvcjp y'/s Y' TLS d'Aos.. The poem " Arimaspeia" is frequently mentioned by the ancients (Paus. i. 24. ~ 6, v. 7. ~ 9; Pollux, ix. 5; Gellius, ix. 4; Plin. H. N. vii. 2), and thirteen hexameter verses of it are preserved in Longinus (De Sublim. x. 4) and Tzetzes (Cliil. vii. 686, &c.). The existence of the poem is thus attested beyond all doubt; but the ancients themselves denied to Aristeas the authorship of it. (Dionys. Hal. Jud. de Thucyd. 23.) It seems to have fallen into oblivion at an early period. Suidas also mentions a theogony of Aristeas, in prose, of which, however, nothing is known. (Vossius, De Hist. Graec. p. 10, &c. ed. Westermann; Bode, Gesch. der Episch. Dichtk. pp. 472-478.) [L. S.] ARFSTEAS ('Apifo'eas). 1. Son of Adeimantus. [ARISTEUS.] 2. Of Chios, a distinguished officer in the retreat of the Ten Thousand. (Xen. Anab. iv. 1. ~ 28, vi. ~ 20.) 3. Of Stratonice, was the victor at the Olympic games in wrestling and the pancratium on the same day, 01. 191. (Paus. v. 21. ~ 5; Krause, Olympia, p. 249.) 4. An Argive, who invited Pyrrhus to Argos, B. c. 272, as his rival Aristippus was supported by Antigonus Gonatas. (Plut. Pyrrh. 30.) 5. A grammarian, referred to by Varro. (L.L. x. 75, ed. Muller.) ARI'STEAS or ARISTAEUS, a Cyprian by nation, was a high officer at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and was distinguished for his mili-;ary talents. Ptolemy being anxious to add to mis newly founded library at Alexandria (B. c. 273) a copy of the Jewish law, sent Aristeas and kndreas, the commander of his body-guard, to rerusalem. They carried presents to the temple, nd obtained from the high-priest, Eleazar, a getuine copy of the Pentateuch, and a body of eventy elders, six from each tribe, who could ranslate it into Greek. On their arrival in igypt, the elders were received with great distinclon by Ptolemy, and were lodged in a house in he island of Pharos, where, in the space of eventy-two days, they completed a Greek version f the Pentateuch, which was called, from the ARISTEIDES. 293 number of the translators, Kaia ros 4~S'c oicovTa (the Septuagint), and the same name was extended to the Greek version of the whole of the Old Testament, when it had been completed under the auspices of the Ptolemies. The above account is given in a Greek work which professes to be a letter from Aristeas to his brother Philocrates, but which is generally admitted by the best critics to be spurious. It is probably the fabrication of an Alexandrian Jew shortly before the Christian aera. The fact seems to be, that the version of the Pentateuch was made in the reign of Ptolemy Soter, between the years 298 and 285 B. c. for the Jews who had been brought into Egypt by that king in 320 B. c. It may have obtained its name from its being adopted by the Sanhedrim (or council of seventy) of the Alexandrian Jews. The other books of the Septuagint version were translated by different persons and at various times. The letter ascribed to Aristeas was first printed in Greek and Latin, by Simon Schard, Basil. 1561, 8vo., and reprinted at Oxford, 1692, 8vo.; the best edition is in Gallandi Biblioth. Patr. ii. p. 771. (Fabric. Bib. Graec. iii. 660.) The story about Aristeas and the seventy interpreters is told, chiefly on the authority of the letter but differing from it in some points, by Aristobulus, a Jewish philosopher (ap. Euseb. Praep. Evan. xiii. 12), Philo Judaeus (it. Mos. 2), Josephus (Ant. Jud. xii. 2), Justin Martyr (Cohort. ad Graec. p. 13, Apol. p. 72, Dial. cum Tryph. p. 297), Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. iii. 25), Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. i. p. 250), Tertullian (Apolog. 18), Eusebius (Praep. Evan. viii. 1), Athanasius (Synop. S. Scrip. ii. p. 156), Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. pp. 36, 37), Epiphanius (De Mens. et Pond. 3), Jerome (Praef. in Pentateuch; Quaest. in Genes. Prooem.), Augustine (De Civ. Dei, xviii. 42, 43), Chrysostom (Adv. Jud. i. p. 443), Hilary of Poitiers (In Psalm. 2), and Theodoret. (Praef. in Psalm.) [P. S.] ARI'STEAS and PAPIAS, sculptors, of Aphrodisium in Cyprus, made the two statues of centaurs in dark grey marble which were found at Hadrian's villa at Tivoli in 1746, and are now in the Capitoline museum. They bear the inscription APICTEAC KAI IAnIIAC A4PPOAICIEIC. From the style of the statues, which is good, and from the place where they were discovered, Winckelmann supposes that they were made in the reign of Hadrian. Other statues of centaurs have been discovered, very much like those of Aristeas and Papias, but of better workmanship, from which some writers have inferred that the latter are only copies. The two centaurs are fully described by Winckelmann ( Werke, vi. 282, with Meyer's note; vii. 247), and figured by Cavaceppi (Raccolta di Statue, i. tav. 27, 28) and Foggini (Mus. Capit. tav. 13, 14.) [P.S.] ARISTEIDES ('Aptoreivss ). 1. Son of Lysimachus, the Athenian statesman and general, makes his first certain appearance in history as archon eponymus of the year 489 B. c. (Mar. Par. 50.) From Herodotus we hear of him as the best and justest of his countrymen; as ostracised and at enmity with Themistocles; of his generosity and bravery at Salamis, in some detail (viii. 79, 82, and 95); and the fact, that he commanded the Athenians in the campaign of Plataea. (ix. 28.) Thuicydides names him once as co-ambassador to Sparta with Themistocles, once in the words 1Tv en' 'Aporela iov rpopov. (i. 91, v. 18.) In the Gorgias of Plato, he
Page 294 294 ARISTEIDES. is the example of the virtue, so rare among statesmen, of justice, and is said " to have become singularly famous for it, not only at home, but through the whole of Greece." (p. 526, a. b.) In Demosthenes he is styled the assessor of the popos (c. Aristocr. pp. 689, 690), and in Aeschines he has the title of "the Just." (c. Tim.p. 4.1. 23, c. Ctes. pp. 79. 1. 38, 90.1I. 18,20, ed. Steph.) Added to this, and by it to be corrected, wehave, comprehending the sketch by Cornelius Nepos, Plutarch's detailed biography, derived from various sources,* good and bad. His family, we are told, was ancient and noble (Callias the torch-bearer was his cousin); he was the political disciple of Cleisthenes (Plut. 2, An. Seni, p. 790), and partly on that account, partly from personal character, opposed from the first to Themistocles. They fought together, Aristeides as the commander of his tribe, in the Athenian centre at Marathon; and when Miltiades hurried from the field to protect the city, he was left in charge of the spoil. Next year, 489, perhaps in consequence, he was archon. In 483 or 482 (according to Nepos, three years earlier) he suffered ostracism, whether from the enmities, merely, which he had incurred by his scrupulous honesty and rigid opposition to corruption, or in connexion, further, with the triumph of the maritime and democratic policy of his rival. He wrote, it is said, his own name on the sherd, at the request of an ignorant countryman, who knew him not, but took it ill that any citizen should be called just beyond his neighbours. The sentence seems to have still been in force in 480 (Herod. viii. 79; Dem. c. Aristog. ii. p. 802.1. 16), when he made his way from Aegina with news of the Persian movements for Themistocles at Salamis, and called on him to be reconciled. In the battle itself he did good service by dislodging the enemy, with a band raised and armed by himself, from the islet of Psyttaleia. In 479 he was strategus, the chief, it would seem, but not the sole (Plut. Arist. 11, but comp. 16 and 20, and Herod. ix.), and to him no doubt belongs much of the glory due to the conduct of the Athenians, in war and policy, during this, the most perilous year of the contest. Their replies to the proffers of Persia and the fears of Sparta Plutarch ascribes to him expressly, and seems to speak of an extant ijQptom-ca 'ApirsTEIov embracing them. (c. 16.) So, too, their treatment of the claims of Tegea, and the arrangements of Pausanias with regard to their post in battle. He gives him further the suppression of a Persian plot among the aristocratical Athenians, and the settlement of a quarrel for the dpI-rTea by conceding them to Plataea (comp. however on this second point Herod. ix. 71); finally, with better reason, the consecration of Plataea and establishment of the Eleutheria, or Feast of Freedom. On the return ARISTEIDES. to Athens, Aristeides seems to have acted in cheerful concert with Themistocles, as directing the restoration of the city (Heracl. Pont. 1); as his colleague in the embassy to Sparta, that secured for it its walls; as proposing, in accordance with his policy, perhaps also in consequence of changes in property produced by the war, the measure which threw open the archonship and areiopagus to all citizens alike. In 477, as joint-commander of the Athenian contingent under Pausanias, by his own conduct and that of his colleague and disciple, Cimon, he had the glory of obtaining for Athens the command of the maritime confederacy: and to him was by general consent entrusted the task of drawing up its laws and fixing its assessments. This first p6pos of 460 talents, paid into a common treasury at Delos, bore his name, and was regarded by the allies in after times, as marking their Saturnian age. It is, unless the change in the constitution followed it, his last recorded act. He lived, Theophrastus related, to see the treasury removed to Athens, and declared it (for the bearing of the words see Thirlwall's Greece, iii. p. 47) a measure unjust and expedient. During most of this period he was, we may suppose, as Cimon's coadjutor at home, the chief political leader of Athens. He died, according to some, in Pontus, more probably, however, at home, certainly after 471, the year of the ostracism of Themistocles, and very likely, as Nepos states, in 468. (See Clinton, F. H. in the years 469, 468.) A tomb was shewn in Plutarch's time at Phalerum, as erected to him at the public expense. That he did not leave enough behind him to pay for his funeral, is perhaps a piece of rhetoric. We may believe, however, that his daughters were portioned by the state, as it appears certain (Plut. 27; comp. Dem. c. Lept. 491. 25), that his son Lysimachus received lands and money by a decree of Alcibiades; and that assistance was given to his grand-daughter, and even to remote descendants, in the time of Demetrius Phalereus. He must, so far as we know, have been in 489, as archon eponymus, among the pentacosiomedimni: the wars may have destroyed his property; we can hardly question the story from Aeschines, the disciple of Socrates, that when his poverty was made a reproach in a court of justice to Callias, his cousin, he bore witness that he had received and declined offers of his assistance; that he died poor is certain. This of itself would prove him possessed of an honesty rare in those times; and in the higher points of integrity, though Theophrastus said, and it may be true, that he at times sacrificed it to his country's interest, no case whatever can be adduced in proof, and he certainly displays a sense, very unusual, of the duties of nation to nation. 2. Son of Lysimachus, grandson of the preceding, is in Plato's Laches represented as brought by his father to Socrates as a future pupil. In the Theaetetus Socrates speaks of him as one of those who made rapid progress while in his society, but, after leaving him prematurely, lost all he had gained; an account which is unskilfully expanded and put in the mouth of the young man himself by the author of the Theages. That o! the Theaetetus in the main we may take to be true (Plat. Laches, p. 179, a, &c.; T/eaet. p. 151, a Theag. p. 131, a.) [A. H. C.] 3. Son of Archippus, an Athenian com mander of the ships sent to collect money fron "* Plutarch in his Aristeides refers to the authority of Herodotus, Aeschines the Socratic, Callisthenes, Idomeneus, Demetrius Phalereus, who wrote an 'ApeTUrderas (Diog. Lairt. v. 80, 81), Ariston Chius, Panaetius, and Craterus: he had also before him here, probably, as in his Themistocles (see c. 27), the standard historian, Ephorus, Charon Lampsacenus, a contemporary writer (504 to 464, B. c.), and Stesimbrotus Thasius, Deinon, Heracleides Ponticus, and Neanthes; perhaps also the Atthides of Hellanicus and Philochorus, and the Chia of Ion.
Page 295 ARISTEIDES. the Greek states in B. c. 425 and 424. (Thuc. iv. 50, 75.) 4. An Elean, conquered in the armed race at the Olympic, in the Diaulos at the Pythian, and in the boys' horse-race at the Nemean games. (Paus. vi. 16. ~ 3.) ARISTE'IDES, P. AELIUS ('Ap1iohrd-s), surnamed THEODORUS, one of the most celebrated Greek rhetoricians of the second century after Christ, was the son of Eudaemon, a priest of Zeus, and born at Adriani in Mysia, according to some in A. D. 129, and according to others in A. D. 117. He shewed extraordinary talents even in his early youth, and devoted himself with an almost unparalleled zeal to the study of rhetoric, which appeared to him the worthiest occupation of a man, and along with it he cultivated poetry as an amusement. Besides the rhetorician Herodes Atticus, whom he heard at Athens, he also received instructions from Aristocles at Pergamus, from Polemon at Smyrna, and from the grammarian Alexander of Cottyaeum. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9; Suidas, s. v. "Ap-'rdsEiSs; Aristeid. Orat. fun. in Alex. p. 80, ed. Jebb.) After being sufficiently prepared for his profession, he travelled for some time, and visited various places in Asia, Africa, especially Egypt, Greece, and Italy. The fame of his talents and acquirements, which preceded him everywhere, was so great, that monuments were erected to his honour in several towns which he had honoured with his presence. (Aristeid. Orat. Aegypt. ii. p. 331, &c.; Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9. ~ 1.) Shortly before his return, and while yet in Italy, he was attacked by an illness which lasted for thirteen years. He had from his childhood been of a very weakly constitution, but neither this nor his protracted illness prevented his prosecuting his studies, for he was well at intervals; and in his "Sermones Sacri" (Lepol A-yot, a sort of diary of his illness and his recovery), he relates that he was frequently encouraged by visions in his dreams to cultivate rhetoric to the exclusion of all other studies. During this period and afterwards, he resided at Smyrna, whither he had gone on account of its baths, but he made occasional excursions into the country, to Pergamus, Phocaea, and other towns. (Serm. Sacr. ii. p. 304, iv. p. 324, &c.) lie had great influence with the emperor M. Aurelius, whose acquaintance he had formed in Ionia, and when in A. D. 178, Smyrna was to a great extent destroyed by an earthquake, Aristcides represented the deplorable condition of the city and its inhabitants in such vivid colours to the emperor that he was moved to tears, and generously assisted the Smyrnaeans in rebuilding their town. The Smyrnaeans shewed their gratitude to Aristeides by erecting to him a brazen statue in their agora, and by calling him the founder of their town. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9. ~ 2; Aristeid. Epist. ad M. Aurel. et Commod. i. p. 512.) Various other honours and distinctions were offered to him at Smyrna, but he refused them, and accepted only the office of priest of Asclepius, which he held until his death, about A. D. 180, according to some, at the age of 60, and according to others of 70. The circumstance of his living for so many years at Smyrna, and enjoying such great honours there, is probably the reason that in an epigram still extant (Anthol. Planud. p. 376) he is regarded as a native of Smyrna. The memory of Aristeides was honoured in several ancient towns by ARISTEIDES. 295 statues. (Liban. Epist. 1551.) One of these representing the rhetorician in a sitting attitude, was discovered in the 16th century, and is at present in the Vatican museum. The museum of Verona contains an inscription to his honour. (Visconti, Iconograph. Grecq. i. plate xxxi. p. 373, &c.; Bartoli, Dissert. Sul. lMuseo Veronese, Verona, 1745, 4to.) The works of Aristeides extant are, fifty-five orations and declamations (including those which were discovered by Morelli and Mai), and two treatises on rhetorical subjects of little value, viz. repi TroAtiruco0 Adov ical repi dp eAogs Aoyov. Some of his orations are eulogies on the power of certain divinities, others are panegyrics on towns, such as Smyrna, Cizycus, Rome; one among them is a Panathenaicus, and an imitation of that of Isocrates. Others again treat on subjects connected with rhetoric and eloquence. The six orations called lepol Ao'yoi, which were mentioned above, have attracted considerable attention in modern times, on account of the various stories they contain respecting the cures of the sick in temples, and on account of the apparent resemblance betweeh these cures and those said to be effected by Mesmerism. (Thorlacius, Opuscul. ii. p. 129, &c.) A list of the orations extant as well as of the lost works of Aristeides, is given in Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. vi. p. 15, &c.), and more completely by Westermann. (Gesch. der Griech. Bereditsamk. p. 321, &c,) Aristeides as an orator is much superior to the majority of rhetoricians in his time, whose great and only ambition was to shine and make a momentary impression by extempore speeches, and a brilliant and dazzling style. Aristeides, with whom thought was of far greater importance than the form in which it appeared, expressed the difference between himself and the other rhetoricians, at his first interview with the emperor, M. Aurelius, by saying, oihc Er/sicv ranv esov'rrw, AAa TCiv rciCcpivovvwv. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 9. ~ 2; Sopat. Proleg,. in Aristid. p. 738, ed. Dind.) He despised the silly puns, the shallow witticisms and insignificant ornaments of his contemporaries, and sought nourishment for his mind in the study of the ancients. In his panegyric orations, however, he often endeavours to display as much brilliancy of style as he can. On the whole his style is brief and concise, but too frequently deficient in ease and clearness. His sentiments are often trivial and spun out to an intolerable length, which leaves the reader nothing to think upon for himself. His orations remind us of a man who is fond of hearing himself talk. Notwithstanding these defects, however, Aristeides is still unsurpassed by any of his contemporaries. His admirers compared him to Demosthenes, and even Aristeides did not think himself much inferior. This vanity and selfsufficiency made him enemies and opponents, among whom are mentioned Palladius (Liban. Epist. 546), Sergius, and Porphyrius. (Suid. s. vv.) But the number of his admirers was far greater, and several learned grammarians wrote commentaries on his orations. Besides Athanasius, Menander, and others, whose works are lost, we must mention especially Sopater of Apamea, who is probably the author of the Greek Prolegomena to the orations of Aristeides, and also of some among the Scholia on Aristeides,which have been published by Trommel (Scdolia in Arictidis Orationes, Frankl
Page 296 296 ARISTEIDES..1826, 8vo.), and by Dindorf (vol. iii. of his edition of Aristeides), and which contain a great many things of importance for mythology, history, and antiquities. They also contain numerous fragments of works now lost. The greater part of these Scholia are probably compilations from the commentaries of Arethas, Metrophanes, and other grammarians. Respecting the life of Aristeides, compare J. Masson, Collectaneae Historica Aristidis aevum et vitain spectantia, ordine chronologico digesta, in the edition of Jebb, and reprinted in that of Dindorf. The first edition of the orations of Aristeides (53 in number) is that of Florence, 1517, fol. In 1566 W. Canter published at Basel a Latin translation, in which many passages were skilfully corrected. This translation, together with the Greek text, was re-edited by P. Stephens, 1604, in 3 vols. 8vo. A better edition, with some of the Greek Scholia, is that of Samuel Jebb, Oxford, 1722, 2 vols. 4to. Many corrections of the text of this edition are contained in Reiske's Aninzadversiones in Auct. Graec. vol. iii. Morelli published in 1761 tlhe oration?rphs Aesrrlvsv ivirip dreAEfas, which he had discovered in a Venetian MS. It was afterwards edited again by F. A. Wolf, in his edition of Demosthenes' oration against Leptines (Halle, 1789), and by Grauert in his Declamationes Leptineae. (Bonn, 1827, 8vo.) This edition of Grauert contains also an oration 7rpos AsjpooOe6y 7repti dreAEas, which had been discovered by A. Mai, and published in his Nova Collect. Script. Vet. vol. i. p. 3. A complete edition of all the works of Aristeides, which gives a correct text and all the Scholia, was published by W. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1829, 3 vols. 8vo. [L. S.] ARISTEIDES, ARTISTS. 1. Of Thebes,was one of the most celebrated Greek painters. His father was Aristodemus, his teachers were Euxenidas and his brother Nicomachus. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~~ 7, 22.) He was a somewhat older contemporary of Apelles (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 19), and flourished about 360 -330 B. c. The point in which he most excelled is thus described by Pliny (I.c.): "Is omnium primus animum pinxit et sensus hominum expressit, quae vocant Graeci i7'0y, item perturbationes," that is, he depicted the feelings, expressions, and passions which may be observed in common life. One of his finest pictures was that of a babe approaching the breast of its mother, who was mortally wounded, and whose fear could be plainly seen lest the child should suck blood instead of milk. (Anthol. Graec. ii. p. 251, Jacobs.) Fuseli (Lect. 1) has shewn how admirably in this picture the artist drew the line between pity and disgust. Alexander admired the picture so much, that he removed it to Pella. Another of his pictures was a suppliant, whose voice you seemed almost to hear. Several other pictures of his are mentioned by Pliny (.e.), and among them an Iris (ib. 40. ~ 41), which, though unfinished, excited the greatest admiration. As examples of the high price set upon his works, Pliny (ib. 36. ~ 19) tells us, that he painted a picture for Mnason, tyrant of Elatea, representing a battle with the Persians, and containing a hundred figures, for each of which Aristeides received ten minae; and that long after his death, Attalus, king of Pergamus, gave a hundred talents for one of his pictures. (Ib. and vii. 39.) In another passage (xxxv. 8) Pliny tells us, that when Mummius was selling the spoils of Greece, Attalus bought a picture of Bacchus by Aristeides for 600,000 sesterces, ARISTEIDES. but that Mummius, having thus discovered the value of the picture, refused to sell it to Attalus, and took it to Rome, where it was placed in the temple of Ceres, and was the first foreign painting which was exposed to public view at Rome. The commentators are in doubt whether these two passages refer to the same picture. (See also Strab. viii. p. 381.) Aristeides was celebrated for his pictures of courtezans, and hence he was called ropvo-ypacpos. (Athen. xiii. p. 567, b.) He was somewhat harsh in his colouring. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 19.) According to some authorities, the invention of encaustic painting in wax (Diet. ofAnt. s.v. Painting, pp. 685, 686) was ascribed to Aristeides, and its perfection to Praxiteles; but Pliny observes, that there were extant encaustic pictures of Polygnotus, Nicanor, and Arcesilaus. (xxxv. 39.) Aristeides left two sons, Nicerus and Ariston, to whom he taught his art. [ARISTON; NICERUS.] Another Aristeides is mentioned as his disciple. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 23.) The words of Pliny, which are at first sight somewhat obscure, are rightly explained in the following table by Sillig. (Catal. Art. s. v. Antorides.) Aristeides of Thebes. -- I Niceros, son. Ariston, son. Aristeides, disciple. I -. I Antorides and Euphranor, disciples. 2. A sculptor, who was celebrated for his statues of four-horsed and two-horsed chariots. Since he was the disciple of Polycletus, he must have flourished about 388 B. c. (Plin. xxxiv. 19. ~ 12.) Perhaps he was the same person as the Aristeides who made some improvements in the goals of the Olympic stadium. (Paus. vi. 20. ~ 7; Bockh, Corp. Inscrip. i. p. 39.) [P. S.] ARISTEIDES, of ATHENS, one of the earliest Christian apologetic writers, was at first a philosopher, and continued such after he became a Christian. He is described by Jerome as a most eloquent man. His apology for Christianity, which he presented to the Emperor Hadrian about 123 or 126 A. D., was imbued with the principles of the Greek philosophy. It is said that the apology of Justin, who was also a philosopher, was, to a great extent, an imitation of that of Aristeides. The work of Aristeides is entirely lost. (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 3, Chron. Ar2men.; Hieron. de Vir. Illust. 20; Epist. ad Magn. Orat. 84, p. 327.) [P. S.] ARISTEIDES, the author of a work entitled MILESIACA (MhA71iTLaKr or MiA7n(acolCO AOyOL), which was probably a romance, having Miletus for its scene. It was written in prose, and was of a licentious character. It extended to six books at the least. (Harpocrat. s. v. Sepnpornis.) It was translated into Latin by L. Cornelius Sisenna, a contemporary of Sulla, and it seems to have become popular with the Romans. (Plut. C-rass. 32; Ovid. Trist. ii. 413, 414, 443, 444; Lucian, Amor. 1.) Aristeides is reckoned as the inventor of the Greek romance, and the title of his work is supposed to have given rise to the term Milesian, as applied to works of fiction. Some writers think that his work was imitated by Appuleius in his Mlctaemorphloses, and by Lucian in his Lucius.
Page 297 ARISTEUS. The age and country of Aristeides are unknown, but the title of his work is thought to favour the conjecture that he was a native of Miletus. Vossius (de Hist. Graec. p. 401, ed. Westermann) supposes, that he was the same person as the Aristeides of Miletus, whose works on Sicilian, Italian, and Persian history (,LKEA1cKo, 'I-TaxvKu, IIepowad) are several times quoted by Plutarch (Parall.), and that the author of the historical work repl Kvieov was also the same person. (Schol. Pind. Pyih. iii, 14.) [P. S.] ARISTEIDES QUINTILIA'NUS ('ApiaoreiSifs Koivr7thNavds), the author of a treatise in three books on music (rIepI MovotnKs). Nothing is known of his history, nor is he mentioned by any ancient writer. But he must have lived after Cicero, whom he quotes (p. 70), and before Martianus Capella, who has made use of this treatise in his work De Nuptiis Philologiae et M/ercurii, lib. 9. It seems probable also that he must be placed before Ptolemy, since he does not mention the difference between that writer and his predecessors with respect to the number of the modes. (Aristoxenus reckoned'13, his followers 15, but Ptolemy only 7. See Aristeid. pp. 22, 23; Ptol. Harm. ii. 9.) The work of Aristeides is perhaps the most valuable of all the ancient musical treatises. It embraces, besides the theory of music (cdpgzoVILo) in the modern sense, the whole range of subjects comprehended under j ovoucr'd, which latter science contemplated not merely the regulation of sounds, but the harmonious disposition of everything in nature. The first book treats of Harmonics and Rhythzm; the former subject being considered under the usual heads of Sounds, Intervals, Systems, Genera, Modes, Transition, and Composition (JseAonori'a). The second, of the moral effects and educational powers of music; and the third of the numerical ratios which define musical intervals, and of their connexion with physical and moral science generally. Aristeides refers (p. 87) to an"other work of his own, lepl IEIolriCrjcs, which is lost. He makes no direct allusion to any of the ancient writers on music, except Aristoxenus. The only edition of Aristeides is that of Meibomius. It is printed, along with the latter part of the 9th book of Martianus Capella, in his collection entitled Antiquae lMusicae Auctores Septem, Amst. 1652. A new edition of all these, and of several other ancient musical writers, is announced by Dr. J. Franzius of Berlin. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 259.) [W. F. D.] ARISTEIDES, of SAMos, a writer mentioned by Varro in his work entitled " Hebdomades," as an authority for the opinion, that the moon completed her circuit in twenty-eight days exactly. (Aul. Gell. N. A. iii. 10.) [P. S.] ARISTE'NUS ALE'XIUS. [ALEXIUS ARISTENUS.] ARISTEUS('Apar.rv's), or ARISTEAS ('ApioTras, Herod.). 1. A Corinthian, son of Adeimantus, commanded the troops sent by Corinth to maintain Potidaea in its revolt, B. c. 432. With Potidaea he was connected, and of the troops the greater number were volunteers, serving chiefly from attachment to him. Appointed on his arrival commander-in-chief of.the allied infantry, he encountered the Athenian Callias, butwas outmanceuvred and defeated. With his own division he was successful, and with it on returning from the pursuit he found himself cut off, but by a bold course made ARISTION. 297 his way with slight loss into the town. This was now blockaded, and Aristeus, seeing no hope, bid them leave himself with a garrison of 500, and the rest make their way to sea. This escape was effected, and he himself induced to join in it; after which he was occupied in petty warfare in Chalcidice, and negotiations for aid from Peloponnesus. Finally, not long before the surrender of Potidaea, in the second year of the war, B. c. 430, he set out with other ambassadors from Peloponnesus for the court of Persia; but visiting Sitalces the Odrysian in their way, they were given to Athenian ambassadors there by Sadocus, his son, and sent to Athens; and at Athens, partly from fear of the energy and ability of Aristeus, partly in retaliation for the cruelties practised by Sparta, he was immediately put to death. (Thuc. i. 60-65, ii. 67; Herod. vii. 137; Thirlwall's Greece, iii. pp. 102 -4, 162, 3.) [A. H. C.] 2. A Corinthian, son of Pellichus, one of the commanders of the Corinthian fleet sent against Epidamnus, B. c. 436. (Thuc. i. 29.) 3. A Spartan commander, B. c. 423. (Thuc. iv. 132.) 4. An Argive, the son Cheimon, conquered in the Dolichos at the Olympic games. (Paus. vi. 9. ~ 1.) ARISTIAS ('Apir-rias), a dramatic poet, the son of Pratinas, whose tomb Pausanias (ii. 13. ~ 5) saw at Phlius, and whose Satyric dramas, with those of his father, were surpassed only by those of Aeschylus. (Paus. 1. c.) Aristias is mentioned in the life of Sophocles as one of the poets with whom the latter contended. Besides two dramas, which were undoubtedly Satyric, viz. the K-ipes and Cyclops, Aristias wrote three others, viz. Antaeus, Orpheus, and Atalante, which may have been tragedies. (Comp. Athen. xv. p. 686, a; Pollux, vii. 31; Welcker, Die Griech. Tragidien, p. 966.) ARISTION ('Apioriowv), a philosopher either of the Epicurean or Peripatetic school, who made himself tyrant of Athens, and was besieged there by Sulla, B. c. 87, in the first Mithridatic war. His early history is preserved by Athenaeus (v. p. 211, &c.), on the authority of Posidonius of Apameia, the instructor of Cicero. By him he is called Athenion, whereas Pausanias, Appian, and Plutarch agree in giving him the name of Aristion. Casaubon on Athenaeus (I. c.) conjectures that his true name was Athenion, but that on enrolling himself as a citizen of Athens, he changed it to Aristion, a supposition confirmed by the case of one Sosias mentioned by Theophrastus, whose name was altered to Sosistratus under the same circumstances. Athenion or Aristion was the illegitimate son of a Peripatetic, also named Athenion, to whose property he succeeded, and so became an Athenian citizen. He married early, and began at the same time to teach philosophy, which he did with great success at Messene and Larissa. On returning to Athens with a considerable fortune, he was named ambassador to Mithridates, king of Pontus, then at war with Rome, and became one of the most intimate friends and counsellors of that monarch. His letters to Athens represented the power of his patron in such glowing colours, that his countrymen began-to conceive hopes of throwing off the Roman yoke. Mithridates then sent him to Athens, where he soon contrived, through the king's patronage, to assume the tyranny. His government seems to have been of the most cruel cha*
Page 298 298 ARISTIPPUS. racter, so that he is spoken of with abhorrence by Plutarch (Praecept. ger. Reip. p. 809), and classed by him with Nabis and Catiline. He sent Apellicon of Teos to plunder the sacred treasury of Delos, [APELLICON], though Appian (M3ithrid. p. 189) says, that this had already been done for him by Mithridates, and adds, that it was by means of the money resulting from this robbery that Aristion was enabled to obtain the supreme power. Meantime Sulla landed in Greece, and immediately laid siege to Athens and the Peiraeus, the latter of which was occupied by Archelaus, the general of Mithridates. The sufferings within the city from famine were so dreadful, that men are said to have even devoured the dead bodies of their companions. At last Athens was taken by storm, and Sulla gave orders to spare neither sex nor age. Aristion fled to the Acropolis, having first burnt the Odeum, lest Sulla should use the wood-work of that building for battering-rams and other instruments of attack. The Acropolis, however, was soon taken, and Aristion dragged to execution from the altar of Minerva. To the divine vengeance for this impiety Pausanias (i. 20. ~ 4) attributes the loathsome disease which afterwards terminated Sulla's life. [G. E. L. C.] ARI'STION ('Apro--i'w), a surgeon, probably belonging to the Alexandrian school, was the son of Pasicrates,* who belonged to the same profession. (Oribas. De Machinam. cc. 24, 26. pp. ]80, 183.) Nothing is known of the events of his life; with respect to his date, he may be conjectured to have lived in the second or first century B. c., as he lived after Nymphodorus (Oribas. ibid. p. 180), and before Heliodorus (p. 161). [W.A.G.] ARISTIPPUS ('ApirTr7ros). 1. Of Larissa, in Thessaly, an Aleuad, received lessons from Gorgias when he visited Thessaly. Aristippus obtained money and troops from the younger Cyrus to resist a faction opposed to him, and placed Menon, with whom he lived in a disreputable manner, over these forces. (Xen. Anab. i. 1. ~ 10, ii. 6. ~ 28; Plat. Menon, init.) 2. An Argive, who obtained the supreme power at Argos through the aid of Antigonus Gonatas, about B. c. 272. (Plut. Pyrrh. 30.) 3. An Argive, a different person from the preceding, who also became tyrant of Argos after the murder of Aristomachus I., in the time of Aratus. He is described by Plutarch as a perfect tyrant in our sense of the word. Aratus made many attempts to deprive him of the tyranny, but at first without success; but Aristippus at length fell in a battle against Aratus, and was succeeded in the tyranny by Aristomachus II. (Plut. Arat. 25, &c.) ARISTI'US FUSCUS. [Fuscus.] ARISTIPPUS ('ApiarTrTros), son of Aritades, born at Cyrene, and founder of the Cyrenaic School of Philosophy, came over to Greece to be present at the Olympic games, where he fell in with Ischomachus the agriculturist (whose praises are the subject of Xenophon's Oeconomicus), and by his description was filled with so ardent a desire to see Socrates, that he went to Athens ARISTIPPOS. for the purpose (Plut. de Curios. 2), and remained with him almost up to the time of his execution, B. c. 399. Diodorus (xv. 76) gives B. c. 366 as the date of Aristippus, which agrees very well with the facts which we know about him, and with the statement (Schol. ad Aristopli. Plut. 179), that Lais, the courtezan with whom he was intimate, was born B. c. 421. Though a disciple of Socrates, he wandered both in principle and practice very far from the teaching and example of his great master. He was luxurious in his mode of living; he indulged in sensual gratifications, and the society of the notorious Lais; he took money for his teaching (being the first of the disciples of Socrates who did so, Diog. Laert. ii. 65),and avowed to his instructor that he resided in a foreign land in order to escape the trouble of mixing in the politics of his native city. (Xen. JM1enm. ii. 1.) He passed part of his life at the court of Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, and is also said to have been taken prisoner by Artaphernes, the satrap who drove the Spartans from Rhodes B. c. 396. (Diod. Sic. xiv. 79; see Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 3.) He appears, however, at last to have returned to Cyrene, and there he spent his old age. The anecdotes which are told of him, and of which we find a most tedious number in Diogenes Laertius (ii. 65, &c.), by no means give us the notion of a person who was the mere slave of his passions, but rather of one who took a pride in extracting enjoyment from all circumstances of every kind, and in controlling adversity and prosperity alike. They illustrate and confirm the two statements of Horace (Ep. i. 1. 18), that to observe the precepts of Aristippus is " mihi res, non me rebus subjungere," and (i. 17. 23) that, " omnis Aristippum decuit color et status et res." Thus when reproached for his love of bodily indulgences, he answered, that there was no shame in enjoying them, but that it would be disgraceful if he could not at any time give them up. When Dionysius, provoked at some of his remarks, ordered him to take the lowest place at table, he said, " You wish to dignify the seat." Whether he was prisoner to a satrap, or grossly insulted and even spit upon by a tyrant, or enjoying the pleasures of a banquet, or reviled for faithlessness to Socrates by his fellow-pupils, he maintained the same calm temper. To Xenophon and Plato he was very obnoxious, as we see from the Memorabilia (I. c.), where he maintains an odious discussion against Socrates in defence of voluptuous enjoyment, and from the Phaedo (p. 59, c), where his absence at the death of Socrates, though he was only at Aegina, 200 stadia from Athens, is doubtless mentioned as a reproach. (See Stallbaum's note.) Aristotle, too, calls him a sophist (Metaplhys. ii. 2), and notices a story of Plato speaking to him with rather undue vehemence, and of his replying with calmness. (Rhet. ii. 23.) He imparted his doctrine to his daughter Arete, by whom it was communicated to her son, the younger Aristippus (hence called /LrTpobaaicK os), and by him it is said to have been reduced to a system. Laertius, on the authority of Sotion (B. c. 205) and Panaetius (B. c. 143), gives a long list of books whose authorship is ascribed to Aristippus, though he also says that Sosicrates of Rhodes (B. c. 255) states, that he wrote nothing. Among these are treatises Hiep Haibeidas, LHep 'Apser@s, IHep TiXtTs, and many others. Some epistles attributed to him are * In the extract from Oribasius, given by A. Mai in the fourth volume of his Classici Auctores e Vaticanis Codicibus Editi, Rom. 8vo., 1831, we should read vio'v instead of raT'rpa in p. 152, 1. 23, and 'ApimCTiwv instead of 'Apriwm in p. 158, 1. 10.
Page 299 ARISTIPPUS. ARISTIPPUS. 299 deservedly rejected as forgeries by Bentley. (Dis- sure and what pain. Both are positive, i. e. pleasertation on Phalaris, &c. p. 104.) One of these is sure is not the gratification of a want, nor does to Arete, and its spuriousness is proved, among the absence of pleasure equal pain. The absence other arguments, by the occurrence in it of the of either is a mere negative inactive state, and name of a city near Cyrene, BepEvfKtc, which must both pleasure and pain are motions of the soul (6v have been given by the Macedonians, in whose KLIaOTEL). Pain was defined to be a violent, pleadialect 3 stands for <p, so that the name is equiva- sure a moderate motion,-the first being compared lent to Iepev'iKi, the victorious, to the sea in a storm, the second to the sea under We shall now give a short view of the leading a light breeze, the intermediate state of no-pleasure doctrines of the earlier Cyrenaic school in gene- and no-pain to a calm-a simile not quite apposite, ral, though it is not to be understood that the since a calm is not the middle state between a system was wholly or even chiefly drawn up by storm and a gentle breeze. In this denial of the elder Aristippus; but, as it is impossible from pleasure as a state of rest, we find Aristippus the loss of contemporary documents to separate again opposed to Epicurus. the parts which belong to each of the Cyrenaic 3. Actions are in themselves morally indifferent, philosophers, it is better here to combine them all. the only question for us to consider being their From the fact pointed out by Ritter (Geschichte der result; and law and custom are the only authoriPhilosophie, vii. 3), that Aristotle chooses Eudoxus ties which make an action good or bad. This rather than Aristippus as the representative of the monstrous dogma was a little qualified by the doctrine that Pleasure is the summum bonum (Eth. statement, that the advantages of injustice are Nic. x. 2), it seems probable that but little of the slight; but we cannot agree with Brucker (Hist. Cyrenaic system is due to the founder of the Crit. ii. 2), that it is not clear whether the Cyreschool.* naics meant the law of nature or of men. For The Cyrenaics despised Physics, and limited their Lairtius says expressly, o o-rovaios od5iv 6rosrov inquiries to Ethics, though they included under 7rpcieas i'd rds ErIuceseMVas rmias Kal So as, and that term a much wider range of science than can to suppose a law of nature would be to destroy fairly be reckoned as belonging to it. So, too, the whole Cyrenaic system. Whatever conduces Aristotle accuses Aristippus of neglecting mathe- to pleasure, is virtue-a definition which of course matics, as a study not concerned with good and includes bodily exercise; but they seem to have evil, which, he said, are the objects even of the conceded to Socrates, that the mind has the greatcarpenter and tanner. (Metaphys. ii. 2.) They est share in virtue. We are told that they predivided Philosophy into five parts, viz. the study ferred bodily to mental pleasure; but this stateof (1) Objects of Desire and Aversion, (2) Feel- ment must be qualified, as they did not even confine ings and Affections, (3) Actions, (4) Causes, their pleasures to selfish gratification, but admitted (5) Proofs. Of these (4) is clearly connected with the welfare of the state as a legitimate source of physics, and (5) with logic. happiness, and bodily pleasure itself they valued 1. The first of the five divisions of science is for the sake of the mental state resulting from it. the only one in which the Cyrenaic view is con- 4. There is no universality in human concepnected with the Socratic. Socrates considered tions; the senses are the only avenues of knowhappiness (i. e. the enjoyment of a well-ordered ledge, and even these admit a very limited range mind) to be the aim of all men, and Aristippus, of information. For the Cyrenaics said, that men taking up this position, pronounced pleasure the could agree neither in judgments nor notions, chief good, and pain the chief evil; in proof of in nothing, in fact, but names. We have all which he referred to the natural feelings of men, certain sensations, which we call white or swzeet; children, and animals; but he wished the mind to but whether the sensation which A calls white is preserve its authority in the midst of pleasure. similar to that which B calls by that name, we Desire he could not admit into his system, as it cannot tell; for by the common term white every subjects men to hope and fear: the rEhos of hu- man denotes a distinct object. Of the causes man life was momentary pleasure (govo'Xpovos, which produce these sensations we are quite ignopIepLKc). For the Present only is ours, the Past is rant; and from all this we come to the doctrine of gone, and the Future uncertain; present happiness modern philological metaphysics, that truth is therefore is to be sought, and not vevaijAgovia, what each man troweth. All states of mind are which is only the sum of a number of happy states, motions; nothing exists but states of mind, and just as he considered life in general the sum of they are not the same to all men. True wisdom particular states of the soul. In this point the consists therefore in transforming disagreeable into Cyrenaics were opposed to the Epicureans. All agreeable sensations. pleasures were held equal, though they might ad- 5. As to the Cyrenaic doctrine of proofs, no mit of a difference in the degree of their purity. evidence remains. So that a man ought never to covet more than he In many of these opinions we recognize the possesses, and should never allow himself to be happy, careless, selfish disposition which characovercome by sensual enjoyment. It is plain that, terized their author; and the system resembles in even with these concessions, the Cyrenaic system most points those of Heracleitus and Protagoras, destroys all moral unity, by proposing to a man as as given in Plato's Theaetetus. The doctrines many separate TrE/\q as his life contains moments. that a subject only knows objects through the 2. The next point is to determine what is plea- prism of the impression which he receives, and that man is the measure of all things, are stated * Ritter believes that Aristippus is hinted at or implied in the Cyrenaic system, and lead at (Efh. Nic. x. 6), where Aristotle refutes the opi- once to the consequence, that what we call reality nion, that happiness consists in amusement, and is appearance; so that the whole fabric of human speaks of persons holding such a dogma in order knowledge becomes a fantastic picture. The printo recommend themselves to the favour of tyrants. ciple on which all this rests, viz. that knowledge
Page 300 500 ARISTOBULUS. is sensation, is the foundation of Locke's modern ideology, though he did not perceive its connexion with the consequences to which it led the Cyrenaics. To revive these vvas reserved for Hume. The ancient authorities on this subject are Diogenes Lairtius, ii. 65, &c.; Sextus Empiricus, adv. Math. vii. 11; the places in Xenophon and Aristotle already referred to; Cic. Tusc. iii. 13, 22, Acad. iv. 7, 46; Euseb. Prcaep. Evang. xiv. 18, &c. The chief modern works are, Kunhardt, Dissertatio philos.-historica de Aristippi Philosophiu morali, Helmstidt, 1795, 4to.; Wieland, Aristipp und Einige seiner Zeitgenossen, Leipz., 1800-1802; Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophie, vii. 3; Brucker, Historia Critica Philosophiae, ii. 2, 3. [G. E. L. C.] ARISTO ('Apteorrd), the best, a surname of Artemis at Athens. (Paus. i. 29. ~ 2.) [L. S.] T. ARISTO, a distinguished Roman jurist, who lived under the emperor Trajan, and was a friend of the Younger Pliny. He is spoken of by Pliny (Epist. 22) in terms of the highest praise, as not only an excellent man and profound scholar, but a lawyer thoroughly acquainted with private and public law, and perfectly skilled in the practice of his profession-in short, a living Thzesaurus Juris. Of his merits as an author, Pliny does not speak; and though his works are occasionally mentioned in the Digest, there is no direct extract from any of them in that compilation. He wrote notes on the Libri Posteriorum of Labeo, on Cassius, whose pupil he had been, and on Sabinus. "Aristo in decretis Frontianis," or Frontinianis, is once cited in the Digest (29. tit. 2. s. ult.); but what those decreta were has never been satisfactorily explained. He corresponded with his contemporary jurists, Celsus and Neratius (Dig. 19. tit. 2. s. 19. ~ 2, 20. tit. 3. s. 3, 40. tit. 7. s. 29. ~ 1); and it appears to us to be probable that many of the responsa and epistolae of the Roman jurisconsults were not opinions upon cases occurring in actual practice, but answers to the hypothetical questions of pupils and legal friends. Other works, besides those which we have mentioned, have been attributed to him without sufficient cause. Some, for example, have inferred from a passage in Gellius (xi. 18), that he wrote de furlis; and, from passages in the Digest (24. tit. 3. s. 44. pr.; 8. tit. 5. s. 8. ~ 5; 23. tit. 2. s. 40), that he published books under the name Digesta and Responsa. In philosophy, this model of a virtuous lawyer is described by Pliny as a genuine disciple of the Porch. He has been usually supposed to belong to the legal sect of Proculeians [CAPITo], though, upon one point at least (Dig. 28. tit. 5. s. 19), his opinion differed from the Proculeian Pegasus, and accorded with the Sabinian Javolenus. (Strauch, Vitae JCtorum, No. 12; Grotius, 2, 3, in Franck's Vitae Tripertitae JCtorum Veterum, Hal. 1718; Heinec. Hist. Jur. Rom. ~ 260, 1; Zimmern, Rom. Rechts-Geschiclde, vol. i. ~ 89.) [J. T. G.] ARISTO. [ARISTON.] ARISTOBU'LE ('ApioTrofoA?), the best adviser, a surname of Artemis, to whom Themistocles built a temple at Athens under this name; and in it he dedicated his own statue. (Plut. Themist. 22.) [L. S.] ARISTOBU'LUS ('ApoGsTdGoviXo). 1. Of Cassandreia, the son of Aristobulus, one of the companions of Alexander the Great in his Asiatic con"quests, wrote a history of Alexander, which was one of the chief sources used by Arrian in the conm ARISTOBULUS. position of his work. Aristobulus lived to the age of ninety, and did not begin to write his history till he was eighty-four. (Lucian, Macrob. 22.) His work is also frequently referred to by Athenaeus (ii. p. 43, d. vi. p. 251, a. x. p. 434, d. xii. pp. 513, f. 530, b.), Plutarch (Alex. cc. 15, 16, 18, 21, 46, 75), and Strabo (xi. pp. 509, 518, xiv. p. 672, xv. pp. 691-693, 695, 701, 706, 707, 714, 730, xvi. pp. 741, 766, xvii. p. 824.) The anecdote which Lucian relates (Quomodo hist. conscrib. c. 12) about Aristobulus is supposed by modern writers to refer to Onesicritus. 2. Plutarch refers to a work upon stones, and another upon the affairs of Italy, written by an Aristobulus, but whether he is the same person as the preceding, is uncertain. (Plut. de Fluv. c. 14. Parall. Min. c. 32.) 3. An Alexandrine Jew, and a Peripatetic philosopher, who is supposed to have lived under Ptolemy Philometor (began to reign B. c. 180), and to have been the same as the teacher of Ptolemy Evergetes. (2 Maccab. i. 10.) He is said to have been the author of commentaries upon the books of Moses ('E7yrjo-etns Ts- Mwcirews 'ygaq< ), addressed to Ptolemy Philometor, which are referred to by Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. i. pp. 305, b. 342, b. v. p. 595, c. d), Eusebius (Praep. Ev. vii. 13, viii. 9, ix. 6, xiii. 12), and other ecclesiastical writers. The object of this work was to prove that the Peripatetic philosophy, and in fact almost all the Greek philosophy, was taken from the books of Moses. It is now, however, admitted that this work was not written by the Aristobulus whose name it bears, but by some later and unknown writer, whose object was to induce the Greeks to pay respect to the Jewish literature. (Valckenaer, Diatribe de Aristobulo, Judaeo, &c. edita post aqsctoris mortem ab J. Luzeeio, Lugd. Bat. 1806.) 4. A brother of Epicurus, and a follower of his philosophy. (Diog. Lairt. x. 3, Plut. Non posse suaviter vivi see. Epic. p. 1103, a.) ARISTOBU'LUS ('AprrO'CovAos), princes of Judaea. 1. The eldest son of Johannes Hyrcanus. In B. c. 110 we find him, together with his second brother Antigonus, successfully prosecuting for his father the siege of Samaria, which was destroyed in the following year. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 10. ~~ 2, 3; Bell. Jud. i. 2. ~ 7.) Hyrcanus dying in 107, Aristobulus took the title of king, this being the first instance of the assumption of that name among the Jews since the Babylonish captivity (but comp. Strab. xvi. p. 762), and secured his power by the imprisonment of all his brothers except his favourite Antigonus, and by the murder of his mother, to whom Hyrcanus had left the government by will. The life of Antigonus himself was soon sacrificed to his brother's suspicions through the intrigues of the queen and her party, and the remorse felt by Aristobulus for this deed increased the illness under which he was suffering at the time, and hastened his death. (B. c. 106.) In his reign the Ituraeans were subdued and compelled to adopt the observance of the Jewish law. He also received the name of,AiAXeAjv from the favour which he shewed to the Greeks. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 11; Bell. Jud. i. 3.) 2. The younger son of Alexander Jannaeus and Alexandra. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 16. ~ 1; Bell. Jud. 1. 5. ~ 1.) During the nine years of his mother's reign he set himself against the party of the Phari
Page 301 ARISTOBULUS. sets, whose influence she had restored; and after her death, B. c. 70, he made war against his eldest brother Hyrcanus, and obtained from him the resignation of the crown and the high-priesthood, chiefly through the aid of his father's friends, whom Alexandra had placed in the several fortresses of the country to save them from the vengeance of the Pharisees. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 16, xiv. 1. ~ 2; Bell. Jud. i. 5, 6. ~ 1.) In B. c. 65 Judaea was invaded by Aretas, king of Arabia Petraea, with whom, at the instigation of Antipater the Idumaean, Hyrcanus had taken refuge. By him Aristobulus was defeated in a battle and besieged in Jerusalem' but Aretas was obliged to raise the siege by Scaurus and Gabinius, Pompey's lieutenants, whose intervention Aristobulus had purchased. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 2, 3. ~ 2; Bell. Jud. i. 6. ~~ 2, 3.) In B. c. 63, he pleaded his cause before Pompey at Damascus, but, finding him disposed to favour Hyrcanus, he returned to Judaea and prepared for war. On Pompey's approach, Aristobulus, who had fled to the fortress of Alexandreion, was persuaded to obey his summons and appear before him; and, being compelled to sign an order for the surrender of his garrisons, he withdrew in impotent discontent to Jerusalem. Pompey still advanced, and Aristobulus again met him and made submission; but, his friends in the city refusing to perform the terms, Pompey besieged and took Jerusalem, and carried away Aristobulus and his children as prisoners. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 3, 4; Bell. Jud. i. 6, 7; Plut. Pomp. cc. 39, 45; Strab. xvi. p. 762; Dion Cass. xxxvii. 15, 16.) Appian (Bell. Mith. c. 117) erroneously represents him as having been put to death immediately after Pompey's triumph. In B. c. 57, he escaped from his confinement at Rome with his son Antigonus, and, returning to Judaea, was joined by large numbers of his countrymen and renewed the war; but he was besieged and taken at Machaerus, the fortifications of which he was attempting to restore, and was sent back to Rome by Gabinius. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 6. ~ 1; Bell. Jud. 1. 8. ~ 6; Plut. Ant. c. 3; Dion Cass. xxxix. 56.) In B. c. 49, he was again released by Julius Caesar, who sent him into Judaea to forward his interests there; he was, however, poisoned on the way by some of Pompey's party. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 7. ~ 4; Bell. Jud. i. 9. ~ 1; Dion Cass. xli. 18.) 3. Grandson of No. 2, was the son of Alexander and brother of Herod's wife Mariamne. His mother, Alexandra, indignant at Herod's having conferred the high-priesthood on the obscure Ananelus, endeavoured to obtain that office for her son from Antony through the influence of Cleopatra. Herod, fearing the consequences of this application, and urged by Mariamne's entreaties, deposed Ananelus and made Aristobulus high-priest, the latter being only 17 years old at the time. The king, however, still suspecting Alexandra, and keeping a strict and annoying watch upon her movements, she renewed her complaints and designs against him with Cleopatra, and at length made an attempt to escape into Egypt with her son. Herod discovered this, and affected to pardon it; but soon after he caused Aristobulus to be treacherously drowned at Jericho, B. c. 35. (Joseph. Ant. xv. 2, 3; Bell. Jud. i. 22. ~ 2.) 4. One of the sons of Herod the Great by Mariamne, was sent with his brother Alexander to ARISTOBULUS. 301 Rome, and educated in the house of Pollio. (Joseph. Ant. xv. 10. ~ 1.) On their return to Judaea, the suspicions of Herod were excited against them by their brother Antipater [ANTIPATER], aided by Pheroras and their aunt Salome, though Berenice, the daughter of the latter, was married to Aristobulus; the young men themselves supplying their enemies with a handle against them by the indiscreet expression of their indignation at their mother's death. In B. c. 11, they were accused by Herod at Aquileia before Augustus, through whose mediation, however, he was reconciled to them. Three years after, Aristobulus was again involved with his brother in a charge of plotting against their father, but a second reconciliation was effected by Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, the father-in-law of Alexander. A third accusation, through the arts of Eurycles, the Lacedaemonian adventurer, proved fatal: by permission of Augustus, the two young men were arraigned by Herod before a council convened at Berytus (at which they were not even allowed to be present to defend themselves), and, being condemned, were soon after strangled at Sebaste, B. c. 6. (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 1-4, 8, 10, 11; Bell. Jud. i. 23-27; comp. Strab. xvi. p. 765.) 5. Surnamed "the Younger" (d VecdTepos, Joseph. Ant. xx. 1. ~ 2) was son of Aristobulus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 4; Bell. Jud. i. 28. ~ 1.) Himself and his two brothers,-Agrippa I., and Herod the future king of Chalcis,- were educated at Rome together with Claudius, who was afterwards emperor, and who appears to have always regarded Aristobulus with great favour. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 4, 6. ~ 1, xx. 1. ~ 2.) He lived at enmity with his brother Agrippa, and drove him from the protection of Flaccus, proconsul of Syria, by the charge of having been bribed by the Damascenes to support their cause with the proconsul against the Sidonians. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. ~ 3.) When Caligula sent Petronius to Jerusalem to. set up his statues in the temple, we find Aristobulus joining in the remonstrance against the measure. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 8; Bell. Jud. ii. 10; Tac.Hist. v. 9.) He died as he had lived, in a private station (Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 11. ~ 6), having, as appears from the letter of Claudius to the Jews in Josephus (Ant. xx. 1. ~ 2), survived his brother Agrippa, whose death took place in A. D. 44. He was married to lotapa, a princess of Emessa, by whom he left a daughter of the same name. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 11. ~ 6.) 6. Son of Herod king of Chalcis, grandson of the Aristobulus who was strangled at Sebaste, and great-grandson of Herod the Great. In A. D. 55, Nero made Aristobulus king of Armenia Minor, in order to secure that province from the Parthians, and in A. D. 61 added to his dominions some portion of the Greater Armenia which had been given to Tigranes. (Joseph. Ant. xx. 8. ~ 4; Tac. Ann. xiii. 7, xiv. 26.) Aristobulus appears also,(Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 7. ~ 1) to have obtained from the Romans his father's kingdom of Chalcis, which had been taken from his cousin Agrippa II., in. A. D. 52; and he is mentioned as joining Caesennius Paetus, proconsul of Syria, in the war against Antiochus, king of Commagene, in the 4th year of Vespasian, A. D. 73. (Joseph. 1. c.) He was married to Salome, daughter of the infamous Herodias, by whom he had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and
Page 302 302 ARISTOCLES. Aristobulus; of these nothing further is recorded. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 4.) [E. E.] ARISTOBU'LUS, a painter, to whom Pliny (xxxv. 40. ~ 42) gives the epithet SYRus, which Sillig understands of one of the Cyclades. [P. S.] ARISTOCLETA ('Api-Tor'cAeta), a priestess in Delphi, from whom Pythagoras said that he had received many of his precepts. (Porphyr. ~ 41. p. 41, ed. Kilster.) She is called Themistocleia in Diogenes Laertius (viii. 21), and Theocleia in Suidas. (s. v. IvOaa-yo'pas.) Pythagoras is said to have written a letter to her. See Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i. p. 881. ARISTOCLEIDAS ('Api-eroKXieasa), of Aegina, son of Aristophanes, won the victory in the Pancratium in the Nemean Games, but it is not known in what Olympiad. Dissen conjectures that it was gained before the battle of Salamis. The third Nemean Ode of Pindar is in his honour. ARISTOCLEIDES ('Apto-roichelfrs), a celebrated player on the cithara, who traced his descent from Terpander, lived in the time of the Persian war. He was the master of Phrynis of Mytilene. (Schol. ad. Aristoph. Nub. 958; Suidas, s. v. Apdis.) [PHRYnNIs.] ARISTOCLEITUS ('Apitoro'heTeos), as he is called by Plutarch (Lysand. c. 2), or Aristocritus ('Apra-TdicpiTos) or Aristocrates ('ApsIroecpcairs), as he is called by Pausanias (iii. 6. ~ 4, 8. ~~ 3, 5, vi. 3. ~ 6, &c.), the father of Lysander, the Spartan lawgiver. ARI'STOCLES ('AptoroicAXs). 1. Of Rhodes, a Greek grammarian and rhetorician, who was a contemporary of Strabo. (xiv. p. 655.) He is probably the writer of whom Ammonius (de Dif. Voc. under IructC&eos) mentions a work zrepi rwoJrTcrýTs. There are several other works: viz. irepl Stanicrov (Etymol. M. s. v. Kcua; comp. Cramer's Anecdot. i. p. 231, iii. p. 298), AaKwwvaY 7roATeiaa (Athen. iv. p. 140), and a work on the history of Italy, of which Plutarch (Paral. 1Minor. 25, 41) mentions the third book,-which are ascribed to Aristocles; but whether all or only some of them belong to Aristocles the Rhodian, is uncertain. (Compare Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. p. 267; Varr. de Ling. Lat. x. 10, 75, ed. Miiller; Dionys. Hal. Dinarch. 8.) 2. Of Pergamus, a sophist and rhetorician, who lived in the time of the emperors Trajan and Hadrian. He spent the early part of his life upon the study of the Peripatetic philosophy, and during this period he completely neglected his outward appearance. But afterwards he was seized by the desire of becoming a rhetorician, and went to Rome, where he enrolled himself among the pupils of Herodes Atticus. After his return to Pergamus, he made a complete change in his mode of life, and appears to have enjoyed a great reputation as a teacher of rhetoric. His declamations are praised for their perspicuity and for the purity of the Attic Greek; but they were wanting in passion and animation, and resembled philosophical discussions. Suidas ascribes to him a work on rhetoric (rEXyvpTroprKe'), letters, declamations, &c. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 3; Suidas, s. v. 'ApieroKcAijs; Eudoc. p. 66.) 3. Of Messene, a Peripatetic philosopher, whose age is uncertain, some placing him three centuries before and others two centuries after Christ. But if the statement is correct, that he was the teacher of Alexander Aphrodisias (Cyrill. c. Jul. ii. p. 61), he must have lived about the beginning of the third ARISTOCLES. century after Christ. According to Suidas (s. v.) and Eudocia (p. 71), he wrote several works: 1. Tloepov oirovaio'mrepos OuAIpos j ITA'rwv. 2. TeX'vat prTopicai. 3. A work on the god Serapis. 4. A work on Ethics, in ten books: and 5. A work on Philosophy, likewise in ten books. The last of these works appears to have been a history of philosophy, in which he treated of the philosophers, their schools, and doctrines. Several fragments of it are preserved in Eusebius. (Praep. Evang. xiv. 17-21, xv. 2, 14; Comp. Theodoret. Tiherap. Seorm. 8, and Suidas, who also mentions some other works of his.) 4. A Stoic philosopher, who wrote a commentary in four books on a work of Chrysippus. (Suid. s.v. 'ApT'roicAKjs.) 5. A musician, to whom Athenaeus (iv. p. 174) attributes a work IrepPi yoXVir. 6. The author of an epigram in the Greek Anthology. (Append. Epigr. n. 7, ed. Tauchnitz.) 7. The author of a work called IIapdcaoa, which consisted of several books. Jacobs (ad Ant/hol. Gr. xiii. p. 862) is of opinion, that he is the same as the Messenian. Some fragments of his are preserved in Stobaeus (Florileg. 64, 37) and the Scholiast on Pindar. (Olymp. vii. 66.) [L. S.] ARI'STOCLES ('APLoroic4K s), a physician, whose medicines are several times quoted by Andromachus. (Ap. Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, vi. 6, vol. xii. p. 936; ibid. viii. 7, vol. xiii. d, p. 205; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. vii. 7, vol. xiii. p. 977.) He is also mentioned in the first volume of Cramer's Anecdota Graeca Parisiensia, p. 395. Nothing is known of the events of his life, but he must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.] ARPSTOCLES ('AptoroiecAs), sculptors. From different passages in Pausanias we learn the following particulars:(1.) Aristocles of Cydonia was one of the most ancient sculptors; and though his age could not be clearly fixed, it was certain that he flourished before Zancle was called Messene (Paus. v. 25. ~ 6), that is, before 494 B. c. (2.) The starting-pillar of the Hippodrome at Olympia was made by Cleoetas, the same sculptor by whom there was a statue at Athens bearing this inscription: 'Os -r*v i7nrriseai 'OhAvriTra Eparo srpwros TeQS4 pse KAeoieas voids 'ApiTroicAeous. (vi. 20. ~ 7.) (3.) There was an Aristocles, the pupil and son of Cleoetas. (v. 24. ~ 1.) (4.) Aristocles of Sicyon was the brother of Canachus, and not much inferior to him in reputation. This Aristocles had a pupil, Synnobin, who was the father and teacher of Ptolichus of Aegina. (vi. 9. ~ 1.) We are also told, in an epigram by Antipater Sidonius (Greek Antihol. ii. p. 15, no. 35, Jacobs), that Aristocles made one of three statues of the Muses, the other two of which were made by Ageladas and Canachus. [AGELADAS.] (5.) Pantias of Chios, the disciple and son of Sostratus, was the seventh disciple reckoned in order from Aristocles of Sicyon (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 4), that is, according to a mode of reckoning which was common with the Greeks, counting both the first and the last of the series. From these passages we infer, that there were two sculptors of this name: Aristocles the elder, who is called both a Cydonian and a Sicyonian,
Page 303 ARISTOCRATES, probably because he was born at Cydonia and practised and taught his art in Sicyon; and Aristocles the younger, of Sicyon, who was the grandson of the former, son of Cleoetas, and brother of Canachus: and that these artists founded a school of sculpture at Sicyon, which secured an hereditary reputation, and of which we have the heads for seven generations, namely, Aristocles, Cleoetas, Aristocles and Canachus, Synnoon, Ptolichus, Sostratus, and Pantias. There is some difficulty in determining the age of these artists; but, supposing the date of Canachus to be fixed at about 540-508 B.. c[CANACHUs], we have the date of his brother, the younger Aristocles, and allowing 30 years to a generation, the elder Aristocles must have lived about 600 -568 B. c. Bhckh (Corp. Inscrip. i. p. 39) places him immediately before the period when Zancle was first called Messene, but there is nothing in the words of Pausanias to require such a restriction. By extending the calculation to the other artists mentioned above, we get the following table of dates: 1. Aristocles flourished 600 to 568 B. c. 2. Cleoetas, 570-538,, Aristocles 540-508. Canachus J " 540 -4. Synnoon, 510-478, 5. Ptolichus,, 480-448,, 6. Sostratus,, 450-418,, 7. Pantias,, 420-388, These dates are found to agree very well with all that we know of the artists. (See the respective articles.) Sillig (Catal. Art. s..) gives a table which does not materially differ from the above. He calculates the dates at 564, 536, 508, 480, 452, 424, and 396 B. c. respectively. In this computation it has been assumed that the elderl Canachus was the brother of the younger Aristocles, and that Pantias was the seventh in order from the elder Aristocles. Any other supposition would throw the whole matter into confusion. Pausanias mentions, as a work of the elder Aristocles, a group in bronze representing Hercules struggling for a girdle with an Amazon on horseback, which was dedicated at Olympia by Evagoras of Zancle (v. 25, ~ 6); and, as a work of the younger, a group in bronze of Zeus and Ganymede, dedicated at Olympia by Gnothis, a Thessalian. (v. 24. ~ 1.) The Muse by the latter, mentioned above (4), was in bronze, held a lyre (XeAuv), and was intended to represent the Muse of the diatonic genus of music. [P. S.] ARISTOCLI'DES, a painter mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40) as one of those who deserved to be ranked next to the masters in their art. His age and country are unknown. He painted the temple of Apollo at Delphi. [C. P. M.] ARISTO'CRATES ('Apto-roTcpdT1). 1. King of Orchomenus in Arcadia, son of Aechmis, was stoned to death by his people for violating the virgin-priestess of Artemis Hymnia. (Paus. viii. 5. ~ 8, 13. ~ 4.) 2. King of Orchomenus in Arcadia, son of Hicetas, and grandson of the preceding, was the leader of the Arcadians in the second Messenian war, when they espoused with other nations in the Peloponnesus the side of the Messenians. He was bribed by the Lacedaemonians, and was guilty of treachery at the battle of the Trench; and when tnis was discovered some years afterwards, he was ARISTOCYPRUS. 303 stoned to death by the Arcadians. His family was deprived of the sovereignty according to Pausanias, or completely destroyed according to Polybius; but the latter statement at all events cannot be correct, as we find that his son Aristodamus ruled over Orchomenus and a great part of Arcadia. The date of Aristocrates appears to have been about B. c. 680-640. (Strab. viii. p. 362; Paus. iv. 17. ~ 4, 22. ~ 2, &c., viii. 5. ~ 8; Polyb. iv. 33; Plut. de sera Num. Vind. c. 2; Miller, Aeginetica, p. 65, Dor. i. 7. ~ 11.) 3. The son of Scellias. See below. 4. A person against whom Demosthenes wrote an oration. He wrote it for Euthycles, who accused Aristocrates of proposing an illegal decree in relation to Charidemus. [CHARIDEMUS.] 5. General of the Rhodians, about B. c. 154, apparently in the war against the Cretans. (Polyb. xxxiii. 9, with Scweighiiuser's note.) 6. An historian, the son of Hipparchus, and a Spartan, wrote a work on Lacedaemonian affairs (Aaicwvacd), of which Athenaeus (iii. p. 82, e.) quotes the fourth book, and which is also referred to by Plutarch (Lycurg. 4, 31, Philop. 16), and other writers. (Steph. s. v. 'AGaCi"s; Schol. ad Soph. Track. 270.) ARISTO'CRATES ('Apio-rompda'rs), an Athenian of wealth and influence (Plat. Gorg. p. 472,a.), son of Scellias, attached himself to the oligarchical party, and was a member of the government of the Four Hundred, which, however, he was, together with Theramenes, a main instrument in overthrowing. (Thuc. viii. 89, 92; Lys. c. Erat. p. 126; Demosth. c. Theocr. p. 1343.) Aristophanes (Av. 126) refers to him with a punning allusion to his name and politics. In 407, when Alcibiades, on his return to Athens, was made commander-inchief, Aristocrates and Adeimantus were elected generals of the land forces under him. (Xen. Hell. i. 4. ~ 21; comp. Diod. xiii. 69; Nep. Ale. c. 7.) In the same year, Aristocrates was appointed one of the ten commanders who superseded Alcibiades, and he was among the six who were brought to trial and executed after the battle of Arginusae, B. c. 406. (Xen. Hell. i. 5. ~ 16, 6. ~ 29, 7. ~~ 2, 34; Diod. xiii. 74, 101.) [E. E.] ARISTO'CRATES ('ApirrocpdTrs?), a grammarian, whose remedy for the tooth-ache is preserved by Andromachus (ap. Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. v. 5, vol. xii. pp. 878, 879), and who must therefore have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ. He is also mentioned in the first volume of Cramer's Anecdota Gr-aeca Parisiensia, p. 395. [W. A. G.] ARISTO'CREON ('ApturoKpwV'), a son of the sister of Chrysippus, and a pupil of.the latter. (Diog. Ladrt. vii. 185; Plut. de Stoic. Repugn. p. 1033.) Whether this is the same Aristocreon, as the one who wrote a description of the world or at least of Egypt, is uncertain. (Plin. H. N. v. 9. s. 10, vi. 29. s. 35, 30. s.,35; Aelian, H. A. vii. 40.) ARISTO'CRITUS ('Apioroptiros). 1. Father of Lysander. [ARISTOCLEIT US.] 2. A Greek writer upon Miletus (Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. i. 186), who is quoted by Parthenius (c. 11), and Pliny. (H. N. v. 31. s. 37.) ARISTOCY'PRUS ('ApitrrKv7rpos), son of Philocyprus, whom Solon visited, the king of Soli in Cyprus, fell in the battle against the Persians, B. c. 498. (Herod. v. 113.)
Page 304 304 ARISTODEMUS. ARISTODE'ME ('ApLurro1Ui), a Sicyonian woman, who, according to a local tradition of Sicyon, became the mother of Aratus by Asclepius, in the form of a dragon (serpent). A painting of her and the dragon existed at Sicyon in the temple of Asclepius. (Paus. ii. 10. ~ 3, iv. 14. ~ 5.) A daughter of Priam of this name occurs in Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5. [L. S.] ARISTODE'MUS ('Apio-ro'aqos), a son of Aristomachus, and a descendant of Heracles, was married to Argeia, by whom he became the father of Eurysthenes and Procles. According to some traditions Aristodemus was killed at Naupactus by a flash of lightning, just as he was setting out on his expedition into Peloponnesus (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 2, &c.), or by an arrow of Apollo at Delphi because he had consulted Heracles about the return of the Heraclids instead of the Delphic oracle. (Paus. iii. 1. ~ 5.) According to this tradition, Eurysthenes and Procles were the first Heraclid kings of Lacedaemon; but a Lacedaemonian tradition stated, that Aristodemus himself came to Sparta, was the first king of his race, and died a natural death. (Herod, vi. 52; Xenoph. Agesil. 8. ~ 7.) Another Heraclid of this name, the grandfather of the former, is mentioned by Euripides. (Ap. Schol. ad Pind. Isth. iv. 104.) [L. S.] ARISTODE'MUS ('ApurOrdS-ito o), the Spartan, when the last battle at Thermopylae was expected, was lying with Eurytus sick at Alpeni; or as others related, they were together on an errand from the camp. Eurytus returned and fell among the Three Hundred. Aristodemus went home to Sparta. The Spartans made him agTros; "no man gave him light for his fire, no man spoke with him; he was called Aristodemus the coward" (6 Trpioas seems to have been the legal title; comp. Died. xix. 70). Stung with his treatment, next year at Plataea, B. c. 479, he fell in doing away his disgrace by the wildest feats of valour. The Spartans, however, though they removed his dril'ia, refused him a share in the honours they paid to his fellows, Poseidonius, Philocyon, and Amompharetus, though he had outdone them. (Herod. vii. 229 -231; see Valckn. and Biihr, ad loc.; ix. 71; Suidas, s. v. AvKcoipyos.) [A. H. C.] ARISTODEMUS ('Apio-ro'6 os), historical. 1. A Messenian, who appears as one of the chief heroes in the first Messenian war. In the sixth year of that war the Messenians sent to Delphi to consult the oracle, and the ambassador Tisis brought back the answer, that the preservation of the Messenian state demanded that a maiden of the house of the Aepytids should be sacrificed to the gods of the lower world. When the daughter of Lyciscus was drawn. by lot, the seer Epebolus declared that she was a supposititious child, and not a daughter of Lyciscus. Hereupon Lyciscus left his country and went over to the Lacedaemonians. As, however, the oracle had added, that if, for some reason, the maiden chosen by lot could not be sacrificed, another might be chosen in her stead, Aristodemus, a gallant warrior, who likewise belonged to the house of the Aepytids, came forward and offered to sacrifice his own daughter for the deliverance of his country. A young Messenian, however, who loved the maiden, opposed the intention of her father, and declared that he as her betrothed had more power over her than her father. When this reason was not listened to, his love for the maiden drove him to ARISTODEMUS. despair, and in order to save her life, he declared that she was with child by him. Aristodemus, enraged at this assertion, murdered his daughter and opened her body to refute the calumny. The seer Epebolus, who was present, now demanded the sacrifice of another maiden, as the daughter of Aristodemus had not been sacrificed to the gods, but murdered by her father. But king Euphaes persuaded the Messenians, who, in their indignation, wanted to kill the lover, who had been the cause of the death of Aristodemus' daughter, that the command of the oracle was fulfilled, and as he was supported by the Aepytids, the people accepted his counsel. (Paus. iv. 9. ~~ 2-6; Diodor. Fragm. Vat. p. 7, ed. Dindorf.; Euseb. Praep. Evang. v. 27.) When the news of the oracle and the manner of its fulfilment became known at Sparta, the Lacedaemonians were desponding, and for five years they abstained from attacking the Messenians, until at last some favourable signs in the sacrifices encouraged them to undertake a fresh campaign against Ithome. A battle was fought, in which king Euphaes lost his life, and as he left no heir to the throne, Aristodemus was elected king by the Messenians, notwithstanding the opposition of some, who declared him unworthy on account of the murder of his daughter. This happened about B. c. 729. Aristodemus shewed himself worthy of the confidence placed in him: he continued the war against the Lacedaemonians, and in B. c. 724 he gained a great victory over them. The Lacedaemonians now endeavoured to effect by fraud what they had been unable to accomplish in the field, and their success convinced Aristodemus that his country was devoted to destruction. In his despair he put an end to his life on the tomb of his daughter, and a short time after, B. c. 722, the Messenians were obliged to recognize the supremacy of the Lacedaemonians. (Paus. iv. 10-13.) 2. Tyrant of Cumae in Campania, a contemporary of Tarquinius Superbus. His history is related at great length by Dionysius. He was of a distinguished family, and surnamed MaXaicos,respecting the meaning of which the ancients themselves are not agreed. By his bravery and popular arts, he gained the favour of the people; and having caused many of the nobles to be put to death, or sent into exile, he made himself tyrant of Cumae, B. c. 502. He secured his usurped power by surrounding himself with a strong body-guard, by disarming the people, removing the male descendants of the exiled nobles from the town, and compelling them to perform servile labour in the country. In addition to this, the whole of the young generation of Cumae were educated in an effeminate and enervating manner. In this way he maintained himself for several years, until at last the exiled nobles and their sons, supported by Campanians and mercenaries, recovered the possession of Cumae, and took cruel vengeance on Aristodemus and his family. (Dionys. Hal. vii. p. 418, &c., ed. Sylb.; Died. Fragm. lib. vii. in the "Excerpt. de Virt. et Vit.;" Suidas, s. v. 'ApLr-o'1ipos.) According to Plutarch (de Virt. Mulier. p. 261), he assisted the Romans against the Etruscans, who endeavoured to restore the Tarquins. According to Livy (ii. 21), Tarquinius Superbus took refuge at the court of this tyrant, and died there. (Comp. Niebuhr, tist. of Rome, i. p. 553, &c.) 3. Surnamed the Small (d (jmcpos), a disciple of Socrates, who is reported to have had a conversa
Page 305 ARISTODEMUS. tion with him respecting sacrifices and divination, which Aristodemus despised. (Xen. iiMemor. Socr. i. 4. ~ 2, &c.) He was a great admirer of Socrates, whose society he sought as much as possible. He always walked barefoot, which he seems to have done in imitation of Socrates. (Plat. Sympos.p. 173, Phaed. p. 229.) 4. A tragic actor of Athens in the time of Philip of Macedonia and Demosthenes. He took a prominent part in the political affairs of his time, and belonged to the party who saw no safety except in peace with Macedonia. (Dem. de Coron. p. 232, de Fals. Leg. pp. 344, 371.) Demosthenes (c. Philip. iii. p. 150) therefore treats him as a traitor to his country. He was employed by the Athenians in their negotiations with Philip, who was fond of him on account of his great talent for acting, and made use of him for his own purposes. (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 442; comp. Cic. de Re Publ. iv. 11; Plut. Vit. X. Orat.; Schol. ad Lucian, vol. ii. p. 7.) There was a tragic actor of the same name at Syracuse in the time of the first Punic war. (Liv. xxiv. 24.) 5. Of Miletus, a friend and flatterer of Antigenus, king of Asia, who sent him, in B. c. 315, to Peloponnesus with 1000 talents, and ordered him to maintain friendly relations with Polysperchon and his son Alexander, to collect as large a body of mercenaries as possible, and to conduct the war against Cassander. On his arrival in Laconia, he obtained permission from the Spartans to engage mercenaries in their country, and thus raised in Peloponnesus an army of 8000 men. The friendship with Polysperchon and his son Alexander was confirmed, and the former was made governor of the peninsula. Ptolemy, who was allied with Cassander, sent a fleet against the general and the allies of Antigonus, and Cassander made considerable conquests in Peloponnesus. After his departure, Aristodemus and Alexander at first endeavoured in common to persuade the towns to expel the garrisons of Cassander, and recover their independence. But Alexander soon allowed himself to be made a traitor to the cause he had hitherto espoused, and was rewarded by Cassander with the chief command of his forces in the Peloponnesus. In B. c. 314, Aristodemus invited the Aetolians to support the cause of Antigonus; and having raised a great number of mercenaries among them, he attacked Alexander, who was besieging Cyllene, and compelled him to raise the siege. He then restored several other places, such as Patrae in Achaia and Dymae in Aetolia, to what was then called freedom. After this, B.c. 306, Aristodemus occurs once more in history. (Diod. xix. 57-66; Plut. Desmetr. 16, 17.) 6. Tyrant of Megalopolis in the reign of Antigonus Gonatas, and shortly before the formation of the Achaean league. He was a native of Phigalca and a son of Artyla. He was one of those tyrants who were set up at that time in various parts of Greece through Macedonian influence. Ile was honoured by the surname XRg-rda-rs. In his reign, Cleomenes of Sparta and his eldest son Acrotatus invaded the territory of Megalopolis. A battle was fought, in which Aristodemus defeated the enemy and Acrotatus was slain. (Paus. viii. 27. ~ 8.) Aristodemus was assassinated afterwards by the emissaries of Ecdemus and Demophanes, two patriotic citizens of Megalopolis, and friends of young Philopoemen. (Plut. Philop. 1.) ARISTODEMUS. 305 His sepulchral mound in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis was seen as late as the time of Pausanias. (viii. 36. ~ 3.) [L. S.] ARISTODE'MUS ('Aptsord'roos), literary. 1. Of Nysa in Caria, was a son of Menecrates, and a pupil of the celebrated grammarian, Aristarchus. (Schol. ad Pind. Nem. vii. 1; Strab. xiv. p. 650.) He himself was a celebrated grammarian, and Strabo in his youth was a pupil of Aristodemus at Nysa, who was then an old man. It is not improbable that the Aristodemus whom the Scholiast on Pindar (Isth. i. 11) calls an Alexandrian, is the same as the Nysaean, who must have resided for some time at Alexandria. 2. Of Nysa, a relation ('rcEiods) of the former, He was younger than the former, distinguished himself as a grammarian and rhetorician, and is mentioned among the instructors of Pompey the Great. During the earlier period of his life he taught rhetoric at Nysa and Rhodes; in his later years he resided at Rome and instructed the sons of Pompey in grammar. (Strab. xiv. p. 650.) One of these two grammarians wrote an historical work (lo-Togeia), the first book of which is quoted by Parthenius (Erot. 8), but whether it was the work of the elder or the younger Aristodemus, and what was the subject of it, cannot be decided. (Comp. Varr. de Ling. Lat. x. 75, ed. Muller; Schol. ad Homn. II. ix. 354, xiii. 1.) 3. Of Elis, a Greek writer, who is referred to by Harpocration (s. v. 'EAAavolicat) as an authority respecting the number of the Hellanodicae. He is probably the same as the one mentioned by Tertullian (de An. 46) and Eusebius. (Chron. i. p. 37; comp. Syncellus, p. 370, ed. Dindorf.) An Aristodemus is mentioned by Athenaeus (xi. p. 495) as the author of a commentary on Pindar, and is often referred to in the Scholia on Pindar, but whether he is the Elean or Nysaean, cannot be decided. 4. Of Thebes (Schol. ad Theocrit. vii. 103), wrote a work on his native city (e)oartcd), which is often referred to by ancient authors, and appears to have treated principally of the antiquities of Thebes. Suidas (s. v. dpoAcdrios Zevs, where the name 'Apitro(pdv7s has been justly corrected into 'ApiordaTopos) quotes the second book of this work. (Compare Schol. ad Emurip. Phoen. 162, 1120, 1126, 1163; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. ii. 906; Valckenaer, ad Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1120, p. 732.) There are many passages in ancient authors in which Aristodemus occurs as the name of a writer, but as no distinguishing epithet is added to the name in those passages, it is impossible to say whether in any case the Aristodemus is identical with any of those mentioned above, or distinct from them. Plutarch (Parallel. Min. 35) speaks of an Aristodemus as the author of a collection of fables, one of which he relates. A second, as the author of -yeXoka adrofIwm'movesujaaTa, is mentioned by Athenaeus (vi. p. 244, viii. pp. 338, 345, xiii. p. 585). A third occurs in Clemens Alexandrinus (Stroms. i. p. 133) as the author of a work 7regi evpipyad'rwv, and a fourth is mentioned as the epitomizer of a work of Herodian, which he dedicated to one Danaus. (Suidas, s. v. 'Apuar-sdThsos.) A Platonic philosopher of the same name is mentioned by Plutarch (adv. Colot. init.) as his contemporary. [L. S.] ARISTODE'MUS ('Aps-r'mrpOos), artists. x
Page 306 306 ARISTOGEITON. 1. A painter, the father and instructor of Nicomachus [NIcoMACHus], flourished probably in the early part of the fourth century B. c. (Plin. xxxv. 10. s. 36.) 2. A statuary, who lived after the time of Alexander the Great. Among other works of his Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19) mentions a statue of king Seleucus. To what country he belonged is uncertain. 3. A painter, a native of Caria, contemporary with Philostratus the elder, with whom he was connected by the ties of hospitality. He wrote a work giving an account of distinguished painters, of the cities in which painting had flourished most, and of the kings who had encouraged the art. (Philostr. Prooem. Icon. p.4, ed. Jacobs.) [C.P.M.] ARISTO'DICUS ('Apio-rdicos). 1. Of Cyme in Asia Minor, and son of -Heracleides. When his fellow-citizens were advised, by an oracle, to deliver up Pactyes to the Persians, Aristodicus dissuaded them from it, saying, that the oracle might be a fabrication, as Pactyes had come to them as a suppliant. He was accordingly sent himself to consult the oracle; but the answer of Apollo was the same as before; and when' Aristodicus, in order to avert the criminal act of surrendering a suppliant, endeavoured in a very ingenious way, to demonstrate to the god, that he was giving an unjust command, the god still persisted in it, and added, that it was intended to bring ruin upon Cyme. (Herod. i. 158, 159.) 2. The author of two epigrams in the Greek Anthology, in one of which he is called a Rhodian, but nothing further is known about him. (Brunck, Analect. p. 260, comp. p. 191; Anthol. Gr. vii. 189, 473.) [L. S.] ARISTOGEITON. [HARMODIUS.] ARISTOGEITON ('Aptsroyei'rwv), an Athenian orator and adversary of Demosthenes and Deinarchus. His father, Scydimus, died in prison, as he was a debtor of the state and unable to pay: his son, Aristogeiton, who inherited the debt, was likewise imprisoned for some time. He is called a demagogue and a sycophant, and his eloquence is described as of a coarse and vehement character. (Hermog. de Form. Orat. i. p. 296, and the Scholiast passim; Phot. Cod. p. 496; Plut. Phoc. 10; Quintil. xii. 10. ~ 22.) His impudence drew upon him the surname of " the dog." He was often accused by Demosthenes and others, and defended himself in a number of orations which are lost. Among the extant speeches of Demosthenes there are two against Aristogeiton, and among those of Deinarchus there is one. Suidas and Eudocia (p. 65) mention seven orations of Aristogeiton (comp. Phot. Cod. pp.491, 495; Tzetz. Chil.vi. 94, &c., 105, &c.; Harpocrat. s. vv. Airo~xhAei1s and Oepo-avSpos), and an eighth against Phryne is mentioned by Athenaeus. (xiii. p. 591.) Aristogeiton died in prison. (Plut. Apophth. Reg. p. 188, b.; compare Taylor, Praef ad Demosth. Orat. c. Aristog. in Schaefer's Apparat. Crit. iv. p. 297, &c.; and Aeschin. c. Timarch. p. 22; S. Thorlacius, Opuscul. ii. pp. 201-240.) [L. S.] ARISTOGEITON ('ApiUroyderh-w ), a statuary, a native of Thebes. In conjunction with Hypatodorus, he was the maker of some statues of the heroes of Argive and Theban tradition, which the Argives had made to commemorate a victory gained by themselves and the Athenians over the Lacedaemonians at Oenoe in Argolis, and dedicated in ARISTOLOCHUS. the temple of Apollo at Delphi. (Paus. x. 10. ~ 3.) The names of these two artists occur together likewise on the pedestal of a statue found at Delphi, which had been erected in honour of a citizen ot Orchomenus, who had been a victor probably in the Pythian games. (Bockh, Corp. Inscr. 25.) We learn from this inscription that they were both Thebans. Pliny says (xxxiv. 8. s. 19), that Hypatodorus lived about 01. 102. The above-mentioned inscription was doubtless earlier than 01. 104, when Orchomenos was destroyed by the Thebans. The battle mentioned by Pausanias was probably some skirmish in the war which followed the treaty between the Athenians and Argives, which was brought about by Alcibiades, B. c. 420. It appears therefore that Aristogeiton and Hypatodorus lived in the latter part of the fifth and the early part of the fourth centuries B. c. Bockh attempts to shew that Aristogeiton was the son of Hypatodorus, but his arguments are not very convincing. [C. P. M.] ARISTO'GENES ('Api'ro-yvi0Y ), was one of the ten commanders appointed to supersede Alciblades after the battle of Notium, B. c. 407. (Xen. Hell. i. 5. ~ 16; Diod. xiii. 74; Plut. Ale. c. 36.) He was one of the eight who conquered Callicratidas at Arginusae, B. c. 406; and Protomachus and himself, by not returning to Athens after the battle, escaped the fate of their six colleagues, though sentence of condemnation was passed against them in their absence. (Xen. Hell. i. 7. ~~ 1, 34; Diod. xiii. 101.) [E. E.] ARISTO'GENES ('Apiro-TyEvns), the name of two Greek physicians mentioned by Suidas, of whom one was a native of Thasos, and wrote several medical works, of which some of the titles are preserved. The other was a native of Cnidos, and was servant to Chrysippus, the philosopher, according to Suidas; or rather, as Galen says (de Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr. Rom. Deg. c. 2, de Cur. Rat. per Ven. Sect. c. 2, vol. xi. pp. 197, 252), he was a pupil of the physician of that name, and afterwards became physician to Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, B. c. 283-239. A physician of this name is quoted by Celsus, and Pliny. Hardouin (in his Index of authors quoted by Pliny) thinks that the two physicians mentioned by Suidas were in fact one and the same person, and that he was called " Cnidius" fromn the place of his birth, and " Thasius" from his residence; this, however, is quite uncertain. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 83, ed. vet.; Kuhn, Additam. ad Elenchum Medicor. Veter. a Jo. A. Fabricio, c. exhibitum, Lips. 1826, 4to., fascic. iii. p. 10.) [EW.A.G.] ARISTOLAUS, a painter, the son and scholar of Pausias. [PAUSIAs.] He flourished therefore about 01. 118, B. c. 308. Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40) mentions several of his works, and characterises his style as in the highest degree severe. [C. P. M.] ARISTO'LOCHUS ('AptCro';Aos), a tragic poet, who is not mentioned anywhere except in the collection of the Epistles formerly attributed to Phalaris (Epist. 18, ed. Lennep.), where the tyrant is made to speak of him with indignation for venturing to compete with him in writing tragedies. But with the genuineness of those epistles the existence of Aristolochus must fall to the ground, and Bentley (Phalaris, p. 260) has shewn, that if Aristolochus were a real personage, this tragic writer must have lived before tragedy was known. [L. S.]
Page 307 ARISTOMACHUS. ARISTO'MACHE ('Apur'roydXi). 1. The daughter of Hipparinus of Syracuse, and the sister of Dion, was married to the elder Dionysius on the same day that he married Doris of Locri. She bore him two sons and two daughters, with one of whom, namely Arete, she afterwards perished. (Plut. Dion, 3, 6; Diod. xiv. 44, xvi. 6; Aelian, V. H. xiii. 10, who erroneously calls her Aristaenete; Cic. Tuse. v. 20; Val. Max. ix. 13, ext. 4.) Respecting her death, see ARETE. 2. Of Erythrae, a poetess, who conquered at the Isthmian games, and dedicated in the treasury of Sicyon a golden book, that is, probably one written with golden letters. (Plut. Symp. v. 2. ~ 10.) ARISTO'MACHUS ('AparGdaXeos). 1. A son of Talaus and Lysimache, and brother of Adrastus. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 13.) He was the father of Hippomedon, one of the seven heroes against Thebes. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 3.) Hyginus (Fab. 70) makes Hippomedon a son of a sister of Adrastus. (Comp. Paus. x. 10. ~,2.) 2. A son of Cleodemus or Cleodaeus, and greatgrandson of Heracles, was the father of Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodemus. He marched into Peloponnesus at the time when Tisamenus, the son of Orestes, ruled over the Peninsula; but his expedition failed as he had misunderstood the oracle, and he fell in battle. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 2; Paus. ii. 7. ~ 6; Herod. vi. 52.) Another Aristomachus occurs in Paus. vi. 21. ~ 7. [L. S.] ARISTO'MACHUS('Apo-To'Y/ios). 1. Tyrant of Argos, in the reign and under the patronage of Antigonus Gonatas. He kept the citizens of Argos in a defenceless condition, but a conspiracy was formed against him, and arms were secretly introduced into the town by a contrivance of Aratus, who wished to gain Argos for the Achaean league. The plot was discovered, and the persons concerned in it took to flight. But Aristomachus was soon after assassinated by slaves, and was succeeded by Aristippus II. (Plut. Arat. 25.) 2. Succeeded Aristippus II. in the tyranny of Argos, apparently towards the end of the reign of Demetrius. (B. c. 240-230.) He seems to have been related to some of his predecessors in the tyranny of Argos. (Polyb. ii. 59.) After the death of Demetrius, B. c. 229, he resigned his power, as Lydiades had done before, and several others did now, for the influence of Macedonia in Peloponnesus had nearly ceased, and the Aetolians were allied with the Achaeans. Aristomachus had been persuaded to this step by Aratus, who gave him fifty talents that he might be able to pay off and dismiss his mercenaries. Argos now joined the Achaean league, and Aristomachus was chosen strategus of the Achaeans for the year B. c. 227. (Plut. Arat. 35; Polyb. ii. 44; Paus. ii. 8. ~ 5; Plut. Cleom. 4.) In this capacity he undertook the command in the war against Cleomenes of Sparta, but he seems to have been checked by the jealousy of Aratus, in consequence of which he afterwards deserted the cause of the Achaeans and went over to Cleomenes, who with his assistance took possession of Argos. Aristomachus now again assumed the tyranny at Argos. Aratus tried ini vain to recover that city for the Achaean league, and the consequence only was, that the tyrant ordered 80 distinguished Argives to be put to death, as they were suspected of being favourable towards the Achaeans. Not long afterwards, however, Argos was taken by Antigonus Doson, whose ARISTOMENES. 307 assistance Aratus had called in. Aristomachus fell into the hands of the Achaeans, who strangled him and threw him into the sea at Cenchreae. (Polyb. ii. 59, 60; Plut. Arat. 44; Schorn, GeschiJte Griechenl. p. 118, note 1.) 3. The leader of the popular party at Croton, in the Hannibalian war, about B. c. 215. At that time nearly all the towns of southern Italy were divided into two parties, the people being in favour of the Carthaginians, and the nobles or senators in favour of the Romans. The Bruttians, who were in alliance with the Carthaginians, had hoped to gain possession of Croton with their assistance. As this had not been done, they determined to make the conquest by themselves. A deserter from Croton informed them of the state of political parties there, and that Aristomachus was ready to surrender the town to them. The Bruttians marched with an army against Croton, and as the lower parts, which were inhabited by the people, were open and easy of access, they soon gained possession of them. Aristomachus, however, as if he had nothing to do with the Bruttians, withdrew to the arx, where the nobles were assembled and defended themselves. The Bruttians in conjunction with the people of Croton besieged the nobles in the arx, and when they found that they made no impression, they applied to Hanno the Carthaginian for assistance. He proposed to the Crotoniats to receive the Bruttians as colonists within the extensive but deserted walls of their city; but all the Crotoniats, with the exception of Aristomachus, declared that they would rather die than submit to this. As Aristomachus, who had betrayed the town, was unable to betray the arx also, he saw no way but to take to flight, and he accordingly went over to Hanno. The Crotoniats soon after quitted their town altogether and migrated to Locri. (Liv. xxiv. 2, 3.) 4. A Greek writer on agriculture or domestic economy, who is quoted several times by Pliny. (H. N. xiii. 47, xiv. 24, xix. 26. ~ 4.) [L. S.] ARISTO'MACHUS ('AptorwdaXos),a statuary, born on the banks of the Strymon, made statues of courtezans. His age is not known. (Anthol. Palat. vi. 268.) [C. P. M.] ARISTOME'DES ('ApcrroU6nFs), a statuary, a native of Thebes, and a contemporary of Pindar. In conjunction with his fellow-townsman Socrates, he made a statue of Cybele, which was dedicated by Pindar in the temple of that goddess, near Thebes. (Paus. ix. 25. ~ 3.) [C. P. M.] ARISTO'MEDON ('Apstro3wcvv), an Argive statuary, who lived shortly before the Persian wars, made some statues dedicated by the Phocians at Delphi, to commemorate their victory over the Thessalians. (Paus. x. 1. ~~ 3-10.) [C. P. M.] ARISTO'MENES ('Apio-ropt s), the Messenian, the hero of the second war with Sparta, has been connected by some writers with the first war (Myron. ap. Pans. iv. 6; Diod. Sic. xv. 66, Fragnm. x.), but in defiance apparently of all tradition. (Tyrt. ap. Paus. 1. c.; Muller, Dor. i. 7. ~ 9.) For the events of his life our main authority is Pausanias, and he appears to have principally followed Rhianus the Cretan, the author of a lost epic poem, of which Aristomenes was the hero. (Paus. iv 6.) The life of Aristomenes, therefore, belongs more to legend than to history, though the truth of its general outline may be depended on. (Paus. iv. 22; Polyb. iv. 33.)
Page 308 308 ARISTOMENES. ARISTOMENES. Thirty-nine* years had elapsed since the capture of Ithome and the end of the first Messenian war, when the spirit of Messenia, chafing under a degrading yoke (Polyb. iv. 32; Justin. iii. 5; Tyrt. ap. Paus. iv. 14), and eager for revolt, found a leader in Aristomenes of Andania, sprung from the royal line of Aepytus, and even referred by legendary tradition to a miraculous and superhuman origin. (Paus. iv. 14.) Having gained promises of assistance from Argos, Arcadia, Sicyon, Elis, and Pisa (Paus. iv. 15; Strab. viii. p. 362), the hero began the war, B. c. 685. The first battle at Derae, before the arrival of the allies on either side, was indecisive; but Aristomenes so distinguished himself there by his valour, that he was offered the throne, but refused it, and received the office of supreme commander. This was followed by a remarkable exploit. Entering Sparta by night, he affixed a shield to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House (XaArcioucos), with the inscription, "Dedicated by Aristomenes to the goddess from the Spartan spoils." The next year, he utterly defeated the enemy at the battle of the Boar's Pillar (icIrpov or-uIa), a place in the region of Stenyclerus, at which the allies on both sides were present, and the hosts were animated respectively by the exhortations of Tyrtaeus and the Messenian Hierophants. (Paus. iv. 16; Miller, Dor. i. 5. ~ 16, i. 7. ~ 9, note, ii. 10. ~ 3.) His next exploit was the attack and plunder of Pharae (Pharis, II. ii. 582); and it was only the warning voice of Helen and. the Twin Brothers, visiting him in a dream, that saved Sparta itself from his assault. But he surprised by an ambush the Laconian maidens who were celebrating at Caryae with dances the worship of Artemis, and carried them to Messenia, and himself protected them from the violence of his followers, and restored them, for ransom, uninjured. Next came, in the third year of the war, at which point the poem of Rhianus began, the battle of the Trench (pIs7dAsr vTippos), where, through the treachery of Aristocrates, the Arcadian leader, Aristomenes suffered his first defeat, and the Messenian army was cut almost to pieces. (Paus. iv. 17.) But the hero gathered the remnant to the mountain fortress of Eira, and there maintained the war for eleven years (Rhian. ap. Paus. iv. 17), and so ravaged the land of Laconia, that the Spartans decreed that the border should be left untilled. In one of his incursions, however, they met and overpowered him with superior numbers, and carrying him with fifty of his comrades to Sparta, cast them into the pit (Iccisas) where condemned criminals were thrown. The rest perished; not so Aristomenes, the favourite of the gods; for legends told how an eagle bore him up on its wings as he fell, and a fox guided himn on the third day from the cavern. The enemy could not believe that he had returned to Eira, till the destruction of an anny of Corinthians, who were coming to the Spartans' aid, convinced them that Aristomenes was indeed once more amongst them. And now it was that he offered for a second time to Zeus of Ithome the sacrifice for the slaughter of a hundred enemies (EKaTrouedvmia, comp, Plut. Rom. c. 25). The Ilyacinthian festival coming on at Sparta, a truce was made, and Aristomenes, wandering on the faith of it too far from Eira, was seized by some Cretan bowmen (mercenaries of Sparta) and placed in bonds, but again burst them, and slew his foes through the aid of a maiden who dwelt in the house where they lodged him, and whom he betrothed in gratitude to his son Gorgus. But the anger of the Twins was roused against him, for he was said to have counterfeited them, and polluted with blood a Spartan festival in their honour. (Thirlwall, Gr. Hist. vol. i. p. 364; Polyaen. xi. 31.) So the favour of heaven was turned from his country, and the hour of her fall came. A wild fig-tree, called in the Messenian dialect by the same name that also means a goat (rpd yos), which overhung the Neda, touched at length the water with its leaves, and Theoclus the seer privately warned Aristomenes that the Delphic oracle was accomplished, which after the battle of the Trench had thus declared (Paus. iv. 20): 'TEr 'rpdyos sri'yuoi Ne'Ss EAIippoo"v iowp, OVS eTL MsWe ''i vo v puop1EI, e80"so'8ev 'ydp bALpos. Sparta, therefore, was to triumph; but the future revival of Messenia had been declared in the prophecies of Lycus, son of Pandion (Paus. iv. 20, 26, x. 12) to depend on the preservation of a sacred tablet, whereon were described the forms of worship to Demeter and Persephone, said to have been brought of old by the priestly hero Caucon from Eleusis to Messenia. (Paus. iv. 26.) This holy treasure Aristomenes secretly buried in Ithome, and then returned to Eira prepared for the worst. Soon after, the Spartans surprised Eira by night, while Aristomenes was disabled by a wound, even as though it had been impossible for Messenia to fall while her hero watched; yet for three days and nights (though lie knew the will of the gods, and was fighting against hope) he maintained the struggle with his thinned and fainting band, and at length, forming the remnant into a hollow square, with the women and children in the midst, he demanded and obtained a free passage from the enemy. (Paus. iv. 20, 21.) Arriving safely and receiving a hospitable welcome in Arcadia, he formed a plan for surprising and assaulting Sparta, but was again betrayed by Aristocrates: him his countrymen stoned for his treachery, while Aristomenes, gentle as brave, wept for the traitor's fate. (Paus. iv. 22; Polyb. iv. 33; but see Mill. Dor. i. 7. ~ 11.) Yet he could not bear to relinquish the thought of war with Sparta, and he refused therefore to take the lead of the hand which, under his sons, went and settled at Rhegium. He obtained, however, no opportunity for vengeance; it was not in his life that retribution was to come; but while he was consulting the Delphic oracle, Damagetus, king of Ialysus in Rhodes, being there at the same time, was enjoined by the god " to marry the daughter of the best of the Greeks." Such a command, he thought, could have but one interpretation; so he took to wife the daughter of Aristomenes, who accompanied him to Rhodes, and there ended his days in peace. The Rhodians raised to him a splendid monument, and honoured him as a hero, and from him were descended the illustrious family of the Diagoridae. (Paus. iv. 24 Pind. 01. vii.; Mill. Dor. i. 7. ~ 11.) His bonei were said to have been brought back to Messenim (Paus. iv. 32); his name still lived in the hearti of his worshipping countrymen; and later legend. - ` -~ --- * This date is from Paus. iv. 15; but see Justin. iii. 5; Mlill. Dor. i. 7, 10, Append. ix., Hist. o/Gr. Lit. c. 10. ~ 5; Clint. Fast. i. p. 256.
Page 309 ARISTOMENES. ARISTON. 309 told, when Messenia had once more regained her his administration no less than previously by his place among the nations (B. c. 370), how at Leuc- faithfulness to Agathocles. Scopas and Dicaeartra the apparition of Aristomenes had been seen, chus, two powerful men, who ventured to oppose aiding the Theban host and scattering the bands of his government, were put to death by his comSparta. (Paus. iv. 32.) [E. E.] mand. Towards the young king, Aristomenes ARISTO'MENES ('Apie-roA6vrs). 1. A was a frank, open, and sincere councillor; but as comic poet of Athens. He belonged to the ancient the king grew up to manhood, he became less and Attic comedy, or more correctly to the second class less able to bear the sincerity of Aristomenes, of the poets constituting the old Attic comedy, who was at last condemned, to death, in B. c. 192. For the ancients seem to distinguish the comic poets (Polyb. xv. 31, xviii. 36, &c.; Diod. Excerpt. who flourished before the Peloponnesian war from lib. xxix., de Virt. et Vit. p. 573; Plut. de Discern. those who lived during that war, and Aristomenes Adulat. 32.) [L. S.] belonged to the latter. (Suidas, s. v. 'Ap,.uro- ARISTO'MENES, a painter, born at Thasos, psvjs; Eudocia, p. 65; Argum. ad Aristoph. is mentioned by Vitruvius (iii. Prooem. ~ 2), but Equit.) He was sometimes ridiculed by the sur- did not attain to any distinction. [C. P. M.] name Svpo7roids, whichmay have been derived from ARISTON ('Apo-rTwv), king of Sparta, 14th of the circumstance that either he himself or his father, the Eurypontids, son of Agesicles, contemporary of at one time, was an artizan, perhaps a carpenter. Anaxandrides, ascended the Spartan throne before As early as the year n. c. 425, he brought out a B. c. 560, and died somewhat before (Paus. iii. 7), or piece called hAo<opot, on the same occasion that at any rate not long after, 510. He thus reigned the Equites of Aristophanes and the Satyri of about 50 years, and was of high reputation, of Cratinus were performed; and if it is true that which the public prayer for a son for him, when another piece entitled Admetus was performed at the house of Procles had other representatives, is a the same time with the Plutus of Aristophanes, in testimony. Demaratus, hence named, was borne B. c. 389, the dramatic career of Aristomenes was him, after two barren marriages, by a third wife, very long. (Argum. ad Aristoph. Plut.) But we whom he obtained, it is said, by a fraud from her know of only a few comedies of Aristomenes; husband, his friend, Agetus. (Herod. i. 65, vi. 61 -Meineke conjectures that the Admetus was brought 66; Paus. iii. 7. ~ 7; Plut. Appophth. Lac.) [A. H. C.] out together with the first edition of Aristophanes' ARISTON ('Apio-'r), son of Pyrrhichus, a CoPlutus, an hypothesis based upon very weak rinthian, one of those apparently who made their grounds. Of the two plays mentioned no frag- way into Syracuse in the second year of the Siciments are extant; besides these we know the lian expedition, 414 B. c., is named once by Thutitles and possess a few fragments of three others, cydides, in his account of the sea-fight preceding "viz. 1. Boo0ei, which is sometimes attributed to the arrival of the second armament (413 B. c.), and Aristophanes, the names of Aristomenes and Aristo- styled the most skilful steersman on the side of the phanes being often confounded in the MSS. 2. Syracusans. He suggested to them the stratagem F-Tres, and 3. Aidvvaos doricqT-sc. There are also of retiring early, giving the men their meal on the three fragments of which it is uncertain whether shore, and then renewing the combat unexpectedly, they belong to any of the plays here mentioned, which in that battle gave them their first naval or to others, the titles of which are unknown. victory. (vii. 39; comp. Polyaen. v. 13.) Plu(Athen. i. p. 11; Pollux, vii. 167; Harpocrat. s. tarch (Nicias, 20, 25) and Diodorus (xiii. 10) asv. ferotikLOY. Comp. Meineke, Quaest. Seen. Spec. cribe to him further the invention or introduction at ii. p. 48, &c., Hist. Crit. Corn. Gr. p. 210, &c.) Syracuse of the important alterations in the build 2. An actor of the old Attic comedy, who lived of their galleys' bows, mentioned by Thucydides in the reign and was a freed-man of the emperor (vii. 34), and said by him to have been previously Hadrian, who used to call him'ATTI'rcoWrEig. He used by the Corinthians in the action off Erineus. was a native of Athens, and is also mentioned as Plutarch adds, that lie fell when the victory was just the author of a work rpos as lepoup-yias, the won, in the last and decisive sea-fight. [A. H. C.] third book of which is quoted by Athenaeus. (iii. ARISTON ('Apiorwv), historical. 1. Was p. 115.) le is perhaps the same as the one men- sent out by one of the Ptolemies of Egypt to extioned by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius. plore the western coast of Arabia, which derived (i. 164.) its name of Poseideion from an altar which Ariston 3. A Greek writer on agriculture, who is men- had erected there to Poseidon. (Diod. iii. 41.) tioned by Varro (de Re Rust. i. 1; Columella, i. 2. A strategus of the Aetolians in B.. c221, who, 1) among those whose native place was unknown. labouring under some bodily defect, left the com4. An Acarnanian, a friend and flatterer of-the mand of the troops to Scopas and Dorimachus, contemptible Agathocles, who for a time had the while he himself remained at home. Notwithgovernment of Egypt in the name of the young standing the declarations of the Achaeans to regard king Ptolemy V. (Euergetes.) During the admi- every one as an enemy who should trespass upon nistration of Agathocles Aristomenes was all-pow- the territories of Messenia or Achaia, the Aetolian srful, and when the insurrection against Agathocles commanders invaded Peloponnesus, and Ariston 3roke out in B. c. 205, Aristomenes was the only was stupid enough, in the face of this fact, to me among his friends who ventured to go and try assert that the Aetolians and Achaeans were at;o pacify the rebellious Macedonians. But this peace with each other. (Polyb. iv. 5, 9, 17.) ittempt was useless, and Aristomenes himself nar- 3. The leader of an insurrection at Cyrene in:owly escaped being murdered by the insurgents. B. c. 403, who obtained possession of the town and kfter Agathocles was put to death, Tlepolemus, put to death or expelled all the nobles. The latter vho had headed the insurrection, was appointed however afterwards became reconciled to the 'egent. But about B. c. 202, Aristomenes popular party, and the powers of the government;ontrived to get the regency and distinguish- were divided between the two parties, XDiod. xiv, fd himself now by the energy and wisdom of 34; comp. Paus. iv. 26. ~ 2.)
Page 310 310 ARISTON. 4. Of Megalopolis, who, at the outbreak of the war of the Romans against Perseus in B. c. 170, advised the Achaeans to join the Romans, and not to remain neutral between the two belligerent parties. In the year following, he was one of the Achaean ambassadors, who were sent to bring about a peace between Antiochus III. and Ptolemy Philopator. (Polyb. xxviii. 6, xxix. 10.) 5. A Rhodian, who was sent, in the spring of B. c. 170, with several others as ambassador to the Roman consul, Q. Marcius Philippns, in Macedonia, to renew the friendship with the Romans, and clear his countrymen from the charges which had been brought against them 1y some persons. (Polyb. xxviii. 14.) 6. Of Tyre, who appears to have been a friend cf Hannibal. When the latter was staying at the court of Antiochus and meditated a fresh war against the Romans, he despatched Ariston to Carthage to rouse his friends there. Hannibal, however, lest the messenger should be intercepted, gave him nothing in writing. On Ariston's arrival at Carthage, the enemies of Hannibal soon conjectured the object of his presence from his frequent interviews with the men of the-other party. The suspicions were at last loudly expressed, and Ariston was summoned to explain the objects of his visit. The explanations given were not very satisfactory, and the trial was deferred till the next day. But in the night Ariston embarked and fled, leaving behind a letter which he put up in a public place, and in which he declared that the communications he had brought were not for any private individual, but for the senate. Respecting the consequences of this stratagem, see Liv. xxxiv. 61, 62. Compare Appian, Syr. 8; Justin, xxxi. 4. [L. S.] ARISTON ('Apieco-r), literary. 1. A son of Sophocles by Theoris. (Suidas, s. v. 'IoC^pv.) He had a son of the name of Sophocles, who is said to have brought out, in B. c. 401, the Oedipus in Colonus of his grandfather Sophocles. (Argum. ad Soph. Oed. Col. p. 12, ed. Wunder.) Whether he is the same as the Ariston who is called a writer of tragedies (Diog. Laert. vii. 164), and one of whose tragedies was directed against Mnesthenus, cannot be said with any certainty, though Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. ii. p. 287) takes it for granted. 2. A friend of Aristotle, the philosopher, to iwlhomn he is said to have addressed some letters. (Diog. Lart. v. 27.) 3. A Peripatetic philosopher and a native of the island of Ceos, where his birthplace was the town of Julis, whence he is sometimes called Keios and sometimes 'lovAn-rOsj. He was a pupil of Lycon (Diog. Laert. v. 70, 74), who was the successor of Straton as the head of the Peripatetic school, about B. c. 270. After the death of Lycon, about B. c. 230, Ariston succeeded him in the management of the school. Ariston, who was, according to Cicero (de Fin. v. 5), a man of taste and elegance, was yet deficient in gravity and energy, which prevented his writings acquiring that popularity which they otherwise deserved, and may have been one of the causes of their neglect and loss to us. In his philosophical views, if we may judge from the scanty fragments still extant, he seems to have followed his master pretty closely. Diogenes Laertius (vii. 163), after enumerating the works of Ariston of Chios, says, that Panaetius and Sosicrates attributed all these works, except the ARISTON. letters, to the Peripatetic Ariston (of Ceos). IIHow far this opinion is correct, we cannot, of course, say; at any rate, however, one of those works, 'EpwurKcal 8aCTpigai, is repeatedly ascribed to the Cean by Athenaeus (x. p. 419, xiii. p. 563, xv. p. 674), who calls it 'Epwrrcda d6uoe. One work of the Cean not mentioned by Diogenes, was entitled Adecuw (Plut. de Aud. poet. 1), in gratitude to his master. There are also two epigrams in the Greek Anthology (vi. 303, and vii. 457), which are commonly attributed to Ariston of Ceos, though there is no evidence for it. (Compare J. G. Hubmann, Ariston von Keos, der Peripatetiker, in Jahn's Jahrb. fiir Philol. 3d supplementary vol. Leipz. 1835; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iii. p. 467, &c.; Jacobs, ad Anthol. xiii. p. 861.) 4. Of Alexandria, likewise a Peripatetic philosopher, was a contemporary of Strabo, and wrote a work on the Nile. (Diog. La;srt. vii. 164; Strab. xvii. p. 790.) Eudorus, a contemporary of his, wrote a book on the same subject, and the two works were so much alike, that the authors charged each other with plagiarism. Who was right is not said, though Strabo seems to be inclined to think that Eudorus was the guilty party. (Hubmann, 1. c. p. 104.) 5. Of Pella in Palestine, lived in the time of the emperor Hadrian or shortly after, as is inferred from his writing a work on the insurrection of the Jews, which broke out in the reign of this emperor. (Euseb. H. E. iv. 6; Niceph. Callist. Hist. Eccl. iii. 24.) He also wrote a work entitled idAehts Hra7riericov ical 'Iadovos, that is, a dialogue between Papiscus, a Jew, and Jason, a Jewish Christian, in which the former became convinced of the truth of the Christian religion. (Origen. c. Cels. iv. p. 199; Hieronym. LEpist. ad Galat. iii. 13.) It was translated at an early time into Latin by one Celsas, but, with the exception of a few fragments, it is now lost. The introduction written to it by the translator is still extant, and is printed in the Oxford edition of the " Opuscula" of Cyprian (p. 30) and elsewhere. (Hubmann, 1. c. p. 105.) 6. Of Alaea ('AAaE'se), a Greek rhetorician who wrote, according to Diogenes Laertius (vii. 164) scientific treatises on rhetoric. Another rhetorician of the same name, a native of Gerasa, is mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium. (s. v. I'paoa.) The name of Ariston occurs very frequently in ancient writers, and it has been calculated that about thirty persons of this name may be distinguished; but of most of them we know nothing but the namie. They have often been confounded with one another both by ancient and modern writers, particularly Ariston of Chios and Ariston of Ceos. (Sintenis, ad Plit. Themist. 3, and especially the treatise of Hubmann referred to above.) [L. S.] ARIS'TON ('Apiarwvi), son of Miltiades, born in the island of Chios, a Stoic and disciple of Zeno, flourished about B. c. 260, and was therefore contemporary with Epicurus, Aratus, Antigonus Gonatas, and with the first Punic war. Though h( professed himself a Stoic, yet he differed from Zenu in several points; and indeed Diogenes Laertius (vii 160, &c.) tells us, that he quitted the school of Zen( for that of Polemo the Platonist. Hie is said to havi displeased the former by his loquacity,-a qualit, which others prized so highly, that he acquired th. surname of Siren, as a master of persuasive ela quence. He was also called Phalantus, from hi
Page 311 ARISTON. baldness. He rejected all branches of philosophy but ethics, considering physiology as beyond man's powers, and logic as unsuited to them. Even with regard to ethics, Seneca (Ep. 89) complains, that he deprived them of all their practical side, a subject which he said belonged to the schoolmaster rather than to the philosopher. The sole object, therefore, of ethics was to shew wherein the supreme good consists, and this he made to be ciapopia, i. e. entire indifference to everything except virtue and vice. (Cic. Acad. ii. 42.) All external things therefore were in his view perfectly indifferent; so that he entirely rejected Zeno's distinction between the good and the preferable (rda Prporvyeva), i. e. whatever excites desire in the individual mind of any rational being, without being in itself desirable or good, and of which the pure Stoical doctrine permitted an account to be taken in the conduct of human life. (Cic. Fin. iv. 25.) But this notion of Trpor-qypva was so utterly rejected by Ariston, that he held it to be quite indifferent whether we are in perfect health, or afflicted by the severest sickness (Cic. Fin. ii. 13); whereas of virtue he declared his wish that even beasts could understand words which would excite them to it. (Plut. Maxime c. Princip. Philosopho esse diss. ~ 1.) It is, however, obvious that those who adopt this theory of the absolute indifference of everything but virtue and vice, in fact take away all materials for virtue to act upon, and confine it in a state of mere abstraction. This part of Ariston's system is purely cynical, and perhaps he wished to shew his admiration for that philosophy, by. opening his school at Athens in the Cynosarges, where Antisthenes had taught. [ANTISTHENES.] He also differed with Zeno as to the plurality of virtues, allowing of one only, which he called the health of the soul (dyEiav doW'4ae, Plut. Virt. 1Mor. 2). This appears to follow from the cynical parts of his system, for by taking away all the objects of virtue, he of course deprives it of variety; and so he based all morality on a well-ordered mind. Connected with this is his paradox, Sapiens non opinatlur-the philosopher is free from all opinions (since they would be liable to disturb his unruffled equanimity); and this doctrine seems to disclose a latent tendency to scepticism, which Cicero appears to have suspected, by often coupling him with Pyrrho. In conformity with this view, he despised Zeno's physical speculations, and doubted whether God is or is not a living Being. (Cic.Nat. Deor. i. 14.) But this apparently atheistic dogma perhaps only referred to the Stoical conception of God, as of a subtle fire dwelling in the sky and diffusing itself through the universe. [ZENo.] He may have meant merely to demonstrate his position, that physiology is above the human intellect, by shewing the impossibility of certainly attributing to this pantheistic essence, form, senses, or life. (Brucker, -ist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2, 9; Ritter, Geschichte der Phil. xi. 5, 1.) Ariston is the founder of a small school, opposed to that of Herillus, and of which Diogenes Laertius mentions Diphilus and Miltiades as members. We learn from Athenaeus (vii. p. 281), on the authority of Eratosthenes and Apollophanes, two of his pupils, that in his old age he abandoned himself to pleasure. He is said to have died of a coup de soleil. Diogenes (1. c.) gives a list of his works, but says, that all of them, except the Letters to Cleanthes, were attributed by Panaetius (B. C. 143) ARISTONICUS. 311 and Sosicrates (B. c. 200-128) to another Ariston, a Peripatetic of Ceos, with whom he is often confounded. Nevertheless, we find in Stobaeus (Serm. iv. 110, &c.) fragments of a work of his called dgtolwoara. [G. E. L. C.] ARISTON ('Apiatrrw), a physician, of whose life no particulars are known, but who probably lived in the fifth century B. c., as Galen mentions him (Comment. in Hippocr. "De Rat. Vict. in Morb. Acut." i. 17, vol. xv. p. 455) with three other physicians, who all (he says) lived in old times, some as contemporaries of Hippocrates, and the others before him. Galen also says that he was by some persons supposed to be the author of the work in the Hippocratic Collection entitled ITepl AiairT7s "Tyielvis, deSallbri VictusRalione. (1. c.;D Aliment. Facult. i. 1, vol. vi. p. 473; Comment. in Hippocr. "Aphor." vi. 1, vol. xviii. pt.i. p. 9.) A medical preparation by a person of the same name is quoted by Celsus (De lMedic. v. 18. p. 88) and Galen. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, ix. 4. vol. xiii. p. 281.) The Ariston of Chios, mentioned by Galen (De Hippocr. et Plat. Decret. v. 5, vii. 1, 2, vol. v. pp. 468, 589, 596), is a different person. [W. A. G.] ARISTON. 1. A celebrated silver-chaser and sculptor in bronze, born at Mytilene. His time isunknown. (Plin. xxxiii. 55, xxxiv. 19. ~ 25.) 2. A painter, the son and pupil of Aristeides of Thebes [AaISTEIDES], painted a satyr holding a goblet and crowned with a garland. Antorides and Euphranor were his disciples. (Plin. xxxv. 36. ~ 23.) [P. S.] ARISTON (Aplo--rwv) and TELESTAS (TeeoTa's), brothers, were the sculptors of a colossal statue of Zeus which the Cleitorians dedicated at Olympia from the spoils of many captured cities. The statue with its pedestal was about eighteen Greek feet high. It bore an inscription, which is given by Pausanias, but in a mutilated state. (Paus. v. 23. ~ 6.) [P. S.] ARISTONI'CUS ('Apicaro'Yucos). 1. A tyrant of Methymnae in Lesbos. In B. c. 332, when the navarchs of Alexander the Great had already taken possession of the harbour of Chios, Aristonicus arrived during the night with some privateer ships, and entered it under the belief that it was still in the hands of the Persians. He was taken prisoner and delivered up to the Methymnaeans, who put him to death in a cruel manner. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 2; Curtius, iv. 4.) 2. A natural son of Eumenes II. of Pergamus, who was succeeded by Attalus III. When the latter died in a-.c. 133, and made over his kingdom to the Romans, Aristonicus claimed his father's kingdom as his lawful inheritance. The towns, for fear of the Romans, refused to recognise him, but he compelled them by force of arms; and at last there seemed no doubt of his ultimate success. In B. c. 131, the consul P. Licinius Crassus, who received Asia as his province, marched against him; but he was more intent upon making booty than on combating his enemy, and in an ill-organized battle which was fought about the end of the year, his army was defeated, and he himself made prisoner by Aristonicus. In the year following, B. c. 130, the consul M. Perperna, who succeeded Crassus, acted with more energy, and in the very first engagement conquered Aristonicus and took him prisoner. After the death of Perperna, M.' Aquillius completed the conquest of the kingdom of Pergamus, n. c. 129. Aristonicus was carried
Page 312 312 ARISTONOUS. to Rome to adorn the triumph of Aquillius, and was then beheaded. (Justin, xxxvi. 4; Liv. Epit. 59; Vell. Pat. ii. 4; Flor. ii. 20; Oros. v. 10; Sall. Hist. 4; Appian, Mithrid. 12, 62, de Bell. Civ. i. 17; Val. Max. iii. 4. ~ 5; Diod. Fragm. lib. 34, p. 598; Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 33, Philip. xi. 8; Ascon. ad Cic. pro Scaur. p. 24, ed. Orelli.) 3. A eunuch of Ptolemy Epiphanes, who had been brought up with the king from his early youth. Polybius speaks of him in terms of high praise, as a man of a generous and warlike disposition, and skilled in political transactions. In B. c. 185, when the king had to fight against some discontented Egyptians, Aristonicus went to Greece and engaged a body of mercenaries there. (Polyb. xxiii. 16, 17.) 4. Of Alexandria, a contemporary of Strabo (i. p. 38), distinguished himself as a grammarian, and is mentioned as the author of several works, most of which related to the Homeric poems.1. On the wanderings of Menelaus (-repti rjs MesEAdov rAadvsy; Strab. 1. c.). 2. On the critical signs by which the Alexandrine critics used to mark the suspected or interpolated verses in the Homeric poems and in Hesiod's Theogony. (Hispi TrdV 0 Vi-EL"Wv rcv -rs il i ' 3Ios maU On8vooaEas,, Etym. M. s. vv. AvXvos, psrai and 07r; Suidas, s. v. 'Apitorovucos; Eudoc. p. 64; Schol. Venet. ad Horn. II. ix. 397.) 3. On irregular grammatical constructions in Homer, consisting of six books (devvs draK ov seodrowv sigXia; Suidas, 1. c.). These and some other works are now lost, with the exception of a few fragments preserved in the passages above referred to. (Villoison, Proleg. ad Homr. p. 18.) 5. Of Tarentum, the author of a mythological work which is often referred to. (Phot. Cod. 190; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 335; Caes. Germ. in Arat. Phaen. 327; Hygin. Po't. Astr. ii. 34.) He is perhaps the same as the one mentioned by Athenaeus (i. p. 20), but nothing is known about him. (Roulez, ad Ptolem. Hephaest. p. 148.) [L. S.] ARISTONIDAS, a statuary, one of whose productions is mentioned by Pliny (Hf. N. xxxiv. 14. s. 40) as extant at Thebes in his time. It was a statue of Athamas, in which bronze and iron had been mixed together, that the rust of the latter, showing through the brightness of the bronze, might have the appearance of a blush, and so might indicate the remorse of Athamas. [C. P. M.] ARISTONIDES, a painter of some distinction, mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40), was the father and instructor of Mnasitimus. [C. P. M.J ARISTO'NOUS ('Ap-roroos). 1. Of Gela in Syracuse, one of the founders of the colony of Agrigentum, B. c. 582. (Thuc. vi. 4.) 2. Of Pella, son of Peisaeus, one of the bodyguard of Alexander the Great, distinguished himself greatly on one occasion in India. On the death of Alexander, he was one of the first to propose that the supreme power should be entrusted to Perdiccas. He was subsequently the general of Olympias in the war with Cassander; and when she was taken prisoner in B. c. 316, he was put to death by order of Cassander. (Arrian, Anab. vi. 28, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 69, a. 14. ed. Bekker; Curt. ix. 5, x. 6; Diod. xix. 35, 50, 51.) ARISTO'NOUS ('AprTordvoos), a statuary, a native of Aegina, made a statue of Zeus, which was dedicated by the Metapontines at Olympia. (Pans. v. 22, ~ 5; Miiller, Aegin. p. 107.) [C. P. M.] ARISTOPHANES. ARISTO'NYMUS ('Apr-do-vvfqos), a comic poet and contemporary of Aristophanes and Ameipsias. (Anonym. in Vit. A ristoph.; Schol. ad Platon. p. 331, Bekker.) We know the titles of only two of his comedies, viz. Theseus (Athen. iii. p. 87), and "HAIos P/tLyv (Athen. vii. pp. 284, 287), of which only a few fragments are extant. Schweighauser and Fabricius place this poet in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, an error into which both were led by Suidas (s. v. 'Apio-rcduvjUo), who, if the reading is correct, evidently confounds the poet with some grammarian. If there had ever existed a grammarian of this name, and if he had written the works attributed to him by Suidas, he would assuredly have been mentioned by other writers also. This is not the case; and as we know that Aristophanes of Byzantium was the successor of Apollonius as chief librarian at Alexandria (which Suidas says of Aristonymus), Meineke conjectures with great probability, that the name of Aristophanes has dropped out in our text of Suidas. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 196, &c.) An Athenian, of the name of Aristonymus, who was a contemporary of Alexander the Great, but not a grammarian, is mentioned by Athenaeus. (x. p. 452, xii. p. 538.) There were also two writers of this name, but neither of them appears to have been a grammarian. (Plut. de Flum. p. 1165; Stobaeus, passim.) [L. S.] ARISTO'PHILUS ('Api-r6Pis\os), a druggist, of Plataea in Boeotia, who lived probably in the fourth century B. c. He is mentioned by Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. ix. 18. ~ 4) as possessing the knowledge of certain antaphrodisiac medicines, which he made use of either for the punishment or reformation of his slaves. [W. A. G.] ARISTO'PHANES ('Aptorrodxevs), the only writer of the old comedy of whom any entire works are left. His later extant plays approximate rather to the middle comedy, and in the Cocalus, his last production, he so nearly approached the new, that Philemon brought it out a second time with very little alteration. Aristophanes was the son of Philippus, as is stated by all the authorities for his life, and proved by the fact of his son also having that name, although a bust exists with the inscription 'Apitoropda'vjs,t.iuXrurdt8o, which is, however, now generally allowed to be spurious. He was an Athenian of the tribe Pandionis, and the Cydathenaean Demus, and is said to have been the pupil of Prodicus, though this is improbable, since he speaks of him rather with contempt. (Nab. 360, Av. 692, Tagenist. Fragm. xviii. Bekk.) We are told (Schol. ad Ran. 502), that he first engaged in the comic contests when he was o0iXobv Ltstpdstc1ros, and we know that the date of his first comedy was B. c. 427: we are therefore warranted in assigning about B. c. 444 as the date of his birth, and his death was probably riot later than B. c. 380. His three sons, Philippus, Araros, and Nicostratus, were all poets of the middle comedy. Of his private history we know nothing but that he was a lover of pleasure (Plat. Symp. particularly p. 223), and one who spent whole nights in drinking and witty conversation. Accusations (his anonymous biographer says, more than one) were brought against him by Cleon, with a view to deprive him of his civic rights (ev'iaes ypapca'), but without success, as indeed they were merely the fruit of revenge for his attacks on that demagogue. They
Page 313 ARISTOPHANES. have, however, given rise to a number of traditions of his being a Rhodian, an Egyptian, an Aeginetan, a native of Camirus or of Naucratis. The comedies of Aristophanes are of the highest historical interest, containing as they do an admirable series of caricatures on the leading men of the day, and a contemporary commentary on the evils existing at Athens. Indeed, the caricature is the only feature in modern social life which at all resembles them. Aristophanes was a bold and often a wise patriot. He had the strongest affection for Athens, and longed to see her restored to the state in which she was flourishing in the previous generation, and almost in his own childhood, before Pericles became the head of the government, and when the age of Miltiades and Aristeides had but just passed away. The first great evil of his own time against which he inveighs, is the Peloponnesian war, which he regards as the work of Pericles, and even attributes it (1ax, 606) to his fear of punishment for having connived at a robbery said to have been committed by Phidias on the statue of Athene in the Parthenon, and to the influence of Aspasia. (Ach. 500.) To this fatal war, among a host of evils, he ascribes the influence of vulgar demagogues like Cleon at Athens, of which also the example was set by the more refined demagogism of Pericles. - Another great object of his indignation was the recently adopted system of education which had been introduced by the Sophists, acting on the speculative and inquiring turn given to the Athenian mind by the Ionian and Eleatic philosophers, and the extraordinary intellectual development of the age following the Persian war. The new theories introduced by the Sophists threatened to overthrow the foundations of morality, by making persuasion and not truth the object of man in his intercourse with his fellows, and to substitute a universal scepticism for the religious creed of the people. The worst effects of such a system were seen in Alcibiades, who, caring for nothing but his own ambition, valuing eloquence only for its worldly advantages, and possessed of great talents which he utterly misapplied, combined all the elements which Aristophanes most disliked, heading the war party in politics, and protecting the sophistical school in philosophy and also in literature. Of this latter school-the literary and poetical Sophists- Euripides was the chief, whose works are full of that itercwpoooria which contrasts so offensively with the moral dignity of Aeschylus and Sophocles, and for which Aristophanes introduces him as soaring in the air to 'write his tragedies (Ach. 374), caricaturing thereby his own account of himself. (Ale. 971.) Another feature of the times was the excessive love for litigation at Athens, the consequent importance of the dicasts, and disgraceful abuse of their power; all of which enormities are made by Aristophanes objects of continual attack. But though he saw what were the evils of his time, he had not wisdom to find a remedy for them, except the hopeless and undesirable one of a movement backwards; and therefore, though we allow him to have been honest and bold, we must deny him the epithet of great. We subjoin a catalogue of the comedies of Aristophanes on which we possess information, and a short account of the most remarkable. Those marked ~ are extant. A. c. 427. Aairaress, Banquetters. Second prize. The play was produced under the name of Philo ARISTOPHANES. 313 nides, as Aristophanes was below the legal age for competing for a prize. Fifth year of the war. 426. Babylonians (&v c/rriE). 425. t Acharnians. (Lenaea.) Produced in the name of Callistratus. First prize. 424. + 'lnrEms, Knights or Horsemen. (Lenaea.) The first play produced in the name of Aristophanes himself. First prize; second Cratinus. 423. + Clouds (Ei dao-rs). First prize, Cratinus; second Ameipsias. 422. + Wasps. (Lenaea.) Second prize. rlp6.y (?) (iv doairei), according to the probable conjecture of Silvern. (Essay on the Trpa/s, translated by Mr. Hamilton.) Clouds (second edition), failed in obtaining a prize. But Ranke places this B. c. 411, and the whole subject is very uncertain. 419. t Peace (iv doreti). Second prize; Eupolis first. 414. Amphiaraus. (Lenaea.) Second prize. I Birds (iv or-ei), second prize; Ameipsias first; Phrynichus third. Second campaign in Sicily. rewpyol (?). Exhibited in the time of Nicias. (Plut. Nic. c. 8.) 411. + Lysistrata. t Thesmophoriazusae. During the Oligarchy. 408. + First Plutus. 405. ~ Frogs. (Lenaea.) First prize; Phrynicus second; Plato third. Death of Sophocles. 392. + Ecclesiazusae. Corinthian war. 388. Second edition of the Plutus. The last two comedies of Aristophanes were the Aeolosicon and Cocalus, produced about B. c. 387 (date of the peace of Antalcidas) by Araros, one of his sons. The first was a parody on the Aeolus of Euripides, the name being compounded of Aeolus and Sicon, a famous cook. (Rheinischies MUseum, 1828, p. 50.) The second was probably a similar parody of a poem on the death of Minos, said to have been killed by Cocalus, king of Sicily. Of the Aeolosicon there were two editions. In the ArareiT/s the object of Aristophanes was to censure generally the abandonment of those ancient manners and feelings which it was the labour of his life to restore. He attacked the modern schemes of education by introducing a father with two sons, one of whom had been educated according to the old system, the other in the sophistries of later days. The chorus consisted of a party who had been feasting in the temple of Hercules; and Bp. Thirlwall supposes, that as the play was written when the plague was at its height (Schol. ad Ran. 502), the poet recommended a return to the gymnastic exercises of which that god was the patron (comp. Eq. 1379), and to the old system of education, as the means most likely to prevent its continuance. In the Babylonians we are told, that he "' attacked the system of appointing to offices by lot." (Vit. Aristoph. Bekk. p. xiii.) The chorus consisted of barbarian slaves employed in a mill, which Ranke has conjectured was represented as belonging to the demagogue Eucrates (Eq. 129, &c.), who united the trade of a miller with that of a vender of tow. Cleon also must have been a main object of the poet's satire, and probably the public functionaries of the day in general, since an action was brought by Cleon against Callistratus, in whose nanme it was produced, accusing him of ridiculing the government in the presence of the allies. But the attack appears to have failed.
Page 314 314 ARISTOPIHANES. In the Acharnians, Aristophanes exhorts his countrymen to peace. An Athenian named Dicaeopolis makes a separate treaty with Sparta for himself and his family, and is exhibited in the full enjoyment of its blessings, whilst Lamachus, as the representative of the war party, is introduced in the want of commnon necessaries, and suffering from cold, and snow, and wounds. The Knights was directed against Cleon, whose power at this time was so great, that no one was bold enough to make a mask to represent his features; so that Aristophanes performed the character himself, with his face smeared with wine-lees. Cleon is the confidential steward of Demus, the impersonation of the Athenian people, who is represented as almost in his dotage, but at the same time cunning, suspicious, ungovernable, and tyrannical. His slaves, Nicias and 'Demosthenes, determine to rid themselves of the insolence of Cleon by raising up a rival in the person of a sausage-seller, by which the poet ridicules the mean occupation of the demagogues. This man completely triumphs over Cleon in his own arts of lying, stealing, fawning, and blustering. Having thus gained the day, he suddenly becomes a model of ancient Athenian excellence, and by boiling Demus in a magic cauldron, restores him to a condition worthy of the companionship of Aristeides and Miltiades. (Eq. 1322.) In the Clouds, Aristophanes attacks the sophistical principles at their source, and selects as their representative Socrates, whom he depicts in the most odious light. The selection of Socrates for this purpose is doubtless to be accounted for by the supposition, that Aristophanes observed the great philosopher from a distance only, while his own unphilosophical turn of mind prevented him from entering into Socrates' merits both as a teacher and a practiser of morality; and by the fact, that Socrates was an innovator, the friend of Euripides, the tutor of Alcibiades, and pupil of Archelaus; and that there was much in his appearance and habits in the highest degree ludicrous. The philosopher, who wore no under garments, and the same upper robe in winter and summer,-who generally went barefoot, and appears to have possessed one pair of dress-shoes which lasted him for life (Bdckh, Economy of Athens, i. p. 150), who used to stand for hours in a public place in a fit of abstraction-to say nothing of his snub nose, and extraordinary face and figure-could hardly expect to escape the license of the old comedy. The invariably speculative turn which he gave to the conversation, his bare acquiescence in the stories of Greek mythology, which Aristophanes would think it dangerous even to subject to inquiry (see Plat. Ph'aedrus, p. 299), had certainly produced an unfavourable opinion of Socrates in the minds of many, and explain his being set down by Aristophanes as an archsophist, and represented even as a thief. In the Clouds, he is described as corrupting a young man named Pheidippides, who is wasting his father's money by an insane passion for horses, and is sent to the subtlety-shop (qcpovunr'"rT77pto) of Socrates and Chaerephon to be still further set free from moral restraint, and particularly to acquire the needful accomplishment of cheating his creditors. In this spendthrift youth it is scarcely possible not to recognise Alcibiades, not only from his general character and connexion with the Sophists, but also from more particular ARISTOPHANES. traits, as allusions to his rpavia-to's, or inability to articulate certain letters (Nub. 1381; Plut. Ale. p. 192), and to his fancy for horse-breeding and driving. (Satyrus, ap. Athen. xii. p. 534.) Aristophas-les would be prevented from introducing hin by name either here or in the Birds, from fear of the violent measures which Alcibiades took against the comic poets. The instructions of Socrates teach Pheidippides not only to defraud his creditors, but also to beat his father, and disown the authority of the gods; and the play ends by the father's preparations to burn the philosopher and his whole establishment. The hint given towards the end, of the propriety of prosecuting him, was acted on twenty years afterwards, and Aristophanes was believed to have contributed to the death of Socrates, as the charges brought against him before the court of justice express the substance of those contained in the Clouds. (Plat. Apol. Soc. p. 18, &c.) The Clouds, though perhaps its author's masterpiece, met with a complete failure in the contest for prizes, probably owing to the intrigues of Alcibiades; nor was it more successful when altered for a second representation, if indeed the alterations were ever completed, which Silvern denies. The play, as we have it, contains the parbasis of the second edition. The Wasps is the pendant to the Knights. As in the one the poet had attacked the sovereign assembly, so here he aims his battery at the courts of justice, the other stronghold of party violence and the power of demagogues. This play furnished Racine with the idea of Les Plaideurs. The Peace is a return to the subject of the Acharnians, and points out forcibly the miseries of the Peloponnesian war, in order to stop which Trygaeus, the hero of the play, ascends to heaven on a dung-beetle's back, where he finds the god of war pounding the Greek states in a mortar. With the assistance of a large party of friends equally desirous to check thic proceeding, he succeeds in dragging up Peace herself from a well in which she is imprisoned, and finally marries one of her attendant nymphs. The play is full of humour, but neither it nor the Wasps is among the poet's greater works. Six years now elapse during which no plays are preserved to us. The object of the Ampdhiaraus and the Birds, which appeared after this interval, was to discourage the disastrous Sicilian expedition. The former was called after one of the seven chiefs against Thebes, remarkable for prophesying ill-luck to the expedition, and therein corresponding to Nicias. The object of the Birds has been a matter of much dispute; many persons, as for instance Schlegel, consider it a mere fanciful piece of buffoonery--a supposition hardly credible, when we remember that every one of the plays of Aristophanes has a distinct purpose connected with the history of the time. The question seems to have been set at rest by Siivern, whose theory, to say the least, is supported by the very strongest circumstantial evidence. The Birds-the Athenian people-are persuaded to build a city in the clouds by Peisthetaerus (a character combining traits of Alcibiades and Gorgias, nixed perhaps with some from other Sophists), and who is attended by a sort of Sancho Panza, one Euelpides, designed to represent the credulous young Athenians (eeAs-Trss, Thuc. vi. 24). The city, to be called NOExo/icoICnuyi a (Cloudcuckootown), is to occupy the whole horizon, and to cut off the gods from all connexion with
Page 315 ARISTOPHANES. mankind, and even from the power of receiving sacrifices, so as to force them ultimately to surrender at discretion to the birds. All this scheme, and the details which fill it up, coincide admirably with the Sicilian expedition, which was designed not only to take possession of Sicily, but afterwards to conquer Carthage and Libya, and so, from the supremacy of the Mediterranean, to acquire that of the Peloponnesus, and reduce the Spartans, the gods of the play. (Thuc. vi. 15, &c.; Plut. Nic. 12, A.c. 17.) The plan succeeds; the gods send ambassadors to demand terms, and finally Peisthetaerus espouses Basileia, the daughter of Zeus. In no play does Aristophanes more indulge in the exuberance of wit and fancy than in this; and though we believe Siivern's account to be in the main correct, yet we must not suppose that the poet limits himself to this object: he keeps only generally to his allegory, often touching on other points, and sometimes indulging in pure humour; so that the play is not unlike the scheme of Gulliver's Travels. The Lysistrata returns to the old subject of the Peloponnesian war, and here we find miseries described as existing which in the Acharnians and Peace had only been predicted. A treaty is finally represented as brought about in consequence of a civil war between the sexes. The Thesmophoriazusae is the first of the two great attacks on Euripides, and contains some inimitable parodies on his plays, especially the Andromeda, which had just appeared. It is almost wholly free from political allusions; the few which are found in it shew the attachment of the poet to the old democracy, and that, though a strong conservative, he was not an oligarchist. Both the Plutus and the Ecclesiazusae are designed to divert the prevailing mania for Dorian manners, the latter ridiculing the political theories of Plato, which were based on Spartan institutions. Between these two plays appeared the Frogs, in which Bacchus descends to Hades in search of a tragic poet,-those then alive being worthless,-and Aeschylus and Euripides contend for the prize of resuscitation. Euripides is at last dismissed by a parody on his own famous line 1 7yA&eo' dgxPdox', ] oe4 (ppPjv dvm'Voros (Hilpp. 608), and Aeschylus accompanies Bacchus to Earth, the tragic throne in Hades being given to Sophocles during his absence. Among the lost plays, the N aot and rFwp'yo were apparently on the subject of the much desired Peace, the former setting forth the evils which the islands and subject states, the latter those which the freemen of Attica, endured from the war. The Triphales seems to have been an attack on Alcibiades, in reference probably to his mutilation of the Hermes Busts(Silvern, On the Clouds, p. 85. transl.); and in the r7TpvUrda`s certain poets, pale, haggard votaries of the Sophists,Sannyrion as the representative of comedy, Melitus of tragedy, and Cinesias of the cyclic writers, visit their brethren in Hades. The Fppas appears from the analysis of its fragments by Silvern, to have been named from a chorus of old men, who are supposed to have cast off their old age as serpents do their skin, and therefore probably to have been a representation of vicious dotage similar to that in the Knights. From a fragment in Bekker's Anecdota (p. 430) it is probable that it was the 9th of the Aristophanic comedies. Suidas tells us, that Aristophanes was the author, in all, of 54 plays. We have hitherto ARISTOPHANES. 315 considered him only in his historical and political character, nor can his merits as a poet and humorist be understood without an actual study of his works. We have no means of comparing him with his rivals Eupolis and Cratinus (Hor. Sal. i. 4. 1), though he is said to have tempered their bitterness, and given to comedy additional grace, but to have been surpassed by Eupolis in the conduct of his plots. (Platonius, 7repi Stap. Xap. cited in Bekker's Arisioph.) Plato called the soul of Aristophanes a temple for the Graces, and has introduced him into his Symposium. His works contain snatches of lyric poetry which are quite noble, and some of his chorusses, particularly one in the Knights, in which the horses are represented as rowing triremes in an expedition against Corinth, are written with a spirit and humour unrivalled in Greek, and are not very dissimilar to English ballads. He was a complete master of the Attic dialect, and in his hands the perfection of that glorious instrument of thought is wonderfully shewn. No flights are too bold for the range of his fancy: animals of every kind are pressed into his service; frogs chaunt chorusses, a dog is tried for stealing a cheese, and an iambic verse is composed of the grunts of a pig. Words are invented of a length which must have made the speaker breathless,-the Ecclesiazusae closes with one of 170 letters. The gods are introduced in the most ludicrous positions, and it is certainly incomprehensible how a writer who represents them in such a light, could feel so great indignation against those who were suspected of a design to shake the popular faith in them. To say that his plays are defiled by coarseness and indecency, is only to state that they were comedies, and written by a Greek who was not superior to the universal feeling of his age. The first edition of Aristophanes was that of Aldus, Venice, 1498, which was published without the Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae. That of Bekker, 5 vols. 8vo., London, 1829, contains a text founded on the collation of two MSS. from Ravenna and Venice, unknown to former editors. It also has the valuable Scholia, a Latin version, and a large collection of notes. There are editions by Bothe, Kuster, and Dindorf: of the Acharnians, Knights, Wasps, Clouds, and Frogs, by Mitchell, with English notes (who has also translated the first three into English verse), and of the Birds and Plutus by Cookesley, also with English notes. There are many translations of single plays into English, and of all into German by Voss (Brunswick, 1821), and Droysen (Berlin, 1835-1838). Wieland also translated the Acharnians, Knights, Clouds, and Birds; and Welcker the Clouds and Frogs. [G. E. L. C.] ARISTO'PHANES ('Aptro-T0daVs). 1. Of Byzantium, a son of Apelles, and one of the most eminent Greek grammarians at Alexandria. He was a pupil of Zenodotus and Eratosthenes, and teacher of the celebrated Aristarchus. He lived about B. c. 264, in the reign of Ptolemy II. and Ptolemy III., and had the supreme management of the library at Alexandria. All the ancients agree in placing him among the most distinguished critics and grammarians. He founded a school of his own at Alexandria, and acquired great merits for what he did for the Greek language and literature. He and Aristarchus were the principal men who made out the canon of the classical writers of Greece, in the
Page 316 316 ARISTOPHANES. selection of whom they shewed, with a few exceptions, a correct taste and appreciation of what was really good. (Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr. p. xcv., &c.) Aristophanes was the first who introduced the use of accents in the Greek language. (J. Kreuser, Griech. Accentlelre, p. 167, &c.) The subjects with which he chiefly occupied himself were the criticism and interpretation of the ancient Greek poets, and more especially Homer, of whose works he made a new and critical edition (86dpOw(os). But he too, like his disciple Aristarchus, was not occupied with the criticism or the explanation of words and phrases only, but his attention was also directed towards the higher subjects of criticism: he discussed the aesthetical construction and the design of the Homeric poems. In the same spirit he studied and commented upon other Greek poets, such as Hesiod, Pindar, Alcaeus, Sophocles, Euripides, Anacreon, Aristophanes, and others. The philosophers Plato and Aristotle likewise engaged his attention, and of the former, as of several among the poets, he made new and critical editions. (Schol. ad Hesiod. Theog. 68; Diog. Laert. iii. 61; Thoem. Mag. Vita Pindari.) All we possess of his numerous and learned works consists of fragments scattered through the Scholia on the above-mentioned poets, some argumenta to the tragic poets and some plays of Aristophanes, and a part of his Aiests, which is printed in Boissonade's edition of Herodian's " Partitiones." (London, 1819, pp. 283-289.) His 'AhwrrmaT and 'T7rorgv~Ya ra, which are mentioned among his works, referred probably to the Homeric poems. Among his other works we may mention: 1. Notes upon the Ilivatces of Callimachus (Athen. ix. p. 408), and upon the poems of Anacreon. (Aelian, H. A. vii. 39, 47.) 2. An abridgement of Aristotle's work Ilepi scr-ews Zw'wv, which is perhaps the same as the work which is called 'Trroiu'saras els 'Api-roTeI'Ay. 3. A work on the Attic courtezans, consisting of several books. (Athen. xiii. pp. 567, 583.) 4. A number of grammatical works, such as 'ArTTKal AeSEIs, AacKwviKcal rsASaUsL and a work ITepi 'AvaXoyiasg, which was much used by M. Tarentius Varro. 5. Some works of an historical character, as 07s3aucda (perhaps the same as the OqfialSwv I'poe), and BoiwruKa', which are frequently mentioned by ancient writers. (Said. s. v. 'OcsoXAci'Tos Zv's; Apostol. Proverb. xiv. 40; Plut. de Ma!. Herod. 31, 33; Schol. ad Tiheocrit. vii. 103; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AvrrIcov3vAEis, &c.) Some modern writers have proposed in all these passages to substitute the name Aristodemus for Aristophanes, apparently for no other reason but because Aristodemus is known to have written works under the same titles. (Compare Villoison, Proleg. ad Homn. II. pp. xxiii. and xxix.'; F. A. Wolf, Proleyom. in Hom. p. ccxvi., &c.; Wellauer, in Ersch. und Gruber's Encyclop. v. p. 271, &c.) 2. Of Mallus in Cilicia, is mentioned as a writer on agriculture. (Varro, de Re Rust. i. 1.) 3. A Boeotian (Plut. de Malign. Herod. p. 874), of whom Suidas (s. vv. 'OoAuios, ne@iaiovs opovs; comp. Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AvriKcovvAs^s) mentions the second book of a work on Thebes (jYicasied). Another work bore the name of BoTwrccad, and the second book of it is quoted by Suidas. (s. v. Xsapwcvia.) 4. A Corinthian, a friend of Libanius, who addressed to him some letters and mentions him in others. (Liban. Epist. 76, 1186, 1228.) There is ARISTOP1HON. also an oration of Libanius in praise of Aristophanes. (Opera, vol. ii. p. 210; comp. Wolf, ad Liban. Epist. 76.) [L. S.] ARI'STOPHON ('Ap-rro'pwv). There are three Athenians who are called orators, and have frequently been confounded with one another (as by Casaubon, ad Thleoph'rast. Charact. 8, and Burmann, ad Quintil. v. 12. p. 452). Ruhnken (Hlist. Grit. Orat. Gr. p. xlv., &c.) first established the distinction between them. 1. A native of the demos of Azenia in Attica. (Aeschin. c. Tint. p. 159, c. Ctes. pp. 532, 583, ed. Reiske.) He lived about and after the end of the Peloponnesian war. In B. c. 412, Aristophon, Laespodius and Melesias were sent to Sparta as ambassadors by the oligarchical government of the Four Hundred. (Thuc. viii. 86.) In the archonship of Eucleides, B. c. 404, after Athens was delivered of the thirty tyrants, Aristophon proposed a law which, though beneficial to the republic, yet caused great uneasiness and troubles in many families at Athens; for it ordained, that no one should be regarded as a citizen of Athens whose mother was not a freeborn woman. (Caryst. ap. Athen. xiii. p. 577; Taylor, Vit. Lys. p. 149, ed. Reiske.) He also proposed various other laws, by which he acquired great popularity and the full confidence of the people (Dem. c. Eubul. p. 1308), and their great number may be inferred from his own statement (ap. Aeschin, c. ctos. p. 583), that he was accused 75 times of having made illegal proposals, but that he had always come off victorious. His influence with the people is, most manifest from his accusation of Iphicrates and Timotheus, two men to whom Athens was so much indebted. (B. c. 354.) He charged them with having accepted bribes from the Chians and Rhodians, and the people condemned Timotheus on the mere assertion of Aristophon. (C. Nepos, Timothi. 3; Aristot. Rhet. 11, 23; Deinarch. c. Demost/. p. 11, c. Philocl. p. 100.) After this event, but still in B. c. 354, the last time that we hear of himn in history, he came forward in the assembly to defend the law of Leptines against Demosthenes, and the latter, who often mentions him, treats the aged Aristophon with great respect, and reckons him among the most eloquent orators. (c. Lept. p. 501, &c.) He seems to have died soon after. None of his orations has come down to us. (Comp. Clinton, East. Hell. ad Ann. 354.) 2. A native of the demos of Colyttus, a great orator and politician, whose career is for the greater part contemporaneous with that of Demosthenes. It was this Aristophon whom Aeschines served as a clerk, and in whose service he was trained for his public career. [AESCHINES.] Clinton (F. H. ad ann. 340) has pointed out that he is not the same as the one whom Plutarch ( Vit. X. Orat. p. 844) mentions, but that there the Azenian must be understood. Ulpian (ad Demnosth. De Coron. p. 74, a.) confounds him with Aristophon the Azenian, as is clear from Aeschines (c. Ctesiph. p. 585). This orator is often mentioned by Demosthenes, though he gives him the distinguishing epithet of d KoAVTTevs only once (De Coron. p. 250, comp. pp. 248, 281; c. Ilid. p. 584; Schol. ad Demaosth. p. 201, a.), and he is always spoken of as a man of considerable influence and authority. As an orator he is ranked with Diopeithes and Chares, the most popular men of the time at Athens. There are some passages in Demosthenes (as c. Timocr. p.
Page 317 ARISTOTELES. 703, De Coron. Trier. p. 1230) where it is uncertain whether he is speaking of Aristophon the Azenian or the Colyttian. 3. Archon Eponymus of the year B. c. 330. (Diodor. xvii. 62; Plut. Demosth. 24.) Theophrastus (Charact. 8) calls this Aristophon an orator. That this man, who was archon in the same year in which Demosthenes delivered his oration on the crown, was not the same as the Colyttian, 's clear from that oration itself, in which (p. 281) the Colyttian is spoken of as deceased. Whether he was actually an orator, as Theophrastus states, is very doubtful, since it is not mentioned anywhere else, and it is a probable conjecture of Ruhnken's that the word p14Twp was inserted by some one who believed that either the Azenian or Colyttian was meant in that passage. (Clinton, F. H. ad ann. 330.) [L. S.] ARI'STOPHON ('ApGoroPCv), a comic poet respecting whose life or age nothing is known, but from the titles of whose comedies we must infer, that they belonged to the middle comedy. We know the titles of nine of his plays, viz. 1. HIAdTWV (Athen. xii. p. 552), 2.?iA5wviL?5s (Athen. xi. p. 472), 3. flvaeyopLaoros (Diog. Laert. viii. 38; Athen. vi. p. 238, iv. p. 161, xiii. p. 563), 4. Ba~aes (Stob. Sermn. 96. 19), 5. AifS/loi Uivpauvos (Pollux, ix. 70), 6. 'larpos (Athen. vi. p. 238; Stob. Sern. vi. 27), 7. KaAAwc-vil"s (Athen. xiii. p. 559), 8. IlapaKaTraOnl (Stob. Serm. 96. 21), and 9. eipfliOovs. (Athen. vii. p. 303.) We possess only a few fragments of these comedies, and two or three ethers of which it is uncertain to which plays they belonged. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 410, &c.) [L. S.] ARYSTOPHON ('Ap'mroeOC1,), a painter of some distinction, the son and pupil of Aglaophon, and the brother of Polygnotus. He was also probably the father of the younger Aglaophon, and born at Thasos. Some of his productions are mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 11. s. 40), and Plutarch (de audiend. Poet. 3). It is probably through a mistake that Plutarch (Alcib. 16) makes him the author of a picture representing Alcibiades in the arms of Nemea. [See AGLAOPHON.] [C. P. M.] ARISTO'TELES ('AptmmroTEAscS), was one of the thirty tyrants established at Athens in B. C. 404. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~ 2.) From an allusion in the speech of Theramenes before his condemnation (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~ 46), Aristoteles appears to have been also one of the Four Hundred, and to have taken an active part in the scheme of fortifying Eetionia and admitting the Spartans into the Peiraeeus, B. c. 411. (Thuc. viii. 90.) In B. c. 405 he was living in banishment, and is mentioned by Xenophon as being with Lysander during the siege of Athens. (Hell. ii. 2. ~ 18.) Plato introduces him as one of the persons in the "Parmenides," and as a very young man at the time of the dialogue. [E. E.] ARISTO'TELES ('Aptoro-E'As). I. BIOGRAPHY.-Aristotle was born at Stageira, a sea-port town of some little importance in the district of Chalcidice, in the first year of the 99th Olympiad. (B.c. 384.) His father, Nicomachus, an Asclepiad, was physician in ordinary to Amyntas II., king of Macedonia, and the author of several treatises on subjects connected with natural science. (Suidas, s. v. 'Apmo-oreAs.) His mother, Phaestis (or Phaestias), was descended from a Chalcidian family (Dionys. de Demosthi. et Arist. 5); and we find ARISTOTELES. 317 mention of his brother Arimnestus, and his sister Arimneste. (Diog. Laert. v. 15; Suid. 1. c.) Ilis father, who was a man of scientific culture, soon introduced his son at the court of the king of Macedonia in Pella, where at an early age he became acquainted with the son of Amyntas II., afterwards the celebrated Philip of Macedonia, who was only three years younger than Aristotle himself. The studies and occupation of his father account for the early inclination manifested by Aristotle for the investigation of nature, an inclination which is perceived throughout his whole life.* He lost his father before he had attained his seventeenth year (his mother appears to have died earlier), and he was entrusted to the guardianship of one Proxenus of Atarneus in Mysia, who, however, without doubt, was settled in Stageira. This friend of his father provided conscientiously for the education of the young orphan, and secured for himself a lasting remembrance in the heart of his grateful pupil. Afterwards, when his foster-parents died, leaving a son, Nicanor, Aristotle adopted him, and gave him his only daughter, Pythias, in marriage. (Ammon. p. 44, ed. Buhle.) After the completion of his seventeenth year, his ardent yearning after knowledge led him to Athens, the mother-city of Hellenic culture. (B. c. 367.) Various calumnious reports respecting Aristotle's youthful days, which the hatred and envy of the schools invented, and gossiping anecdote-mongers spread abroad (Athen. viii. p. 354; Aelian. V. H. v.9; Euseb. Praep. Evangel. xv. 2; comp. Appuleius, Apol. pp. 510, 511, ed. Oudendorp) to the effect that he squandered his hereditary property in a course of dissipation, and was compelled to seek a subsistence first as a soldier, then as a drug-seller ((pap/uaocobfqs), have been already amply refuted by the ancients themselves. (Comp. Aristocles, ap. Euseb. 1. c.) When Aristotle arrived at Athens, Plato had just set out upon his Sicilian journey, from which he did not return for three years. This intervening time was employed by Aristotle in preparing himself to be a worthy disciple of the great teacher. His hereditary fortune, which, according to all appearance, was considerable, not merely relieved him from anxiety about the means of subsistence, but enabled him also to support the expense which the purchase of books at that time rendered necessary. lie studied the works of the earlier as well as of the contemporary philosophers with indefatigable zeal, and at the same time sought for information and instruction in intercourse with such followers of Socrates and Plato as were living at Athens, among whom we may mention Heracleides Ponticus. So aspiring a mind could not long remain concealed from the observation of Plato, who soon distinguished him above all his other disciples. He named him, on account of his restless industry and his untiring investigations after truth and knowledge, the "intellect of his school" (vogs wTis aStarp:.is, Philopon. de Aeternit. MJlundi adv. Proclum, vi. 27, ed. Venet. 1535, fol.); his house, the house of the "reader" (dvayvC'-Tjs, Ammon. 1. c.; Caelius Rhodigin. xvii. 17), who needed a curb, " It is interesting to observe, that Aristotle is fond of noticing physicians and their operations in his explanatory comparisons. (Comp. e. g. PoliUic. iii.. 6.~ 8, 10. ~ 4, 11. ~~5,6, vii. 2. ~ 8, 12. ~ 1, ed. Stahr.)
Page 318 318 ARISTOTELES. whereas Xenocrates needed the spur. (Diog. Laert. iv. 6.) And while he recommended the latter "to sacrifice to the Graces," he appears rather to have warned Aristotle against the "too much." Aristotle lived at Athens for twenty years, till B. c. 347. (Apoll. ap. Diog. Laert. v. 9.) During the whole of this period the good understanding which subsisted between teacher and scholar continued. with some trifling exceptions, undisturbed. For the stories of the disrespect and ingratitude of the latter towards the former are nothing but calumnies invented by his enemies, of whom, according to the expression of Themistius (Orat. iv.), Aristotle had raised a whole host. (Ael. V.. iii. 19, iv. 9; Euseb. Praep. Ev. xv. 2; Diog. Laert. ii. 109, v. 2; Ammon. Vit. Arist. p. 45.) Nevertheless, we can easily believe, that between two men who were engaged in the same pursuits, and were at the same time in some respects of opposite characters, collisions might now and then occur, and that the youthful Aristotle, possessed as he was of "a vigorous and aspiring mind, and having possibly "a presentiment that he was called to be the founder of a new epoch in thought and knowledge, may have appeared to many to have sometimes entered the lists against his grey-headed teacher with too much impetuosity. But with all that, the position in which they stood to each other was, and continued to be, worthy of both. This is not only proved by the character of each, which we know from other sources, but is also confirmed by the truly amiable manner and affectionate reverence with which Aristotle conducts his controversies with his teacher. In particular, we may notice a passage in the Nicomachean Ethics (i. 6), with which others (as Ethic. Nic. ix. 7, Polit. ii. 3. ~ 3) may be compared. According to a notice by Olympiodorus (in his commentary on Plato's Gorgias), Aristotle even wrote a biographical Xdyos FyKcwfuaroKo'6s on his teacher. (See Cousin, Jozirn. d. Savans, Dec. 1832, p. 744.) During the last ten years of his first residence at Athens, Aristotle himself had already assembled around him a circle of scholars, among whom we may notice his friend iIermias, the dynast of the cities ofAtarneus and Assos in Mysia. (Strabo, xiii. p. 614.) The subjects of his lectures were not so much of a philosophical * as of a rhetorical and perhaps also of a political kind. (Quintil. xi. 2. ~ 25.) At least it is proved that Aristotle entered the lists of controversy against Isocrates, at that time the most distinguished teacher of rhetoric. Indeed, he appears to have opposed most decidedly all the earlier and contemporary theories of rhetoric. (Arist. Riet. i. 1, 2.) His opposition to Isocrates, however, led to most important consequences, as it accounts for the bitter hatred which was afterwards manifested towards Aristotle and his school by all the followers of Isocrates. It was the conflict of profound philosophical investigation with the superficiality of stylistic and rhetorical accomplishment; of systematic observation with shallow empiricism and prosaic insipidity; of which Isocrates might be looked upon as the principal representative, since he not only despised poetry, but held physics and "* On the other hand, Augustin (de Civit. Dei, viii. 12) says, " Quum Aristoteles, vir excellentis ingenii, sectam Peripateticam condidisset, et plurimos discipulos, praeclara fama excellens, vivo adhzc praeceptore in suam haeresin congregasset." ARISTOTELES. mathematics to be illiberal studies, cared not to know anything about philosophy, and looked upon the accomplished man of the world and the clever rhetorician as the true philosophers. On this occasion Aristotle published his first rhetorical writings. That during this time he continued to maintain his connexion with the Macedonian court, is intimated by his going on an embassy to Philip of Macedonia on some business of the Athenians. (Diog. Lairt. v. 2.) Moreover, we have still the letter in which his royal friend announces to him the birth of his son Alexander. (B. c. 356; Gell. ix. 3; Dion Chrysost. Orat. xix.) After the death of Plato, which occurred during the above-mentioned embassy of Aristotle (B. c. 347), the latter left Athens, though we do not exactly know for what reason. Perhaps he was offended by Plato's having appointed Speusippus as his successor in the Academy. (Diog. Laert. v. 2, iv. 1.) At the same time, it is more probable that, after the notions of the ancient philosophers, he esteemed travels in foreign parts as a necessary completion of his education. Since the death of Plato, there had been no longer any ties to detain him at Athens. Besides, the political horizon there had assumed a very different aspect. The undertakings of Philip against Olynthus and most of the Greek cities of Chalcidice filled the Athenians with hatred and anxiety. The native city of Aristotle met with the fate of many others, and was destroyed by Philip at the very time that Aristotle received an invitation from his former pupil, Hermias, who from being the confidential friend of a Bithynian dynast, Eubulus (comp. Pollux, ix. 6; Arist. Polit. ii. 4. ~~ 9, 10), had, as already stated, raised himself to be the ruler of the cities of Atarneus and Assos. On his journey thither he was accompanied by his friend Xenocrates, the disciple of Plato. Hermias, like his predecessor Eubulus, had taken part in the attempts made at that time by the Greeks in Asia to free themselves from the Persian dominion. Perhaps, therefore, the journey of Aristotle had even a political object, as it appears not unlikely that Hermias wished to avail himself not merely of his counsel, but of his good offices with Philip, in order to further his plans. A few years, however, after the arrival of Aristotle, Hermias, through the treachery of Mentor, a Grecian general in the Persian service, fell into the hands of the Persians, and, like his predecessor, lost his life. Aristotle himself escaped to Mytilene, whither his wife, Pythias, the adoptive daughter of the assassinated prince, accompanied him. A poem on his unfortunate friend, which is still preserved, testifies the warm affection which he had felt for him. He afterwards caused a statue to be erected to his memory at Delphi. (Diog. Lairt. v. 6, 7.) He transferred to his adoptive daughter, Pythias, the almost enthusiastic attachment which he had entertained for his friend; and long after her death he directed in his will that her ashes should be placed beside his own. (Diog. v. 16.)* Two years after his flight from Atarneus '(n. c. " Respecting the mode of writing the name Hermias, see Stahr, Aristotelia, i. p. 75, where it must be added, that according to the testimony of Choeroboscus in the Etym. Magn. p. 376, Sylb, who appeals to Aristotle himself, 'Epicas and not 'Eppeias must be written.
Page 319 ARISTOTELES. 342) we find the philosopher accepting an invitation from Philip of Macedonia., who summoned him to his court to undertake the instruction and education of his son Alexander, then thirteen years of age. (Plut. Alex. 5; Quintil. i. 1.) Here Aristotle was treated with the most marked respect. His native city, Stageira, was rebuilt at his request,* and Philip caused a gymnasium (called Nymphaeum) to be built there in a pleasant grove expressly for Aristotle and his pupils. In the time of Plutarch, the shady walks (nepinraot) and stone seats of Aristotle were still shewn to the traveller. (Plut. 1. c. 5.) Here, in quiet retirement from the intrigues of the court at Pella, the future conqueror of the world ripened into manhood. Plutarch informs us that several other noble youths enjoyed the instruction of Aristotle with him. (Apophth. Reg. vol. v. p. 683, ed. Reiske.) Among this number we may mention Cassander, the son of Antipater (Plut. Alex. 74), Marsyas of Pella (brother of Antigonus, afterwards king), who subsequently wrote a work on the education of Alexander; Callisthenes, a relation of Aristotle, and afterwards the historian of Alexander, and Theophrastus of Eresus (in Lesbos). Nearchus, Ptolemy, and Harpalus also, the three most intimate friends of Alexander's youth, were probably his fellow pupils. (Plut. Alex. 10.) Alexander attached himself with such ardent affection to the philosopher, that the youth, whom no one yet had been able to manage, soon valued his instructor above his own father. Aristotle spent seven years in Macedonia; but Alexander enjoyed his instruction without interruption for only four. But with such a pupil even this short period was sufficient for a teacher like Aristotle to fulfil the highest purposes of education, to aid the development of his pupil's faculties in every direction, to awaken susceptibility and lively inclination for every art and science, and to create in him that sense of the noble and great, which distinguishes Alexander from all those conquerors who have only swept like a hurricane through the world. According to the usual mode of Grecian education, a knowledge of the poets, eloquence, and philosophy, were the principal subiects into which Aristotle initiated his royal pupil. Thus we are even informed that he prepared a new recension of the Iliad for him (7 E'K vorog Uvpp;acos,Wolf, Proleg. p. clxxxi.), that he instructed him in ethics and politics (Plut. Alex. 7), and disclosed to him the abstrusities of his own speculations, of the publication of which by his writings Alexander afterwards complained. (Gell. xx. 5.) Alexander's love of the science of medicine and every branch of physics, as well as the lively interest which he took in literature and philosophy generally (Plut. Alex. 8), were awakened and fostered by this instruction. Nor can the views communicated by Aristotle to his pupil on politics have failed to exercise the most important influence on his subsequent plans; although the aim of Alexander, to unite all the nations under his sway into one kingdom, without due regard to their individual peculiarities (Plut. de Virt. Alex. i. 6, vol. ix. pp. 381, 42, ed. Hutten), was not (as Joh. v. Mliller maintains) founded on the advice of Aristotle, but, on the contrary, was opposed to the views of the philosopher, as Plutarch (1. c. p. 88) expressly re ARISTOTELES. 319 marks, and as a closer consideration of the politics of Aristotle is of itself sufficient to prove. (Comp. Polit. iii. 9, vii. 6, i. 1.) On the other hand, this connexion had likewise important consequences as regards Aristotle himself. Living in what was then the centre and source of political activity, his survey of the relations of life and of states, as well as his knowledge of men, was extended. The position in which he stood to Alexander occasioned and favoured several studies and literary works. In his extended researches into natural science, and particularly in his zoological investigations, lie received not only from Philip, but in still larger measure from Alexander, the most liberal support, a support which stands unrivalled in the history of civilisation. (Aelian, V. H. v. 19; Athen. ix. p. 398, e.; Plin. H. N. viii. 17.) In the year B. c. 340, Alexander, then scarcely seventeen years of age, was appointed regent by his father, who was about to make an expedition against Byzantium. From that time Aristotle's instruction of the young prince was chiefly restricted to advice and suggestion, which may very possibly have been carried on by means of epistolary correspondence. In the year B. c. 335, soon after Alexander ascended the throne, Aristotle quitted Macedonia for ever, and returned to Athens", after an absence of twelve years, whither, as it appears, he had already been invited. Here he found his friend Xenocrates president of the Academy. He himself had the Lyceum, a gymnasium in the neighbourhood of the temple of Apollo Lykeios, assigned to him by the state. He soon assembled round him a large number of distinguished scholars out of all the Hellenic cities of Europe and Asia, to whom, in the shady walks (repiranroi) which surrounded the Lyceum, while walking up and down, he delivered lectures on philosophy. From one or other of these circumstances the name Peripatetic is derived, which was afterwards given to his school. It appears, however, most correct to derive the name (with Jonsius, Dissert. de Hist. Perip. i. 1, pp. 419-425, ed. Elswich) from the place where Aristotle taught, which was called at Athens par excellence, 6 'repitraosr, as is proved also by the wills of Theophrastus and Lycon. His lectures, which, according to an old account preserved by Gellius (xx. 5), he delivered in the morning (EwO'vds crepipraeos) to a narrower circle of chosen and confidential (esoteric) hearers, and which were called acroamatic or acroatic, embraced subjects connected with the more abstruse philosophy (theology), physics, and dialectics. Those which he delivered in the afternoon (eIALvwds neptwareos) and intended for a more promiscuous circle (which accordingly he called exoteric), extended to rhetoric, sophistics, and politics. Such a separation of his more intimate disciples and more profound lectures, from the main body of his other hearers and the popular discourses intended for them, is also found among other Greek philosophers. (Plat. Theaet. p. 152, c., Phaedon, p. 62, b.) As regards the external form of delivery, he appears to have taught not so much in the way of conversation, as in regular lectures. Some notices have * The story that Aristotle accompanied Alex ander on his expeditions, which we meet with in * According to Diogenes Laertius (v. 4), Aris- later writers, as e.g. in David ad Categ. i. p. 24, totle drew up a new code of laws for the city. a., 33, ed. Brand., is fabulous.
Page 320 320 ARISTOTELES. ARISTOTELES. been preserved to us of certain external regulations founded. Alexander, according to all historical of his school, e. g., that, after the example of testimony, died a natural death, and no writer Xenocrates, he created an archon every ten days mentions the name of Aristotle in connexion with among his scholars, and laid down certain laws of the rumour of the poisoning except Pliny. (H. N. good breeding for their social meetings (vJo0oL xxx. 53.) Nay, even the passage of Pliny has to-voroT-rKoL, Diog. Laert. ii. 130; Athen. v. p. 186, been wrongly understood by the biographers of a. e.). Neither of the two schools of philoso- Aristotle (by Stahr as well, i. p. 139); for, far phy which flourished at the same time in Athens from regarding Aristotle as guilty of such a crime, approached, in extent and celebrity, that of Aris- the Roman naturalist, who everywhere shews that totle, from which proceeded a large number of dis- he cherished the deepest respect for Aristotle, says, tinguished philosophers, historians, statesmen, and on the contrary, just the reverse,-that the rumour orators. We mention here, beside Callisthenes of had been " magna cum infamia Aristotelis excoOlynthus, who has been already spoken of, only gitatum." the names of Theophrastus, and his countryman The movements which commenced in Greece Phanias, of Eresus, the former of whom suc- against Macedonia after Alexander's death, B. c. ceeded Aristotle in the Lyceum as president of the 323, endangered also the peace and security of school; Aristoxenus the Tarentine, surnamed Aristotle, who was regarded as a friend of Macetovuocos; the brothers Eudemus and Pasicrates of donia. To bring a political accusation against him Rhodes; Eudemus of Cyprus; Clearchus of Soli; was not easy, for Aristotle was so spotless in this Theodectes of Phaselis; the historians Dicaear- respect, that not even his name is mentioned by chus and Satyrus; the celebrated statesman, orator, Demosthenes, or any other contemporary orator, as and writer, Demetrius Phalereus; the philosopher implicated in those relations. He was accordingly Ariston of Cos; Philon; Neleus of Scepsis, and accused of impiety (do-eELas) by the hierophant many others, of whom an account was given by Eurymedon, whose accusation was supported by an the Alexandrine grammarian Nicander in his lost Athenian of some note, named Demophilus. Such work, ITepl 7IT 'ApiTrroT'Aou'r oaO7rTWv. accusations, as the rabulist Euthyphron in Plato During the thirteen years which Aristotle spent remarks, seldom missed their object with the mulat Athens in active exertions amongst such a circle titude. (Plato, EuthJyph1. p. 3, B., EltdcOoAa rd, of disciples, he was at the same time occupied with rotava r rpOs 'rov's VoAAo.) The charge was the composition of the greater part of his works. In grounded on his having addressed a hymn to these labours, as has already been observed, he was his friend Hermias as to a god, and paid him assisted by the truly kingly liberality of his former divine honours in other respects. (Diog. Laert. pupil, who not only presented him with 800 v. 5; Ilgen, Disquisit. de Scol. Poesi, p. 69; talents, an immense sum even for our times, but and the 'AnrohoyTa do-estas attributed to Arisalso, through his vicegerents in the conquered pro- totle, but the authenticity of which was doubted vinces, caused large collections of natural curiosities even by the ancients, in Athen. xv. 16, p. 696.) to be made for him, to which posterity is in- Certain dogmas of the philosopher were also debted for one of his most excellent works, the used for the same object. (Origen. c. Gels. i. " History of Animals." (Plin. H. N. viii. 17.) p. 51, ed. Hoeschel.) Aristotle, however, knew Meanwhile various causes contributed to throw his danger sufficiently well to withdraw from a cloud over the latter years of the philosopher's Athens before his trial. He escaped in the belife. In the first place, he felt deeply the death of ginning of B. c. 322 to Chalcis in Euboea, where he his wife Pythias, who left behind her a daughter had relations on his mother's side, and where the of the same name: he lived subsequently with a Macedonian influence, which was there predominant, friend of his wife's, the slave Herpyllis, who bore afforded him protection and security. In his will him a son, Nicomachus, and of whose faithfulness also mention is made of some property which he and attachment he makes a grateful and substan- had in Chalcis. (Diog. La&rt. v. 14.) Certain actial acknowledgement in his will. (Diog. Lafrt. v. counts (Strabo, x. p. 448; Diog. LaUrt. x. 1) even I; v. 13.) But a source of still greater grief render it exceedingly probable that Aristotle had was an interruption of the friendly relation in left Athens and removed to Chalcis before the which he had hitherto stood to his royal pupil. death of Alexander. A fragment of a letter The occasion of this originated in the opposition written by the philosopher to his friend Antipater raised by the philosopher Callisthenes against the has been preserved to us, in which he states his changes in the conduct and policy of Alexander. reasons for the above-mentioned change of resiAristotle, who had in vain advised Callisthenes not dence, and at the same time, with reference to the to lose sight of prudence in his behaviour towards unjust execution of Socrates, adds, that he wished the king, disapproved of his conduct altogether, to deprive the Athenians of the opportunity of and foresaw its unhappy issue. [CALLISTHENES.] sinning a second time against philosophy. (Comp. Still Alexander refrained from any expression of Eustath. ad Horn. Od. vii. 120. p. 1573, 12. ed. hostility towards his former instructor (a story of Rom. 275, 20, Bas.; Aelian, V. H. iii. 36.) this kind in Diog. Lairt. v. 10, has been corrected From Chalcis he may have sent forth a defence by Stahr, Aristotelia, p. 133); and although, as against the accusation of his enemies. At least Plutarch expressly informs us, their former cordial antiquity possessed a defence of that kind under connexion no longer subsisted undisturbed, yet, as his name, the authenticity of which, however, was is proved by a remarkable expression (Topicor. iii. already doubted by Athenaeus. (Comp. Phavorin. 1, 7, ed.Buhle; comp. Albert Heydemann's German ap. Diog. La'rt. 1. c., who calls it a Aoyos Sicavrtranslation and explanation of the categories of us.) However, on his refusing to answer the Aristotle, p. 32, Berlin, 1835), Aristotle never lost summons of the Areiopagus, he was deprived of all his trust in his royal friend. The story, that Aris- the rights and honours which had been previously totle, irritated by the above-mentioned occurrence, bestowed upon him (Aelian, V. H. xiv. 1), and took part in poisoning the king, is altogether un- condemned to death in his absence. Meantime
Page 321 ARISTOTELES. thi philosopher continued his studies and lectures in'Chalcis for some time longer without molestation. He died in the beginning of August, in the year B. c. 322, a short time before Demosthenes (who died in October of the same year), in the 63rd year of his age, from the effects, not of poison, but of a chronic disorder of the stomach. (Censorin. de Die Nat. 14, extr.; Apollod. ap. Diog. LaEirt. v. 10; Dionys. 1. c. 5.) The accounts of his having committed suicide belong to the region of fables and tales. One story (found in several of the Christian fathers) was, that he threw himself into the Euripus, from vexation at being unable to discover the causes of the currents in it. On the other hand, we have the account, that his mortal remains were transported to his native city Stageira, and that his memory was honoured there, like that of a hero, by yearly festivals of remembrance. (Vet. Intp. ap. Buhle, vol. i. p. 56; Ammon. p. 47.) Before his death, in compliance with the wish of his school, lie had intimated in a symbolical manner that of his two most distinguished scholars, Menedemus of Rhodes and Theophrastus of Eresus (in Lesbos), he intended the latter to be his successor in the Lyceum. (Gellius, xiii. 5.)* He also bequeathed to Theophrastus his well-stored library and the originals of his own writings. From his will (in Diog. Laert. v. 21; Hermipp. ap. Athen. xiii. p. 589, c.), which attests the flourishing state of his worldly circumstances not less than his judicious and sympathetic care for his family and servants, we gather, that his adoptive son Nicanor, his daughter Pythias, the offspring of his first marriage, as well as Herpyllis and the son he had by her, survived him. He named his friend Antipater as the executor of his will. If we cast a glance at the character of Aristotle, we see a man of the highest intellectual powers, gifted with a piercing understanding, a comprehensive and deep mind, practical and extensive views of the various relations of actual life, and the noblest moral sentiments. Such he appears in his life as well as in his writings. Such other information as we possess respecting his character accords most completely with this view, if we estimate at their real value the manifest ill-will and exaggerations of the literary anecdotes which have come down to us. At Athens the fact of his being a foreigner was of itself a sufficient reason for his taking no part in politics. For the rest, he at any rate did not belong to the party of democratical patriots, of whom Demosthenes may hbe regarded as the representative, but probably coincided rather with the conciliatory politics of Phocion. A declared opponent of absolutism (Polit. ii. 7. ~ 6), he everywhere insists on conformity to the law, for the law is " the only safe, rational standard to be guided by, while the will of the individual man cannot be depended on." He wished to form the beau ideal of a ruler in Alexander (Polit. iii. 8, extr.), and it is quite in accordance with the oriental mode of viewing things, when the Arabian philosophers, as Avicenna and Abu-l-faraj, sometimes call Aristotle, Alexander's vizier. (Comp. Schmoelder's Documenta Philosoph. Arab. p. 74.) The whole demeanour of Aristotle was marked by a certain briskness and vivacity. His powers of eloquence were considerable, and of a kind SHie praised the wines of both islands, but said he thought that of Lesbos the more agreeable. ARISTOTELES. 321 adapted to produce conviction in his hearers, a gift which Antipater praises highly in a letter written after Aristotle's death. (Plut. Cat. Maj. p. 354, Coriol. p. 234.) He exhibited remarkable attention to external appearance, and bestowed much care on his dress and person. (Timotheus, ap. Diog. L. v. 1; Aelian, V. II. iii. 19.) He is described as having been of weak health, which, considering the astonishing extent of his studies, shews all the more the energy of his mind. (Censor. de Die nat. 14.) He was short and of slender make, with small eyes and a lisp in his pronunciation, using L for R (rpauX's, Diog. L. v. 1), and with a sort of sarcastic expression in his countenance (jcowuda, Aelian, iii. 19), all which characteristics are introduced in a maliciously caricatured description of him in an ancient epigram. (Anth. 552, vol. iii. p. 176, ed. Jacobs.) The plastic works of antiquity, which pass as portraits of Aristotle, are treated of by Visconti. (1conographie Grecque, i. p. 230.) II. ARISTOTLE'S WRITINGS. Before we proceed to enumerate, classify, and characterise the works of the philosopher, it is necessary to take a review of the history of their transmission to our times. A short account of this kind has at the same time the advantage of indicating the progress of the development and influence of the Aristotelian philosophy itself. According to ancient accounts, even the large number of the works of Aristotle which are still preserved, comprises only the smallest part of the writings he is said to have composed. According to the Greek commentator David (ad Categ. Prooem. p. 24, 1. 40, Brand.), Andronicus the Rhodian stated their number at 1000 oryypcippuaTa. The Anonym. Menagii (p. 61, ed. Buhle in Arist. Opp. vol. 1) sets down their number at 400 iSatia. Diogenes LaSrtius (v. 27) gives 44 myriads as the number of lines. If we reckon about 10,000 lines to a quire, this gives us 44 quires, while the writings extant amount to about the fourth part of this. (Hegel, Vorlesungen iber( die Gesch. der Philosophie, vol. ii. pp. 307, 308.) Still these statements are very indefinite. Nor do we get on much better with the three ancient catalogues of his writings which are still extant, those namely of Diogenes Lairtius, the Anonym. Menag., and the Arabian writers in Casiri (Bibl. Arab. Ilisp. vol. i. p. 306), which may be found entire in the first volume of Buhle's edition of Aristotle. They all three give a mere enumeration, without the least trace of arrangement, and without any critical remarks. They differ not only from each other, but from the quotations of other writers and from the titles of the extant works to such a degree, that all idea of reconciling them must be given up. The difficulty of doing so is further increased by the fact, that one and the same work is frequently quoted under different titles (Brandis, de perditis. Arist. libr de Ideis et de Bono, p. 7; Ravaisson, Mitapliysique d' Aristote, vol. i. p. 48, Paris, 1837), and that sections and books appear as independent writings under distinct titles. From Aristotle's own quotations of his works criticism can here derive but little assistance, as the references for the most part are quite general, or have merely been supplied by later writers. (Ritter, Gesch. der Phil. vol. iii. p. 21, not. 1.) The most complete enumeration of the writings of Aristotle from those catalogues, as well Y
Page 322 '22 ARISTOTELES. of the extant as of the lost works, is to be found in Fabricius. (Bibl. Gr. iii. pp. 207-284, and pp. 388-407.) The lost works alone have been enumerated by Buhle (Commentatio de deperd. A rist. libr. in Comment. Societ. Gitting. vol. xv. p. 57, &c.) But the labours of both these scholars no longer satisfy the demands of modern critical science. To make use of, and form a judgment upon those ancient catalogues, is still further attended with uncertainty from the circumstance, that much that was spurious was introduced among the writings of Aristotle at an early period in antiquity. The causes of this are correctly assigned by Ammonius. (Ad Arist. Categ. fol. 3, a.) In the first place, several of the writings of the immediate disciples of Aristotle, which treated of like subjects under like names, as those of Theophrastus, Eudemus Rhodius, Phanias, and others, got accidentally inserted amongst the works of the Stagirite. Then we must add mistakes arising M6d 'rsOv 6wvvovetlav, as in the ancient philosophical, rhetorical, and historicopolitical literature there were several writers of the same name. Lastly, the endeavours of the Ptolemies and Attali to enrich their libraries as much as possible with works of Aristotle, set in motion a number of people, whose love of gain rendered them not over scrupulously honest. (Comp. David, ad Caleg. p. 28, a., 15, who assigns additional causes of falsification; Ammon. 1. c.; Simplicius, fol. 4, 6; Galen, Comment. 2 in libr. de Nat. hum. pp. 16, 17; Brandis, Rhein. Mus. p. 260, 1827.) It is very possible that the Greek lists, in particular that in Diogenes Laertius, are nothing else than catalogues of these libraries. (Trendelenburg, ad Arist. de Anima, p. 123.) As regards the division of Aristotle's writings, the ancient Greek commentators, as Ammonius (ad Categ. p. 6, b. Aid.) and Simplicius (ad Cat. pp. 1, 6, ed. Bas.) distinguish-1. 'TTro1Auvariucd, i. e. collections of notices and materials, drawn up for his own use. 2. EsvvrayfoarTKcd, elaborate works. Those which' were composed in a strictly scientific manner, and contained the doctrinal lectures (dicpoda'eis) of the philosopher, they called dCiKoaartlUd (Gell. xx. 5, has dicpoarTiKd, which form, however, Schaefer, ad Plut. vol. v. p. 245, rejects), or else eo'serWepI, E5roirruKd. Those, on the other hand, in which the method and style were of a more popular kind, and which were calculated for a circle of readers beyond the limits of the school, were termed wrTepicd. The latter were composed chiefly in the form of dialogues, particularly such as treated upon points of practical philosophy. Of these dialogues, which were still extant in Cicero's time, nothing has been preserved. (The whole of the authorities relating to this subject, amongst whom Strab. xiii. pp. 608, 609; Cic. de Fin. v. 5, ad Att. iv. 16; Gell. 1. c.; Plut. Alex. 5, Advers. Colot. p. 1115, b. are the most important, are given at full length in Stahr's A ristotelia, vol. ii. p. 244, &c.; to which must be added Sopater atque Syrian. ad Hermog. p. 120, in Leonhard Spengel, ivvaywy7) "rTX'WV', s. de Artium Scriptt. &c. p. 167.) The object which Aristotle had in view in the composition of his exoteric writings appears to have been somewhat of the following kind. He wished by means of them to come to an understanding with the public. The Platonic philosophy was so widely diffused through all classes, that it was at that time almost a duty for every educated man to be a follower of Plato. Aristotle therefore was ARISTOTELES. obliged to bleak ground for his newer philosophy by enlightening the public generally on certainl practical points. In this way originated writings like the "Eudemus," a refutation, as it appears, of Plato's Phaedon; his book 7repl Ndouwv, a critical extract from Plato's "Laws;" farther, writings such as that Wrepl IUcato-aV'os, &c. These were the Ao'yoi ev Kcovwy ir.c5hseoEol, and Stobaeus quotes from them quite correctly in his Florilegium, eC Trcv 'ApiToroLeovs KOINn^N OSiarpi@cv. (Comp. Philop. ad Arist. de Anima, i. 138, c. 2.) In Aristotle himself (and this has not always been duly considered) there occurs no express declaration of this distinction. The designations esoteric, acroamatic, or epoptic writings, would alike be looked for in vain in all the genuine works of the philosopher. It is only in his answer to the complaint of Alexander, that by publishing his lectures he had made the secrets of philosophy the common property of all, that he says, that "the acroatic (acroamatic, or esoteric) books had been published and yet not published, for they were intelligible only to one who had been initiated into philosophy." The expression exoteric, on the other hand, we find in Aristotle himself, and that in nine passages. (Eth. Nic. i. 13, vi. 4, Eth. Ezdem. ii. 1, ii. 8, v. 4, Politl iii. 4, vii. 1, Phys. iv. 14, Metaplh. xiii. 1.) These very passages prove incontestably, that Aristotle himself had not in view a division of this kind in the sense in which it was subsequently understood. In one instance he applies the name exoteric to writings which, in accordance with the above-mentioned division, must necessarily be set down as esoteric; and secondly, in several of those passages the term is merely employed to denote disquisitions which are foreign to the matter in hand. Nay, the expression is used to denote the writings of other authors. The whole subject concerns us more as a point of literary history than as having any scientific interest. " One sees at once for one's self," says Hegel (Gesch. der Philos. ii. p. 310, cornp. 220, 238), "what works are philosophic and speculative, and what are more of a mere empirical nature. The esoteric is the speculative, which, even though written and printed, yet remains concealed from those who do not take sufficient interest in the matter to apply themselves vigorously. It is no secret, and yet is hidden." But the same author is wrong in maintaining, that among the ancients there existed no difference at all between the writings of the philosophers which they published, and the lectures which they delivered to a select circle of hearers. The contrary is established by positive testimony. Thus Aristotle was the first to publish what with Plato were, strictly speaking, lectures (dyapa a 60'y/aa, Brandis, de perd. Ar. libr. de Ideis, p. 25; Trendelenb. Platonis de Ideis doctrina ex Platone illustrata, p. 2, &c., Berlin, 1827). Hegel himself took good care not to allow all the conclusions to which his system conducted to appear in print, and Kant also found it unadvisable for a philosopher "to give utterance in his works to all that he thought, although he would certainly say nothing that he did not think." The genuine Aristotelian writings which are extant would have to be reckoned amongst the acroamatic books. The Problems alone belong to the class designated by the ancients hypomnematic writings. Of the dialogues only small fragments are extant. All that we know of them places
Page 323 ARISTOTELES. them, as well as those of Theophrastus, far below the dramatic as well as lively and characteristic dialogues of Plato. The introductions, according to a notice in Cicero (adAtt. iv. 16), had no internal connexion with the remainder of the treatises. Fate of Aristotle's writings. 1. In antiquity.-If we bear in mind the above division, adopted by the Greek commentators, it is obvious that the socalled hypomnematic writings were not published "by Aristotle himself, but made their appearance only at a later time with the whole body of his literary remains. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that the exoteric writings, particularly the dialogues, were published by the philosopher himself. But respecting the acroamatic writings, that is, respecting the principal works of Aristotle, an opinion became prevalent, through misunderstanding an ancient tradition, which maintained its ground for centuries in the history of literature, and which, though at variance with all reason and history, has been refuted and corrected only within the last ten years by the investigations of German scholars. According to a story which we find in Strabo (xiii. p. 608)-the main authority in this matter(for the accounts given by Athenaeus, Plutarch, and Suidas, present only unimportant variations), Aristotle bequeathed his library and original manuscripts to his successor, Theophrastus. After the death of the latter, these literary treasures together with Theophrastus' own library came into the hands of his relation and disciple, Neleus of Scepsis. This Neleus sold both collections at a high price to Ptolemy II., king of Egypt, for the Alexandrine library; but he retained for himself, as an heirloom, the original MSS. of these two philosophers' works. The descendants of Neleus, who were subjects of the king of Pergamus, knew of no other way of securing them from the search of the Attali, who wished to rival the Ptolemies in forming a large library, than concealing them in a cellar (icard -ys Ev wnipvyT Twi), where for a couple of centuries they were exposed to the ravages of damp and worms. It was not till the beginning of the century before the birth of Christ that a wealthy book-collector, the Athenian Apellicon of Teos, traced out these valuable relics, bought them from the ignorant heirs, and prepared from them a new edition of Aristotle's works, causing the manuscripts to be copied, and filling up the gaps and making emendations, but without sufficient knowledge of what he was about. After the capture of Athens, Sulla in B. c. 84 confiscated Apellicon's collection of books, and had them conveyed to Rome. [APELLICON.] Through this ancient and in itself not incredible story, an error has arisen, which has been handed down from the time of Strabo to the present day. People thought (as did Strabo himself) that they must necessarily conclude from this account, that neither Aristotle nor Theophrastus had published their writings, with the exception of some exoteric works, which had no important bearing on their system; and that it was not till 200 years later that they were brought to light by the above-mentioned Apellicon and published to the philosophical world. That, however, was by no means the case. Aristotle indeed did not prepare a complete edition, as we call it, of his writings. Nay, it is certain that death overtook him before he could finish some of them, revise others, and put the. finishing ARISTOTELES. 323 touch to several. Nevertheless, it carnot be denied that Aristotle destined all his works for publication, and himself, with the assistance of his disciples, particularly Theophrastus, published those which he completed in his lifetime. This is indisputably certain with regard to the exoteric writings. Of the rest, those which had not been published by Aristotle himself, were made known by Theophrastus in a more enlarged and complete form; as may be proved, for instance, of the physical and historico-political writings. Other scholars of the Stagirite, as for example, the Rhodian Eudemus, Phanias, Pasicrates, and others, illustrated and completed in works of their own, which frequently bore the same title, certain works of their teacher embracing a distinct branch of learning; while others, less independently, published lectures of their master which they had reduced to writing. The exertions of these scholars were, indeed, chiefly directed to the logical writings of the philosopher; but, considering the well-known multiplicity of studies which characterised the school of the Peripatetics, we may assume, that the remaining writings of their great master did not pass unnoticed. But the writings of Aristotle were read and studied, in the first two centuries after his death, beyond the limits of the school itself. The first Ptolemies, who were friends and personal patrons of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Straton, and Demetrius Phalereus, spared no expense in order to incorporate in the library which they had founded at Alexandria the works of the founder of the Peripatetic school, in as complete a form as possible. For this and, they caused numerous copies of one and the same work to be purchased; thus, for example, there were forty MSS. of the Analytics at Alexandria. (Ammon. ad Cat. fol. 3, a.) And although much that was spurious found its way in, yet the acuteness and learning of the great Alexandrine critics and grammarians are a sufficient security for us that writings of that kind were subsequently discovered and separated. It cannot be determined, indeed, how far the studies of these men were directed to the strictly logical and metaphysical works; but that they studied the historical, political, and rhetorical writings of Aristotle, the fragments of their own writingl bear ample testimony. Moreover, as is well known, Aristotle and Theophrastus were both admitted into the famous "Canon," the tradition of which is at any rate very ancient, and which included besides only the philosophers, Plato, Xenophon, and Aeschines. There can therefore be little doubt, that it is quite false that the philosophical writings of Aristotle, for the first two centuries after his death, remained rotting in the cellar at Scepsis; and that it was only certain copies which met with this fate: this view of the case accords also with the direct testimony of the ancients. (Gell. xx. 5; Plut. A lex. 7; Simplicius, Prooem. ad Ar.Phys. extr., Ar. Po'`t.5, extr.; Brandis, Abhandl. der Berlin. Akad. xvii. p. 268.) And in this way is it to be explained why neither Cicero, who had the most obvious inducements for doing so, nor any one of the numerous Greek commentators, mentions a syllable of this tradition about the fate and long concealment of all the more important works of Aristotle. In saying this, however, we by no means intend to deny-1. That the story in Strabo has some truth in it, only that the conclusions which he and others drew from it must be regarded as erroneous: or v2
Page 324 324 ARISTOTELES. 2. That the fate which befel the literary remains of Aristotle and Theophrastus was prejudicial to individual writings, e. g. to the Metaphysics (see Glaser, die Arist. Metaph. p. 8, &c.): or 3. That through the discovery of Apellicon several writings, as e. g. the Problems, and other hypomnematic works, as the Poetics, which we now possess, may have come to light for the first time. Meantime, after the first two successors of Aristotle, the Peripatetic school gradually declined. The heads of the school, who followed Theophrastus and Straton, viz. Lycon, Ariston of Ceos, Critolaus, &c., were of less importance, and seem to have oc-n cupied themselves more in carrying out some separate dogmas, and commenting on the works of Aristotle. Attention was especially directed to a popular, rhetorical system of Ethics. The school declined in splendour and influence; the more abstruse writings of Aristotle were neglected, because their form was not sufficiently pleasing, and the easy superficiality of the school was deterred by the difficulty of unfolding them. Thus the expression of the master himself respecting his writings might have been repeated, " that they had been published and yet not published." Extracts and anthologies arose, and satisfied the superficial wants of the school, while the works of Aristotle himself were thrust into the back-ground. In Rome, before the time of Cicero, we find only slender traces of an acquaintance with the writings and philosophical system of Aristotle. They only came there' with the library of Apellicon, which Sulla had carried off from Greece. Here Tyrannion, a learned freedman, and still more the philosopher and literary antiquary, Andronicus of Rhodes, gained great credit by the pains they bestowed on them. Indeed, the labours of Andronicus form an epoch in the history of the Aristotelian writings. [ANDRONICUS, p. 176, b.] With Andronicus of Rhodes the age of commentators begins, who no longer, like the first Peripatetics, treated of separate branches of philosophy in works of their own, following the principles of their master, but united in regular commentaries explanations of the meaning with critical observations on the text of individual passages. The popular and often prolix style of these commentaries probably arises from their having been originally lectures. Here must be mentioned, in the first century after Christ, BOETHUS, a scholar of Andronicus; NIcoLAus DAMASCENUS; ALEXANDER AEGAEUS, Nero's instructor: in the second century, ASPASIUs (Eth. Nic. ii. and iv.); ADRASTUS, the author of a work Trepl rrs csaQEWs rev 'ApirroTEAovsS 3tGl3Ncwv '; GALENUS; ALEXANDER of Aphrodisias in Caria. [See p. 112.] In the third and fourth centuries, the new-Platonists engaged zealously in the task of explaining Aristotle: among these we must mention PORPHYRIUS, the author of the introduction to the Categories, and his pupil, IAMBLICHUS; DEXIPPUS; and THEMISTIUs. In the fifth century, PROCLus; AMMrONIUS; DAMASCIUS; DAVDn the Armenian. In the sixth century, ASCLEPIus, bishop of Tralles; OLYMPIODORUs, a pupil of Ammonius. SIMPLICIUS was one of the teachers of philosophy who, in the reign of Justinian, emigrated to the emperor Cosroes of Persia. (Jourdain,.Recherchles critiques sur lVage et l'origine des Traductions latines d'Arist., Paris, 1819.) His commentaries are of incalculable value for the history of the Ionian, Pythagorean, and Eleatic philosophy. In ARISTOTELES. deed, in every point of view, they are, together with those of JOHANNES PHILOPONUS, the most distinguished of all the works of Greek commentators which have been preserved to us. Almost contemporaneously with them the Roman consular BOETHIUS, the last support of philosophical literature in Italy (A. D. 524), translated some of the writings of Aristotle. The series of the more profound commentators ends with these writers; and after a long interval, the works of Aristotle became a subject of study and explanation among the Arabians and in the West, while among the Greeks scarcely any one else is to be mentioned than JOH. DAMASCENUS and PHOTIUS in the eighth and ninth centuries; MICHAEL PSELLUS, MICHAEL EPHESIUs in the eleventh century; GEO. PACHYMERES and EuSTRATIUS in the twelfth; LEO MAGENTENUS in the fourteenth; and GEORGIUs GEMISTUS PLETHO and GEORGIUS of Trapezus in the fifteenth. These borrow all that they have of any value from the older commentators. (Comp. Labbeus, Graecor. Arsistotelis Commsentator. Conspectus, Par. 1758.) The older editions of these commentators were published in the most complete form at Gottingen, in 30 vols. The best edition is by Chr. Aug. Brandis, Scrholia in Arist. collegit, &c., Berl. 1836, 4to., in two volumes, of which as yet only the first has appeared. 2. History of the writings of Aristotle in the East and among the schoolmen of the West in the middle ages.-While the study of the writings and philosophy of Aristotle was promoted in the West by Boethius,* the emperor Justinian abolished the philosophical schools at Athens and in all the cities of his empire, where they had hitherto enjoyed the protection and support of the state. At that time also the two Peripatetics, Damascius and Simplicius, left Athens and emigrated to Persia, where they met with a kind reception at the court of Cosroes Nushirwan, and by means of translations diffused the knowledge of Greek literature. Soon afterwards the Arabians appeared as a conquering people, under the Omma'iades; and though at first they had no taste for art and science, they were soon led to appreciate them under the Abbassides, who ascended the throne of the khalifs in the middle of the eighth century. The khalifs Al-Mansur, Harun-al-Raschid, Mamun, Motasem (753-842), favoured the Graeco-Christian sect of the Nestorians, who were intimately acquainted with the Aristotelian philosophy; invited Greek scholars to the court at Bagdad, and caused the philosophical works of Greek literature, as well as the medical and astronomical ones, to be rendered into Arabic, chiefly from Greek originals, by translators appointed expressly for the task. Through the last of the Ommai'ades, Abd-alrahman, who escaped to Spain on the downfall of his house in the East, this taste for Greek literature and philosophy was introduced into the West also. Schools and academies, like those at Bagdad, arose in the Spanish cities subject to the Arabs, which continued in constant connexion with the East. Abd-alrahman III. (about A. D. 912) and Hakem established and supported schools and founded libraries; and Cordova became for Europe what * From the fifth century onwards the first Latin translations of Aristotle begin with that by St. Augustin.
Page 325 ARISTOTELES. Bagdad was for Asia. In Bagdad the celebrated physician and philosopher, Avicenna (1036), and in the West Averrhoes (1198), and his disciple, Moses Maimonides, did most to promote the study of the Aristotelian philosophy by means of translations, or rather free paraphrases, of the philosopher's writings. Through the Spanish Christians and Jews, the knowledge of Aristotle was propagated to the other nations of the West, and translations of the writings of Avicenna, who was looked upon as the representative of Aristotelism, spread over France, Italy, England, and Germany. The logical writings of Aristotle were known to the schoolmen in western Christendom before the twelfth century, through the translations of Boethius; but it was not till after the crusades (about 1270), that they possessed translations of all the writings of Aristotle, which were made either from Arabic copies from Spain, or from Greek originals which they had brought with them from Constantinople and other Greek cities. The first western writer who translated any of the works of Aristotle into Latin, was Hermannus Alemannus, at Toledo in Spain, who translated the Ethics. Other translators, whose works are in part still preserved, were Robert, bishop of Lincoln (1253), John of Basingstoke (1252), Wilhelm of Moerbecke (1281), Gerard of Cremona (1187), Michael Scotus (1217), and Albertus Magnus. In the years 1260-1270 Thomas Aquinas, the most celebrated commentator on Aristotle in the middle ages, prepared, through the instrumentality of the monk Wilhelm of Moerbecke, a new Latin translation of the writings of Aristotle after Greek originals.* He wrote commentaries on almost all the works of the Stagirite; and, together with his teacher, the celebrated Albertus Magnus, rendered the same services to the Aristotelian philosophy in the West which Avicenna and Averrhois had done for the East and the Arabians in Spain. For the West, Paris was the seat of science and of the Aristotelian philosophy in particular. Next to it stood Oxford and Cologne. Almost all the celebrated schoolmen of the middle ages owed their education to one or other of these cities. 3. History of the writings of Aristotle since the revival of classical studies.-After Thomas Aquinas, distinguished schoolmen, it is true, occupied themselves with the writings of Aristotle; but the old barbaric translation was read almost exclusively. With the revival of classical studies in Italy, at the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century, the writings of Aristotle and the mode of treating them experienced a revolution. The struggle between liberal studies and the rigidity and empty quibbling of.the scholastic Aristotelism, ended in the victory of the former. Among the first and most distinguished promoters of the study of Aristotle was the excellent Greek scholar, Joh. Argyropylus of Byzantium (A. D. 1486), from whom Lorenzo de Medici took lessons. With 4im should be mentioned Theodor. Gaza (1478), Francisc. Philelphus (1480), Georgius of Tra)ezus, Gennadius, Leonard. Aretinus (Bruni of Irezzo). The exertions of the last-named scholar vere warmly seconded by the learned and accomdished pope Nicolaus V. (1447-1455), who was ARISTOTELES. 325 himself attached to the Aristotelian philosophy. Tlheir scholars, Angelus Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Donatus Acciajolus, Bessarion, Augustinus Niphus, Jacob Faber Stapulensis, Laurentius Valla, Joh. Reuchlin, and others, in like manner contributed a good deal, by means of translations and commentaries, towards stripping the writings of Aristotle of the barbarous garb of scholasticism. The spread of Aristotle's writings by means of printing, first in the Aldine edition of five volumes by Aid. Pius Manutius, in Venice, 1495-1498, was mainly instrumental in bringing this about. In Germany, Rudolph Agricola, as well as Reuchlin and Melanchthon, taught publicly the Aristotelian philosophy. In Spain, Genesius Sepulveda, by means of new translations of Aristotle and his Greek commentators made immediately from Greek originals, laboured with distinguished success against the scholastic barbarism and the Aristotelism of Averrhois. He was supported by the Jesuits at Coimbra, whose college composed commentaries on almost all the writings of the philosopher. In like manner, in France, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, Jacob Faber, Ludwig Vives, Erasmus of Rotterdam, and Konrad Gesner, took an active part in promoting the study of the Aristotelian philosophy; and in spite of the counterefforts of Franciscus Patritius and Petrus Ramus, who employed all the weapons of ingenuity against the writings, philosophy, and personal character of Aristotle, the study of his philosophy continued predominant in almost all the schools of Europe. Among the learned scholars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, we find the most distinguished busied with Aristotle. Their lectures, however, which gave rise to numerous commentaries and editions of Aristotle, are confined principally to his rhetorical, ethical, political, and aesthetical works. The works on logic and natural history were seldom regarded, the metaphysical treatises remained wholly unnoticed. In Italy we must here mention Petrus Victorius (1585), and his imitator M. Antonius Maioragius (Conti, 1555), Franc. Robortelli (1567), J. C. Scaliger (1558), Julius Pacius a Beriga (1635), Baptist. Camotius, Vincent Madius, and Barthol. Lombardus, Riccoboni, Accoramboni, Montecatinus, &c.: among the French, Muretus, Is. Casaubon, Ph. J. Maussac, Dionys. Lambinus (1572): among the Dutch, Swiss, and Germans, Obert. Giphanius (van Giffen, 1604), the physician Theod. Zwinger (a friend of and fellow-labourer with Lambinus, and a scholar of Konrad Gesner), Camerarius of Bamberg (1574), Wilh. Hilden of Berlin (1587), Joh. Sturm (1589), Fred. Sylburg (1596), &c. Within a period of eighty years in the sixteenth century, besides innumerable editions of single writings of Aristotle, there appeared, beginning with the Basle edition, which Erasmus of Rotterdam superintended, no fewer than seven Greek editions of the entire works of the philosopher, some of which were repeatedly reprinted. There was also published a large number of Latin translations. From facts of this kind we may come to some conclusion as to the interest felt by the learned public in that age in the writings of the philosopher. In England we see no signs of such studies; and it is only in Casaubon (in the preface to his edition of the works of Aristotle) that we meet with the notice, that at the beginning of the sixteenth century, under the guidance of the learned physician, Theo * This is the translation known to critics as the etus translatio, the verbal accuracy of which places Son a level with the best MSS.
Page 326 326 ARISTOTELES. mas Linacre (1524), and with the co-operation of his friends Latomer and Grocinius, a society was formed there "ad illustrandam Aristotelis philosophiam et vertendos denuo ejus libros." But the undertaking does not appear to have been carried into execution. With Casaubon, who intended to promote the study of Aristotle in various ways (as e.g. by a collection of the fragments of the 7roATresm, see Casaub. ad Diog. Lae'rt. v. 27), the series of philologists ends, who paid attention to the writings of Aristotle; and from the beginning of the seventeenth to the end of the eighteenth century the history of Aristotelian literature is a perfect blank. For among the large number of eminent scholars which the Dutch school has to boast of, with the exception of Daniel Heinsius, whose desultory labours bestowed on the Poetics and Ethics hardly deserve mentioning, not one can be named who made Aristotle the subject of his labours; and a complaint made by Valckenaer, respecting the neglect of the philosopher among the ancients, applied at the same time to the philologists of his own age. (Valck. ad Schol. Erip. Ph/oen. p. 695.) Nor has England, with the exception of some editions of the Poetics by Burgess and Tyrwhitt, Goulston and Winstanley, any monument of such studies worthy of notice. In Germany lectures on the Aristotelian philosophy were still delivered at the universities; but with the exception of Rachelius, Piccart, Schrader, and Conring, who are of little importance, scarcely any one can be mentioned but the learned Joh. Jonsenius (or Jonsius, 1624 -1659) of Holstein, and Melchior Zeidler of Konigsberg, of whom the first rendered some valuable service to the history of Aristotelian literature (Ilistoria Peripatetica, attached to the edition of Launoi's work de varia Aristotelis fortuna, &c., Wittemberg, 1720, ed. Elswich.), while the other was actively employed on the criticism and exegesis of the philosopher's writings. In Germany, Lessing was the first, who, in his Dramaturgie, again directed attention to Aristotle, particularly to his Poetics, Rhetoric, and Ethics. Of the philologists, Reiz, and the school of F. A. Wolf, e. g. Spalding, Fi'lleborn, DelbrUck, and Vater, again applied themselves to the writings of Aristotle. But the greatest service was rendered by J. G. Schneider of Saxony (1782-1822) by his edition of the Politics and the History of Animals. Several attempts at translations in German were made, and J. G. Buhle, at the instigation of Heyne and Wolf, even applied himself to an edition of the entire works of Aristotle (1791-1800), which was never completed. At the commencement of the nineteenth century, their ranks were joined by Gottfried Hermann and Goethe. Meantime a new era for the philosophical and philological study of the Stagirite began with Hegel, the founder of the prevailing philosophy of this century, who properly, so to say, was the first to disclose to the world the deep import of the Greek philosopher, and strenuously advocated the study of his works as the noblest problem connected with classical philology. At the same time the Berlin academy, through Bekker and Brandis, undertook an entirely new recension of the text; and the French Institute, by means of prize essays, happily designed and admirably executed, promoted the understanding of the several works of Aristotle, and thie means of forming a judgment respecting them. ARISTOTELES. The works of Ravaisson, Michelet, and BarthG1Imy-St. Hilaire are valuable in this respect. Several French translations also made their appearance. In England, in like manner, where the Ethics and Rhetoric of Aristotle still maintained their place in the course of classical instruction, some works of merit connected with the study of Aristotle have appeared of late, among which Taylor's translation may be particularly mentioned. The most important editions of the entire works of Aristotle are: 1. Aldina, editio princeps, by Aldus Pius Manutius, Venice, 1495-98, 5 vols. fol. (called also Aldina major). For the criticism of the text, this is still the most important of all the old editions. 2. Basil/ensis III. Basil. 1550, fol. 2 vols., with several variations from, and some essential improvements upon, the editio princeps. It has been especially prized for the criticism of the Politics. The Basileensis I. and II., which appeared at Basel in 1531 and 1539, are nothing but bad reprints of the editio princeps. 3. Camotiana, or Aldina minor, edited by Joh. Bapt. Camotius, Venice, 1551-53, 6 vols. 8vo. 4. Sylburgiana, Francof. 11 vols. 4to. 1584-87. This edition of Sylburg's surpassed all the previous ones, and even the critic of the present day cannot dispense with it. 5. Casauboniana, Lugd. Batav. 1590, by Isaac Casaubon, 2 vols. fol. reprinted in 1597, 1605, 1646. This is the first Greek and Latin edition of the entire works of Aristotle, but prepared hastily, and now worthless. The same may be said of the 6. Du Valliana, Paris, 1619 and 1629, 2 vols. fol.; 1639, 4 vols. fol. by Guil. Du Val. Much more important is the 7. Bipontina (not completed), edited by Joh. Gottl. Buhle 1791 -1800, 5 vols. 8vo. It contains only the Organon and the rhetorical and poetical writings. The continuation was prevented by the conflagration of Moscow, in which Buhle lost the materials which he had collected. The first volume, which contains, amongst other things, a most copious enumeration of all the earlier editions, translations, and commentaries, is of great literary value. The critical remarks contain chiefly the variations of older editions. Little is done in it for criticism itself and exegesis. 8. Bekkeriana. Berolini, 1831 -1840, ex recensione Immanuelis Bekker, edid. Acad. Reg. Boruss., 2 vols. text, 1 vol. Latin translations by various authors, which ate not always good and well chosen, and not always in accordance with the text of the new recension. Besides these, there are to be 2 vols. of scholia edited by Brandis, of which only the first volume has yet appeared. This is the first edition founded on a diligent though not always complete comparison of ancient MSS. It forms the commencement of a new era for the criticism of the text of Aristotle. Unfortunately, there is still no notice given of the MSS. made use of, and the course in consequence pursued by the editor, which occasions great difficulty in making a critical use of this edition. Bekker's edition has been reprinted at Oxford, in 11 vols. 8vo., with the Indices of Sylburg. Besides these, there is a stereotype edition published by Tauchnitz, Lips. 1832, 16mo. in 16 vols., and another edition of the text, by Weise, in one volume, Lips. 1843. III. ENUMERATION AND REVIEW OF THE WRITINGS OF ARISTOTLE. We possess no safe materials for a chronologica: arrangement of the several writings, such as wa.
Page 327 ARISTOTELES. attempted by Samuel Petitus. (Miscell. iv. 9.) The citations in the separate writings are of no use for this purpose, as they are often additions made by a later hand; and, not unfrequently, two writings refer reciprocally to each other. (Ritter, Gesch. der Philosophie, iii. p. 29, not. 1, p. 35, not. 2.) Moreover, such an arrangement is of small importance for the works of a philosopher like Aristotle. A systematic arrangement was first given to the writings of Aristotle by Andronicus of Rhodes. He placed together in pragmaties (rpaypa.reiai) the works which treated of the same subjects, the logical, physical, &c. (Porphyr. Vit. Plotin. 24; Casiri, Biblioth. Arabico-Escorialens. p. 308.) His arrangement, in which the logical pragmaty came first, agreed, as it appears, in many other respects with the present arrangement in the editions. (Ravaisson, Essai sur la Mltaphys. i. pp. 22-27.) He seems to have been followed by Adrastus, as is in part testified by the express evidence of Greek interpreters. The arrangement of Andronicus appears to have been preserved in the division peculiar to the Latins (icard Aarivous), i. e. to the Latin translators and expositors from the fourth to the sixth century, which is spoken of in one or two notices in the MSS. of Aristotle collated by Bekker. (Arist. Opp. ed. Bekker, Rhet. i. 8, p. 1368, b. ii. init. p. 1377, b., iii. init. p. 1403, b.) The divisions of the Greek commentators may be found in Stahr (Aristot. ii. p. 254), with which David ad Categ. p. 24; Philop. ad Categ. p. 36, ed. Berolin. may be compared. They separate the writings of Aristotle into three principal divisions. 1. Theoretic. 2. Practical. 3. Logical or organical, which again have their subdivisions. The arrangement in the oldest printed edition of the entire works rests probably upon a tradition, which in its essential features may reach back as far as Andronicus. In the Aldina the Organon (the logical writings) comes first; then follow the works on physical science, including the Problems; then the mathematical and metaphysical writings; at the end the writings which belong to practical philosophy, to which in the following editions the Rhetoric and Poetics are added. This arrangement has continued to be the prevailing one down to the present day. In the following survey we adhere to the arrangement adopted by Zell, who divides the works into, A. Doctrinal, B. Historical, c. Mliscellaneous, D. Letters, E. Poems and Speeches. Every systematic division of course has reference principally to the first class. The principle to be kept in view in the division of these works must be. determined from what Aristotle says himself. According to him, every kind of knowledge has for its object either, 1, Merely the ascertainment of truth, or 2, Besides this, an operative activity. The latter has for its result either the production of a work (orolre7), or the result is the act itself, and its process (wrpd'rrew). Accordingly every kind of knowledge is either I. Productive, poetic (Errro1-fpr WrolrTIKS); or II. Practical (nrcio-rTii? irpaIcruTK); or III. Theoretical (/Errto'rTis hewp-?'1rea ).* Theoretical knowledge has three main divisions (qptAotropiai, 7rpay/earETaa), namely: 1. Physical science (EorLT/ -l q (uvanec); 2. Mathematics (Edr. saOafpa'ulnc); 3. The doctrine of absolute existence (in Aristotle -q "rpw'Trq stIXoarodia, or etr-Tt A-q/ eoXo ARISTOTELES. 327 'iK, or simply (ropia).* Practical science, or practical philosophy ( 'Qpixhoo(pia Trepi Ta dvOpd'SLTiva, 'roAt'rtIc4, in the general sense of the word, Eth. Nic. i. 2, Magna Mloral. i. 1, Rhet. i. 2), teaches a man to know the highest purpose of human life, and the proper mode of striving to attain it with respect to dispositions and actions. It is 1. with reference to the individual man, ethics (Oiucrj); 2. With reference to the family and domestic concerns, Oeconomics (oiKovolApuc); 3. With reference to the state, Politics (sroAtruc, in the more restricted sense of the word; Eth. Nic. x. 9). Lastly, in so far as science is a scientific mode of regarding knowledge and cognition itself, and its forms and conditions, and the application of them, it is-IV. 'EnrmraT/' a'oiro0o'a rrepl dmrosiefecs ical rirjic/mL7n s (1Metaph. K. i. p. 213, Brandis), which must precede the mrpdrT qthioao ia. (Met. r. 3, p. 66, lin. 24.) This is Dialectics or Analytics, or, according to our use of terms, Logic. Sometimes Aristotle recognises only the two main divisions of practical and theoretical philosophy. (Metaph. ii. 1, p. 36, Brand.) A. DOCTRINAL WORKS. 1. Dialectics and Logic. The extant logical writings are comprehended as a whole under the title Organon (i. e. instrument of science). They are occupied with the investigation of the method by which man arrives at knowledge. Aristotle develops the rules and laws of thinking and cognition from the nature of the cognoscent faculty in man. An insight into the nature and formation of conclusions and of proof by means of conclusions, is the common aim and centre of all the separate six works composing the Organon. Of these, some (Topica and Elench. Sophist.) have the practical tendency of teaching us how, in disputing, to make ourselves masters of the probable, and, in attacking and defending, to guard ourselves against false conclusions (Dialectics, Eristics). In the others, on the other hand, which are more theoretical (analytica), and which contain the doctrine of conclusions (Syllogistics) and of proof (Apodeictics), the object is certain, strictly demonstrable knowledge. Literature of the Organon.-Organon, ed. Pacius a Beriga, Morgiis, 1584, Francof. 1597, 4to.; Elementa logices Aristot. ed. Trendelenburg, Berol. 1836, 8vo. 2nd. ed. 1842; Explanations thereon in German, Berlin, 1842, 8vo.-Weinholtz, De finibus et pretio logices Arist. Rostochii, 1824.Brandis, U'ber die Reihenfolge der Biicker des Orgenon, &c., in the Abhandl. d. Berl. Akad., 1835, p. 249, &c.-Biese, die Philosophie des Aristot. i. pp. 45-318.-J. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, De laLogique d'A ristote, M6moire couronnue par l'Institut, Paris, 1838, 2 vols. 8vo. The usual succession of the logical writings in the editions is as follows: 1. The KarT'yoplat (Praedicamenta). In this work Aristotle treats of the (ten) highest and most comprehensive generic ideas, under which all the attributes of things may be subordinated as species. These are essence or substance (m oeria), quantity (rdeov), quality (erono1), relation (7rpos pT), place (wTo), time ('Td-re), situation (rciE/Trac), possession or having (EXEiv), action (rosiemY), sguffering rGdioXEIv). - - -- -- * Metaph. K. 6, p. 226, Brandis, E. 1 and 2; Eth. Nic. vi. 3 and 4. SMlletaphys. E. 1, K. 1, L. 1.
Page 328 328 ARISTOTELES..ARISTOTELES. The origin of thes3 categories, according to Tren- of Rhodes. Out of this pragmSaty there have been delenburg's investigation, is of alinguistic-grammati- lost the writings lepl pAoooop)ias, in three books, cal nature. (Trend. de Arist. Categ. Berol. 1833, containing the first sketch of metaphysics, and a 8vo.) description of the Pythagorean and Platonic philo2. repl ipupqvelias (de Elocutione oratoria), i. e. sophy; and TIep) ileas, in at least four books, a concerning the expression of thoughts by means of polemic representation of the Platonic doctrine of speech. By Eipurveia Aristotle understands the ideas. (See Brandis, Diatribe de perd. Arist. import of all the component parts of judgments libr. 21. 14.) and conclusions. As the Categories are of a gram- Literature of the -Metaphysics. The edition by matical origin, so also this small treatise, which Brandis, Berlin, 1823, of which hitherto only the was probably not quite completed, was, as it were, first vol., containing the text, has appeared. Sc/ho the first attempt at a philosophical system of gram- lia Graeca in Arist. lMet. ed. Brandis, Berol. 1837, mar. (See Classen, de Grammaticae Graecae Pri- 8vo. iv. 1; Biese, die Philosophie des Arist. i. pp. mordiis, Bonnae, 1829, p. 52; K. E. Geppert, 310-661; Michelet, Examen critique de la MeDarstelluncg der Granmmatischen Kategorien, Berlin, taph. d'Arist., Paris, 1836; Ravaisson, Sur la 1836, p. 11.) Mitaphi. d'Arist., Paris, 1838; Glaser, die Metaph. After these propaedeutical treatises, in which des Arist. nach Composition, Inhalt, und Methode. definitions (/opoi) and propositions (rpordsoeis) are Berlin, 1841; Vater, Vindiciae theologiae Aristotreated of, there follow, as the first part of Logic, telis, Lips. 1795; Brandis, Diatribe deperd. Arist. properly so called, 3. The two books 'AvaXvrrac libr. de Ideis et de Bono, sive de Philosop/hia, Bon7rpoTepa (Analytica priora), the theory of concln- nae, 1823, and Rheinisc/hes Museum, ii. 2, p. 208, sions. The title is derived from the resolution of &c., 4, p. 558, &c.; Trendelenburg, Platonis de Ideis the conclusion into its fundamental component et Numeris Doctrina ex Aristotele illustrata, Lips. parts (dvavaeivw). The word rpo'repa, appended to 1826; Starke, de Arist. de Intelligentia, sive de the title, is from a later hand. 4. The two books, iMlente Sententia, Neo-Ruppini, 1833, 4to.; Bonitz, Ava\vriKcT iu' rrepa (also 3eu'repa, E'iyaka), treat, Observationes criticae in Aristotelis libros metaphythe first of demonstrable (apodeictic) knowledge, sicos, Berol. 1842. the second of the application of conclusions to proof. Mathematics, the second science in the sphere of 5. The eight books Tow-inucl embrace Dialectics, Theoretical Philosophy, is treated of in the followi. e. the logic of the probable according to Aristotle. ing writings of Aristotle:It is the method of arriving at farther conclusions 1. nIep' dTrdylwv 7ypajpJwgv, i. e. concerning indion every problem according to probable propositions visible lines, intended as a proof of the doctrine of and general points of view. From these last, the infinite divisibility of magnitudes. This work (To701, sedes etfontes argumentorum, loci, Cic. Top. was attributed by several ancient critics to Theoc. 2, Orat. c. 14,) the work takes its name. We phrastus. Ed. princeps by Stephanus, 1557. must regard as an appendix to the Topica the 2. MIrlXavirrc srpoKA,'-uara, Mechanical Problems, treatise, 6, TIpl 'rorIoTIKCV JAE'yXev, concerning critically and exegetically edited by Van Capelle, the fallacies which only apparently prove something Amstelod. 1812. The Roman writer Vitruvius to us. Published separately by Winckelmann, made diligent use of this treatise,. Leipzig, 1833, as an appendix to his edition of We now come to the third main division of Plato's Euthydemus. Theoretical Philosophy, viz. Physics or Natural science (7rpa'yavelia s. iAEyOosos ( VcIK', 'r7T4(57 2. Thieoretical Philosophy. 7rEpi (drews, arroplaa sreptl 'o-es, Phys. i. 1; de Caelo, iii. 1.) According to the way in which it Its three parts are Physics, Mathematics, and is treated of by Aristotle, it exhibits the following AMetaphysics. In Physics, theoretical philosophy division and arrangement: The science of Physics considers' material substances, which have the considers as well the universal causes and relations source of motion in themselves (Tra o "r ico IVOV- of entire nature, as the individual natural bodies. i6eva). In mathematics the subject is the attri- The latter are either simple and therefore eternal butes of quantity and extension (rd iro'oov Kal Trd and imperishable, as the heaven, the heavenly ovv-XEls), which are external to motion indeed, bodies, and the fundamental powers of the elements but not separate from things (Xwpbrai-d), though (warm, cold, moist, dry); or they are compound, they are still independent, tcae' auTa E'VOVTra. earthly, and perishable. The compound physical Metaphysics (in Arist. srpc6'r7 ( hXoa'oLpia, ao'fpa, substances are, 1. such as are formed immediately hEoAoyia, SeoAWoyKo) Trm'rTv4yTU, or (PLtXo(o'LO a by the above-mentioned fundamental forces, as the simply) have to do with existence in itself and as elements-fire, air, water, earth; 2. collections of such (ro' Ov 6v, Met. r. 1, E. 1), which in like homogeneous matter (duoiogeppj, similaria), which manner is external to motion; but at the same are compounded of the elements, e. g. stones, blood, time exists by itself separably from individual bones, flesh; 3. heterogeneous component parts (dvothings (o6 'XwpiLrOr7 v d Kial T ' dicivr]ov). Their gowofJepr), dissimilaria), as e. g. head, hand, &c., subject therefore is the universal, the ultimate which are compounded of different homogeneous causes of things, the best, the first (7TO K2aeoAov, constituent parts, as of bones, blood, flesh, &c.; rad iria, rod pi-i Tov, Td i rpW-a, irepl dpXads Eris-- 4. organized objects compounded of such hetero'rTi-4), absolute existence, and the one. To this geneous constituent parts: animals, plants. The last branch belong course of observation and investigation proceeds The Mletaphysics, in 14 books (rCv Fpera ' T-r from the whole and universal to the particular and vo'iucd, A-N), which probably originated after individual; but in the case of each individual Aristotle's death in the collection of originally in- portion of the representation, from the cognoscent dependent treatises. The title also is of late observation of the external appearance to the inorigin. It occurs first in Plutarch (Alex. c. 7), vestigation of the causes. (Phys. i. 1, iii. 1; de and must probably be traced back to Andronicus Partib, Animal, i. 5; Hist.Anim. i. 6. ~ 4, Schnei
Page 329 ARISTOTELES. der.) In the latter the most important thing is the investigation of the purpose (Td o5 E6 ica, causa finalis), by means of which one arrives at the idea of the thing (Aodyos, or rb Tri?v elrac). Aristotle reproaches the older investigators with having neglected to penetrate into the purpose and idea (rEAos and Ahyos) of the individual sides and parts of nature, and with having always sought merely for the material cause of things. (De Generatione, v. 1, ii. 6.) In this investigation of the purpose, the leading idea is always to shew, that the natural object, which forms the subject of investigation, corresponds most completely in the way in which it exists to the idea intended to be realized, and accordingly best fulfils its purpose. (De Partib. Anim. i. 5; Phys. i. 8; De Incessu Anim. 2.) According to this mode of considering the writings of this pragmaty, they will be arranged in the following manner:1. The eight books of Physics (vpoucs) dccpdacts, called also by others 7repl dpxcpv; the last three books are likewise entitled 7wpl KLVsiews by Simplicius, Prooem. ad Phys. and ad vi. pp. 404-5, ed. Berol.) In these Aristotle develops the general principles of natural science. (Cosmology.) The investigation of the principles of the universe is naturally succeeded by the consideration of the principal parts of it, the heaven, the heavenly bodies, and the elements. There follows accordingly, 2. The work concerning the Heaven (irepl ovpavoO), in four books, which is entitled repl i cod'oov by Alexander of Aphrodisias. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iii. p. 230, Harl.) According to an astronomical notice in i. 12, the work was composed after the year B. c. 357. See Keppler, Astron. opt. p. 35,7; Bailly, fHistoire de I'Astronomie, p. 244. 3. The two books on Production and Destruction (-repl yevi;ws Kail pOop6a, de Generatione et Corruptione), develop the general laws of production and destruction, which are indicated more definitely in the process of formation which goes on in inorganic nature, or in meteorological phaenomena. The consideration of this forms the contents of the 4. Four books on Meteorology (gerewpoAoyIad, de Meteoris). This work, which is distinguished by the clearness and ease of its style, was composed after B. c. 341, and before the time when an acquaintance with India was obtained by Alexander's expedition. (St. Croix, Exsdmen critique des Hist. d'Alex. p. 703; Ideler, Meteorologia vet. Graecor. et Rom., Berol. 1832.) It contains the groundwork of a physical geography. It has been edited by Ideler, Lips. 1834, 2 vols., with a profuse commentary. This work is commonly followed in the editions by the treatise 5. On the Universe (7rpt i Kd'aov, de Mundo), a letter to Alexander, which treats the subject of the last two works in a popular tone and a rhetorical style altogether foreign to Aristotle. The whole is probably a translation of a work with the same title by Appuleius, as Stahr (Arist. bei den Romern, p. 165, &c.) has endeavoured to prove. Osann ascribes it to the Stoic Chrysippus (Beitriage zur Griech. u. RMm. Litt. Gesch., Darmstadt, 1835, vol. i. pp. 141-283.) The latest editor of Appuleius (Hildebrand, Prolegg. ad Appul. vol. i. p. xli., &c.), on the contrary, looks upon the Latin work as the translation. To the same division of this pragmaty belongs ARISTOTELES. 329 the small fragment on the local names of several winds (duvipafwv & es mal a rpoomyopoit, out of the larger work jrEpt aSprLewL XELtjviwv, Diog. L. v. 26; printed in Arist. Opp., ed. Du Val. vol. ii. p. 848), and a fragment extant only in a Latin form, De Nili Incremento. The close of the fourth book of the Meteorologies conducts us to the consideration of earthly natural bodies composed of homogeneous parts (dcUO(Oeýepi). Separate treatises on the inorganic bodies of the same class, e. g. repl uEcrdTahhw (Olympiod. ad Arist. Meteorol. i. 5, vol. i. p. 133, Ideler), and 7repl 7.i sAov (Diog. L. v. 26), have perished. Among the works on organic natural bodies, Aristotle himself (Meteor. i. 1) places first those on the animal kingdom, to the scientific consideration of which he devoted, according to Pliny (H. N. viii. 17), fifty, according to Antigonus Carystius (c. 66), seventy treatises. Respecting the scientific arrangement of the extant works of this pragmaty see Trendelenburg, ad Arist. de Anima Prooem. p. 114, &c. The work which we must place first is 6. The History of Animals (repl ýowv fe'ropia, called by Aristotle himself at r vpl,iNd U-a ivropiat and wi,,cK lo'ropia, De Partibus, iii. 14. ~ 5) in nine books. In this work Aristotle treats, chiefly in the way of description, of all the peculiarities of this division of the natural kingdom, according to genera, classes, and species; making it his chief endeavour to give all the characteristics of each animal according to its external and internal vital functions; according to the manner of its copulation, its mode of life, and its character. This enormous work, partly the fruit of the kingly liberality of Alexander, has not reached us quite complete. On the other hand, respecting a tenth book appended in the MSS., which treats of the conditions of the productive power, scholars are not agreed. Scaliger wants to introduce it between the 7th and 8th books; Camus regards it as the treatise spoken of by Diogenes Lairtius: vrip yroe f) ' yevvv; Schneider doubts its authenticity. According to a notice in several MSS. (p. 633, ed. Berolin.), it originates in the Latin recension of the writings of Aristotle. Respecting the plan, contents, history, and editions of the work, Schneider treats at length in the Epimetra in the first vol. of his edition. The best edition is by Schneider, in four vols. 8vo., Lips. 1811. This work, the observations in which are the triumph of ancient sagacity, and have been confirmed by the results of the most recent investigations (Cuvier), is followed by 7. The four books on the Parts of Animals (rrept Nacwv popiwv), in which Aristotle, after describing the phaenomena in each species develops the causes of these phaenomena by means of the idea to be formed of the purpose which is manifested in the formation of the animal. According to Titze (de A rist. Opp. Serie, pp. 55-58), the first book of this work forms the introduction to the entire preceding work on animals, and was edited by him under the title Aoyos sreplt pvoews ' SiodAurra pLeOoSKucs, Prag. 1819, and Leipzig, 1823, 8vo., with a German translation and remarks. This work, too, as regards its form, belongs to the most complete and attractive of the works of Aristotle. There is a separate work in five books 8. On the Generation of Animals (vrepl p wwv 'yeeoaws), which treats of the generation of ani
Page 330 330 ARISTOTELES. mals and the organs of generation. The fifth book however does not belong to this work, but is a treatise on the changes which the several parts of the body suffer. 9. De Incessu Animalium (-rep' Lwwv rpswopEias), the close of which (c. 19. p. 713, ed. Bekk.), after the external phaenomena of the animal kingdom and of animal organization have been treated of, leads us to the consideration of the internal cause of these, the soul. The consideration of this is taken up by Aristotle in the 10. Three books on the Soul (srepl 4ivXýs). After he has criticised the views of earlier investigators, he himself defines the soul to be "the internal formative principle of a body which may be perceived by the senses, and is capable of life" (eIlos oc'duaroos (pviKeo deazLet oW?)v eXOYros). Such an internal formative principle is an Ev'reEXExia; (respecting this expression, see Biese, Phil. des Arist. pp. 355, 452, 479, &c.); the soul is therefore the entelecheia of a body capable of life, or organized: it is its essence (ooia), its Adyos. This work has "been edited by Trendelenburg, Jenae, 1833, 8vo.one of the most excellent editions of any separate portion of Aristotle's writings in point of criticism and explanation. With this work the following treatises are connected, in which individual subjects are carried out: 11. On the Motion of Animals (repl wicv KwAvoaws). 12. Parva Naturalia, a series of essays, which, according to their plan, form an entire work (de Sensu, c. 1) on sense and the sensible. These treatises come next in the following succession: (a) On ilemory and Recollection (Trepl avT/707S icat VanflAP'-ewsc). (b) On Sleep and Waking (wept Lirvov feal yp?yo'prews). (c) On Dreams (7repli evvrL'viwv). (dE) iepi s icao' firvov favirus (de Divinatione per Somnumn). (e) Hepl aKncpoCtorVTros i al f3paXv -rto-0yros (de JLongitudine et Brevitate Vitae). (f) Hep'i veo'TIros seal 7Ypws (de Juventute et Senectute). (g) Iepl dvawrvos (de Respiratione). (h) nIepl w fs eal Savrdrov (de Vita et AlMorte). With these treatises closes the circle of the Aristotelian doctrine of animals and animal life. 13. The treatise de Sensu, according to Trendelenburg's conjecture, has come down to us in an incomplete form, and the extant fragment zrepI dzcov-erTv* probably belongs to it. The same is probably the case with the treatise 1 4. On Colours (WrepI ypw ca.'rwv), which, however, Titze (I. c. p. 67) regards as a fragment of the lost work on Plants. The fragment SrepI zrtmeiaros (de Spiritu), of doubtful authenticity, and, according to recent investigations, the production of a Stoic, is connected, as regards its subject, with the treatise 7repl dvcairvo-qs. The treatise on Physiognomics (4Vo'to0yu-'otueda) printed in Franz, Scriptores Physiognomici veteres, in like manner, is connected with the scientific consideration of animal life. ARISTOTELES. The organization of plants had been treated of by Aristotle in a separate work (7repi 4vr'v).t The extant 15. Two books HIep (qvsrWv (de Plantis), according to a remark in the preface, are a translation from a Latin translation, which again was founded on an Arabic version of the original. In spite of all the doubts which have been raised against their authenticity, there are many expressions found in them which bear an undoubtedly Aristotelian stamp. (Compare Henschel, de A rist. Botan. Philos. Vratislaviae, 1823.) Several anatomical works of Aristotle have been lost. He was the first person who in any especial manner advocated anatomical investigations, and shewed the necessity of them for the study of the natural sciences. He frequently refers to investigations of his own on the subject. (Hist. Anism. i. 17, extr., iii. 2, vi. 10.) Diog. Laert. (v. 25) mentions eight books dva'ropcuv, and one book iKooys) dvavoUWv, by Aristotle. According to Aristotle's own intimations (de Gen. An. ii. 7, de Part. An. iv. 5), these writings were illustrated by drawings. The treatise Edv ruos repi r w2 V Xs, a dialogue called after Eudemus of Cyprus, the friend of the philosopher, has also been lost. In this work, of which a considerable fragment has been preserved by Plutarch (de Consol. ad Apollon. p. 115, b.), Aristotle refuted the proposition, that the soul is no independent essence, but only the harmony of the body. Whether the treatise quoted by Diog. Laert., efesis grepl i/vxs, belongs to this class of works, is doubtful. Respecting the lost medical works, see Buhle, 1. c. p. 102. 3. Practical Philosophy, or Politics. All that falls within the sphere of practical philosophy is comprehended in three principal works: the Ethics, the Politics, and the Oeconomics. In them Aristotle treats of the sciences which have reference to the operation of the reason manifesting itself in particular spheres. Their subject, therefore, is action, morality with reference to the individual, to the family, and to the state. Next to these we place the sciences which have for their object the exercise of the creative faculty (7roi~l?), i. e. Art. Ethics.-The principal work on this subject is 1. 'Hacdci Niao.pdxe a, in 10 books. Aristotle here begins with the highest and most universal end of life, for the individual as well as for the community in the state. This is happiness (EiuatIpovLa); and its conditions are, on the one hand, perfect virtue exhibiting itself in the actor, and on the other hand, corresponding bodily advantages and favourable external circumstances. Virtue is the readiness to act constantly and consciously according to the laws of the rational nature of man (dp6os Ao'yos). The nature of virtue shews itself in its appearing as the medium between two extremes. In accordance with this, the several virtues are enumerated and characterized. The authenticity of the work, which an ancient tradition ascribes to Nicomachus, the son of Aristotle, is indubitable, though there is some dispute as to the proper arrangement of the several books. The title Nuco/deiXU a AiUCpa, under which David (Proleg. ad Categ. p. 25, a. 40, Schol. ed. Berolin.) quotes the work, has not yet been explained. The best editions are by Zell, Heidelberg, 1820, 2 vols. 8vo.; Corais, Paris, 1822, 8vo.; Cardwell, Oxon. * Preserved by Porphyrius, ad Ptolemaei Harmonica, printed in Patrit. Discuss. Perip. p. 85, &c. and in Wallis, Opp. Oxon. 1699, vol. iii. p. 246, &c. t See Arist. Hist. Anim. v. 1, de Partib. Anim. ii. 10, de Juvent. et Senect. vi. 1, de Generat. Anitm. i. 1, extr. i. 23, and in other passages.
Page 331 ARISTOTELES. 1828, 2 vols.; Michelet, Berlin, 1828, 2 vols. Beside the Nicomachean Ethics, we find amongst the works of Aristotle 2. 'HOIKa EUiuctra, in seven books, of which only books i. ii. iii. and vii. are independent, while the remaining books iv. v. and vi. agree word for word with books v. vi. and vii. of the Nicomachean Ethics. This ethical work is perhaps a recension of Aristotle's lectures, edited by Eudemus. 3. 'H0/cS MIEyaAa (in David, 1. c. 'HO. lE'y. NucKoyoXEIa) in two books, which Pansch (deArist. magnis moral. subditicio libro, 1841), has lately endeavoured to shew not to be a work of Aristotle, but an abstract, and one too not made by a very skilful hand; whilst another critic, Glaser (die Metaph. des Arist. pp. 53, 54), looks upon it as the authentic first sketch of the larger work. 4. The treatise Hepi dpCersv ecal KaKtiv, a collection of definitions, is of very doubtful origin, though probably belonging to the later age of extracts. The Ethics conduct us to the Politics. (See Eth. Nic. x. extr.) The connexion between the two works is so close, that in the Ethics by the word frfie-pov reference is made by Aristotle to the Politics, and in the latter by wrpodrpov to the Ethics. The Aristotelian Politics (OroXriKcti; in Diogenes Laertius, v. '24, IroXLLIC2j diKpdaris) in eight books, have for their object to shew how happiness is to be attained for the human commnunity in the state; for the object of the state is not merely the external preservation of life, but " happy life, as it is attained by means of virtue" (Ciper7, perfect development of the whole man). Hence also ethics form the first and most general foundation of political life, because the state cannot attain its highest object, if morality does not prevail among its citizens. The house, the family, is the element of the state. Accordingly Aristotle begins with the doctrine of domestic economy, then proceeds to a description of the different forms of government, after which he gives an historicocritical delineation of the most important Hellenic constitutions,* and then investigates which of the constitutions is the best (the ideal of a state). The doctrine concerning education, as the most important condition of this best state, forms the conclusion. Doubts have been raised by scholars respecting the arrangement of the several books; and lately St. Hilaire, in the introduction to his edition (p. lxxvi.), has urged the adoption of a transposition, in accordance with which the following would be the original order of the books: i. ii. iii. vii. viii. iv. vi. v. On the other hand, Biese (Phil. des Arist. ii. p. 400) has acutely defended the old order. The best editions of the Politics are by Schneider, Francof. ad Viadr. 1809, 2 vols.; Corais, Paris 1821; G6ttling, Jenae, 1824; Stahr, with a German translation, Lips. 1837; Barthelemy St. Hilaire, with za French translation, and a very good introduction, Paris, 1837. Of the work extant under Aristotle's name, the Oeconomics (oiKovouticKd), in two books, only the first book is genuine; the second is spurious. (Niebuhr, Kleine Schr. i. p. 412.) The first book is ascribed to Theophrastus in a fragment of Philodemus. (Herculanens. vol. iii. pp. vii. xxvii.) The ARISTOTELES. 331 best editions are by Schneider, Lips. 1815; and Gbttling, Jenae, 1830. Among the lost writings of this pragmaty we have to mention, 1. IporpertrKcods, an exhortation to the study of philosophy. 2. nIlpi evyeveias, on Nobility, which, however, ancient critics (as Plut. A ristid. 27) already looked upon as spurious; in which opinion most modern scholars agree with them. (See Luzac. Leett. Atticae, pp. 82-85; Welcker, ad Theognid. p. lix. &c.) B. HISTORICAL WORKS. Of the large number of writings, partly politicohistorical, partly connected with the history of literature, and partly antiquarian, belonging to this class, only scanty fragments and solitary notices have been preserved. The extant treatise, de Xenophane, Zenone, et Gorgia, which is important for an acquaintance with the Eleatic philosophy, is only a fragment of a more comprehensive work on the history of philosophy. (Spalding, Comment. in prim. part. libelli de Xen. Zen. et Gorg. Berol. 1793.) The lost writings belonging to this pragmaty are 1. The Polities (iroAtTe7a), a description and history of the constitutions, manners, and usages of 158 (Diog. Laert. v. 27; according to others, 250 or more) states, the historical foundation of the Politics. The numerous fragments of this invaluable work have not yet been collected with sufficient care. The collection by Neumann (Heidelb. 1827) is quite unsatisfactory. 2. NoI'pupa 3apappcid, the Manners and Customs of the Barbarians. 3. Kriaers, Legends of the foundings of Cities. 4. fIep Evdppea7rYTw. For poetical literature and chronology the following treatises were important: 5. 'OAvnLriov-eai. (flnioversKCwv darypadn), Nretc Aiovvaraical, Diog. Laert. v. 26.) 6. TS Eic ro Tieaiovm Kat rcv 'ApXvreWhv, a work the first part of which is preserved in Timaeus Locrus (de Aninma Mundi), just as the second part, on Archytas, is in the fragments preserved in Stobaeus under the name of Archytas. (0. F. Gruppe, Ueber die Fragmente des Archytas, Berlin, 1840.) 7. Didascalia, a critico-chronological specification of the repertory of the Athenian stage. (Diog. Laert. v. 26.) 8. KVKAos hJ rEpi 70roerTwvV. (Comp. Welcker, iiber die Cyklischen Dichter, p. 48.) 9. 'A ropl1Tira 'Oa pipacKd. (See Nitzsch, de Arist. adv. Wolfianos, Kilae, 1831.) 10. fIepi 'AhESavipov, a work of doubtful authenticity. We now turn to those writings of Aristotle which, as belonging to the Etiorri'rJLT roA7 rte7K4, have for their subject the exercise of the creative faculty, or Art. To these belong the Poetics and Rhetoric. 1. The Poetics (Tlepi sronri-Tcijs). Aristotle penetrated deeper than any of the ancients, either before or after him, into the essence of Hellenic art, and with the most comprehensive mind traversed the region in which the intellectual life of the Hellenes unfolded itself, and brought it under the dominion of science. He is the father of the aesthetics ofpoetry, as he is the completer of Greek rhetoric as a science. The treatise itself is undoubtedly genuine; but the explanation of its present form is still a problem of criticism. Some (as Gottf. Hermann and Bernhardy) look upon it * For this section Aristotle had made preparation by his collection of 158 Hellenic constitutions; of which hereafter.
Page 332 832 ARISTOTELES. as the first sketch of an uncompleted work; others, as an extract from a larger work; others again, as the notes, taken by some hearer, of lectures delivered by Aristotle. Thus much, however, is clear, that the treatise, as we have it at present, is an independent whole, and, with the exception of a few interpolations, the work of one author. Farther, that the lost work 7r-pl oroTr&,cv, a history of the literature of poetry, must not be confounded with the Poetics, to which it stands in the same relation as the Polities do to the Politics., As regards the contents of the Poetics, Aristotle, like Plato, starts from the principle of the imitation, or imitative representation (tioles), either of a real object existing in the external world, or of one produced by the internal power of imagination. It is in accordance with this view that the different species of art generally, and of poetry in particular, assume their definite forms. The activity of art is distinguished from practical activity in this respect: that in the case of the former the exercise of the creative faculty, the production of a work, is the main thing; and that the internal condition, the disposition, of the person who exercises this creative faculty, is a matter of indifference. The greatest part of the treatise (cc. 6-22) contains a theory of tragedy; nothing else is treated of, with the exception of the epos; comedy is merely alluded to. The best editions of the work are by Gottf. Hermann, Lips. 1802, with philological and philosophical (Kantian) explanations; Gritfenhan, Lips. 1821, an ill-arranged compilation; Bekker, Berol. 1832, 8vo.; and Ritter, Colon. 1839, 8vo. Ritter considers two-thirds of the Poetics to consist of the interpolations of a later and extremely silly editor; but his opinion has been almost universally rejected in Germany. As explanatory writings, besides Lessing's Hamburgische Dramaturgie, we need mention only MUller, Gesch. der Theorie der Kunst bei den Alten, pt. ii. pp. 1-181, and the German translation by Knebel, Stuttgart, 1840. 2. The Rhetoric (Tvixn pjropc4), in three books. Aristotle, in accordance with his method, as we have already observed in the case of the Physics, Politics, and Poetics, before proceeding to lay down a theory of rhetoric, prepared a safe foundation by means of extensive studies. These studies gave rise to a separate historical work (entitled c'EXv&cWV avaOywy), in which he collected all the earlier theories of the rhetoricians from Tisias and Corax onwards. From the latter work the Aristotelian rhetoric developed itself, a work of which, as regards its leading features, the first sketch was drawn at an early period;-it has been already mentioned that the first lectures and written works of Aristotle treated of rhetoric;-it was then carefully enlarged from time to. time, and enriched with remarks drawn from the observation of human life and knowledge through many years. The period of its composition is treated of by Max. Schmidt, De tempore quo ab Arist. libri de Arte Rhetor. conscripti et editi sint, Halle, 1837. Rhetoric,as a science, accordingto Aristotle, stands side by side (dvriorpo<pov) with Dialectics. That which alone makes a scientific treatment of rhetoric possible is the argumentation which awakens conviction (al *ydp tricres L 'EvreX'vT CrT Idvov). He therefore directs his chief attention to the theory of oratorical argumentation; and the more, ARISTOTELES. inasmuch as earlier rhetoricians, as he says, had treated this most important subject in an exceedingly superficial manner. The second main division of the work treats of the production of that favourable disposition in the hearer, in consequence of which the orator appears to him to be worthy of credit. Yet it is not sufficient merely to know what must be said,-one must also say this in a proper manner, if the speech is to produce the intended effect. Therefore in the third part he treats of oratorical expression and arrangement. The best edition with a commentary is the one published at Oxford, 1820, 8vo.; but a good critical and explanatory edition is still a desideratum. Among the writings of Aristotle we also find 3. A work on Rhetoric addressed to Alexander ('PrlTopunKrj rpas 'AAeavSpov); but it is spurious, and should probably be ascribed to Anaximenes of Lampsacus. Others consider its author to have been Theodectes or Corax. C. MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. Among the writings which Aristotle left behind him, there was undoubtedly a large number of Collectanea, which had grown up under the hand of the philosopher in the course of his extended studies. To these writings, which were not originally destined for publication, belong 1. The Problems (Trpofxofrara), in 36 sections, questions on individual points in all the departments of knowledge, a treasure of the deepest and most acute remarks, which has been far from being properly used and sifted. A good edition is a desideratum. (Compare Chabanon, Trois Mimnoires sur les Problenes d'Arist. in the Mim. de l'Acad. des Inscript. vol. xlvi. p. 285, &c., p. 326, &c. 2. OavucxdLia 'Acodeo-uara, short notices and accounts of various phaenomena, chiefly connected with natural history, of very unequal value, and in part manifestly not of Aristotelian origin. The best edition is by Westermann, in his Rerun Mirabil. script. Graeci, Bruns. 1839. D. LETTERS. All those which are extant are spurious: the genuine and copious collection of Aristotle's letters, which antiquity possessed, is lost. Those which were arranged by Andronicus of Rhodes filled 20 books. (Pseudo-Demetrius, de Elocut. ~ 231.) A later collection by Artemon, a learned Christian of the third century, consisted of 8 books. (See David, Categ. p. 24, a. 1. 27, ed. Berol.) David (p. 22, a. 21, Berol.) praises the clear, simple, noble style of Aristotle's letters, a description which is quite at variance with the character of those that are extant. Respecting Aristotle's will, which Diog. Lairt. (v. 11-16) has preserved, we have spoken before. [p. 321, a.] E. POEMS AND SPEECHES. There are preserved1. The Scolion addressed to Hermias, which we have already mentioned. (In Ilgen, Scolia, Jenae, 1798, p. 137; Grafenhan, Aristot. poeta, Mulhusae, 1831, 4to.; Bergk, Po'itae Lyrici Graeci.) 2. Two epigrams, the one on a statue erected to his friend Hermias, and one on an altar dedicated to Plato. The speeches of Aristotle which are lost, were 'A'noho'ya Eoege(as rwpbs Eipvpuilovra, of which we have already spoken; an 'ETwitiov 7rho1Srov,
Page 333 ARISTOTELES. and an 'EyKedIgov AX'you. Among the writings which were foisted upon Aristotle in the middle ages, there were the treatises (in Latin): 1. AMsticae Aegyptiorun philosopliae libr. xiv., a compilation from Plotinus. (Classical Journal, vol. xv. p. 279.) 4. De Porno (translated from the Hebrew by Manfred, son of the emperor Frederick II.), a treatise on the immortality of the soul. 3. Secreta secretorum (doctrines on prudence and the art of government), and others. IV. LEADING FEATURES OF ARISTOTLE'S PHILOSOPHY. All that the Hellenes had as yet attained in the whole compass of science and art, was embraced by the gigantic mind of Aristotle, which, so to say, traversed in thought all that the Hellenic world had up to that time struggled and lived through, and transmitted to posterity in his writings and philosophy the result, as reflected in his mind, of this earlier age. Aristotle stands at the turning point of Hellenic life, when, after the original forms of political existence and art were completed, after the close of the age of production, the period of reflection stept in, and endeavoured by the exercise of thought to possess itself of the immense mass of materials that had been gained. And we cannot but admire the Divine Providence, which summoned to this task a mind like Aristotle's, at the very time when the contemplation of the past was still fresh and lively, and tradition still recent; and which called forth all his powers by placing him in the midst of the new impetus which the Hellenic mind had received through the Macedonian conquest of the world.. Thus did the genius of the age find in Aristotle its first and wonderful instrument. We have already, in enumerating his works, had occasion to admire the universality of the philosopher, for whom a mythical legend of the foundation of a city was not less attractive than speculations on first causes and highest ends, or observations on animal life and poetry. " Quot saeculis," exclaims Quintilian (Or. Inst. xii. 11. ~ 22) in astonishment, " Aristoteles didicit, ut non solum quae ad philosophos et oratores pertinerent scientia complecteretur, sed animalium satorumque naturas omnes perquireret." " Aristotle," says Ilegel (Gesch. der Philosophic, ii. p. 298), " penetrated into the whole mass and into every department of the universe of things, and subjected to the comprehension its scattered wealth; and the greater number of the philosophical sciences owe to him their separation and commencement. While in this manner science separates itself into a series of definitions, the Aristotelian philosophy at the same time contains the most profound speculative ideas. He is more comprehensive and speculative than any one else. And although his system does not appear developed in its several parts, but the parts stand side by side, they yet form a totality of essentially speculative philosophy." In giving a sketch or " sum" of Aristotle's philosophy, we must be satisfied with a mere out-.ine, to which an accurate study of Aristotle's works alone can give completeness.* The true and 0orrect apprehension of the nature of Aristotle's uhilosophy is due to the revolution which philoso)hy itself has undergone in Germany through he influence of Hegel. The universal conception * The best works upon his philosophy are ARISTOTELES. 303 which had been formed of Aristotle's philosophy up to the time of Hegel, was, that Aristotle had made what is called experience the principle of knowledge and cognition. Accordingly the Aristotelian philosophy, as realism in the most ordinary sense of the word, was placed in direct opposition to the Platonic idealism. This complete misapprehension of the Aristotelian philosophy proceeded from various causes. Firstly and chiefly, from want of acquaintance with the writings of Aristotle. Little more than twenty years ago Aristotle was still very little read. We have seen how even the philological study of his writings was neglected for centuries; and the philosophical study of them fared no better. The properly speculative writings, the logical and metaphysical works, were scarcely read by any one. Nay, even on certain aesthetical propositions (e. g. on the three unities of the drama) false traditions prevailed, which were utterly unsubstantiated by the Poetics. And yet the Poetics was one of the most read and most easily accessible of his writings. To this were added other causes. Very many derived their acquaintance with Aristotelian philosophy from Cicero, in whose works Aristotle appears only as a moral philosopher and natural historian. Others confounded the so-called scholastic Aristotelism with the genuine Aristotelian philosophy, which, however, in the schoolmen appears as mere empty formalism. Others, lastly, overlooked in the consideration of the method in which Aristotle philosophized the essential character of the philosophy itself. This last circumstance in particular introduced that false conception, according to which common empeiria, experience, was looked upon as the principle of Aristotelian philosophy. We must therefore first endeavour to make clear Aristotle's umethod. The peculiar mcethod of Aristotle stands in close connexion with the universal direction which he gave to his intellectual exertions, striving to penetrate into the whole compass of knowledge. In this endeavour he certainly sets out from experience, in order first to arrive at the consciousness of that wchich really exists, and so to grasp in thought the multiplicity and breadth of the sensible and spiritual world. Thus he always first lays hold of his subject externally, separates that in it which is merely accidental, renders prominent the contradictions which result, seeks to solve them and to refer them to a higher idea, and so at last arrives at the cognition of the ideal intrinsic nature, which manifests itself in every separate object of reality. In this manner he consecutively develops the objects as well of the natural as of the spiritual world, proceeding genetically from the lower to the higher, from the more known to the less known, and translates the world of experience into the Idea. Accordingly he usually first points out how, when an object is produced, it first presents itself to our cognition generally, and then how this general object branches out into separate species, and first really manifests itself in these. In this way he also develops the origin of science itself genetia Hegel's Vorlesuungen bier Gesch. der Philosophie, ii. pp. 298-422. b Biese, Die Philosophie des Aristoteles in ihrenm Zusammenhange, msit besonderer Beriiksichtigung des philosophischen Sprachgebrauchs, vol. i., Berlin, 1835, and vol. ii., 1842.
Page 334 334 ARISTOTELES. cally; he seizes upon the individual steps of consciousness, from the impression on the senses to the highest exercise of reason, and exhibits the internal wealth of intellectual life. He sets out, therefore, from the individual, the concrete individual existence of the apparent world; and this is the empirical side of his philosophy. The beginning of his philosophical investigations is external. But the end in view manifests itself in the course of them. For, while in this way he begins with the external, he steadily endeavours to bring into prominent and distinct relief the intrinsic nature of each separate thing according to the internal formative principles which are inherent in it, and essentially belong to it. Next to this starting-point, an essential part of his method is the exhibition and removal of the dificulties which come in the way in the course of the investigation (bropiat, u8voEXpEat. Comp. Mietaph. iii. 1, p. 40, 20). "For," says Aristotle, "those who investigate without removing the difficulties are like persons who do not know whither they ought to go, and at the same time never perceive whether they have found what they were seeking or not. For the end in view is not clear to such a person, but is clear to one who has previously acquired a consciousness of the difficulties. Lastly, that person must necessarily be in a better condition for judging, who has, as it were, heard all the opposing doctrines as though they were antagonist parties pleading before a tribunal." Hence he everywhere has regard to his predecessors, and endeavours carefully to develop the foundation and relative truth of their doctrines. (AMetaph. 1. 3, Top. i. 2.) In this manner Aristotle proceeds with an impartiality which reminds one of the epic repose in Homer, and which may easily give him a tinge of scepticism and indefiniteness, where the solution does not immediately follow the aporia, but occurs in the progress of the development. Intimately connected with his endeavour to set out with that which is empirically known, is his practice of everywhere making conceptions of the ordinary understanding of men, manners, and customs, proverbs, religious conceptions (comp. Metaphl. xii. 8, xiv. 8, de Caelo, ii. 1, de Generat. Anin. i. 2), and above all, language, the points on which to hang his speculative investigations. The Ethics in particular give abundant proofs of the last. Thus, advancing from the lower to the higher, from the more imperfect to the more perfect, he constantly brings into notice the entelecheia (iETEAyia), or that to which everything, according to its peculiarity, is capable of attaining; whereupon, again he also points out in this entelecheia the higher principle through which the entelecheia itself becomes a potentiality (&Svauus). In this manner he exhibits the different steps of development in natural existence in their internal relation to each other, and so at last arrives at the highest unity, consisting in the purpose and cause, which, in its creative, organizing activity, makes of the manifold and different forms of the universe one internally connected whole. With all this, however, we must bear in mind, that this method did not lead Aristotle to a perfect and compact system. The philosophy of Aristotle is not such. In every single science he always, so to say, starts afresh from the commencement. The individual parts of his philosophy, therefore, subsist independently side by side, and are not com ARISTOTELES. bined by the vigorous self-development of the idea into one whole, the several members of which are mutually connected and dependent. This, the demonstration of the unity of idea in the entire universe of natural and spiritual life, was a problem which was reserved for after ages. The composition of Aristotle's writings stands in close connexion with the method of his philosophizing. Here the object of investigation is always first laid down and distinctly defined, in order to obviate any misunderstanding. Thereupon he gives an historical review of the way in which the subject has been hitherto treated by earlier philosophers (Phys. i. 2, &c., de Anima, i. 2, Metaph. i. 3, &c., Eth. Nic. i. 3, Mjagn. Mor. i. 1, Polit. ii.); and indeed it may be remarked generally, that Aristotle is the father of the history of philosophy. The investigation itself then begins with the exhibition of the difficulties, doubts, and contradictions which present themselves (diropial, dropejuara). These are sifted, and discussed and explained on all sides (matropeT), and the solution and reconciliation of them (A'lais, eviropeV, in opposition to dropev) is given in the course of the investigation. (Metaph. i. init. p. 40, Brandis, Phys. iv. 4, p. 211, 1. 7, ed. Berol.) In this enumeration of the various views and apories, Aristotle is not unfrequently explicit to a degree which wearies the reader, as it is continued without any internal necessity. V. RELATION OF THE ARISTOTELIAN PHILOSOPHY TO THE PLATONIC. In the Platonic philosophy the opposition between the real and the ideal had completely developed itself. For while the opposition and contradiction in the ideal-in the world of thoughtwas conquered by Plato's dialectics, the external and sensible world was looked upon as a world of appearance, in which the ideas cannot attain to true and proper reality. Between these two, the world of ideas and the visible world of appearances, there exists, according to Plato, only a passing relation of participation (u6EOs) and imitation, in so far namely as the ideas, as the prototypes, can only to a certain extent rule the formless and resisting matter, and fashion it into a visible existence. Plato accordingly made the external world the region of the incomplete and bad, of the contradictory and false, and recognized absolute truth only in the eternal immutable ideas. Now this opposition, which set fixed limits to cognition, was surmounted by Aristotle. He laid down the proposition, that the idea, which cannot of itself fashion itself into reality, is powerless, and has only a potential existence, and that it becomes a living reality only by realizing itself in a creative manner by means of its own energy. (Metaph. xii. 6, p. 246. 8., Brandis.) The transition of the ideal into the real, however, Aristotle explains by means of the pure idea of negation (o~-ip7-1rs). That is to say, ideality and reality are not opposed to each other, as existence and non-existence, according to Plato's view; but the material itself contains in itself the opposition, the negation, through which it comes to have a kind of feeling of want, and strives after the ideal form, as the ugly strives after the beautiful. The giving it a definite form does away not with the matter, but with the negation which is inherent in the matter, and by that means the material is fashioned so as to assume a definite existence. Thus matter
Page 335 ARISTOTELES. is that which is eternal, fundamental, whilst the single object, fashioned so as to assume an individual existence is produced, and perishes. The material in which the negation is inherent, is the potentiality (S'VaxLs), out of which the formative principle, as an entelecheia, fashions itself into existence. This, as the full reality (ivEip-ya), is the higher step in opposition to the mere potentiality. According to these definitions, the Aristotelian philosophy progresses genetically from the lower to the higher, from the dUvasu to the rTEXEXELta of that, 'of which the potential, according to its peculiarity, is capable. Thus by means of the Ef6l"* the universe becomes a whole consisting of mutually connected members, in which these E'Mi attain to full existence. In inorganic nature the purpose is still identical with the necessity of the matter; but in organic nature it comes into existence as the soul of the enlivened object (/uvX?). The energy (ivEpyeta) of the soul is, as an entelecheia, thought, both vous,raOrc'Kos, since, as the temporary activity of the mind, it is necessarily dependent on the co-operation of the senses, and voes ro7TLKOirS, i. e. cognoscent, self-acting reason, in so far as, in the pure element of thought freed from what is sensuous, it elevates the finite world into cognoscible truth. From this exalted point of view Aristotle regarded and subjected to inquiry the entire empire of reality and life, as it had developed itself up to his time in science, arts, and politics. VI. ARISTOTELIAN LOGIc. Aristotle is the creator of the science of logic. The two deepest thinkers of Germany, Kant and Hegel, acknowledge that from the time of Aristotle to their own age logic had made no progress. Aristotle has described the pure forms and operations of abstract reason, of finite thought, with the accuracy of an investigator of nature, and his logic is, as it were, a natural history of this " finite thought." Aristotle obtains the categories, the fundamental conceptions of thought, from language, in which these universal forms of thought appear as parts of speech. These categories (icanTyopiat, also cavqyoppuaTra, 'd KarT-qyopovUeva) give all the possible definitions for the different modes in which everything that exists may be viewed; they are the most universal expressions for the relations which constantly recur in things; fundamental definitions, which cannot be comprehended under any higher generic conception, and are, therefore, called,yevr. Yet they are not themselves generic conceptions, which give what is essential in an object, but the most universal modes of expressing it. An independent existence belongs to oaioa, sibstance, alone of all the categories; the rest denote only the different modes of what is inherent. The categories themselves, therefore, are not an ultimatum, by means of which the true cognition of an object can be attained. The most important proposition in Aristotle's doctrine of substances t is, that " the universal attains to reality only in the individual" ( pGn oviav or v iTwv TrpwzTwv ovicrcv dcSlva'ov Tv CAhhCwv or t eYa). ARISTOTELES. 335 After substance (ovoria) Aristotle first treats of quantity, which with that which is relative attaches to the material of the substance, then passes to what is qualitative, which has reference especially to the determination of the form of the object. (In the Metaphysics on the other hand (v. 15), where the categories are defined more in accordance with our conceptions of them, the investigation on the qualitative precedes that on the relative.) The six remaining categories are treated of only in short outlines. The object of the categories is, to render possible the cognition of the enormous multiplicity of phaenomena; since by means of them those modes of viewing things which constantly recur in connexion with existence are fixed, and thus the necessity for advancing step by step ad infinitum is removed. But in Aristotle's view they are not the ultimatum for cognition. They rather denote only the different modes in which anything is inherent in the substance, and are truly and properly determined only by means of that which is substantial. This again is determined by the elbos, which is what is essential in the material, and owes its existence to the purpose of the thing. This purpose, and nothing short of this, is an ultimatum for cognition. The highest opposition in which the purpose realises itself is that of Uv'vawfs and eiVreAEXEa. (Arist. de Anima, ii. c. 1.) The categories are single words (rad vv a vcTrAoKcis heOydva). As such, they are in themselves neither true nor false. They become both only in the union of ideas by means of mutual reference in a proposition (TX icavr ovIt, rA}mJI v hAyo'eva). A proposition is the expression (ipUiveta) of reflecting thought, which separates and combines (bia'PpeSts, a'venorAoK). This operation of thought manifests itself first of all in judgment. In this way Aristotle succeeds in advancing from the categories to the doctrine of the expression of thought (Eppuveia). Here he treats first of all of the component elements of the proposition, then of simple propositions, together with the mode of their opposition with reference to the true and the false; lastly, of compound propositions (ai ovýrXsJmtetoeyat diropavo'ers), or modal forms of judgment (ae dirocfdva'eos pera Tpdorov), out of which the category of modality was afterwards formed. In the second part of the treatise rp ipl pyvslas the different modes of opposition of both kinds of propositions are discussed. The essence of jdg-- ment, which presents itself in a visible form in the proposition, consists in this, that the idea, which in itself is neither true nor false, separates itself into the momenta peculiar to it, the universal, the particular, the individual, and that the relation between these momenta is either established by means of affirmation, or abolished by means of negation. Judgment, however, stands in essential relation to conclusion. In judgment, Universal and Particular are referred to each other; these two momenta of our conceptions separate themselves, with reference to the conclusion, into two premises (irpoTaoirss), of which the one asserts the universal, the other the particular. (Anal. pr. i. 25; To pUv cWs ',Aov, TO b C 's pipos.) The conclusion itself, however, is that expression, in which, from certain premises, something else beyond the premises is necessarily deduced. But the conclusion is still "* e0os is the internal formative principle; dp(pn is the external form itself. r The rrpdTr7 onaiia expresses the essential qualities only, the BEvre"pat orOaia are substances, including both essential and accidental qualities.
Page 336 336 ARISTOTELES. considered apart from its particular contents; it is treated quite as a form, and the remark is at the same time made, that for that very reason it as yet supplies us with no knowledge (srir-rpn-7). But because this abstract universal possesses greater facilities for subjective cognition, Aristotle makes the doctrine of the syllogism precede that of proof, for according to him, proof is a particular kind of conclusion. (Anal. pr. i. 4.) Accordingly, together with the mode of its formation, he treats of the figures of the syllogism, and the different forms of conclusion in them. (cc. 1-27.) Then he gives directions for finding with ease the syllogistic figures for each problem that is proposed (eViropeiV), and lastly shews how to refer given conclusions to their principles, and to arrange them according to premises. Thereupon, in the second book of the Analytics, he treats of the complete conclusion according to its peculiar determining principles (Anal. ii. 1-15), points out errors and deficiencies in concluding (cc. 16-21), and teaches how to refer to the syllogistic figures incomplete arguments, which have for their object subjective conviction only. (cc. 22-27.) We do not arrive at that conclusion which is the foundation of knowledge till we arrive at proof, i. e. a conclusion conveying a distinct meaning (ovuXXoyaouOs eri'or-GJAovCos, drdsrieis),i which proceeds from the essential definitions of the matter in question. Proof, in order to lead to objective truth, necessarily presupposes principles. Without an acquaintance with principles, we cannot attain to knowledge by means of proof. Aristotle, therefore, treats first of the nature of principles. They are the Universal, which serves as a medium through which alone we can attain to knowledge; they have their certainty in themselves, and are not susceptible of any additional separate proof. In this point of view Aristotle compares them with the immediate certainty of sensuous perceptions. The reason (vois) and the exertion of the reason (vovries), which is itself the Universal, develops these principles (dpXds) out of itself. In proof we may distinguish three things: 1. That which is proved (Anal. post. i. 7), i. e. that which is to pertain to some definite object (ys'veC iv-l) considered in itself. 2. The principles from which this is deduced. 3. The object, the attributes of which are to be exhibited. According to their subject-matter, proofs come into closer relation to the particular sciences. Here the important point is, to know what science is more accurate, and may be presupposed as the groundwork of another (-rporvpa ea-i). The knowledge to which proof conducts by means of principles (1Er-crrrJ) has for its object necessary existence; conception (8d(a), on the other hand, has for its object that which may be otherwise constituted. After Aristotle, in the first book of the second Analytics, has shewn how by means of proof we may receive a knowledge that something is, and why it is so, he considers that which we cannot get at by means of proof, but which is necessary for the complete development of our ideas, viz. the definition of that which is substantial, by means of which we have stated what an object is. This is effected by definition (odpur5oes'). The definition states what the essence of a thing is, and is therefore always universal and affirmative. It cannot be proved by any conclusion, nor even be demonstrated by ARISTOTELES. means of induction. (Anal. post. ii. 7.) We find out the essence of a thing only when we know the essential attributes of the thing, and its existence itself. Aristotle analyses the different kinds of definition (Anal. post. ii. 10), then treats of the individual causes (for the definition declares the why of a thing with reference to its essence), and lastly lays down the method of finding a correct definition. (Anal. post. ii. 11, &c. ii. 13.) The object of definition is, to comprehend the whole according to its essential differences, and to refer these again to the genus, in order by these means to bring under contemplation the whole as a unity consisting of mutually connected and dependent members. One aid in definition is subdivision (&,apea-cs). The definition must be clear and distinct. This distinctness is attained by endeavouring first to define the particular, in order to become acquainted with the import of it in every species. The use of definition is especially important in proposing problems. (Anal. post. ii. 14.) Aristotle, however, does not, either in his Metaphysics, or in the particular sciences, proceed according to the abstract forms of conclusion, as he develops them in the Organon; but the definition (ogieds) forms the central point in the further prosecution of his philosophical investigations. He forms his conception of the idea of a thing (-r ri iqv elvea) in the identity of its existence and essence, and so continually points out the universal in the particular. VII. METAPHYSICS. The first philosophy (for such is the name Aristotle gives to what we call Metaphysics) is the science of the first principles and causes of things. (Met. ii. 3, 4.) It is theoretic science, and the most excellent, but at the same time the most difficult of all sciences, because its object, the universal, is removed as far as possible from the perceptions of the senses. (Met. i. 2.) It is, however, at the same time the most accurate science, because its subject-matter is most knowable; and the most free, because it is sought solely for the sake of knowledge. There are four first causes or principles of things: a. The substance and the idea (7i oo'ia ical Tv ri 7v deVam); b. The subject and the matter (7 'Avi iKa Tob vhrouKeiijevov); c. The principle of motion (OeEv 1' dpX4 r T mS cwKo'ews); d. The purpose and the good (Tr o 6've ica Kl r 6 'yaOo0v). The earlier philosophers (this Aristotle shews in the first book of the Metaphysics) recognized indeed all these classes singly, but neither distinctly nor in connexion. With full consciousness he declares, after having developed the history of metaphysics from the Ionian philosophers to Plato in bold and masterly outlines, that this science of the first philosophy had up to his time resembled a lisping child (4/eX\tmopEv7y, Met. i. 10, p. 993, Bekk.). The consciousness of the opposition between truth existing in and for itself, and the cognition of it, must necessarily be presupposed in all philosophizing. This consciousness, which has come out in all its distinctness only in the philosophy of the most recent times, Aristotle also possesses. But he has it in the form of doubts (dropiat), which rise against science itself and its definitions. These doubts and questions, then, Aristotle considers on all sides, and therefrom arrives at the following result:
Page 337 ARISTOTELES. 1. There is a science which considers existe as such, and the definitions pertaining to ii such. 2. It is not the same with any one of particular sciences, for all these consider onl part of what exists and its attributes. 3. ' principles and highest causes of things must hai nature appropriate only to them. Existence is indeed defined in various ways, denotes at one time the What and the idea, another time the condition or constitution, ma tude, &c., of a thing; of all the definitions, h ever, the What, which denotes the substance the first. (Miet. vii. 1. p. 1028, Bekk.) All o definitions only state attributes or qualities of first definition, and are not in their nature i: pendent, or capable of being separated from substance. On the other hand, the idea of stance (ovrioa) lies at the foundation of our ide; everything, and we do not arrive at the cogni of anything when we know how great, or wlb &c., it is, but when we know wChat it is. question, therefore, is, What is the substas (ris ri oo-ria;) which has ever been the ol of philosophical investigation. (Met. vii. 1 1028.) Aristotle distinguishes three kindE substances: 1. Substance perceptible by the se (Met. xii. 1, 2, vii. 7), which is finite and rishable, like single sensible objects. The menta of this sensible substance are, - a. matter, that which is fundamental, constant particular things, the negative in relation to other; e. the motive principle, the pure fort elJos. 2. The second higher kind of substant that which may be perceived by the senses, b imperishable, such as the heavenly bodies. I the active principle (ivepyeia, actus) steps which, in so far as it contains that which is t produced, is understanding (voils). That whi contains is the purpose, which is realized by mn of the Eivpyeta. The two extremes are here tentiality and agency (matter and thought). passive universal and the active universal. two are not subject to change. That whi( changed is the particular thing, and passes one into the other by means of something else which it is moved. The purpose, in so far is the motive principle, is called the cause (dp but, in so far as it is the purpose, it is the rec alrtia. (Met. v. 1, 2.) The active principle reality to that which it contains in itself: thiE mains the same: it is still, however, matter, w is different from the active principle, though are combined. That which combines them is form, the union of both. The relation of newly coined idea of 4vrEiXeXea, or the pui realized by the formative principle, to the id EPepyeia, is this: ITEAEXELta signifies in the ferent grades of existence the completion whi in conformity with each single existing tt and Evipyeia denotes the actuality which conformity with this completion. (Metaph. i p. 179. 8, Brand.) Thus the soul is essenl eirTAeXeia.* ARISTOTELES. 337 3. The third kind of substance is that in which Livagfus, evipyeia, and iserXeXsia are united; the absolute substance; the eternal, unmoved; but which is at the same time motive, is pure activity (actus purus, Met. xii. 6, ix. 8, xii. 7), is God himself. This substance is without matter, and so also is not a magnitude. The chief momentum in the Aristotelian philosophy is, that thought and the subject of thought are one; that what is objective and thought (the EiVep'ya) are one and the same. God himself is eternal thought, and his thought is operation, life, action,-it is the thought of thought.- Objects exist in their truth only in so far as they are the subjects of thought, are thoughts. That is their essence (oaiara). In nature, indeed, the idea exists not as a thought, but as a body; it has, however, a soul, and this is its idea. In saying this, Aristotle stands upon the highest point of speculation: God, as a living God, is the universe. In the course of the investigation, Aristotle, with careful regard to, and examination of, the views of earlier philosophers, points out that neither abstractly universal, nor particular, sensuously perceptible essences can be looked upon as principles of existence. Neither the universal apart from the particular, nor the particular by itself, can be a principle of the natural and spiritual world; but the absolute principle is God,-the highest reason, the object of whose thought is himself. Thus the dominion of the Anaxagorean vovs was declared in a profounder manner by Aristotle. In the divine thought, existence is at the same time implied. Thought is the sum and substance of the universe, and realizes itself in the eternal immutable formative principles which, as the essences indwelling (imman'ent) in the material, fashion themselves so as to assume an individual existence. In man, the thought of the divine reason completes itself so as to become the self-conscious activity of thinking reason. By it he recognizes in the objective world his own nature again, and so attains to the cognition of truth. With these slight intimations, we must here leave the subject. VIII. THE PARTiCULAR SCIENCES. Respecting the Essence of the Particular Sciences, and the division of them into Theoretical and Practical Sciences.-The science of the particular can thing, the potentiality must pass into actuality. The principle of the transition from the potential to the actual in a thing Aristotle calls entelecheia (ro iEvreXAs h'xov), because it unites both the potentiality and the actuality. Every union of potentiality and actuality is a motion, and accordingly the entelecheia is the principle of motion ( " 'roi avvdset OVros ETVEI'rXeXeC1a 7010 oTOV, Kivitsoo-ri). The potentiality (s'vagis) can never become actuality (icvoyeia) without entelecheia; but the entelecheia also cannot dispense with the potentiality. If the entelecheia does not manifest itself in a thing, it is merely a thing Ka'rca SlVayiv; if it does manifest itself, it becomes a thing Icar' ie'ipyemav. The same thing is often both together, the former in reference to qualities which it has not yet, but can obtain; the latter in reference to attributes already actually present in it. (Buhle, in Erschs and Gruber's Encyclopaidie.) * Met. xii. p. 1074, Bekk., asrdy d'pa vooe eifirep i-rl To Kpar'ri y r alTov o-r <'ny ) vdfscr-s, vo('-rews ei;<r tS. 7 vives -- * The actuality of each thing presupposes an original internal potentiality, which is in itself only conceivable, not perceptible. The potentiality of a thing is followed by its actuality in reference either to mere existence or to action. This actuality is ivpyeta, anctus, and is perceptible. Riut, that the potential thing may become a real
Page 338 353 ARISTOTELES. exist only when the essence of the particular, the voYrT6', i. e. the conceivable, the reasonable, is perceived. (Met. vii. 6.) It presupposes the principles of the intellectual and real, and has reference to that which is demonstrable from them. The individual sciences deduce from principles the truth of the particular by means of proof, which is the foundation of knowledge. Their limit consists in this: that the individual science sets out from something presupposed, which is recognized, and deduces the rest from this by means of conclusion (syllogism). That operation of the mind which refers the particular to the universal, is the reflecting understanding (ctdvota), which is opposed as well to sensuous perception as to the higher operation of the reason. With it the difference between existence and thought, between truth and falsehood, becomes a matter of consciousness. Every single science has reference to a definite object (yiEos, Anal. post. i. 28, MIet. xi. 7), and seeks certain principles and causes of it. The particular object therefore determines the science, and every science deduces the proof out of the principles peculiar to it, i. e. out of the essential definitions of the particular object. Three things are presupposed for every particular science: a. That its object, and the essential definitions of that object (i. e. the principles peculiar to it), exist. b. The common principles (axioms), and c. The signification of the essential attributes of the object. According to their common principles, all sciences are mutually connected. Such common principles are, for example, the law of contradiction. The accuracy (d:cpigela) of the single sciences depends on the nature of their objects. The less this is an object of sense, the more accurate is the science of it. (Met. xiii. 3; Anal. post. i. 27; Met. iv. 1, i. 2.) Therefore metaphysics is the most accurate, but also the most difficult science. A knowledge of the kind of scientific treatment which the subject in hand requires must be acquired by intellectual cultivation. To wish to apply in all cases the method and schematism of a philosophy, which in constructing its theories begins from the fundamental idea (aKpItcs), is pedantic (dcvAeVO6pov, MIet. i. 1, p. 29, Brand). Natural science, for example, does not admit of the application of a mere abstract definition of the idea, for it has to take into consideration as well the manifold, as also the accidental. The same may be said of the province of practical science, where, in ethics and politics, universal, thorough definitions are not always possible, but the true can often be exhibited only in outline (i'v Try, Eth. Nic. i. 1, ii. 2, ix. 2). For the practical has also to do with the individual, and therefore accidental. For that reason, experience and what is matter of fact, have a high value as the proper basis of cognition. For the individual existence (a7e TI) with its formative principle, is the really substantial; and the sensuously perceptible essences and those which are universal are almost the same natures (Met. xiii. 9, p. 1086, 2 Bekk.) It is only in the individual that the universal attains reality. The particular sciences have for their object the cognition of the world of appearances in its essential characteristics. For this purpose the co-operation of the senses is necessary. Therefore here the proposition, nihil est in intellectu quod non fuerit in scnsu, holds good. (D Animn. iii. 8.) In the ARISTOTELES. vods raeOr7ciCs the sensible, finite world is a necessary production of cognition. It attains to the cognition of nothing without sensuous perception. But it is only the vovs roto-rrmmcos which attains to the cognition of the complete truth of the sensible world, and here vice versa the proposition holds good: nihil est in sensu, quod non fuerit in intellectu. Reason is either theoretical or practical reason (de Anim. iii. 10). The object of the first is the cognition of truth (of the universal, the unchangeable); the object of the other is the realisation, by means of action, of the truth, the cognition of which has been attained. (Metaph. ii. 1.) Practical reason, therefore, is directed to the particular and individual, which is determined and regulated by the universal. (Eth. Nic. vi. 12.) The scientific treatment of the moral (ethics and politics) has, therefore, to investigate not so much what virtue is (o0 yap 'v' elwpUes Ti iarLV s dperi ntKEmcTrroJea, Eth. Nic. ii. 2), as rather how we may become virtuous (dAN' i'v dyaeol yevWciOa). Without this last object it would be of no use. The difference between action and the exercise of the creative power (-rpi'rL and ororev) in the province of practical reason, is the foundation of the difference between morality and art. What is common to both is, that the commencing point of the activity lies here in the subject (Met. xi. 7), and that the object of the activity has reference to that which admits of different modes of existence. (Eth. Nic. vi. 4.) The difference, thererefore, between the two is this: that in action (rrpd'rreT ) the purpose lies in the activity itself (in the 7rpaeCrov), whereby the will of the actor manifests itself, while in the exercise of the creative power (erolms7) it lies in the work produced. (Metaph. vi. 1; Macn. Mor. i. 35.) The theoretical sciences have to do with that which exists in accordance with the idea, and can be deduced from it. Their object is either, a. the universal, as it is the object of cognition to the abstracting understanding, which, however, is still restricted to one side of the material, to the quantitative (Met. xiii. 2),--accordingly 'rd dccivssrra hAA' o XWPLtord; or, b. the universal, as by means of the formative principles, which give it some definitive shape, it attains to existence in the essences of natural things (ad dciXptoi-a aAx' ovc dCiv7]Ta); c. or lastly, their object is the universal, as it exhibits itself as necessary existence (Tod itmto ical dmcivsrou ial XOwpeTrosV). Out of these the theoretic sciences of mathematics, physics, and theology develop themselves, as well as the practical sciences, which have for their object action, morality in the individual and in the state (ethics, oeconomics, politics), or the exercise of the creative faculty, and art (poetics, rhetoric). A. THE THEORETICAL SCIENCES. 1. Natural Sciences. The science of Physics (rj qvoucr, rj repi v'ofews ertria'Tu7) considers that existence which is susceptible of motion. Its object is not the idea in its spiritual existence (-rb Ti -v eSTal), but the idea in its real existence in the material (Tr Ti iE-o). Natural existence has the origin oi motion in itself originally. Motion is change from what exists to what exists. Nature, therefore, is no lifeless substratum, but an organization poe.
Page 339 ARISTOTELES. sessed of life, a process of becoming and being produced, in which the moving power, consisting in the formative principle, is that which gives it its shape. In natural existence nmatter ('A7), deprivation (e-rippjr-es), and the formative principle, are in inseparable union. Matter is the foundation of the manifold, for everything, according to the formative principle, which in itself is perfect, strives to advance from it to that which is more perfect, till it attains to actuality. The internal formative principle, on the other hand, is the basis of what is unchangeable in that which is manifold. For the formative principle is in itself eternal and imperishable, and is perishable only in so far as it engenders itself in the material. Natural science considers the formative principles which in motion and change continually reengender themselves. The formative principle and the purpose are the same, only conceived of in a different relation:-the formative principle in relation to that which actually exists; purpose, in relation to the why? of it. The identity of the two is the operative cause. The relation of purpose is the highest cause, in which all physical causes concentrate themselves. (Phys. ii. 7-9.) Wherever there is purpose there is activity (irpdaTerat, Pylis. ii. 8) in relation to this purpose, and according to the activity of each thing, so is its natural constitution. Nature now has a purpose, but it is independent of all reflection and consideration. (Phys. 1. c.) It creates according to an unconscious impulse, and its activity is a daemonical, but not a divine activity (7i ydp d(PS6 sapseovrSa dAA' ovi ela, de Div. per Somn. c. 2). Sometimes it does not attain its object, because in its formative process it cannot overpower the material; and then, through this partial frustration of the purpose, abortions are produced. (Phys. 1. c., de Gener. Anim. iv. 4.) Nature therefore has the foundation of its development and existence in itself,-is its own purpose; it is an organic whole, in which everything is in a state of vigorous reciprocal action, and exhibits a series of gradations from the less perfect to the more perfect. The fashioning active principle is the elaos, and this when perfected is YreiAXEia and evEpyeia, in contrast with which the material, as the merely potential, is the lower principle. The connecting link between the two is motion, the process of becoming; accordingly motion is a condition in all nature, and he who has not arrived at the cognition of motion does not understand nature. (Phys. iii. 1.) Motion is the means by which everything strives to advance from potentiality (matter) to that actuality, of which, according to its nature, it is capable, i. e. to the form appropriate to it, which is its purpose. The elaos is thus what is true in the visible object, but not apart from the process of becoming; but it is the basis of this process of becoming itself, inasmuch as it is the active, fashioning principle. The true principle of natural science, therefore, lies in the dynamico-genetical method, which looks upon nature as something continually becoming, as it strives to advance from potentiality to actuality. Motion itself is eternal and unproduced; it is the life (oloev wnj -is oon-a) in all natural thingshy (Phys. viii. 1.) Through this striving of all natural existences after the imperishable, everything is in some sort filled with soul. (De Gener. Anim. iii. 11.) The elementary bodies, considered in themselves, have motion in themselves, reciprocally produce each other, and so AISTOTELES. 339 imitate the imperishable (as e. g. earth and fire, Met. ix. 8). Things possessed of life produce in the process of generation an object of like kind with themselves (de Anim. ii. 4. 2), and so participate in eternity as far as they can, since in their individual existence, as one according to number (Psv dptOi), they are not eternal. A constant dynamical connexion exhibits itself in the process of development of natural life, it aims at more and more perfect formations, and makes the lower and less perfect forms a preliminary condition of the higher, so that the higher sphere comprehends also the lower. (De Caelo, iv. 3.) Thus in the gradations of the elements between earth and heaven, the several elements are separated by no definite limit, but pass insensibly from one to the other (Phys. iv. 5; De Caelo, iv. 1, 4), and also in organisms possessed of life the same gradation, from the lower to the more and more perfect forms, shews itself. (De Animea, ii. 2, 3.) Natural science then must follow this process of development, for it is only in this way that it attains to a lively apprehension of nature. To develop how Aristotle, according to these leading outlines, treats the particular natural sciences, how he first develops the gradations of the elements, the motion of the heavenly bodies, and the unmoved moving principle, and then points out the process of formation in inorganic and organic nature, and lastly arrives at sman, as the end and centre of the entire creation, of which he is the most complete organization (Polit. i. 8; fHist. Anim. ix. I; De Partib. Anim. iv. 10), would lead us farther than our present limits allow. We can only again direct attention to the excellent delineation, a perfect model of its kind, in the work of Biese above referred to, vol. ii. pp. 59 -216. 2. Mathemiatics and tlhe Mathematical Sciences. Mathematics and Physics have the same objects in common, but not in the same manner; for mathematics abstract from the concrete attributes of sensible things, and consider, only the quantitative. (Met. xiii. 3.) This is the only side of that which is material on which the understanding (Jaidvoia) dwells, where it considers the universal in the way in which it is presented by the abstractive power of the understanding. This mode of procedure, however, does not admit of being applied in all cases (Phys. ii. 2); and mathematics, from their very nature, cannot rise above the material and reach real existence as such. The investigations of this science are restricted to one part of material existence (wrepti TI fepos T&S oiKceias c Ae' S lroreiETai Tj)v eceWpiEa, lMet. xi. 4). The relation between the three theoretical sciences, therefore, is this: the science of plhysics busies itself indeed with the internal formative principle, with that which has an absolute existence, but only in so far as this has passed into the material, and is accordingly not immoveable. (Met. vi. 1, xii. 7.) The science of emathematics, on the other hand, occupies itself indeed with that which is immoveable and at rest, as its definitions are fixed and unalterable; but not with that which is absolutely immoveable, but immoveable in so far as it is connected with matter. The science of meetaphysics, lastly, occupies itself with that which exists really and absolutely, with that which is eternal and immoveable. z2
Page 340 340 ARISTOTELES. Mathematics, therefore, stand half-way between physics and metaphysics. (Met. i. 6, p. 20, 23, i. 9, p. 33, 23, xi. 1. p. 212, 22.) Mathematical existence exists only 3vvaiLs (according to potentiality) in the abstractive operation of the understanding, and is therefore no independent existence, nothing substantial. We arrive at the cognition of its peculiar definitions not from the idea, but only by means of separation (e. g. auxiliary lines in figures for proof). On that account, neither motion nor the idea of purpose occurs in mathematics. (Met. iv. 2, Phys. ii. 9.) In this science, that which is simple, as an abstractum, forms the starting-point, and its necessity depends on our advancing from the simple to the composite, or from the basis to that which is based upon it. (Phys. ii. 9.) Respecting the axioms from which the mathematical sciences proceed, mathematics can therefore say nothing (Met. iv. 3), because these belong to every existing thing as such.-* Respecting the view taken by Aristotle of the mathematical sciences, see Biese, ii. pp. 225-234. B. THE PRACTICAL SCIENCES. Mathematics, restricted as the science is to the quantitative, can exhibit the good and the beautiful only as they manifest themselves in that immutability which consists in the fixed order and harmony of the quantitative. But the way in which these two, the good and the beautiful, acquire existence in the department of the mind, is considered and pointed out by the practical sciences, Ethics, Politics (with Oeconomics as an appendix), and Poetics (Aesthetics, Philosophy of Art). 1. Ethics. 1. General Definitions.t-The highest and last purpose of all action, according to Aristotle, is happiness (satiastovia. Eth. Nic. i. 2-7, x. 6-8, and elsewhere). This he defines to be the energy (ievp-yTa) of life existing for its own sake (perfect life), according to virtue existing by and for itself (perfect virtue). As the highest good, it must be pursued for its own sake; as the highest human good, its essence must be derived from the peculiar destination of man. Accordingly, happiness is the activity of the soul in accordance with virtue during a separate independent period of existence. (Eth. Nie. i. 7.) The two principal component parts of this definition are virtue, and external S The only mathematical work of Aristotle (pjaOrivarnTiKLv, Diog. Laert. v. 24) quoted by ancient writers is lost. The method which was followed at a later time for mathematics, rests altogether on the doctrine of proof given in the Analytics. Aristotle probably composed no separate treatises on arithmetic and geometry. In his Organon he frequently borrows examples from geometry. Aristotle, as an opponent of the Pythagoreans, laid great stress on the separation of arithmetic and geometry. (Anal. post. i. 27, Met. v. 6.) + In this review of the ethical system of Aristotle we follow of course the progress of the Nicomachean Ethics, as being the principal work. The first two books contain the general part of ethics, the remaining eight books carry out the definitions of this portion more closely. ARISTOTELES. good circumstances as means of virtue. Virtues are of two kinds, either intellectual virtues (iLavo',ruiai), or moral virtues (7'itcal), according to the distinction between the reasoning faculty, and that in the soul which obeys the reason. According to this distinction, the origin of the virtues, which Aristotle points out in the second book of the Ethics, is also different. The intellectual virtues may be learnt and taught, the ethical virtues are acquired by practice. In the case of these, therefore, we must have regard to the practice of them in particular cases; therefore, only quite general directions admit of being given respecting them. Youth must be accustomed and trained "to rejoice and be sorry in the proper way," for grief and joy are the criteria of virtue, inasmuch as it is the proper medium between excess and deficiency. (Eth. Nic. ii. 2.) To be able to refrain from sensual desires with pleasure is to be temperate. The intemperate man experiences pain at such abstinence, when he is compelled to practise it. By the practice of virtue the man becomes good himself; and virtue is therefore a habit, and that too accompanied by fore-choice (Zis lrpoaimp)rn/), which keeps the medium in our subjective inclinations and impulses (Elh. Nic. ii. 6), and keeps the medium in that way in which the rational man ( (ppviuos) determines. This medium assumes different forms according to the several impulses, under the influence of which the actor has reference either solely to himself, or to others also. The medium is opposed to the extremes; they contradict each other, and the proper measure or degree depends on the particular inclinations of the individual. 2. Special part. - Virtue is based upon free, self-conscious action. Aristotle, therefore, before developing the several virtues specially, defines the idea of responsibility (iii. 1-7), and then and not before gives the development of the ethical (iii. 8, v. extr.) and logical (vi.) virtues. As now, in the definition of happiness, virtues and the means of virtue formed the chief parts, so the second section of the special part of ethics is devoted to the internal and external circumstances of life, which become the means of virtue through the good manifesting itself in them as the purpose. Continuance in a course of virtue is connected chiefly with firmness of character, which exhibits itself as well in abstinence (4yKpdTreia) which resists pleasure, as in endurance (icaupepia, a Platonic idea: see Plat. Laches), which remains unshaken, even by the attacks of pain. (Eth. Nic. vii. 1-12.) This firmness therefore manifests itself especially in the manner in which a man demeans himself towards pleasure and pain. This leads to the investigation of the essential nature of pleasure and pain. (Eth. Nic. vii. 12, &c.) Farther, in the social life of men, friendship, which is itself a virtue (viii. 1), and indeed the crown of all virtues, is a principal means for a steady continuance in virtue. Aristotle, therefore, in the 8th and 9th books, treats of friendship with the most careful explicitness. He shews that it forms the foundation for all kinds of unions, and contributes to the realization of the good in the smaller and larger circles of social life. Lastly, the unrestricted exercise of each species of activity directed towards the good is accompanied by the feeling of an undisturbed energy. and this harmony, in which the external and the internal are in accordance, pro
Page 341 ARISTOTELES. duces a pleasure, which exercises a powerful influence in urging the man on to virtuous activity, besides being the constant attendant of the latter. In this point of view Aristotle, in the 1 0th book (Eth. Nic. x. 1-6), treats of pleasure as a powerful means of virtue. After the principal elements of the definition of virtue have been thus gone through, the happiness of the theoretical life of reason, i. e. of the life devoted to philosophical contemplation, is brought prominently into view; which, as a divine kind of life, is accorded to but few men. (Eth. Nic. x. 8.) In contrast with this stands the happiness of active, practical life, which has its firm basis in the ethical virtues, and in external good circumstances the means of carrying out and accomplishing the higher ends of life. This, however, can only take place IN THE STATE; and so Ethics of themselves conduct us to the doctrine of the state, to politics. The ethics of Aristotle preserved the most complete development of the doctrine of virtue, regarded from the point of view chosen by the ancients. The problem which he here proposed to himself was no other than this: to exhibit the good in the process of becoming, in that way in which it is a thing attainable by man, and individualizes itself most immediately in the bents or inclinations of men (the existence of which as such in their natural condition, according to the view taken by the ancients, cannot be denied). Then, secondly, by means of practical wisdom, to determine the proper medium for these manifold bents, and so to lay down the rule for action. Farther, to shew that the obligation to live according to this rule, is founded in the essential nature of the higher rationality, and that in this those sentiments which are firm and immoveable form the immutable basis of action. 2. Politics. The ethics of Aristotle contain the fundamental elements (o-TroXETa, Polit. iv. 11, ed. Stahr) of politics, of which the former science is itself a particular part (TroAM-Tlc rTIs, Elih. Nic. i. 1, Magn. M1/or. i. 1.) Both have the same end-happiness, only that it is far more noble and more divine to conduct whole peoples and states to this end. (Polit. iii. 12.) Practical wisdom and politics are one and the same species of habit (Elh. Nic. vi. 8); all they differ in is this: that the object of the one is to promote the happiness of an individual, the object of the other to promote that of a community. In the latter point of view, practical wisdom is: a. The management of the family-oeconomics. b. In the management of the state.- a. Legislative power (mvoeoer7TKtc), which regulates the general relations (dpXLreKTVcrovC-).. 3. Administrative pozer (rrohriTKc) in the government of the state, where action, or the special application of the laws under particular circumstances, is concerned. The administrative power realizes itself first in that part of the state which deliberates on the public concerns (pouvhAeuvAr ), and which possesses the power of applying the laws to public relations; secondly, in the judicial power (Sfcacr'rcn), with the application of the laws to private concerns. As the highest good is something absolutely perfect, i. e. a thing of such a nature that it is striven after purely for its own sake, happiness, as it is a good of this kind, cannot be imperfect, but the quality of self-sufficiency (ainraosi a) must ARISTOTELES. 341 pertain to it. This, however, is to be obtained not in isolated or family life, but only in the state, which is the union of all other circles of social life. Man therefore, as a being created by nature for the state and for life in the state (Nuov iront"TKcOV, Polit. i. 2, iii. 6, and elsewhere), strives after it. The state, moreover, as a totality consisting of organically connected members, is by nature prior to the individual and the family; it is the absolute prius. As the hand of a corpse is no more a hand, so the annihilation of the state is at the same time the annihilation of the individual; for only a wild beast or a god can live out of the bounds of the state, or without it. (Polit. i. 2, extr.) It is only through the state that aircpcpKla, selfsufficiency, not merely for the preservation of bare life, but also for happy life, is rendered possible. Happiness, however, is only the consequence of an activity of the soul consisting in complete virtue (dpE'T); consequently, in the state, and in nothing short of it, does virtue itself attain complete reality. And the object of the political art is the most honourable, in as far as the statesman directs all his care to the training of such citizens as are morally good and actively promote everything honourable and noble. (Eth. i. 10, 13, init.) The science of politics therefore is the necessary completion of ethics, and it is only in reference to the state that the latter can attain its full development. The two sciences, therefore, in Aristotle's view, stand in such close connexion, that in the Politics by rporepov he refers to the Ethics, and in the latter by ihrrepov to the Politics. According to the method of genetic development (cKard rrT V'yp7Jtiyrv-qvY pOieoo0v, Polit. i. 1), Aristotle begins in the politics with the consideration of the first and most simple human association, the family (olicia). A marriage of free men and women is known only by the Hellenes, not by the barbarians, among whom not free men and women, but male and female slaves unite themselves together. The distinction between Hellenes and barbarians, free men and slaves, in Aristotle's view is still a primary distinction, because the natural determining circumstance of birth (as Hellen or barbarian) is still an essential element in the idea of freedom. Christianity first laid down the principle, that freedom is founded on the spiritual entity of man, without regard to the natural determining circumstance of birth. Out of the component parts of the family (slaves and free persons, master and slaves, man and wife, father and children) arise three relations: the despotic (8er-roTurK), nuptial ('yaljt), and parental (TeKicvroro1]Tr n), with which is associated besides the oitovoiAuK. These Aristotle treats of in the first book of the Politics. The arrangement of the whole domestic system resembles monarchy (Polit. i. 7), but at the same time the family is the image of political life generally, for in it lie the germs of friendship, constitution, and all that is just. (Eth. Eudem. vii. 10, p. 1242. 6, Bekk.) After this, in the second book, he considers the purpose of the state, as the unity of a whole consisting of mutually dependent and connected members, with reference as well to imaginary (Plato), as to actually existing constitutions. He calls attention to their points of superiority and inferiority, and so indicates the essential conditions, which are necessary for the foundation and realisation of the idea of a state. Thereupon in the
Page 342 342 ARISTOTELES. third book he develops the idea of the state according to its separation into different forms of government; in the fourth book he considers the several constitutions according to their differences in kind, because these exercise an influence on legislation. For legislation is dependent on the constitution, not vice vers&. That is to say, constitution is the arrangement of the powers in the state, according to which the sovereignty (TO Kidpo) is determined. The constitution is thus the soul of the state. (Polit. iv. 1, iii. 4.) The laws, on the other hand, are the determining principles, according to which the governing body governs, and holds in check those who transgress them. Aristotle distinguishes aristocracy, kingdom, and republic (7rore/iLa 7r) Tri KOrOWi irpooa'yopsvouEvrs d6vopta-n), and sets by the side of these the three perversions (rapEca'Edoes) of them: oligarchy, tyranny, democracy. These constitutions arise out of the three principles, 1, of equality, founded on the preponderance of number; 2, of inequality, which is founded either, a. on the preponderance of external strength and wealth (tyranny, oligarchy), or 6. on the preponderance of internal or spiritual strength (monarchy, aristocracy). Aristotle then, in the 5th book, considers the disturbing and preserving causes in the different constitutions, always having regard to reality and experience (Polit. iii. 17, iv. 1); and, for the determination of that form of government which is best adapted for the greatest number of states, gets this result, that in it democratical and oligarchical principles must be intermixed and united. (Polit. iv. 12.) From such a mixture of the elements of constitutions result new forms of mixed constitutions (oavvyvaoToi'), which Aristotle characterizes more closely according to the three essential functions of political power. (Polit. iv. 14, vi.) Having thus prepared the way, the philosopher proceeds to the real problem, to shew how a state can be so perfectly constituted, as to answer to the requisitions of human nature. He shews that the question, What is the best constitution? is connected with the question, What is the most desirable mode of life? (Polit. vii. 1) he develops the external conditions for the realisation of the best constitution (Polit. vii. 4, &c.), which are dependent on fortune,-and then passes to the internal conditions of such a constitution, which are independent of fortune. (Polit. vii. 13, &c.) For these latter he finds the central point in the education of youth, which he therefore considers as a public concern of the state. (Polit. viii. 1.) Its object is the harmonious culture of all the physical and mental powers, which lays the foundation for that harmony of perfect virtue both in the man and in the citizen, in which the purely human develops itself in all its fulness and power. By the individual citizens of the state (Polit. vii. 13) being trained to a virtuous, moral life, virtue and morality become predominant in all the spheres of political life, and accordingly by means of politics that is completely realised, for which ethics form the ground-work, viz. human happiness depending on a life in accordance with virtue. Thus on the one hand the science of politics is again reflected to the point from which it started-ethics, while on the other hand, inasmuch as art and oratory are included in the circle of the means by which the citizen is to be trained, it points beyond what is immediately connected with itself to the departments of ARISTOTELES. 3. Rhetoric and Aesthetics. 1. Rhetoric.-Here we need say but little; partly because the works of Aristotle, which relate to this subject, are more generally known and read than the properly philosophical writings, and partly because the subject itself is of considerably less difficulty. We therefore make only some general observations. Rhetoric stands side by side (dvTrioapoeos) with dialectics, for both have to do with subjects, with which, as pertaining to no particular science, every one may make himself acquainted, and respecting which every one deems himself capable of forming a judgment. Every one considers himself, and is to a certain extent, an orator and dialectician. Rhetoric raises this routine to an artistic knowledge, by means of theory, which arrives at the perception of the causes why, and the means by which, the orator, who has not been theoretically trained, attains his object. (Rhet. i. 1.) The kernel of such a theory is the argumentation by which conviction is produced. Enthymemes are the foundation (oc/iua Ts riS or-Es) of argumentation. Aristotle, as he himself says, first directed his attention to the fundamental principles of these. The object of Rhetoric is conviction, but its business (ep-yov) consists in discovering that which awakens belief with respect to the subject in hand. (Rhet. i. 1, ou TO d v7rserait pyov aLS ris, Aad Tad loELv T d Orp ovra IsTavld irep EndGrov. Comp. Quintil. ii. 15, 13; Max. Schmidt. de tempore quo ab Arist. libri de arte rhet. editi, p. 8, &c.) The means of proof (Triforess) therefore are what we are mainly concerned with. These are partly external (witnesses, &c.), partly artistical, to be created by the orator; to these belong the personal qualities (jOos) of the orator himself, and the disposition of the hearers, and the mode itself in which the arguments are exhibited. From the means of proof we discover what is requisite in the orator: he must understand how to form conclusions, must possess an insight into the moral nature and virtues of man, as well as an acquaintance with the passions. (Rhet. ii. 22.) Accordingly rhetoric grows as it were out of the roots of dialectics and ethics. (i. 4.) For argumentation, example and enthymeme are in rhetoric, what induction and conclusion are in dialectics. As regards their subject matter, most enthymemes are taken from the special departments of the sciences. In the laying down of the general and particular points of view the excellence of the genuine empiricism of Aristotle, which is united with the most acute sagacity, amply displays itself, and, particularly in the treatment of the 7rdO,, unfolds a rich treasure of psychological experience, which lays bare the most secret recesses of the human heart. The several species of oratory develop themselves out of the different dispositions which may exist in the hearer of a speech. The hearer, namely, is either a SewgPds, i. e. listens only for the sake of artistic enjoyment, or he is one who forms a judgment respecting what is to come, or what is past. In accordance with these different characters in which the hearer appears, there result three species of oratory: the deliberative (yEios o'vCovXevUXe.rucK), the forensic (7. uicavoucov), the epideictic (7. ritucSrucov'). Aristotle then determines what are the essential elements of these species, and further the occasion and purposes of
Page 343 ARISTOTELES. thein. The difference of purpose again involves attention to the appropriate arguments, according as these are common to all, or particular. The power of convincing, however, depends not merely on oratorical conclusions, but also on the credibility of the orator, and the disposition of the hearers. Therefore it is necessary to shew how the favourable disposition requisite on every occasion is to be produced in the mind of the hearer. But a person must know not only what to say, but also how to say it. Therefore rhetoric has, by way of conclusion, to treat of oratorical expression and arrangement. 2. Poetics.-" Thou, 0 man, alone possessest art!" This dictum of Schiller's is already expressed by Aristotle. (Met. i. 1.) In art the production of a work is the main matter and the main purpose, whilst the purpose of oratory, which is throughout practical, is extraneous to speech itself. The relation of art to morality and virtue is, on the side of the artist, a very slight one; for, with dispositions and sentiments, which in actions form the most important point, we have nothing to do in the practice of art, where the main thing is the production (Torielv) of a work. On the other hand, however, every art, and every work of art, exerts a moral influence, purifies and purges the. stronger emotions of the soul, strengthens and elevates the mind. Art, like nature, produces by fashioning organically, but, with consciousness (Phys. ii. 8), and its creative efforts, as well as the contemplation of these efforts, and of the work of art produced, belong to those higher exertions of the mind (vcd rEptrerd) which have their purpose in themselves. Aristotle, indeed, in accordance with the light in which the matter was generally viewed by the ancients, reckons art amongst the higher purposes of the state and of religion (Polit. viii.); but with him it has also already the signification of an independent creation of the mind, which ennobles reality, and which again draws within its sphere religion and morality likewise. All the several arts find a common bond of union in this, that they are all imitations (ltqo-ess), i. e. all arts, epic poetry, tragedy, comedy, lyric poetry, music, orchestic (the art of dancing), painting, and statuary, strive after truth, the real essence of things, which they represent. That which distinguishes the arts from each other lies partly in the diversity of the means by which they represent, partly in the object of representation, partly in the mode of representation. According to this diversity arise the distinct differences in the arts, the species of art, and the different styles of art. I-ow, according to Aristotle's view, the beautiful developed and manifested itself in the separate arts, can be pointed out only with reference to poetry, because this is the only art that Aristotle (in his workt Irepi ToroTrc^9) has treated of. Poetry is the product of inspiration (Rhiet. iii. 7), and its means of representation is language, metrical as well as unmetrical. (Poet. 1.) Improvisations form the historical starting-point for all poetry, which from its very commencement divides itself into two principal directions, that which follows the more homely, and that which follows the more exalted. This depended on the peculiar character of the poet. A delicate perception of what is correct and appropriate, an acute faculty of observation, and a mind easily excitable and ARISTOTELES. 343 capable of inspiration (&5i eipvovs 21 7roeqrimL -o'TiV i spiavLIcoU, JRhet. ii. 15 extr.) make the poet, who at the same time cannot dispense with discretion. The external form of the representation, the metre, is not decisive as to whether anything is poetry or not. The history of Herodotus reduced to metre would still remain a history. (Poet. 9.) A subject becomes poetical only through a lively, vivid mode of representation, and the principal point is the composition and arrangement of the matter, the oav&etEs (or erdorvaraos) Tcv 7rpa'yparcvTw (Poet. 7), in other words, the invention or idea, which has assumed a lively form in the poet; and this is the starting-point, and as it were the soul of poetry (dpx) Kical olov vxI) 6 i60Oos rljs rpaycpieas, Poet. 7"). Poetry is more comprehensive and philosophical than history; for whilst history is restricted to individual actual facts, the poet takes higher ground, and represents in the particular that which, considered in itself, can happen at any time; that which is universally applicable and necessary. The universal in poetry, however, is not an abstract, indefinite something, but manifests itself in the characteristic individuality of person by means of language and action in accordance with internal probability and necessity. (Poet. 9.) Whilst therefore in poetry everything individual, as importing something universal, is thoroughly significant, history, on the other hand, relates in chronological succession what the individual has really done, and what has happened to him. The historian is restricted as to the order, arrangement, and succession of the facts which he describes; the poet has these unrestrictedly under his dominion. With these individual features of Aristotle's Poetics we must here content ourselves, as a complete examination of his theory of the epos and of the drama might easily lead us beyond the limits to which we are restricted. IX. APPENDIX. The main sources for the life of Aristotle are lost to us. The number of works on biography and literary history extant in antiquity, from which information might have been obtained respecting Aristotle, must have been immense, since out of Diogenes Laertius alone the names of nearly 40 such writers may be collected, whose works, with the exception of single quotations, have disappeared. With respect to Aristotle in particular, we have to regret the loss of the works of Hermippus of Smyrna, Timotheus of Athens, Demetrius of Magnesia (' Mdcyvejs), Pseudo-Aristippus, Apollodorus of Athens, Eumelus, Phavorinus, &c., as well as those of Aristoxenus of Tarentum, Apellicon Teos, Sotion, Aristocles of Messene, Damascius, Andronicus of Rhodes, and Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. The scanty and confused sources still extant are the following:-1. Diogenes Laiirtius, v. 1 -35; 2. Dionysius of I-Halicarnassus, Epistola ad Ammaeuma de Demosthene et Aristotele; 3. PseudoAmmonius, t vita Aristotelis, by a later com* Aristotle, indeed, is there speaking only of tragedy, but what he says of the mythus with reference to tragedy applies to all poetry. t Victor Cousin, in the Journal des Savans, December, 1832, p. 747, maintains the authenticity of this little biography.
Page 344 344 ARISTOTELES. piler, according to others by Philoponus, edited by J. Nunnesius, together with an old Latin translation of the same, with some additions (Vetus translatio); 4. The short Greek biography, by an anonymous writer, published by Menage (Anonymus Menagii in Diog. Laert. v. 35, vol. ii. p. 201, ed. Meibom.), with which the article in Suidas coincides;5. Hesychius Milesius. These ancient biographies will be found all together in the first vol. of Buhle's edition of Aristotle. Among the more modern biographies, we need mention only the works of Guarinus of Verona (A. D. 1460, Vita Aristotelis, appended to his translation of Plutarch's biographies); Patritius (Discussiones Peripateticae, Basil. 1581), a passionate opponent of Aristotle and his philosophy; Nunnesius (in his commentary on Ammonius, Vita Aristotelis, Lugd. 1621); Andreas Schott (Vitae comparatae Aristotelis et Demosthenis, Augustae Vindelic. 1603, 4to); Buhle, in the first part of his edition of Aristotle, and in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopiidie, v. p. 273, &c.; Blakesley's Life of Aristotle; and the work entitled Aristotelia by the writer of this article.* [A. S.] ARISTO'TELES ('Apitro'Tr ss). 1. Of Sicily, a rhetorician who wrote against the Panegyricus of Isocrates. (Diog. Laert. v. 35.) Some modern critics attribute to him, on very insufficient grounds, the rTeYcv crvvaywcy-q, which is printed among the works of Aristotle. 2. Of Athens, an orator and statesman, under whose name some forensic orations were known in the time of Diogenes Laertius (v. 35), which were distinguished for their elegance. 3. Of Cyrene, is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (v. 35) as the author of a work rkpl r1oifTiKrj0s. 4. Of Argos, a megaric or dialectic philosopher. (Plut. Arat. 3, 44; Diog. Laert. ii. 113.) He belonged to the party at Argos which was hostile to Cleomenes of Sparta, and after Cleomenes had taken possession of the town, Aristoteles contrived to get it again into the hands of the Achaeans. (Polyb. ii. 53; Plut. Cleom. 20.) 5. The author of a work Ipep nlhAovaosyoi, which is completely lost. (Diog. Laert. v. 35.) 6. The author of a work on the Iliad, which is likewise lost. (Diog. Laert. v. 35.) 7. There are apparently three Peripatetic philosophers of the name of Aristoteles. The first is mentioned as a commentator of his great namesake (Syrian. Metaphys. xii. 55); the second, a son of Erasistratus, is mentioned by S. Empiricus (adv. Math. p. 51); and the third, a Mytilenaean, was one of the most distinguished speculative philosophers in the time of Galen. (De Consuetud. p. 553, ed. Paris.) 8. Of Chaleis in Euboea, who is mentioned as the author of a work on Euboea. (Hiept Evoias,, Harpocrat. s. v."Apyovpa; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 558.) Some critics have been inclined to think that this Aristoteles is not a distinct person, and that the work on Euboea ascribed to him is only another name for the Esvfoeav TroXt-reia of the great philosopher Aristotle. But there is no reason for such a supposition. Ancient writers make mention of many more ARISTOXENUS. persons of the name of Aristoteles, respecting whom no particulars are known. Diogenes enumerates eight, including the great philosopher, and Jonsius (de Script. Histor. Phil. i. 12) no less than thirty-two persons of this name. [L. S.] ARISTOTI'MUS ('Apio-Tdoqros),became tyrant in Elis with the help of Antigonus Gonatas, and after reigning for six months in the most cruel manner, was killed by Hellanicus, Cylon, and others. (Paus. v. 5. ~ 1; Plut. de Mulier. Virt. p. 251, &c.) ARISTO'XENUS ('Aptiro'evos), a philosopher of the Peripatetic school. The date of his birth is not known; but from the account of Suidas, and from incidental notices in other writers, we learn that he was born at Tarentum, and was the son of a learned musician named Spintharus (otherwise Mnesias). (Aelian, II. A. ii. 11.) He learnt music from his father, and having been afterwards instructed by Lamprus of Erythrae and Xenophilus the Pythagorean, finally became a disciple of Aristotle (Gell.iv. 11; Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 18), whom he appears to have rivalled in the variety of his studies, though probably not in the success with which he prosecuted them. According to Suidas, he produced works to the number of 453 upon music, philosophy, history, in short, every department of literature. He gained so much credit as a scholar of Aristotle, that it was expected, at least by himself, that he would be chosen to succeed him; and his disgust at the appointment of Theophrastus caused him afterwards to slander the character of his great master. This story is, however, contradicted by Aristocles (ap. Euseb.Praep. Evang. xv. 2), who asserts that he never mentioned Aristotle but with the greatest respect. We know nothing of his philosophical opinions, except that he held the soul to be a harmony of the body (Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 10,18; Lact. Instit. vii. 13, de Opif. Dei, c. 16), a doctrine "which had been already discussed by Plato (in the Phaedo) and combated by Aristotle. (De An. i. 4.) It is only in his character as a musician that Aristoxenus appears to have deserved and acquired a reputation for real excellence; and no considerable remains of his works have come down to us except three books of dpiovuciK orrotxEZa, or rather, as their contents seem to shew, fragments of two or three separate musical treatises. (See Burney, Hist. of Music, vol. i. p. 442.) They contain less actual information on the theory of Greek music than the later treatises ascribed to Euclid, Aristeides Quintilianus, and others; but they are interesting from their antiquity, and valuable for their criticisms on the music of the times to which they belong. Aristoxenus, at least if we may trust his own account, was the first to attempt a complete and systematic exposition of the subject; and he aimed at introducing not only a more scientific knowledge, but also a more refined and intellectual taste than that which prevailed among his contemporaries, whom he accuses of cultivating only that kind of music which was capable of sweetness. (Aristox. p. 23, ed. Meibom.) He became the founder of a sect or school of musicians, called, after him, Aristoxeneans, who were opposed to the Pythagoreans on the question whether reason or sense should furnish the principles of musical science and the criterion of the truth of its propositions. Pythagoras had discovered the connexion between musical intervals and numerical ratios; and it had been found that the principal concords * The above article was written in German by Prof. Stahr, expressly for this work, and has been translated into English by Mr. C. P. Mason.
Page 345 ARISTOXENUS. ARIUS. 345 were defined by simple ratios which were either Moro. Acut. iii. 16, p. 233), who was a pupil of supeparticular (of the form 1) or mltiple Alexander Philalethes (Galen. De Dif'er. Puls. iv. sperp lar o e 10, vol. viii. p. 746), and must therefore have lived (of the form From this fact, he or his followers about the beginning of the Christian era. He was a1 follower of Herophilus (ibid.-c. 7. p. 734), and inferred, that no interval could be consonant which studied at the celebrated Herophilean school of was defined by a ratio of a different kind; and medicine, established in Phrygia, at the village of hence they were obliged to maintain (contrary to Men-Carus, between Laodicea and Carura. He the evidence of the senses), that such intervals as wrote a work IIepl TjS 'Hpo<Pxov AilpeFOws, De the octave and fourth (the eleventh), for example, HIerophili Secta, of which the thirteenth book is were dissonant. Aristoxenus justly blamed them quoted by Galen (ibid. c. 10. p. 746), and which for their contempt of facts, but went into the oppo- is not now extant. (Mahne, " Diatribe de Arissite extreme of allowing too much authority to the toxeno," Amstel. 1793, 8vo.) [W. A. G.] decisions of the ear, though without denying the ex- ARISTUS ('ApLo-ros), of Salamis in Cyprus, a istence of a certain truth in the arithmetical theory Greek historian, who wrote a history of Alexander (p. 33). He maintains, for instance, not only that the Great, in which he mentioned the embassy of every consonant interval added to the octave produces the Romans to Alexander at Babylon. (Arrian, another consonance, which is true; but also that Anab. vii. 15; Athen. x. p. 436; Clemens Alex. the fourth is equal to two tones and a half (p. 56), Protrept. p. 16; Strab. xiv. p. 682.) That he the falsity of which proposition is not directly ap- lived a considerable time later than Alexander, parent to the ear, but indirectly would become may be inferred from Strabo (xv. p. 730), although evident by means of the very experiment which he it is impossible to determine the exact time at suggests for the confirmation of it. (See Porphyr. which he lived. Some writers are inclined to beComm. in Ptol. Harm. in Wallis, Op. vol. iii. p. lieve that Aristus, the historian, is the same per211, and Wallis's appendix, pp. 159, 169; Burney, son as Aristus the academic philosopher, who was vol. i. chap. v.; Theon Smyrn. p. 83, ed. Bulliald. a contemporary and friend of Cicero, who taught and not. p. 202.) The titles of a good many other philosophy at Athens, and by whom M. Brutus works of Aristoxenus have been collected from was instructed. This philosopher moreover was a various sources by Meursius and others. (See brother of the celebrated Antiochus of Ascalon. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 257; Clinton, F. H. But the opinion which identifies the historian and vol. ii. appendix, c. 12.) Among them are lives of philopher, is a mere hypothesis, supported by Pythagoras, Archytas, Socrates, Plato, and other nothing but the circumstance that both bore the distinguished persons; and several treatises on same name. (Cic. Brut. 97, de Finib. v. 5, subjects connected with music, including one Iept1 Academ. i. 3, ii. 4, Tuscul. Quaest. v. 8, ad Alt. v. Tpayac is 'OpX'eewsr, and one Hepi AviAwcv Tpn- 10; Plut. Brut. 2.) [L. S.] owes. A fragment of 'PviOUcai a-roXELa was edited ARISTYLLUS ('Apo-'rvAAos), a Greek astroby Morelli, Ven. 1785. A collection of fragments nomer, who appears to have lived about B. c. 233. of the other works is given in the essay by Mahne (Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 18.) He wrote a work on referred to below, the fixed stars (opi'psio-s mmrAaevmv), which was used The three books of 'ApgLovucK oorXE^Ta were first by Hipparchus and Ptolemy (Magn. Synt. vii. 2), edited in Latin, with the Harmonics of Ptolemy, and he is undoubtedly one of the two persons of by Ant. Gogavinus, Ven. 1562. The Greek text, this name who wrote commentaries on Aratus, with Alypius and Nicomachus, by Meursius (Lugd. which are now lost. [L. S.] Bat. 1616), who, like his predecessor, seems not ARIUS or AREIUS ("Apeos), the celebrated to have had sufficient musical knowledge for the heretic, is said to have been a native of Libya, task. The last and best edition is at present that and must have been born shortly after the middle of Meibomius, printed (with a Latin version) in of the third century after Christ. His father's the Antiquae Musicae Auctores Septem, Amst. 1652. name appears to have been Ammonius. In the (Mahne, Diatribe de Aristoxeno plhilosopho Peri- religious disputes which broke out at Alexandria patetico, Amst. 1793.) [W. F. D.] in A. D. 306, Arius at first took the part of MeleAIISTO'XENUS ('ApuoTrevos). 1. Of Se- tius, but afterwards became reconciled to Peter, linus in Sicily, a Greek poet, who is said to have bishop of Alexandria, and the opponent of Melebeen the first who wrote in anapaestic metres. tius, who made Arius deacon. (Sozom. H. E. i. Respecting the time at which he lived, it is ex- 15.) After this Arius again opposed Peter for pressly stated that he was older than Epicharmus, his treatment of Meletius and his followers, and from about B. c. 540 to 445. (Schol. ad Aristoph. was in consequence excommunicated by Peter. Plut. 487; Hephaestion, Enchirid. p. 45, ed. Gaisf.) After the death of the latter, Achillas, his succesEusebius (Chron. p. 333, ed. Mai) places him in sor in the see of Alexandria, not only forgave 01. 29 (B. c. 664), but this statement requires Arius his offence and admitted him deacon again, some explanation. If he was born in that year, but ordained him presbyter, A. D. 313, and gave he cannot have been a Selinuntian, as Selinus was him the charge of the church called Baucalis at not founded till about B. c. 628. But Aristoxenus Alexandria. (Epiphan. Haeres. 68. 4.) The may perhaps have been among the first settlers at opinion that, after the death of Achillas, Arius Selinus, and thus have come to be regarded as a himself wanted to become bishop of Alexandria, Selinuntian. and that for this reason he was hostile to Alexan2. A Cyrenaic philosopher, who appears not to der, who became the successor of Achillas, is a have been distinguished for anything except his mere conjecture, based upon the fact, that Theodogluttony, whence he derived the surname of cKWA'v. ret (H. E. i. 2) accuses Arius of envy against (Athen. i. p. 7; Suid. s. v. 'Aptmrdo'evos.) [L. S.] Alexander. The official position of Arius at AlexARISTO'XENUS ('Apmo-rTiTeos), a Greek andria, by virtue of which he interpreted the physicician, quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Scriptures, had undoubtedly gained for him already
Page 346 346 ARIUS. a considerable number of followers, when in A. D. 318, the celebrated dispute with bishop Alexander broke out. This dispute had a greater and more lasting influence upon the development of the Christian religion than any other controversy. The accounts respecting the immediate occasion of the dispute differ (Epiphan. Haeres. 69. 3; Socrat. H. E. i. 5; Sozom. H. E. i. 15; Philostorg. i. 4), but all agree in stating that Alexander after having heard some reports respecting Arius's novel views about the Trinity, attacked them in a public assembly of presbyters. Hereupon Arius charged the bishop with being guilty of the errors of Sabellius, and endeavoured to defend his own opinions. He maintained that the Son of God had been created by God, previous to the existence of the world and of time, by an act of God's own free will and out of nothing; that therefore the Son had not existed from all eternity; and that consequently in this respect the Son was not perfectly equal to the Father, although he was raised far above all men. This first dispute was followed by a circular letter from Alexander to his clergy, and by a second conference, but all had no effect. As in the meantime the number of Arius's followers was rapidly increasing, and as both the clergy and laity of Egypt, as well as several bishops of Syria and Asia Minor, were favourably disposed towards Arius, partly because his doctrines resembled those of Lucian, who had died a martyr about ten years before, and partly because they were captivated by Arius's insinuating letters addressed to them, Alexander, in A. D. 321, convened at Alexandria a synod of nearly one hundred Egyptian and Libyan bishops. The influence of Alexander, of course, prevailed at this synod: Arius was deposed, and he and his followers were excommunicated. In order to insure the proper effect of this verdict, Alexander addressed numerous letters to foreign bishops, in which he announced to them the judgment passed upon Arius, endeavoured to refute his doctrines, and urged them to adopt his own views of the case, and not to afford any protection to the heretic. Two of these letters are still extant. [ALEXANDER, p. 111, b.] It was owing to these letters and to the extensive exertions of Arius to defend his doctrines and to win more followers, that the possibility of an amicable settlement of the question diminished more and more every day. At Alexandria the Arians regularly withdrew from the church, and had their separate places of worship; and in Palestine, whither Arius had fled from Egypt, he found a favourable reception. Here he addressed a letter, still extant (Epiphan. Haeres. 69. 6; Theodoret. H. E. i. 5), to his friend, Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedeia, the most influential bishop of the time, and who himself bore a grudge against Alexander of Alexandria. Eusebius in his answer, as well as in a letter he addressed to Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, expressed his perfect agreement with the views of Arius (Athanas. de Synod. ~ 17; Theodoret. H. E. i. 6), and even received Arius into his own house. During his stay at Nicomedeia, Arius wrote a theological work called Thaleia (OdAsla), which is said to have been composed in the effeminate style of Sotades, and to have been written in part in the so-called Sotadic metre. [SOTADES.] He also addressed a letter to bishop Alexander, in which he entered into an explanation of his doctrines, and which ARIUS. was signed by the clergy who had been excommunicated with him. Of his Thaleia we possess only some abstracts made by his enemy Athanasius, which are written in a philosophical and earnest tone; but they contain statements, which could not but be offensive to a believer in the divinity of Christ. These things, when compared with the spirit of Arius's letters, might lead to the belief that Athanasius in his epitome exaggerated the statements of Arius; but we must remember that Arius in his letters was always prudent and moderate, to avoid giving offence, by not shewing how far his theory might be carried. On the whole, the controversy between Arius and Alexander presents no features of noble generosity or impartiality; each is ambitious and obstinate. Arius was as zealous in endeavouring to acquire new followers as Alexander was fierce and stubborn in his persecution. At last, in A. D. 323, Eusebius and the other bishops who were in favour of Arianism, assembled in council in Bithynia, and issued a circular to all the bishops, requesting them to continue their ecclesiastical communion with Arius, and to use their influence with Alexander on his behalf. But neither this step nor the permission granted by several bishops to Arius to resume his functions, as presbyter, so far as it could be done without encroachment upon the rights of Alexander, was calculated to restore peace; on the contrary, the disputes for and against Arianism spread so much both among the laity and clergy of Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor, that in A. D. 324, the emperor Constantine thought it necessary to write a letter to Arius and Alexander in common, in which he declared the controverted point of little importance, exhorted the disputants to a speedy reconciliation, and left it to each to hold his own opinions, provided he did not disturb the outward union of the church. (Euseb. De Vit. Const. M. ii. 64, &c.) This letter was carried to Alexandria, whither Arius had returned in the meantime, by Hosius, bishop of Corduba, who was also to act as mediator. But Hosius soon adopted the views of Alexander, and his mission had no effect. The disputes became more vehement from day to day, and Constantine at last saw himself obliged to convoke a general council at Nicaea, A. D. 325, at which upwards of 300 bishops were present, principally from the eastern part of the empire, and among them Arius, Alexander, and his friend Athanasius. Each defended his own opinions; but Arius being the accused party was in a disadvantageous position, and a confession of faith, which he presented to the council, was torn to pieces in his presence. Athanasius was the most vehement opponent of Arius, and after long debates the council came to the resolution, that the Son of God was begotten, not made, of the same substance with the Father, and of the same essence with him (do/oouev'o). Arius was condemned with his writings and followers. This verdict was signed by nearly all the bishops present. Eusebius and three others, who refused to sign, were compelled by the threats of the emperor to follow the example of the rest: only two bishops, Theonas of Marmarica and Secundus of Ptolemais, had courage enough to share the fate of Arius and accompanied him to Illyricum whither he was exiled. At the same time an edict was issued, commanding every one, under the penalty of death, to sur
Page 347 ARIUS. ARMINIUS. 847 render the books of Arius, which were to be dest manners. The excellence of his moral chaburnt, and stigmatizing the Arians with the name racter seems to be sufficiently attested by the of Porphyrians - (from Porphyrius, a heathen silence of his enemies to the contrary. That opponent of Christianity, who had nothing to do he was of a covetous and sensual disposition, is with the Arian question). The Arians at Alex- an opinion unsupported by any historical evidence. andria, however, remained in a state of insurrec- Besides the works already'referred to in this artition, and began to make common cause with the cle, Arius is said to have written songs for sailors, Meletians, a sect which had likewise been con- millers, and travellers; but no specimen or fragdemned by the council of Nicaea, for both had to ment of them is now extant. (Q. M. Travasa, regard Alexander, and his successor Athanasius, Storia critica della Vita di Ario, Venice, 1746; as their common enemies. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ix. p. 214, &c.; Walch, HisArius remained in Illyricum till A. D. 328, when torie der Ketzereien; and the church histories of Eusebius of Nicomedeia and his friends used their Mosheim, Neander, and Gieseler.) [L. S.] influence at the court of Constantine, to persuade ARME'NIDAS or ARME'NIDES ('ApUsithe emperor that the creed of Arius did not in 8as or ApEsvas), a Greek author, who wrote a reality differ from that established by the council work on Thebes (Ogarcc), which is referred to of Nicaea. In consequence of this Arius was re- by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 551) called from his exile by very gracious letters from and Stephanus Byzantius. (s. v. 'Ahapros.) But the emperor, and in A. D. 330, had an audience whether his work was written in prose or in verse, with Constantine, to whom he presented a confes- and at what time the author lived, cannot be assion of faith, which consisted almost entirely of certained. [L. S.] passages of the scriptures, and apparently confirm- ARME'NIUS ('Appievos or "Appevos), one of ed the representation which Eusebius had given of the Argonauts, who was believed to have been a his opinions. The emperor thus deceived, granted native of Rhodes or of Armenion in Thessaly, and to Arius the permission to return to Alexandria. to have settled in the country which was called, (Socrat. H. E. i. 25; Rufin. IH. E. i. 5.) On the after him, Armenia. (Strab. xi. p. 530, &c.; Justin, arrival of Arius in Alexandria, A. D. 331, Athana- xlii. 2; Steph. Byz. s. v.'Apltevia.) [L. S.] sius, notwithstanding the threats of Eusebius and ARME'NIUS ('ApErios), a Christian, who the strict orders of the emperor, refused to receive wrote in Greek an account of the martyrdom of him into the communion of the church; for new Chrysanthus and Daria, whose contemporary he outbreaks took place at Alexandria, and the Me- appears to have been. The Greek original has letians openly joined the Arians. (Athanas. never been published, but a Latin translation is Apolog. ~ 59.) Eusebius, who was still the main printed in Surius, Act. Sanct. v. under the 25th of supporter of the Arian party, had secured its as- October. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. x. p. 210.) [L. S.] cendancy in Syria, and caused the synod of Tyre, ARM'INIUS, or Hermann, "the chieftain," was in A. D. 335, to depose Athanasius, and another the son of Sigimer, "the conqueror," and chief of synod held in the same year at Jerusalem, to re- the tribe of the Cherusci, who inhabited the counvoke the sentence of excommunication against try to the north of the Hartz mountains, now Arius and his friends. The attempt of Arius forming the south of Hanover and Brunswick. He to re-establish himself at Alexandria failed not- was born in the year 18 B. c., and in his youth he withstanding, and in A. D. 336, he travelled to led the warriors of his tribe as auxiliaries of the Constantinople to have a second interview with Roman legions in Germany (Tac. Ann. ii. 10), the emperor. He again presented his confession where he learnt the language and military discipline of faith, which was apparently orthodox. Here- of Rome, and was admitted to the freedom of the upon Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, who city, and enrolled amongst the equites. (Vell. Pat. had hitherto refused recognising Arius as a mem- ii. 118.) her of the orthodox church, received orders from the He appears in history at a crisis which is one of emperor to administer to Arius, on the Sunday fol- the most remarkable in the history of Europe. In lowing, the holy communion. When the day the year A. D. 9, the Romans had forts along the came, Arius accompanied by Eusebius and other Danube, the Rhine, on the Elbe and the Weser. friends, went in a sort of triumph through the Tiberius Nero had twice (Vell. Pat. ii. 107) overstreets of Constantinople to the church. On his run the interior of Germany, and had left Varus way thither he went aside for a moment to relieve with three legions to complete the conquest of the a physical want, but he never returned: he was country, which now seemed destined to become, like seized by a fainting fit and suddenly died, and his Gaul, a Roman province. But Varus was a man corpse was found by his friends and buried. (So- whose licentiousness and extortion (Dion Cass. Ivi. crat. H. E. i. 38; Epiphan. Haeres. 69. 10; Ru- 18; Vell. ii. 117) made the yoke of Rome intofin. H. E. i. 13.) His sudden death in such a lerable to the Germans. Arminius, who was now place and at such a moment, naturally gave rise to twenty-seven years old, and had succeeded his faa number of strange suspicions and surmises; the ther as chief of his tribe, persuaded the other chiefs orthodox regarded it as a direct judgment from who were with him in the camp of Varus, to join heaven, while his friends supposed that he had him in the attempt to free his country. He amused been poisoned by his enemies. Varus with professions of friendship, with assurArius must have been at a very advanced age ances that his countrymen were pleased with the when he died, since he is called the old Arius at improvements of Roman civilization, and induced the time when he began his disputes with Alexan- him to send off detachments of his troops in differder, and he was undoubtedly worn out and ex- ent directions to protect his convoys; and as these hausted by the continued struggles to which his troops were separately attacked and cut to pieces, life had been exposed. He is said to have been Varus gave orders for the army to march to quell unusually tall, pale, and thin, of a severe and what seemed an insurrection. Arminius promised gloomy appearance, though of captivating and mo- to join him at a certain place with his Germans,
Page 348 348 ARMINIUS. It was in the upper Valley of the Lippe, and then covered with the deep wood of the Teutoburger Wald. Here Arminius met him, as he had promised, but with a furious assault. (Dion Cass. lvi. 19.) The legions were in disorder, making their "way through the forest, and encumbered with a heavy baggage train, when the Germans charged on all sides upon them. Night put an end to the fight, which was renewed at daybreak. But the country was almost impassable-a violent storm of wind and rain rendered it still more so-and the legions were unable to advance or retreat. Varus fell on his own sword. (Tac. Ann. i. 61.) Those who were taken alive were sacrificed at altars in the forest to the gods of the country, and the legions were cut to pieces, with the exception of a very small body, who broke through the Germans, and made their way to the Rhine. The consternation felt at Rome is well known. (Suet. Aug. 23.) Tiberius was despatched (A. n. 10) with a veteran army to the Rhine. But Arminius had manifestly succeeded in making that river again the barrier of the Roman power. In the year A. D. 14, Germanicus took the command of the legions, and collected his forces on the Ems to penetrate along that river into Germany. But the party of Arminius had rapidly gathered strength. He had been joined by his uncle, Inguiomer, a powerful chief who had hitherto fought for the invaders; and the popular feeling was so strong against his father-in-law, Segestes,still a partizan of the Romans, that he had been rescued only by the legions of Germanicus from a place in which he had been beset by his own tribe. It was on this occasion that the wife of Arminius fell into the hands of the Romans, and was reserved, with the infant boy to whom she soon after gave birth in her captivity, to swell the triumph of Germanicus at Rome. (Strabo, vii. p. 291; Tac. Ann. i. 57.) As Germanicus advanced, Arminius retired before him into the forests. He at last halted on some open ground, and allowed the Romans to attack. IIe then gradually withdrew his men towards a wood, on the skirts of which he had concealed strong bodies of men, whose unexpected charge threw the Romans into confusion. After an obstinate struggle, Arminius remained master of the field, and Germanicus withdrew towards the Rhine. (Tac. Ann. i. 63.) One division of the Roman army under Caecina was ordered to retire by a causeway raised over an extensive marsh, and called the Long Bridges. Arminius occupied the woody heights about the place where the bridges began; and as Caecina halted to repair them, Arminius charged down from the hills, and the Romans were giving way when night ended the contest. The next morning, the Romans endeavoured to make their way round the border of the marsh, and when their long-extended line of march had already got into confusion, Arminius rushed down from the woods, broke the Roman line, and nearly made Caecina prisoner; and nothing but the eagerness of the Germans for plunder, and the approach of night, saved the Romans from destruction. In the morning, Arminius urged, that the enemy, who had formed an entrenched camp during the night, should be allowed to leave their lines before they were attacked. But he was overruled by Inguiomer, who led the impatient Germans to the assault. The result was what Armainius expected. As they were ARNOBIUS. mounting the ramparts, they were suddenly met by a vigorous and steady charge along the whole line. They were routed and pursued with great slaughter, and the Romans made good their retreat to the Rhine. (Tac. Ann. i. 68.) The next year the Romans made no attempt on Germany; but on the following year, A.D. 16, they appeared on the left bank of the Weser. Arminius collected his own and the neighbouring tribes on the plain of Idistavisus, and there resolved to await Germanicus. (Tac. Ann. ii. 16.) It was a winding plain between the river and the neighbouring hills. A forest clear of underwood was in the rear of the main body of the Germans. Arminius with his tribe occupied some rising ground on the flank; and he seems to have chosen his ground and disposed his men with ability. But the generalship of Germanicus and the discipline of the veterans prevailed. Arminius and his tribe were surrounded. He himself was badly wounded, and after making every exertion to maintain the fight, he broke through the enemy, and saved himself by the fleetness of his horse. (Tac. Ann. ii. 17.) Germany again seemed at the mercy of the Romans. Arminius could not meet them in the field; but he had maintained the struggle long enough to save his country from subjection, till the jealousy of Tiberius recalled Germanicus, A. D. 17, and left Germany to secure the independence for which her gallant chief had so nobly struggled. The same year that the Romans retired, Arminius was engaged with another enemy in Maroboduus (or Marbod), the king of the Suevi. He was deserted by his uncle, Inguiomer, who was jealous of his glory, and joined his enemy. But he had attached to himself, as the champion of German liberty, the powerful tribes of the Semnones and Longobardi, and a battle was fought in which he was victorious. (Tac. Ann. ii. 45.) These successes, however, suggested to him other objects than his country's liberty. Not contented with being the chief of a free tribe, he aimed at absolute power. His countrymen rose in arms against him, and the struggle was undecided when he fell by the hands of his own relations in the 37th year of his age, A. D. 19. (Tac. Ann. ii. 88.) [A. G.] ARNAEUS. [InRU and MEGAMEDE.] ARNE ("Apvnq). 1. A daughter of Aeolus, from whom the Boeotian town Arne (afterwards called Chaeroneia), as well as the Thessalian Arne, were believed to have derived their name. (Thuc. i. 12; Paus. ix. 40. ~ 3; Miiller, Orchom. p. 392; AEOLUS.) 2. A woman who betrayed her native country for gold, and was therefore metamorphosed into a jackdaw. (Ov. Met. vii. 465.) [L. S.] ARNO'BIUS, a native of Africa, and sometimes called the Elder, to distinguish him from a later writer of the same name, lived about the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth century of our era, in the reign of Diocletian. He was at first a teacher of rhetoric at Sicca in Africa, but afterwards, according to Jerome (Chron. ad ann. Const.. xx.; de Vir. Illustr. 79), he was called upon in his dreams to embrace Christianity, of which he had been a zealous opponent. (Arnob. adv. Gent. i. 39.) He accordingly became a convert, but was not admitted to baptism until he had proved his sincerity as a Christian. To remove all doubts as to the reality of his conversion, he wrote,
Page 349 ARNOBIUS. while yet a catechumen, his celebrated work against the Pagans, in seven books (Libri septem adversus Gentes), which we still possess. The time when he wrote it, is not quite certain: some assign its composition to the years A. D. 297 and 298, but it is more probable that it was written in or shortly after the year A. D. 303, since it contains some allusions (as iv. 36) to the persecution of the Christians by Diocletian, which commenced in that year. The work is a vindication of Christianity, and the author first refutes the charges of the Pagans against the Christian religion, especially the one which was then frequently brought against it, that the sufferings and calamities of the times were only the fruits of Christianity. He then proceeds to prove, with great learning, acuteness, and eloquence, that polytheism is irreconcilable with good sense and reason, and tends to demoralize mankind. In the sixth book he describes the superiority of the Christian religion; and the last contains a justification of the Christian views respecting sacrifices, and a comparison of the Christian notions of the Deity and divine things with those of the Pagans. In writing this work, Arnobius was evidently animated by a genuine zeal to establish the truth of Christianity, but was free from the eccentricity and enthusiasm of Tertullian. His style is plain and lucid; though animated and sometimes rhetorical, it is yet not free from harsh and barbarous expressions: he treats of his subject with calmness and dignity, and is on the whole a pleasing writer, and superior to his contemporaries. As regards his knowledge of Christianity, it is difficult to form a decided opinion, for it was either his intention to set forth only the main doctrines of Christianity against the pagan mythology, or he possessed but a limited knowledge of the Christian religion. The latter is indeed the more probable, since he wrote his work when yet a catechumen. What he says in his second book aboat the nature and immortality of the soul, is not in accordance with Christian views, but with those of the Gnostics, and at a later time would have been regarded as heretical. The Old Testament seems to have been altogether unknown to him, and he shows no acquaintance with the New, except so far as the history of Christ is concerned. In regard to heathen antiquity, on the other hand, its religion and modes of worship, the work exhibits most extensive and minute learning,' and is one of our best sources of information respecting the religions of antiquity. It is for this reason that Vossius calls him the Varro of the early Christian writers. The arrangement of his thoughts is philosophical, though not always sufficiently strict. Arnobius is a writer worthy to be studied not only by theologians, but also by philologers. He is not known to have written anything besides his book against the Gentiles; there are, however, some works which have sometimes been ascribed to him, though they manifestly belong to a later writer or writers of the same name. (See the following article.) The first edition of Arnobius appeared at Rome in 1542 or 1543, fol., and in it the Octavius of Minutius Felix is printed as the eighth book. The next was edited by S. Gelenius, Basel, 1546, 8vo. The most important among the subsequent editions are those of Antwerp (1582, 8vo., with Canter's notes), of F. Ursinus (Rome, 1583, 4to., reprinted with notes by Stewechius, Antwerp, 1604, 8vo.), D. Heraldus (Paris, 1605, 8vo.), G. Ehnenhorst ARRHIBAEUS. 349 (Hamburg, 1610, fol.), the Variorum edition (Leyden, 1651, 4to.), and that of Prior (Paris, 1666, fol.). It is also contained in the Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. iii. p. 430, &c., ed. Lugdun. and in Gallandi's edition, vol. iv. p. 133, &c. The best edition of Arnobius, which contains the best notes of all the earlier commentators, is that of J. C. Orelli, Leipzig, 1816, 2 vols. 8vo., to which an appendix was published in 1817, 8vo. (Compare Baronius, ad Ann. 302; Du Pin, Nouv. Bibl. des A uteurs Eccles. i. p. 203, &c. ed. 2, Paris, 1690; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 112, ed. Lond.; Bihr. Die Christl. Rom. T/heol. p. 65, &c.) [L. S.] ARNO'BIUS,-the Younger, is usually placed about A. D. 460, and is believed to have been a bishop or presbyter in Gaul. He is known to us only as the author of one or two works of very little importance, which have sometimes been attributed to Arnobius the elder. We possess under his name an allegorical commentary on the Psalms, which is inscribed to Leontius, bishop of Arles, and Rusticus, bishop of Narbonne. This commentary, though the notes are very brief, contains sufficient evidence that the author was a Semipelagian. It was first printed at Basel (1522, 4to.) together with Erasmus's commentary on Psalm ii., and was reprinted at Cologne, 1532, 8vo. A much better edition than either of these is that by L. de la Barre, Paris, 1639, 8vo., which also contains some notes by the same Arnobius on several passages of the Gospels, which had been published separately before by G. Cognant, Basel, 1543, 8vo. The commentary of Arnobius is also contained in the Bibl. Patr. (Lugdun. vol. viii.), where is also assigned to him a work entitled "Altercatio cumi Serapione Aegyptio;" but the principles of the Arnobius who speaks in this Altercatio are strictly those of St. Augustin, and it cannot be the work of a Semipelagian. Sirmond has endeavoured to shew, that our Arnobius the Younger is the author of the work which bears the title Praedestinatus, and which has come down to us as the production of an anonymous writer; but his arguments are not satisfactory. (Du Pin, Nouv. Bibl. des A ut. Eccles. iii. 2, p. 219; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 360, ed. Lond.; Bihr, Die Christl. Rum. Theol. p. 378.) [L.S.] C. ARPINEIUS, a Roman knight, a friend of Q. Titurius, sent to have a conference with Ambiorix, B. c. 54. (Caes. B. G. v. 27, &c.) ARPOXAIS ('ApTrda'ls), the son of Targitaus, was the ancestor, according to the Scythians, of the Scythian people, called Auchatae. (Herod. iv. 5, 6.) ARRA'CHION ('A1aXiwnv), of Phigalea in Arcadia, a celebrated Pancratiast, conquered in the Olympic games in the 52nd, 53rd and 54th Olympiads. In the last Olympiad he was unfairly killed by his antagonist, and was therefore crowned and proclaimed as conqueror, although dead. (Paus. viii. 40. ~ 2.) Philostratus (Imag. ii. 6) calls him Arrichion, and Africanus (ap. Euseb. Chron. p. 50) Arichion. ARRHIBAEUS ('ApiCtaos), king or chieftain of the Macedonians of Lyncus, is mentioned by Thucydides, in the eighth and ninth years of the Peloponnesian war, as in revolt against his sovereign, king Perdiccas. (Thuc. ii. 99.) It was to reduce him that Perdiccas sent for Brasidas (B. C. 424), and against him took place the unsuccessful joint expedition, in which Perdiccas deserted Brasidas, and Brasidas effected his bold and skilful
Page 350 350 ARRIA. retreat. (Thuc. iv. 79, 83, 124.) Comp. Strab. vii. 326, &c.; Aristot. Pol. v. 8. ~ 11, ed. Schneid. [A. H. C.] ARRHIDAEUS ('Appic8aos) or ARIDAEUS ('Aoisalos). 1. A half-brother of Alexander the Great, son of Philip and a female dancer, Philinna of Larissa, was of imbecile understanding, which was said to have been occasioned by a potion administered to him when a boy by the jealous Olympias. Alexander had removed Arrhidaeus from Macedonia, perhaps through fear of his mother Olympias, but had not entrusted him with any civil or military command. He was at Babylon at the time of Alexander's death, B. c. 323, and was elected king under the name of Philip. The young Alexander, the infant son of Roxana, who was born shortly afterwards, was associated with him in the government. [ALEXANDER IV., p. 122, b.] In the following year, B. c. 322, Arrhidaeus married Eurydice [EURYDICE], and was from this time completely under the direction of his wife. On their return to Macedonia, Eurydice attempted to obtain the supreme power in opposition to Polysperchon. Roxana and her infant son fled to Epeirus, and Olympias induced Aeacides, king of Epeirus, to invade Macedonia in order to support Polysperchon. Aeacides was successful in his undertaking: Arrhidaeus and Eurydice were taken prisoners, and put to death by order of Olympias, B. c. 317. In the following year, Cassander conquered Olympias, and interred the bodies of Arrhidaeus and Eurydice with royal pomp at Aegae, and celebrated funeral games to their honour. (Plut. Alex. 77; Dexippus, ap. Phot. Cod. 82; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92; Justin, ix. 8, xiii. 2, xiv. 5; Diod. xviii. 2, xix. 11, 52; Paus. i. 6. ~ 3, 25. ~~ 3, 5, viii. 7. ~ 5; Athen. iv. p. 155.) 2. One of Alexander's generals, was entrusted with the conduct of Alexander's funeral to Egypt. On the murder of Perdiccas in Egypt, B. c. 321, he and Pithon were appointed regents, but through the intrigues of Eurydice, were obliged soon afterwards to resign their office at Triparadisus in Upper Syria. On the division of the provinces which was made at this place, Arrhidaeus obtained the Hellespontine Phrygia. In B. c. 319, after the death of Antipater, Arrhidaeus made an unsuccessful attack upon Cyzicus; and Antigonus gladly seized this pretext to require him to resign his satrapy. Arrhidaeus, however, refused, and shut himself up in Cius. (Justin, xiii. 4; Arrian, ap. Pliot. Cod. 92, p. 71, a, 28, &c., ed. Bekker; Dioed. xviii. 36, 39, 51, 52, 72.) 3. One of the kings of Macedonia during the time of the anarchy, B. c. 279. (Porphyr. ap. Euseb. Arms. i. 38, p. 171.) A'RRIA. 1. The wife of Caecina Paetus. When her husband was ordered by the emperor Claudius to put an end to his life, A. D. 42, and hesitated to do so, Arria stabbed herself, handed the dagger to her husband, and said, "Paetus, it does not pain me." (Plin. Ep. iii. 16; Dion Cass. Ix. 16; Martial. i. 14; Zonaras, xi. 9.) 2. The daughter of the preceding, and the wife of Thrasea, who was put to death by Nero, A. D. 67. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 34.) 3. A Platonic female philosopher (Galen, de Tiher. ad Pison. c. 2. vol. ii. p. 485, ed. Basil.), to whom Menagius supposes that Diogenes Labrtius dedicated his lives of the philosophers. (Menagius, Elistor. Mulier. Philosoplharusm, c. 47.) ARRIANUS. A'RRIA GALLA, first the wife of Domitius Silus and afterwards of Piso, who conspired against Nero, A. D. 66. (Tac. Ann. xv. 59.) A'RRIA GENS. The name Arrius does not occur till the first century B. c., but is rather common under the emperors. The coins of this gens which are extant, of which a specimen is given below, bear the name Q. Arrius Secundus; but it is quite uncertain who he was. On the reverse is a spear between a crown of laurel and a kind of altar. (Eckhel, v. p. 143.) a g9 ARRIA'NUS ('Apiavos). 1. A Greek poet, who, according to Suidas (s. v.), made a Greek translation in hexameter verse of Virgil's Georgics, and wrote an epic poem on the exploits of Alexander the Great ('Ategavpifas), in twenty-four rhapsodies, and a poem on Attanlus of Pergamus. This last statement is, as some critics think, not without difficulties, for, it is said, it is not clear how a poet, who lived after the time of Virgil, could write a poem on Attalus of Pergamus, unless it was some of the later descendants of the family of the Attali. But it might as well be said, that no man can write a poem upon another unless he be his contemporary. It is, however, not improbable that Suidas may have confounded two poets of the same name, or the two poets Adrianus and Arrianus, the former of whom is known to have written an Alexandrias. [ADRIANUS.] 2. A Greek historian, who lived at, or shortly after, the time of Maximin the younger, and wrote a history of this emperor and the Gordiani. It is not improbable that he may be the same as the L. Annius Arrianus, who is mentioned as consul in A. n. 243. (Capitol. Maximin. Jim. 7, Tres (Gord. 2.) 3. A Greek astronomer, who probably lived as early as the time of Eratosthenes, and who wrote a work on meteors, of which a fragment is preserved in Joannes Philoponus's Commentary on Aristotle's Meteorologica. He also wrote a little work on comets, to prove that they foreboded neither good nor evil. (Agatharchid. ap. Phot. p. 460, b. ed. Bekker.) Some writers ascribe the latter work to Arrianus of Nicomedeia. A few fragments of it are preserved in Stobaeus. (Eclog. EPhys. i. 29 and 30.) 4. Of Nicomedeia in Bithynia, was born towards the end of the first century after Christ. He was a pupil and friend of Epictetus, through whose influence he became a zealous and active admirer of the Stoic philosophy, and more especially of the practical part of the system. He first attracted attention as a philosopher by publishing the lectures (earpfaei) of his master. This lihe seems to have done at Athens; and the Athenians were so much delighted with them, that they honoured him with their franchise. Arrian, as we shall see hereafter, had chosen Xenophon as his model in writing, and the Athenians called him the young Xenophon, either from the resemblance of his style to that of Xenophon, or more probably
Page 351 ARRIANUS. from the similarity of his connexion with Epictetus, to that which existed between Xenophon and Socrates. (Photius, p. 17, b. ed. Bekker; Suidas, s. v. 'APv Pta3 s.) In A. D. 124, he gained the friendship of the emperor Hadrian during his stay in Greece, and'he received from the emperor's own hands the broad purple, a distinction which conferred upon him not only the Roman citizenship, but the right to hold any of the great offices of state in the Roman empire. From this time Arrian assumed the praenomen Flavius. In A. D. 136, he was appointed praefect of Cappadocia, which was invaded, the year after, by the Alani or Massagetae. He defeated them in a decisive battle, and added to his reputation of a philosopher that of a brave and skilful general. (Dion Cass. lxix. 15.) Under Antoninus Pius, the successor of Hadrian, Arrian was promoted to the consulship, A. D. 146. In his later years he appears to have withdrawn from public life, and from about A. D. 150, he lived in his native town of Nicomedeia, as priest of Demeter and Persephone (Phot. p. 73, b.), devoting himself entirely to study and the composition of historical works. He died at an advanced age in the reign of M. Aurelius. Dion Cassius is said to have written a life of Arrian shortly after his death, but no part of it has come down to us. (Suid. s. v. Aliwv.) Arrian was one of the most active and best writers of his time. Ie seems to have perceived from the commencement of his literary career a resemblance between his own relation to Epictetus and that of Xenophon to Socrates; it was his endeavour for a long time to carry out that resemblance, and to be to Epictetus what Xenophon had been to Socrates. 'With this view he published I. the philosophical lectures of his master (Ata'rplTal 'E7merTovu) in eight books (Phot. p. 17, b.), the first half of which is still extant. They were first printed by Trincavelli, 1535, and afterwards together with the Encheiridion of Epictetus and Simplicius's commentary, with a Latin translation, by H. Wolf, Basel, 1560. The best editions are in Schweighiuser's Epicteteae Philosopkiae Monumenta, vol. iii., and in Coraes' ITapepya 'EAAVy. Bi\Ato0. vol. viii. II. His familiar conversations with Epictetus ('OjLuAlaL 'ET7triKryov), in twelve books. (Phot. 1. c.) This work is lost with the exception of a few fragments preserved in Stobaeus. III. An abstract of the practical philosophy of Epictetus ('EYXEpiSL&oV ErT-wT-rTUv), which is still extant. This celebrated work, which seems to have been regarded even in antiquity as a suitable manual of practical philosophy, maintained its authority for many centuries, both with Christians and Pagans. About A. D. 550, Simplicius wrote a commentary upon it, and two Christian writers, Nilus and an anonymous author wrote paraphrases of it, adapted for Christians, in the first half of the fifth century of our era. The Encheiridion was first published in a Latin translation by Politianus, Rome, 1493, and in 1496, by Beroaldus, at Bologna. The Greek original, with the commentary of Simplicius, appeared first at Venice, 1528, 4to. This edition was soon followed by numerous others, as the work was gradually regarded and used as a school book. The best among the subsequent editions are those of Haloander (Niirnberg, 1529, 8vo.), Trincavelli (Venice, 1535, 8vo.), Naogeorgius (Strassburg, 1554, 8vo.), Berkel (Leyden, 1670, 8vo.), Schroeder (Frankfurt, 1723, 8vo.), ARRIANUS. 351 and Heyne (Dresden and Leipzig, 1756 and 1776). The best among the recent editions are those of Schweighiuser and Coraes, in the collections above referred to. In connexion with Epictetus, we may also mention, IV. A life of this philosopher by Arrian, which is now lost. Although the greater part of these philosophical works of Arrian has perished, yet the portion still extant, especially the slaTrptai, is the best and most perfect system of the ethical views of the Stoics, that has come down to us. In the case of the Searpifai, Arrian is only the editor, and his conscientiousness in preserving his master's statements and expressions is so great, that he even retains historical inaccuracies which Epictetus had fallen into, and which Arrian himself was well aware of. Another work in which Arrian likewise followed Xenophon as his guide is, V. A treatise on the chase (Kvwmr?'y?'rlds). It is so closely connected with the treatise of Xenophon on the same subject, that not only is its style an imitation of the latter's, but it forms a kind of supplement to Xenophon's work, in as much as he treats only of such points as he found omitted in Xenophon. It was first published with a Latin translation by L. Holstenius (Paris, 1644, 4to.); it is also contained in Zeune's Opuscula minora of Xenophon, and in Schneider's edition of Xenophon, vol. vi. The most important among the works in which he took Xenophon as his model, is VI. His account of the Asiatic expedition of Alexander the Great ('lo-opial voada'gews 'AhAýavSpov, or simply 'Avdeat as 'AAecsivspou), in seven books, which we possess complete, with the exception of a gap in the 12th chapter of the seventh book, which unfortunately exists in all the MSS. This great work reminds the reader of Xenophon's Anabasis, not only by its title, but also by the ease and clearness of its style. The work is not, indeed, equal to the Anabasis in point of composition: it does not possess either the thorough equality and noble simplicity, or the vividness of Xenophon; but Arrian is, nevertheless, in this work one of the most excellent writers of his time, above which he is raised by his simplicity and his unbiassed judgment. Great as his merits thus are as an historian, they are yet surpassed by his excellences as an historical critic. His Anabasis is based upon the most trustworthy historians among the contemporaries of Alexander, whose works are lost, such as Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, Aristobulus, the son of Aristobulus, which two he chiefly followed, Diodotus of Erythrae, Eumenes of Cardia, Nearchus of Crete, and Megasthenes; and his sound judgment as to who deserved credit, justly led him to reject the accounts of such authors as Onesicritus, Callisthenes, and others. No one at all acquainted with this work of Arrian can refuse his assent to the opinion of Photius (p. 73, a.; comp. Lucian, Alex. 2), that Arrian was the best among the numerous historians of Alexander. The work begins with the death of Philip, and after giving a brief account of the occurrences which followed that event, he proceeds in the eleventh chapter to relate the history of that gigantic expedition, which he continues down to the death of Alexander. One of the great merits of the work, independent of those already mentioned, is the clearness and distinctness with which he describes all military movements and operations, the drawing up of the armies for bat
Page 352 352 ARRIANUIS. tie, and the conduct of battles and sieges. In all these respects the Anabasis is a masterly production, and Arrian shows that he himself possessed a thorough practical knowledge of military affairs. He seldom introduces speeches, but wherever he does, he shows a profound knowledge of man; and the speech of Alexander to his rebellious soldiers and the reply of Coenus (v. 25, &c.), as well as some other speeches, are masterly specimens of oratory. Everything, moreover, which is not necessary to make his narrative clear, is carefully avoided, and it is probably owing to this 'desire to omit everything superfluous in the course of his narrative, that we are indebted for his separate work, VII. On India ('Ivtcsi) or T&'IV1KCa), which may be regarded as a continuation of the Anabasis, and has sometimes been considered as the eighth book of it, although Arrian himself speaks of it as a distinct work. It is usually printed at the end of the Anabasis, and was undoubtedly written immediately after it. It is a curious fact, that the Indica is written in the Ionic dialect, a circumstance which has been accounted for by various suppositions, the most probable among which is, that Arrian in this point imitated Ctesias of Cnidus, whose work on the same subject he wished to supplant by a more trustworthy and correct account. The first part of Arrian's Indica contains a very excellent description of the interior of India, in which he took Megasthenes and Eratosthenes as his guides. Then follows a most accurate description of the whole coast from the mouth of the Indus to the Persian gulf, which is based entirely upon the HapMT6rAovs of Nearchus the Cretan, and the book concludes with proofs, that further south the earth is uninhabitable, on account of the great heat. Of Arrian's Anabasis and Indica two Latin translations, the one by C. Valgulius (without date or place), and the other by B. Facius (Pisaur. 1508) appeared before the Greek text was printed; and the editio princeps of the original is that by Trincavelli, Venice, 1535, 8vo. Among the subsequent editions we mention only those of Gerbel (Strassb. 1539, 8vo.), IH. Stephens (Paris, 1575, 8vo.), Blancard (Amsterd. 1688, 8vo.), J. Gronovius, who availed himself of several Augsburg and Italian MSS. (Leyden, 1704, fol.), K. A. Schmidt, with the notes of G. Raphelius (Amsterd, 1 757, 8vo.) and Schneider, who published the Anabasis and Indica separately, the former at Leipzig, 1798, 8vo., and the latter at Halle, 1798, 8vo. The best modern editions of the Anabasis are those of J. E. Ellendt (Regimontii, 1832, 2 vols. 8vo.) and of C. W. Kruger. (Berlin, 1835, vol. i., which contains the text and various readings.) All the works we have hitherto mentioned seem to have been written by Arrian previous to his government of Cappadocia. During this whole period, he appears to have been unable to get rid of the idea that he must imitate some one or another of the more ancient writers of Greece. But from this time forward, he shews a more independent spirit, and throws off the shackles under which he had laboured hitherto. During his government of Cappadocia, and before the outbreak of the war against the Alani, about A. n. 137, he dedicated to the emperor Hadrian-VIII. his description of a voyage round the coasts of the Euxine (7repisrrhovs rdyvrov EeiEvovU), which had undoubtedly been made by Arrian himself. The starting-point is ARRIANUS. Trapezus, whence he proceeds to Dioscurias, the Cimmerian and Thracian Bosporus, and Byzantium. This Periplus has come down to us together with two other works of a similar kind, the one a Periplus of the Erythraean, and the other a Periplus of the Euxine and the Palus Maeotis. Both these works also bear the name of Arrian, but they belong undoubtedly to a later period. These Peripluses were first printed, with other geographical works of a similar kind, by S. Gelenius, Basel, 1533, and somewhat better by Stuck, Geneva, 1577. They are also contained in the collection of the minor works of Arrian by Blancard (Amsterd. 1683 and 1750). The best editions are in Hudson's Geographi Minores, vol. i., and in Gail's and Hoffmann's collections of the minor Geographers. It seems to have been about the same time that Arrian wrote, IX. a work on Tactics (Ao'yosTaKrciKds or 7rEV7v raiKcrTic). What we now possess under this name can have been only a section of the whole work, as it treats of scarcely anything else than the preparatory exercises of the cavalry; but this subject is discussed with great judgment, and fully shews the practical knowledge of the author. The fragment is printed in Scheffer's collection of ancient works on tactics (Upsula, 1664), and better in Blancard's collection of the minor works of Arrian. The greatest literary activity of Arrian occurs in the latter period of his life, which he devoted wholly to the composition of historical works. Their number was not smaller than their importance; but all of these later productions are now lost, and some of them seem to have fallen into oblivion at an early time; for Photius states, that there were several works of Arrian of which he was unable to discover the titles. Besides some smaller works, such as-X. a Life of Dion (Phot. p. 73, b.), XI. a Life of Timoleon (Phot 1. c.), and X II. a Life of Tilliborus, a notorious Asiatic robber of the time (Lucian, Alex. 2), we have mention of the following great works: XIII. A History of the successors of Alexander the Great (Tam sEgra 'AAE'6 -avSpov), in ten books, of which an abstract, or rather an enumeration of contents, is preserved in Photius. (Cod. 92.) XIV. A History of the Parthians (nlapmucd), in 17 books (Phot. p 17, a.), the main subject of which was their wars with the Romans, especially under Trajan. XV. A History of Bithynia (BtOvicad), in eight books. (Phot. Cod. 93; comp. p. 17, a.) This work began with the mythical age, and carried the history down to the time when Bithynia became united with the Roman empire, and in it the author mentioned several events connected with his own life. From a quotation in Eustathius (ad Hon. II. viii. p. 694), who seems to have had the work before him, it is highly probable that it was written in the Ionic dialect. (Comp. Eustath. ad liHon. II. iv. p. 490, v. p. 565, xv. p. 1017.) XVI. A History of the Alani ('AavIKuc) or rae icr' e'Axaveoms,Phot. p. 1.7, a.). A fragment entitled 'eicTaýs ic=a' 'A/Xavc, describing the plan of the battle against the Alani, was discovered in the seventeenth century at Milan: it seems to have belonged to the History of the Alani. It is printed in the collections of Scheffer and Blancard above referred to. A collection of all the works of Arrian was edited by Borhek, Lemgo, 1792-1811, 3 vols. 8vo., which however has no merits at all. (Saint Croix, Examen crit. des Anciens Ilistoriens d'Alexandre la Grand, Paris, 1804, p. 88, &c.; Ellendt, De Arri
Page 353 ARRUNTIUS. aneorum Librorum Reliquiis, Regimontii, 1836,4to.; P. 0. Van der Chys, Commsentaries Geographicus in Arrianum, Leyden, 1828, 4to.) [L. S.] ARRIA'NUS, a Roman jurisconsult, of uncertain date. He probably lived under Trajan, and, according to the conjecture of Grotius, is perhaps the same person with the orator Arrianus, who corresponded with the younger Pliny. (Plin. Ep. i. 2, ii. 11, 12, iv. 8, viii. 21.) He may also possibly be identical with the Arrianus Severus, praefectus aerarii, whose opinion concerning a constitution Divi Trcjani is cited by Aburnus Valens. (Dig. 49. tit. 14. s. 42.) He wrote a treatise de Interdictis, of which the second book is quoted in the Digest in an extract from Ulpian. (Dig. 5. tit. 3. s. 11.) In that extract, Proculus, who lived under Tiberius, is mentioned in such a manner, that he might be supposed to have written after Arrianus. There is no direct extract from Arrianus in the Digest, though he is several times mentioned. (Majansius, vol. ii. p. 219; Zimmern, Rmi. Rechts-Geschichte, i. ~ 90.) [J. T. G.] A'RRIBAS, A'RRYBAS, ARYMBAS, or THARRYTAS ('Ajpias, A Pvgas, 'Apvsdgas, or OaPP ras), a descendant of Achilles, and one of the early kings of the Molossians in Epeirus. When he came to the possession of the throne, he was yet very young, and being the last surviving member of the royal family, his education was conducted Wiith great care, and he was sent to Athens with this view. On his return he displayed so much wisdom that he won the affection and admiration of his people. He framed for them a code of laws, and established a regular constitution, with a senate and annual magistrates. The accounts of this king cannot, of course, be received as historical, and he must be looked upon as one of the mythical ancestors of the royal house of the Molossians, to whom they ascribed the foundation of their political institutions. (Justin, xvii. 3; Plut. Pyrrh. 1; Paus. i. 11. ~ 1.) The grandfather of Pyrrhus also bore the name of Arymbas. (Diod. xvi. 72.) [L. S.] A'RRIUS APER. [APER.] A'RRIUS MENANDER. [MENANDER.] A'RRIUS VARUS. [VARUS.] A'RRIUS. 1. Q. ARRIus, praetor, B. c. 72, defeated Crixus, the leader of the runaway slaves, and killed 20,000 of his men, but was afterwards conquered by Spaitacus. (Liv. Epit. 96.) In B. c. 71, Arriss was to have succeeded Verres as propraetor in Sicily (Cic. Verr. ii. 15, iv. 20; PseudoAscon. in Cic. Div. p. 101, ed. Orelli), but died on his way to Sicily. (Schol. Gronov. in Cic. Div. p. 383, ed. Orelli.) Cicero (Brut. 69) says, that Arrius was of low birth, and without learning or talent, but rose to honour by his assiduity. 2. Q. ARRIUS, a son of the preceding, was an unsuccessful candidate for the consulship, B. c. 59. (Cic. ad Alt. ii. 5, 7.) He was an intimate friend of Cicero (in Vatin. 12, pro Mil. 17); but Cicero during his exile complains bitterly of the conduct of Arrius. (Ad Qu. fr. i. 3.) 3. C. ARRIUS, a neighbour of Cicero at Formiae, who honoured Cicero with more of his company than was convenient to him, B. c. 59. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 14, 15.) ARRU'NTIUS, a physician at Rome, who lived probably about the beginning or middle of the first century after Christ, and is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxix. 5) as having gained by his ARSACES. 353 practice the annual income of 250,000 sesterces (about 19531. 2s. 6d.). This may give us some notion of the fortunes made by physicians at Rome about the beginning of the empire. [W. A. G.] 'ARRU'NTIUS. 1. ARRUNTIUS, proscribed by the triumvirs, and killed, B. c. 43. His son escaped, but perished at sea, and his wife killed herself by voluntary starvation, when she heard of the death of her son. (Appian, B. C. iv. 21.) 2. ARRUNTIUS, was also proscribed by the triumvirs in B. c. 43, but escaped to Pompey, and was restored to the state together with Pompey. (Appian, B. C.iv.46; Vell. Pat. ii. 77.) This is probably the same Arruntius who commanded the left wing of the fleet of Octavianus at the battle of Actium, B. c. 31. (Vel!. Pat. ii. 85; comp. Plut. Ant. 66.) There was a L. Arruntius, consul in B. c. 22 (Dion Cass. liv. 1), who appears to be the same person as the one mentioned above, and may perhaps also be the same as the L. Arruntius, the friend of Trebatius, whom Cicero mentions (ad Fam. vii. 18) in B. c. 53. 3. L. ARRUNTIUS, son of the preceding, consul A. D. 6. Augustus was said to have declared in his last illness, that Arruntius was not unworthy of the empire, and would have boldness enough to seize it, if an opportunity presented. This, as well as his riches, talents, and reputation, rendered him an object of suspicion to Tiberius. In A. D. 15, when the Tiber had flooded a great part of the city, he was appointed to take measures to restrain it within its bed, and he consulted the senate on the subject. The province of Spain had been assigned to him, but Tiberius, through jealousy, kept him at Rome ten years after his appointment, and obliged him to govern the province by his legates. He was accused on one occasion by Aruseius and Sanquinius, but was acquitted, and his accusers punished. He was subsequently charged in A. D. 37, as an accomplice in the crimes of Albucilla; and though his friends wished him to delay his death, as Tiberius was in his last illness, and could not recover, he refused to listen to their advice, as he knew the wickedness of Caligula, who would succeeed to the empire, and accordingly put himself to death by opening his veins. (Tac. Ann. i. 8, 13, 76, 79, vi. 27, Hist. ii. 65, Ann. vi. 5, 7, 47, 48; Dion Cass. Iv. 25, lviii. 27.) It was either this Arruntius or his father, in all probability, who wrote a history of the first Punic war, in which he imitated the style of Sallust. (Senec. Epist. 114.) ARRU'NTIUS CELSUS. [CELSUS.] ARRU'NTIUS STELLA. [STELLA.] ARSA'CES ('Apadcqus), the name of the founder of the Parthian empire, which was also borne by all his successors, who were hence called the Arsacidae. Pott (Etymologisclie Forschungen, ii. p. 172) supposes that it signifies the " Shah or King of the Arii;" but it occurs as a Persian name long before the time of the Parthian kings. Aeschylus (Pers. 957) speaks of an Arsaces, who perished in the expedition of Xerxes against Greece; and Ctesias (Pers. cc. 49, 53, 57, ed. Lion) says, that Arsaces was the original name of Artaxerxes Mnemon. ARSACES I, is variously represented by the ancient writers as a Scythian, a Bactrian, or a Parthian. (Strab. xi. p. 515; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 58, p. 17, ed. Bekker; Herodian, vi. 2; Moses Chor. i. 7.) Justin (xli. 4) says, that Ihe 2 A
Page 354 354 ARSACES. ARSACES. was of uncertain origin. He seems however to have been of the Scythian race, and to have come from the neighbourhood of the Ochus, as Strabo says (1. c.), that he was accompanied in his undertaking by the Parni Daae, who had migrated from the great race of the Scythian Daae, dwelling above the Palus Maeotis, and who had settled near the Ochus. But from whatever country the Parthians may have come, they are represented by almost all ancient writers as Scythians. (Curt. vi. 2; Justin, x1i. 1; Plut. Crass. 24; Isidor. Orig. ix. 2.) Arsaces, who was a man of approved valour, and was accustomed to live by robbery and plunder, invaded Parthia with his band of robbers, defeated Andragoras, the governor of the country, and obtained the royal power. This is the account given by Justin (1. c.), which is in itself natural and probable, but different from the common one which is taken from Arrian. According to Arrian (ap. Phiot. Cod. 58), there were two brothers, Arsaces and Tiridates, the descendants of Arsaces, the son of Phriapitus. Pherecles, the satrap of Parthia in the reign of Antiochus II., attempted to violate Tiridates, but was slain by him and his brother Arsaces, who induced the Parthians in consequence to revolt from the Syrians. The account of Arrian in Syncellus (p. 28-4) is again different from the preceding one preserved by Photius; but it is impossible to determine which has given us the account of Arrian most faithfully. According to Syncellus, Arrian stated that the two brothers Arsaces and Tiridates, who were descended from Artaxerxes, the king of' the Persians, were satraps of Bactria at the same time as the Macedonian Agathocles governed Persia (by which he means Parthia) as Eparch. Agathocles had an unnatural passion for Tiridates, and was slain by the two brothers. Arsaces then became king, reigned two years, and was succeeded by his brother Tiridates, who reigned 37 years. The time, at which the revolt of Arsaces took place, is also uncertain. Appian (Syr. 65) places it at the death of Antiochus II., and others in the reign of his successor, Seleucus Callinicus. According to the statement of Arrian quoted above, the revolt commenced in the reign of Antiochus II., which is in accordance with the date given by Eusebius, who fixes it at B. c. 250, and which is also supported by other authorities. (Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. sub anno 250.) Justin (xli. 4, 5), who is followed in the main by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 6), ascribes to Arsaces I. many events, which probably belong to his successor. According to his account Arsaces first conquered Hyrcania, and then prepared to make war upon the Bactrian and Syrian kings. He concluded, however, a peace with Theodotus, king of Bactria, and defeated Seleucus Callinicus, the successor of Antiochus II. in a great battle, the anniversary of which was ever after observed by the Parthians, as the commencement of their liberty. According to Posidonius (ap. Athen. iv. p. 153, a.), Seleucus was taken prisoner in a second expedition which he made against the Parthians, and detained in captivity by Arsaces for many years. After these events Arsaces devoted himself to the internal organization of his kingdom, built a city, called Dara, on the mountain Zapaortenon, and died in a mature old age. This account is directly opposed to the one given by Arrian, already referred to (ap. S,,nceil. 1. c.), according to which Arsaces was killed after a reign of two years and was succeeded by his brother. Arrian has evidently confounded Arsaces I. and II., when he says that the former was succeeded by his son. This statement we must refer to Arsaces II. ARSACES II., TIRIDATES, reigned, as we have already seen, 37 years, and is probably the king who defeated Seleucus. ARsAcEs III., ARTABANUS I., the son of the preceding, had to resist Antiochus III. (the Great), who invaded his dominions about B. c. 212. Antiochus at first met with some success, but was unable to subdue his country, and at length made peace with him, and recognized him as king. (Polyb. x. 27-31; Justin, xli. 5.) The reverse of the annexed coin represents a Par i3 ([6 -4sj K thian seated, and bears the inscription BA IAEai4 MEFAAOT AP:AKOT.: APsAcEs IV., PRIAPATIUS, son of the preceding, reigned 15 years, and left three sons, Phraates, Mithridates, and Artabanus. (Justin, xli. 5, xlii. 2.) ARSACES V., PHRAATES I., subdued the Mardi, and, though he had many sons, left the kingdom to his brother Mithridates. (Justin. xli. 5.) The reverse of the annexed coin has the inscription BA:IAEfZ BA:IAECN MEFAAOT AP2AKOT ElTIHANOT2. Asm Eckhel, with more probability, assigns this coin to Arsaces VI., who may have taken the title of " king of kings," on account of his numerous victories. ARSACES VI., MITHRIDATES I., son of Arsaces IV., whom Orosius (v. 4) rightly calls the sixth from Arsaces I., a man of distinguished bravery, greatly extended the Parthian empire. He conquered Eucratides, the king of Bactria, and deprived him of many of his provinces. He is said even to have penetrated into India and to have subdued all the people between the Hydaspes and the Indus. He conquered the Medes and Elymaeans, who had revolted from the Syrians, and his empire extended at least from the Hindu Caucasus to the Euphrates. Demetrius Nicator, king of Syria, marched against Mithridates; he was at first successful, but was afterwards taken prisoner in B. c. 138. Mithridates, however, treated him with re * The number of coins, belonging to the Arsacidae, is very large, but it is impossible to determine with certainty to which individual each belongs. A few are given as specimens, and are placed under the kings to which they are assigned in the catalogue of the British Museum.
Page 355 ARSACES. ARSACES. 355 spect, and gave him his daughter Rhodogune in has confounded this king with Mithridates III., marriage; but the marriage appears not to have i. e. Arsaces XIII. been solemnized till the accession of his son Phraa- ARSACES X., MNASCIRES? The successor of tes II. Mithridates died during the captivity of Arsaces IX. is not known. Vaillant conjectures Demetrius, between B. c. 138 and 130. He is that it was the Mnascires mentioned by Lucian described as a just and upright prince, who did (lMacrob. 16), who lived to the age of ninety-six; not give way to pride and luxury. He introduced but this is quite uncertain. among his people the best laws and usages, which ARSACES XI., SANATROCES, as he is called he found among the nations he had conquered. on coins. Phlegon calls him Sinatruces; Appian, (Justin, xli. 6; Oros. v. 4; Strab. xi. pp. 516, Sintricus; and Lucian, Sinatrocles. He had lived 517, 524, &c.: Appian, Syr. 67; Justin, xxxvi. as an exile among the Scythian people called 1, xxxviii. 9; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9; 1 iMaccab. c. Sacauraces, and was placed by them upon the 14; Diod. E.c. p. 597, ed. Wess.) The reverse throne of Parthia, when he was already eighty of the annexed coin has the inscription BA-IAEG2Z years of age. He reigned seven years, and died ME1 AAOT AP-AKOT I'AEAAHNO2. while Lucullus was engaged in the war against Tigranes, about B. c. 70. (Lucian, Macrob. 15; Phlegon, ap. Ph'ot. Cod. 97, p. 84, ed. Bekker; / %. k e Appian, Mithr. 104.) ARSACES X11., PHRAATES III., surnamed _- 'I0- EO/s (Phlegon, 1. c.), the son of the preceding. A| 11yZ Mithridates of Pontus and Tigranes applied to Phraates for assistance in their war against the Q \ \N Q ' / Romans, although Phraates was at enmity with i __ y Tigranes, because he had deprived the Parthian ^ 0 > P empire of Nisibis and part of Mesopotamia. Among the fragments of Sallust (Hist. lib. iv.) we have a ARSACES VII, PHRAATES II., the son of letter purporting to be written by Mithridates to the preceding, was attacked by Antiochus VII. Phraates on this occasion. Lucullus, as soon as he (Sidetes), who defeated Phraates in three great bat- heard of this embassy, also sent one to Phraates, ties, but was at length conquered by him, and lost who dismissed both with fair promises, but accordhis life in battle, B. c. 128. [See p.199,a.] Phraa- ing to Dion Cassius, concluded an alliance with the tes soon met with the same fate. The Scythians, Romans. He did not however send any assistance who had been invited by Antiochus to assist him to the Romans, and eventually remained neutral. against Phraates, did not arrive till after the fall of (Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224, p. 239, ed. Bekker; the former; but in the battle which followed, the Dion Cass. xxxv. 1, 3, comp. 6; Appian, 1Mithr. 87; Greeks whom Phraates had taken in the war Plut. Lucull. 30.) When Pompey succeeded Luagainst Antiochus, and whom he now kept in his cullus in the command, B. c. 66, he renewed the service, deserted from him, and revenge.d the ill- alliance with Phraates, to whose court meantime treatment they had suffered, by the death of Phraa- the youngest son of Tigranes, also called Tigranes, tes and the destruction of his army. (Justin, had fled after the murder of his two brothers by xxxviii. 10, xlii. 1.) The reverse of the annexed their father. Phraates gave the young Tigranes his coin has the inscription BA:IAE5 MEFAAOT daughter in marriage, and was induced by his sonAP2AKOT OEOIMATOPO: NIKATOPOZ. in-law to invade Armenia. He advanced as far as Artaxata, and then returned to Parthia, leaving S- his son-in-law to besiege the city. As soon as he 5TX / UD-iM had left Armenia, Tigranes attacked his son and Sdefeated him in battle. The young Tigranes then S-- fled to his grandfather Mithridates, and afterwards a to Pompey, when he found the former was unable N V d l to assist him. The young Tigranes conducted Pompey against his father, who surrendered on his approach. Pompey then attempted to reconcile ARSACES VIII., ARTABANUS II., the youngest the father and the son, and promised the latter the brother of Arsaces VI., and the youngest son sovereignty of Sophanene; but as he shortly after of Arsaces IV., and consequently the uncle of offended Pompey, he was thrown into chains, and the preceding, fell in battle against the Thogarii or reserved for his triumph. When Phraates heard Tochari, apparently after a short reign. (Justin, of this, he sent to the Roman general to demand xlii. 2.) the young man as his son-in-law, and to propose ARSACES IX., MITHRIDATEs II., the son of that the Euphrates should be the boundary between the preceding, prosecuted many wars with success, the Roman and Parthian dominions. But Pompey and added many nations to the Parthian empire, merely replied, that Tigranes was nearer to his whence he obtained the surname of Great. He father than his father-in-law, and that he would defeated the Scythians in several battles, and also determine the boundary in accordance with what carried on war against Artavasdes, king of Armenia. was just. (Dion Cass. xxxvi. 28, 34-36; Plut. It was in his reign tha+ the Romans first had any Pomp. 33; Appian, Syr. 104, 105.) Matters now official communication with Parthia. Mithridates began to assume a threatening aspect between sent an ambassador, Orobaz-s, to Sulla, who had Phraates and Pompey, who had deeply injured the come into Asia B. c. 92, in order to restore Ariobar- former by refusing to give him his usual title of zanes I. to Cappadocia, and requested alliance with "king of kings." But although Phraates marched the Romans, which seems to have been granted, into Armenia, and sent ambassadors to Pompey to (Justin, xlii. 2; Plut. Sudla, 5.) Justin (xlii. 4) bring many charges against him, and Tigranes, the 2 A 2
Page 356 356 ARSACES. Armenian king, implored Pompey's assistance, the Roman general judged it more prudent not to enter into war with the Parthians, alleging as reasons for declining to do so, that the Roman people had not assigned him this duty, and that Mithridates was still in arms. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 6, 7; Plut. Pomp. 38, 39.) Phraates was murdered soon afterwards by his two sons, Mithridates and Orodes. (Dion Cass. xxxix. 56.) ARSACES XIII., MITHRIDATES III., the son of the preceding, succeeded his father apparently during the Armenian war. On his return from Armenia, Mithridates was expelled from the throne, on account of his cruelty, by the Parthian senate, as it is called, and was succeeded by his brother Orodes. Orodes appears to have given MIedia to Mithridates, but to have taken it from him again; whereupon Mithridates applied to the Roman general, Gabinius, in Syria, B. c. 55, who promised to restore him to Parthia, but soon after relinquished his design in consequence of having,received a great sum from Ptolemy to place him upon the throne of Egypt. Mithridates, however, seems to have raised some troops; for he subsequently obtained possession of Babylon, where, after sustaining a long siege, he surrendered himself to his brother, and was immediately put to death by his orders. (Justin, xlii. 4; Dion Cass. xxxix. 56; Appian, Syr. 51; Joseph. B. J. i. 8. ~ 7.) ARSACES XIV., ORODES I., the brother of the preceding, was the Parthian king, whose general Surenas defeated Crassus and the Romans, in B. c.,53. [CRAss.us.] The death of Crassus and the destruction of the Roman anny spread universal alarm through the eastern provinces of the Roman empire. Orodes, becoming jealous of Surenas, put him to death, and gave the command of the army to his son Pacorus, who was then still a youth. The Parthians, after obtaining possession of all the country east of the Euphrates, entered Syria, in i. c. 51, with a small force, but were driven back by Cassius. In the following year (a. c. 50) they again crossed the Euphrates with a much larger army, which was placed nominally under the command of Pacorus, but in reality under that of Osaces, an experienced general. They advanced as far as Antioch, but unable to take this city marched against Antigoneia, near which they were defeated by Cassius. Osaces was killed in the battle, and Pacorus thereupon withdrew from Syria. (Dion Cass. xl. 28, 29; Cic. ad Att. v. 18, 21, ad Fam. xv. 1.) Bibulus, who succeeded Cassius in the command in the same year, induced Ornodapantes, one of the Parthian satraps, to revolt from Orodes, and proclaim Pacorus king (Dion Cass. xl. 30), in consequence of which Pacorus became suspected by his father and was recalled from the army. (Justin, xlii. 4.) Justin (1. c.) seems to have made a mistake in stating that Pacorus was recalled before the defeat of the Parthians by Cassius. On the breaking out of the war between Caesar and Pompey, the latter applied to Orodes for assistance, which he promised on condition of the cession of Syria; but as this was refused by Pompey, the Parthian king did not send him any troops, though he appears to have been in favour of his party rather than of Caesar's. (Dion Cass. xli. 55; Justin, 1. c.) Caesar had intended to invade Parthia in the year in which he was assassinated, B. c. 44; and in the civil war which followed, Brutus and Cassius sent Labienus, the son of ARSACES. Caesar's general, T. Labienus, to Orodes to solicit his assistance. This was promised; but the battle of Philippi was fought, and Brutus and Cassius fell (B. c. 42), before Labienus could join them. The latter now remained in Parthia. Meantime Antony had obtained the East in the partition of the Roman world, and consequently the conduct of the Parthlian war; but instead of making any preparations against the Parthians, he retired to Egypt with Cleopatra. Labienus advised the Parthian monarch to seize the opportunity to invade Syria, and Orodes accordingly placed a great army under the command of Labienus and Pacorus. They crossed the Euphrates in B. c. 40, overran Syria, and defeated Saxa, Antony's quaestor. Labienus penetrated into Cilicia, where he took Saxa prisoner and put him to death; and while he was engaged with a portion of the army in subduing Asia Minor, Pacorus was prosecuting conquests with the other part in Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine. These successes at length roused Antony from his inactivity. He sent against the Parthians Ventidius, the ablest of his legates, who soon changed the face of affairs. He defeated Labienus at Mount Taurus in B. c. 39, and put him to death when he fell into his hands shortly after the battle. By this victory he recovered Cilicia; and by the defeat shortly afterwards of Pharnapates, one of the Parthian generals, he also regained Syria. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 24-41; Vell. Pat. ii. 78; Liv. Epit. 127; Flor. iv. 9; Plut. Anton. c. 33; Appian, B. C. v. 65.) In the following year, B. c. 38, Pacorus again invaded Syria with a still larger army, but was completely defeated in the district called Cyrrhestice. Pacorus himself fell in the battle, which was fought on the 9th of June, the very day on which Crassus had fallen, fifteen years before. (Dion Cass. xlix. 19, 20; Plut. Anton. c. 34; Liv. Epit. 128; Oros. vi. 18; Justin, 1. c.) This defeat was a severe blow to the Parthian monarchy, and was deeply felt by the aged king, Orodes. For many days he refused to take food, and did not utter a word; and when at length he spoke, he did nothing but call upon the name of his dear son Pacorus. Weighed down by grief and age, he shortly after surrendered the crown to his son, Phraates, during his life-time. (Justin, 1. c.; Dion Cass. xlix. 23.) The inscription on the annexed coin is BA2IAEf1 BAMIAEnN AP2AKO(T) ETEPFET(OT) EIII4ANOT: IAEAAHNO(S). ARSACES XV., PHRAATES IV., who is described as the most wicked of the sons of Orodes, commenced his reign by murdering his father, his thirty brothers, and his own son, who was grown up, that there might be none of the royal family whom the Parthians could place upon the throne in his stead. In consequence of his cruelty many of the Parthian nobles fled to Antony (a. c. 37)
Page 357 AiSACES. ARSACES. 357 and among the rest Monaeses, who was one of the most distinguished men in Parthia. At the instigation of Monaeses, Antony resolved to invade Parthia, and promised Monaeses the kingdom. Phraates, alarmed at this, induced Monaeses to return to him; but Antony notwithstanding persevered in his intention of invading Parthia. It was not, however, till late in the year (B. C. 36) that he commenced his march, as he was unable to tear himself away from Cleopatra. The expedition was a perfect failure; he was deceived by the Armenian king, Artavasdes, and was induced by him to invade Media, where he laid siege to Praaspi or Praata. His legate, Statianus, meantinme was cut off with 10,000 Romans; and Antony, finding that he was unable to take the town, was at length obliged to raise the siege and retire from the country. In his retreat through Media and Armenia he lost a great number of men, and with great difficulty reached the Araxes with a part of his troops. (Dion Cass. xlix. 23-31; Plut. Ant. cc. 37-51; Strab. xi. p. 523, &c.; Liv. Epit. 130.) The breaking out of the civil war soon afterwards between Antony and Octavianus compelled the former to give up his intention of again invading Parthia. He formed, however, an alliance with the king of Media against the Parthians, arid gave to the former part of Armenia which had been recently conquered. But as soon as Antony had withdrawn his troops in order to oppose Octavianus, the Parthian king overran both Media and Armenia, and placed upon the Armenian throne Artaxias, the son of Artavasdes, whom Antony had deposed. (Dion Cass. xlix. 44.) Meantime the cruelties of Phraates had produced a rebellion against him. He was driven out of the country, and Tiridates proclaimed king in his stead. Phraates, however, was soon restored by the Scythians, and Tiridates fled to Augustus, carrying with him the youngest son of Phliraates. Hereupon Phraates sent an embassy to Rome to demand the restoration of his son and Tiridates. Augustus, however, refused to surrender the latter; but he sent back his son to Phraates, on condition of his surrendering the Roman standards and prisoners taken in the war with Crassus and Antony. They were not, however, given up till three years afterwards (B. c. 20), when the visit of Augustus to the east appears to have alarmed the Parthian king. Their restoration caused universal joy at Rome, and was celebrated not only by the poets, but by festivals, the erection of a triumphal arch and temple, and other monuments. Coins also were struck to commemorate the event, on one of which we find the inscription SIGNIS RECEPTIS. (Dion Cass. li. 18, liii. 33, liv. 8; Justin, xlii. 5; Suet. Aug. 21; Hor. Epist. i. 18. 56, Carm. iv. 15. 6; Ovid, Trist. ii. 1. 228, Fast. vi. 467, Ar. Anm. i. 179, &c.; Propert. ii. 10, iii. 4, iii. 5. 49, iv. 6. 79; Eckhel, vi. pp. 94-97.) Phraates also sent to Augustus as hostages his four sons, with their wives and children, who were carried to Rome. According to some accounts he delivered them up to Augustus, not through fear of the Roman power, but lest the Parthians should appoint any of them king in his stead, or according to others, through the influence of his Italian wife, Thermnusa, by wh am he had a fifth son, Phraataces. (Tac. Ann. ii. 1; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 2. ~ 4: Strab. xvi. p. 748.) In A. D. 2, Phraates took possession of Armenia, and expelled Artavasdes, who had been appointed king by Augustus, but was compelled soon after to give it up again. (Dion Cass. Iv. 11; Veil. ii. 101; Tac. Ann. ii. 4.) He was shortly afterwards poisoned by his wife Thermusa, and his son Phraataces. (Joseph. 1. c.) The coin given under Arsaces XIV. is assigned by most modern writers to this king. ARSACES XVI., PHRAATACES, reigned only a short time, as the murder of his father and the report that he committed incest with his mother made him hated by his subjects, who rose in rebellion against him and expelled him from the throne. The Parthian nobles then elected as king Orodes, who was of the family of the Arsacidae. (Joseph. 1. c.) ARSACES XVII., ORODES II., also reigned only a short time, as he was killed by the Parthians on account of his cruelty. Upon his death the Parthians applied to the Romans for Vonones, one of the sons of Phraates IV., who was accordingly granted to them. (Joseph. 1. c.; Tac. Ann. ii. 1-4.) ARSACEs XVIII., VONONES I., the son of Phraates IV., was not more liked by his subjects than his two immediate predecessors. His long residence at Rome had rendered him more a Roman than a Parthian, and his foreign habits and manners produced general dislike among his subjects. They therefore invited Artabanus, king of Media, who also belonged to the family of the Arsacidae, to take possession of the kingdom. Artabanus was at first defeated, but afterwards drove Vonones out of Parthia, who then took refuge in Armenia, of which he was chosen king. But, threatened by Artabanus, he soon fled into Syria, in which province the Roman governor, Creticus Silanus, allowed him to reside with the title of king. (A. D. 16.) Two years afterwards he was removed by Germanicus to Pompeiopolis in Cilicia, partly at the request of Artabanus, who begged that he might not be allowed to reside in Syria, and partly because Germanicus wished to put an affront upon Piso, with whom Vonones was very intimate. In the following year (A. D. 19) Vonones attempted to escape from Pompeiopolis, intending to fly into Scythia; but he was overtaken on the banks of the river Pyramus, and shortly after put to death. According to Suetonius, he was put to death by order of Tiberius on account of his great wealth. (Joseph. 1. c.; Tac. Ann. ii. 1-4, 56, 58, 68; Suet. Tiber. c. 49.) ARSACES XIX., ARTABANUS III., obtained the Parthian kingdom on the expulsion of Vonones in A. D. 16. The possession of Armenia was the great cause of contention between him and the Romans; but during the life-time of Germanicus, Artabanus did not attempt to seize the country. Germanicus, on his arrival in Armenia in A. D. 18, recognized as king Zenon, the son of Polemon, whom the Armenians wished to have as their ruler, and who reigned under the name of Artaxias III.; and about the same time, Artabanus sent an embassy to Germanicus to renew the alliance with the Romans. (Tac. Ann. ii. 56, 58.) After the death of Germanicus, Artabanus began to treat the Romans with contempt, placed Arsaces, one of his sons, over Armenia, and sent art embassy into Syria to demand the treasures which Vonones had carried with him out of Parthia. He also oppressed his subjects, till at length
Page 358 358 ARSACES. two of the chief men among the Parthians, Sinnaces, and the eunuch, Abdus, despatched an embassy to Tiberius in A. D. 35, to beg him to send to Parthia Phraates, one of the sons of Phraates IV. Tiberius willingly complied with the request; but Phraates upon arriving in Syria was carried off by a disease, which was brought on by his disusing the Roman mode of living, to which he had been accustomed for so many years, and adopting the Parthian habits. As soon as Tiberius heard of his death, he set up Tiridates, another of the Arsacidae, as a claimant to the Parthian throne, and induced Mithridates and his brother Pharasmanes, Iberian princes, to invade Armenia. The Iberians accordingly entered Armenia, and after bribing the servants of Arsaces, the son of Artabanus, to put him to death, they subdued the country. Orodes, another son of Artabanus, was sent against them, but was entirely defeated by Pharasmanes; and soon afterwards Artabanus was obliged to leave his kingdom, and to fly for refuge to the Hyrcanians and Carmanians. Hereupon Vitellius, the governor of Syria, crossed the Euphrates, and placed Tiridates on the throne. In the following year (A. D. 36) some of the Parthian nobles, jealous of the power of Abdageses, the chief minister of Tiridates, recalled Artabanus, who in his turn compelled Tiridates to fly into Syria. (Tac. Ann. vi. 31-37, 41-44; Dion Cass. lviii. 26; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 4.) When Tiberius received news of these events, he commanded Vitellius to conclude a peace with Artabanus (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 5), although Artabanus, according to Suetonius (Tiber. c. 66), sent a letter to Tiberius upbraiding him with his crimes, and advising him to satisfy the hatred of his citizens by a voluntary death. After the death of Tiberius, Artabanus sought to extend his kingdom; he seized Armenia, and meditated an attack upon Syria, but alarmed by the activity of Vitellius, who advanced to the Euphrates to meet him, he concluded peace with the Romans, and sacrificed to the images of Augustus and Caligula. (Dion Cass. lix. 27; Suet. Vitell. 2, Calig. 14, with Ernesti's Excursus.) Subsequently, Artabanus was again expelled from his kingdom by the Parthian nobles, but was restored by the mediation of Izates, king of Adiabene, who was allowed in consequence to wear his tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed, which were privileges peculiar to the kings of Parthia. Soon afterwards, Artabanus died, and left the kingdom to his son Bardanes. IBardanes made war upon Izates, to whom his family was so deeply indebted, merely because he refsused to assist him in making war upon the Romans; but when the Parthians perceived the intentions of Bardanes, they put him to death, and gave the kingdom to his brother, Gotarzes. This is the account given by Josephus (Ant. xx. 3) of the reigns of Bardanes and Gotarzes, and differs from that of Tacitus, which is briefly as follows. ARSACES XX., GOTARZES, succeeded his father, Artabanus III.; but in consequence of his cruelty, the Parthians invited his brother Bardanes to the throne. A civil war ensued between the two brothers, which terminated by Gotarzes resigning the crown to Bardanes, and retiring into Byrcania. (Tac. Ann. xi. 8, 9.) ARSACES XXI., BARDANES, the brother of the preceding, attempted to recover Armenia, but ARSACES. was deterred from his design by Vibius Marsus, the governor of Syria. He defeated his brother Gotarzes, who had repented of his resignation, and attempted to recover the throne; but his successes led him to treat his subjects with haughtiness, who accordingly put him to death while he was hunting, A. D. 47. His death occasioned fresh disputes for the crown, which was finally obtained by Gotarzes; but as he also governed with cruelty, the Parthians secretly applied to the emperor Claudius, to beg him to send them from Rome Meherdates, the grandson of Phraates IV. Claudius complied with their request, and commanded the governor of Syria to assist Meherdates. Through the treachery of Abgarus, king of Edessa, the hopes of Meherdates were ruined; he was defeated in battle, and taken prisoner by Gotarzes, who died himself shortly afterwards, about A. D. 50. (Tac. Ann. xi. 10, xii. 10-14.) ARSACES XXII., VONONES II., succeeded to the throne on the death of Gotarzes, at which time he was satrap of Media. His reign was short (Tac. Ann. xii. 14), and he was succeeded by ARSACES XXIII., VOLOGESES I., the son of Vonones II. by a Greek concubine, according to Tacitus (Ann. xii. 14, 44); but according to Josephus, the son of Artabanus III. (Ant. xx. 3. ~ 4.) Soon after his accession, he invaded Armenia, took Artaxata and Tigranocerta, the chief cities of the country, and dethroned Rhadamistus, the Iberian, who had usurped the crown. He then gave Armenia to his brother, Tiridates, having previously given Media to his other brother, Pacorus. These occurrences excited considerable alarm at Rome, as Nero, who had just ascended the throne (A.D. 55), was only seventeen years of age. Nero, however, made active preparations to oppose the Parthians, and sent Domitius Corbulo to take possession of Armenia, from which the Parthians had meantime withdrawn, and Quadratus Ummidius to connmand in Syria. Vologeses was persuaded by Corbulo and Ummidius to conclude peace with the Romans and give as hostages the noblest of the Arsacidae; which he was induced to do, either that he might the more conveniently prepare for war, or that he might remove from the kingdom those who were likely to prove rivals. (Tac. Ann. xii. 50, xiii. 5- 9.) Three years afterwards (A. D. 58), the war at length broke out between the Parthians and the Romans; for Vologeses could not endure Tiridates to be deprived of the kingdom of Armenia, which he had himself given him, and would not let him receive it as a gift from the Romans. This war, however, terminated in favour of the Romans. Corbulo, the Roman general, took and destroyed Artaxata, and also obtained possession of Tigranocerta, which surrendered to him. Tiridates was driven out of Armenia; and Corbulo appointed in his place, as king of Armenia, the Cappadocian Tigranes, the grandson of king Archelaus, and gave certain parts of Armenia to the tributary kings who had assisted him in the war. After making these arrangements, Corbulo retired into Syria, A. D. 60. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 34-41, xiv. 23 -2q; Dion Cass. lxii. 19, 20.) Vologeses, however, resolved to make another attempt to recover Armenia. He made preparations to invade Syria himself, and sent Monaeses, one of his generals, and Monobazus, king of the Adiabeni, to attack Tigranes and drive him out of Armenia. They accordingly entered Armenia and laid siege to Tigranocerta,
Page 359 ARSACES. but were unable to take it. As Vologeses also found that Corbulo had taken every precaution to secure Syria, he sent ambassadors to Corbulo to solicit a truce, that he might despatch an embassy to Rome concerning the terms of peace. This was granted; but as no satisfactory answer was obtained from Nero, Vologeses invaded Armenia, where he gained considerable advantages over Caesenninus Paetus, and at length besieged him in his winter-quarters. Paetus, alarmed at his situation, agreed with Vologeses, that Armenia should be surrendered to the Romans, and that he should be allowed to retire in safety from the country, A. D. 62. Shortly after this, Vologeses sent another embassy to Rome; and Nero agreed to surrender Armenia to Tiridates, provided the latter would come to Rome and receive it as a gift from the Roman emperor. Peace was made on these conditions; and Tiridates repaired to Rome, A. D. 63, where he was received with extraordinary splendour, and obtained from Nero the Armenian crown. (Tac. Ann. xv. 1-18, 25-31; Dion Cass. lxii. 20-23, lxiii. 1-7.) In the struggle for the empire after Nero's death, Vologeses sent ambassadors to Vespasian, offering to assist him with 40,000 Parthians. This offer was declined by Vespasian, but he bade Vologeses send ambassadors to the senate, and he secured peace to him. (Tac. Hist.iv.51.) Vologeses afterwards sent an embassy to Titus, as he was returning from the conquest of Jerusalem, to congratulate him on his success, and present him with a golden crown; and shortly afterwards (A. D. 72), he sent another embassy to Vespasian to intercede on behalf of Antiochus, the deposed king of Commagene. (Joseph. B. J. vii. 5. ~ 2, 7. ~ 3; comp. Dion Cass. lxvi. 11; Suet. Ner. 57.) In A. D. 75, Vologeses sent again to Vespasian, to beg him to assist the Parthians against the Alani, who were then at war with them; but Vespasian declined to do so, on the plea that it did not become him to meddle in other people's affairs. (Dion Cass. lxvi. 15; Suet. Dom. 2; Joseph. B. J. vii. 7. ~ 4.) Vologeses founded on the Euphrates, a little to the south of Babylon, the town of Vologesocerta. (Plin. H. N. vi. 30.) He seems to have lived till the reign of Domitian. ARSACES XXIV., PAcoRUS, succeeded his father, Vologeses I., and was a contemporary of Domitian and Trajan; but scarcely anything is recorded of his reign. He is mentioned by Martial (ix. 36), and it appears from Pliny (Ep x. 16), that he was in alliance with Decebalus, the king of the Dacians. It was probably this Pacorus who fortified and enlarged the city of Ctesiphon. (Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) ARSACES XXV., CIOSROES, called by Dion Cassius OSROEas, a younger son of Vologeses I., succeeded his brother Pacorus during the reign of Trajan. Soon after his accession, he invaded Armenia, expelled Exedares, the son of Tiridates, who had been appointed king by the Romans, and gave the crown to his nephew Parthamasiris, the son of his brother Pacorus. Trajan hastened in person to the east, conquered Armenia, and reduced it to the form of a Roman province. Parthamasiris also fell into his hands. After concluding peace with Augarus, the ruler of Edessa, Trajan overran the northern part of Mesopotamia, took Nisibis and several other cities, and, after a most glorious campaign, returned to Antioch to winter, ARSACES. 359 A. D. 114. In consequence of these successes, he received the surname of Parthicus from the soldiers and of Optimus from the senate. Parthia was at this time torn by civil commotions, which rendered the conquests of Trajan all the easier. In the spring of the following year, A. D. 115, he crossed the Tigris, took Ctesiphon and Seleuceia, and made Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylonia, Roman provinces. After these conquests, he sailed down the Tigris to the Persian gulf and the Indian ocean; but during his absence there was a general revolt of the Parthians. He immediately sent against them two of his generals, Maximus and Lusius, A. D. 116, the former of whom was defeated and slain by Chosroes, but the latter met with more success, and regained the cities of Nisibis, Edessa, and Seleuceia, as well as others which had revolted. Upon his return to Ctesiphon, Trajan appointed Parthamaspates king of Parthia, and then withdrew from the country to invade Arabia. Upon the death of Trajan, however, in the following year (A. D. 117), the Parthians expelled Parthamaspates, and placed upon the throne their former king, Chosroes. But Hadrian, who had succeeded Trajan, was unwilling to engage in a war with the Parthians, and judged it more prudent to give up the conquests which Trajan had gained; he accordingly withdrew the Roman garrisons from Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylonia, and made the Euphrates, as before, the eastern boundary of the Roman empire. The exact time of Chosroes' death is unknown; but during the remainder of his reign there was no war between the Parthians and the Romans, as Hadrian cultivated friendly relations with the former. (Dion Cass. ixviii. 17-33; Aurel. Vict. Caes. c. 13; Paus. v. 12. ~ 4; Spartian, IHadr. c. 21.) ARSACES XXVII., VOLOGESES II., succeeded his father Chosroes, and reigned probably from about A. D. 122 to 149. In A. D. 133, Media, which was then subject to the Parthians, was overrun by a vast horde of Alani (called by Dion Cassius, Albani), who penetrated also into Armenia and Cappadocia, but were induced to retire, partly by the presents of Vologeses, and partly through fear of Arrian, the Roman governor of Cappadocia. (Dion Cass. Ixix. 15.) During the reign of Hadrian, Vologeses continued at peace with the Romans; and on the accession of Antoninus Pius, A. D. 138, he sent an embassy to Rome, to present the new emperor with a golden crown, which event is commemorated on a coin of Antoninus. (Eckhel, vii. pp. 5, 10, 11.) These friendly relations, however, did not continue undisturbed. Vologeses solicited from Antoninus the restoration of the royal throne of Parthia, which had been taken by Trajan, but did not obtain his request. He made preparations to invade Armenia, but was deterred from doing so by the representations of Antoninus. (Capitol. Anton. Pius, c. 9.) ARSACES XXVIII., VOLOGESES III., probably a son of the preceding, began to reign according to coins (Eckhel, iii. p. 538), A. D. 149. During the reign of Antoninus, he continued at peace with the Romans; but on the death of this emperor, the long threatened war at length broke out. In A. D. 162, Vologeses invaded Armenia, and cut to pieces a Roman legion, with its commander Severianus, at Elegeia, in Armenia. He then entered Syria, defeated Atidius Cornelianus, the governor of Syria, and laid waste every thing
Page 360 360 ARSACES. before him. Thereupon the emperor Verus proceeded to Syria, but when he reached Antioch, he remained in that city and gave the command of the army to Cassius, who soon drove Vologeses out of Syria, and followed up his success by invading Mesopotamia and Assyria. He took Seleuceia and Ctesiphon, both of which he sacked and set on fire, but on his march homewards lost a great number of his troops by diseases and famine. Meantime Statius Priscus, who had been sent into Armenia, was equally successful. He entirely subdued thle country, and took Artaxata, the capitol. (Dion Cass. lxx. 2, lxxi. 2; Lucian, Alex. Pseudom. c. 27; Capitol. M. Ant. Phil. cc. 8, 9, Verus, cc. 6, 7; Eutrop. viii. 10.) This war seems to have been followed by the cession of Mesopotamia to the Romans. From this time to the downfall of the Parthian empire, there is great confusion in the list of kings. Several modern writers indeed suppose, that the events related above under Vologeses III., happened in the reign of Vologeses II., and that the latter continued to reign till shortly before the death of Commodus (A. D. 192); but this is highly improbable, as Vologeses II. ascended the throne about A. D. 122, and must on this supposition have reigned nearly seventy years. If Vologeses III. began to reign in A. D. 149, as we have supposed from Eckhel, it is also improbable that he should have been the Vologeses spoken of in the reign of Caracalla, about A. D. 212. We are therefore inclined to believe that there was one Vologeses more than has been mentioned by modern writers, and have accordingly inserted an additional one in the list we have given. ARSACES XXIX., VOLOGESEs IV., probably ascended the throne in the reign of Commodus. In the contest between Pescennius Niger and Severus for the empire, A. D. 193, the Parthians sent troops to the assistance of the former; and accordingly when Niger was conquered, Severus marched against the Parthians. He was accompanied by a brother of Vologeses. His invasion was quite unexpected and completely successful. He took Ctesiphon after an obstinate resistance in A. D. 199, and gave it to his soldiers to plunder, but did not permanently occupy it. Herodian appears to be mistaken in saying that this happened in the reign of Artabanus. (Herodian. iii. 1, 9, 10; Dion Cass. lxxv. 9; Spartian. Sever. cc. 15, 16.) Reimar (ad Dion Cass. 1. c.) supposes that this Vologeses is the same Vologeses, son of Sanatruces, king of Armenia, to whom, Dion Cassius tells us, that Severus granted part of Armenia; but the account of Dion Cassius is very confused. On the death of Vologeses IV., at the beginning of the reign of Caracalla, Parthia was torn asunder by contests for the crown between the sons of Vologeses. (Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 12.) ARSACES XXX., VOLOGESES V., a son of ARSACIDAE. Vologeses IV., was engaged, as already remarked, in civil wars with his brothers. It was against him that Caracalla made war in A. D. 215, because he refused to surrender Tiridates and Antiochus, who had fled to Parthia from the Romans, but did not prosecute it, since the Parthians through fear delivered up the persons he had demanded. (Dion Cass. lxxvii. 19.) He appears to have been dethroned about this time by his brother Artabanus. ARSACES XXXI., ARTABANUS IV., the last king of Parthia, was a brother of the preceding, and a son of Vologeses IV. According to Herodian, Caracalla entered Parthia in A. D. 216, under pretence of seeking the daughter of Artabanus in marriage; and when Artabanus went to meet him unarmed with a great number of his nobility, Caracalla treacherously fell upon them and put the greater number to the sword; Artabanus himself escaped with difficulty. Dion Cassius merely relates that Artabanus refused to give his daughter in marriage to Caracalla, and that the latter laid waste in consequence the countries bordering upon Media. During the winter Artabanus raised a very large army, and in the following year, A. D. 217, marched against the Romans. Macrinus, who had meantime succeeded Caracalla, advanced to meet him; and a desperate battle was fought near Nisibis, which continued for two days, but without victory to either side. At the commencement of the third day, Macrinus sent an embassy to Artabanus, informing him of the death of Caracalla, with whom the Parthian king was chiefly enraged, and offering to restore the prisoners and treasures taken by Caracalla, and to pay a large sum of money besides. On these conditions a peace was concluded, and Artabanus withdrew his forces. In this war, however, Artabanus had lost the best of his troops, and the Persians seized the opportunity of recovering their long-lost independence. They were led by Artaxerxes (Ardshir), the son of Sassan, and defeated the Parthians in three great battles, in the last of which Artabanus was taken prisoner and killed, A. D. 226. Thus ended the Parthian empire of the Arsacidae, after it had existed 476 years. (Dion Cass. lxxviii. 1, 3, 26, 27, lxxx. 3; Herodian, iv. 9, 11, 14, 15, vi. 2; Capitolin. Macrin. cc. 8, 12; Agathias, Hist. iv. 24; Syncellus, vol. i. p. 677, ed Dindorf.) The Parthians were now obliged to submit to Artaxerxes, the founder of the dynasty of the Sassanidae, which continued to reign till A. D. 651. [SASSANIDAE.] The family of the Arsacidae, however, still continued to exist in Armenia as an independent dynasty. [ARSACIDAE.] The best modern works on the history of the Parthian kings are: Vaillant, A-rsacidarum imperium sive reguma Parthorum historeia ad fidem numismatum accoimodata, Par. *1725; Eckhel, Doctr. Nuom. Veter. vol. iii. pp. 523-550; C. F. Richter, Histor. K rit. Versuch liber die Arsaciden und Sassaniden-Dynastie, Gdttingen, 1804; Krause in Ersch und Gruber's Encyclopiidie, Art. Parther. ARSA'CES, the name of four Armenian kings. [ARSACIDAE, pp. 362, b., 363, b., 364, a.] ARSA'CIDAE. 1. The name of a dynasty of Parthian kings. [ARSACES.] 2. The name of a dynasty of Armenian kings, who reigned over Armenia during the wars of the Romans with Mithridates the Great, king of Pon
Page 361 ARSACIDAE. ARSACIDAE. 361. tus, and with the Parthians. The history of this the Armenian historians. They were one of the dynasty is involved in great difficulties, as the most powerful families in Armenia. After they Latin and Greek authors do not always agree with had come to the throne, they sometimes were comthe Armenian historians, such as Moses Chorenensis, pelled to pay tribute to the khalifs and to the emFaustus Byzantinus, and others. The Romans do perors of Constantinople, and in later times they not call the dynasty of the Armenian kings by the lost a considerable part of Armenia. A branch of name of Arsacidae; they mention several kings of this family reigned at Kars for a considerable time the name of Arsaces, and others descended from the after 1079. Another branch acquired the kingdom Parthian dynasty of the Arsacidae, and they seem of Georgia, which it possessed down to the present not to have known several kings mentioned by the day, when the last king, David, ceded his kingdom Armenian historians. On the other hand, the to Russia, in which country his descendants are Armenian writers know but one dynasty reigning still living. The princes of Bagration in Russia in Armenia during that period, and they do not are likewise descended from the Pagratidae, anmention several kings spoken of by the Romans; other branch of whom settled in Imerethia in the or, if they mention their names, they do not con- Caucasus, and its descendants still belong to the sider them as kings. The consequence of this is, principal chiefs of that country. that every account based exclusively on Roman VII. DYNASTY OF THE ARDZRUNIANs, said to and Greek writers would be incomplete; they have been descended from the ancient kings of want to be compared with the Armenian historians, Assyria. Several members of it were appointed and thus only a satisfactory result can be obtained, governors of Armenia by the first khalifs. In A.D. Several attempts have been made to reconcile the 855, this family became independent in the northern different statements of the western and eastern part of Armenia in the country round the upper historians, as the reader may see from the notes of part of the Euphrates. Adom and Abusahl, the the brothers Whiston and the works of Vaillant, last Ardzrunians, were killed in 1080 by the emDu Four de Longuerue, Richter, and especially peror Nicephorus Botaniates, who united their doSt. Martin, which are cited below, minions with the Byzantine empire. The expression "kings of Armenia" is in many VIII. MOHAMMEDAN DYNASTIES. 1. Of Kurdinstances vague, and leads to erroneous conclusions, ish origin, from A. D. 984 to A. D. 1085. 2. Of especially with regard to the Arsacidae. The trans- Turkoman origin, from A. D. 1084 to A. D. 1312. actions of the Romans with Armenia will present They resided in different places, and the extent much less difficulties if the student will remember of their dominions varied according to the military that he has to do with kings in Armenia, and kings success of the khalifs of Egypt and the Seljukian of Armenian origin reigning in countries beyond princes. the limits of Armenia. The history of the Arsa- IX. DYNASTIES OF DIFFERENT ORIGIN, from cidae cannot be well understood without a previous the eleventh to the fourteenth century. Some knowledge of the other dynasties before and after kings belonged to the Pagratidae, among whom that of the Arsacidae; for Armenian kings were was the celebrated Haython I. or Hethum in 1224; known to the Greeks long before the accession of and some were Latin princes, among whom was Leo the Arsacidae; and the annals of the Eastern em- VI. of Lusignan, who was driven out by the khalif pire mention many important transactions with of Egypt, and died in Paris in 1393, the last king kings of Armenia, belonging to those dynasties, of Armenia. Otto, duke of Brunswick, from whom which reigned in this country during a period of is descended the present house of Hanover, was almost a thousand years after the fall of the Arsa- crowned as king of Armenia in Germany, but he cidae. But as any detailed account would be out never entered the country. of place here, we can give only a short sketch. THE DYNASTY OF THE ARSACIDAE. (See I. DYNASTY of HAIG, founded by Haig, the son above, No. III.) It has already been said, that of Gathlas, who is said to have lived B. c. 2107. there are considerable discrepancies between the Fifty-nine kings belong to this dynasty, and statements of the Romans and those of the Arnneamong them Zarmair, who, according to the Ar- nians concerning this dynasty. The Romans tell menian historians, assisted the Trojans at the siege us that Artaxias, governor of Armenia Magna for of their city, where he commanded a body of As- Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, made himself syrians; Dikran or Tigranes, a prince mentioned independent in his government B. c. 188; and that by Xenophon (Cyrop. iii. 1, v. 1, 3, viii. 3, 4); Zadriates became king of Armenia Minor, of which and Wahe, the last of his house, who fell in a country he was praefect. The descendents of Arbattle with Alexander the Great in B. c. 328. taxias became extinct with Tigranes III., who was The names of the fifty-nine kings, the duration of driven out by Caius Caesar; and among the kings their reigns, and some other historical facts, mixed who reigned after him, there are many who were up with fabulous accounts, are given by the Ar- not Arsacidae, but belonged to other Asiatic menian historians, dynasties. The Armenians on the contrary say, II. SEVEN GOVERNORS appointed by Alexander, that the dynasty of the Arsacidae was founded by and after his death by the Seleucidae, during the Valarsaces or Wagharshag, the brother of Mithriperiod from 328 to 149 B. c. dates Arsaces [ARSACES III.], king of Parthia, by III. DYNASTY OF THE ARSACIDAE, from. c. whom he was established on the throne of Armenia 149 to A. D. 428. See below, in B. c. 149. A younger branch of the Arsacidae IV. PERSIAN GOVERNORS, from A. D. 428 to was founded by Arsham or Ardsham, son of 625. Ardashes (Artaxes) and brother of the great V. GREEK AND ARABIAN GOVERNORS, from Tigranes, who reigned at Edessa, and whose deA. D. 632 to 855. scendants became masters of Armenia Magna after VI. DYNASTY OF THE PAGRATIDAE, from 855 the extinction of the Arsacidae in that country to 1079. The Pagratidae, a noble family of Jewish with the death of Tiridates I., who was establishorigin, settled in Armenia in B. c. 600, according to ed on the throne by Nero, and who died most
Page 362 362 ARSACIDAE. probably in A. D. 62. The Armenian historians have treated with particular attention the history of the younger branch; they speak but little about the earlier transactions with Rome; and they are almost silent with regard to those kings, the offspring of the kings of Pontus and Judaea, who "were imposed upon Armenia by the Romans. From this we may conclude, that the Armenians considered those instruments of the Romans as intruders and political adventurers, and that the Arsacidae were the only legitimate dynasty. Thus they sometimes speak of kings unknown to the Romans, and who perhaps were but pretenders, who had succeeded in preserving an obscure independence in some inaccessible corner of the mountains of Armenia. On the other hand the Romans, with all the pride and haughtiness of conquerors, consider their instruments or allies alone as the legitimate kings, and they generally speak of the Arsacidae as a family imposed upon Armenia by the Parthians. As to the origin of the Armenian Arsacidae, both the Romans and Armenians agree, that they were descended from the dynasty of the Parthian Arsacidae, an opinion which was so generally established, that Procopius (De Aedificiis Jusstiniani, iii. 1) says, that nobody had the slightest doubt on the fact. But as to the origin of the earlier kings, who according to the Romans were not Arsacidae, we must prefer the statements of the Armenians, who, as all Orientals, paid great attention to the genealogy of their great families, and who say that those kings were Arsacidae. The Persian historians know this dynasty by the name of the Ashcanians, and tell us, that its founder was one Ashk, who lived at the time of Alexander the Great. But the Persian authors throw little light upon the history of the Arsacidae. A series of the kings, according to the Romans, is necessary for understanding their historians. But as their statements are rather one-sided, they will be found insufficient not only for a closer investigation into the history of Armenia, but also for many other events connected with the history of the eastern empire. It has, therefore, been thought advisable to give first the series of the kings according to the Roman writers, and afterwards a series of these kings according to the Roman accounts combined with those of the Armenians. The chronology of this period has not yet been satisfactorily fixed, and many points remain vague. The following is a series of the Arsacidae and other kings of Armenia according to the Romans. ARTAXIAS I., praefect of Armenia Magna under Antiochus the Great, became the independent king of Armenia in B. c. 188. [ARTAXIAs I.] TIGRANES I., the ally of Mithridates the Great against the Romans. [TIGRANES I.] ARTAVASDES I., the son of Tigranes I., taken prisoner by M. Antonius. [ARTAVASDES I.] ARTAXIAS II., the son of Artavasdes I., killed by his rebellious subjects. [ARTAXIAs II.] TIGRANES II., the son of Artavasdes I., and the brother of Artaxias II., established in Armenia by order of Augustus, by Tiberius Nero. [TIGRANES II.] ARTAVASDES II., perhaps the son of Artaxias II., driven out by his subjects. [ARTAVASDES II.] TIGRANES III., the son of Tigranes II., the competitor of Artavasdes II., driven out by Caius ARSACIDAE. Caesar. He was the last of his race. [TIGRANES III.] ARIOBARZANES. After Artavasdes II. and Tigranes III. had been driven out by the Romans, the choice of Augustus for a king of the Armenians fell upon one Ariobarzanes, a Median or Parthian prince, who seems not to have belonged to the dynasty of the Arsacidae. As Ariobarzanes was a man of great talents and distinguished by bodily beauty, a quality which the eastern nations have always liked to see in their kings, the Armenians applauded the choice of Augustus. He died suddenly after a short reign in A. D. 2, according to the chronology of St. Martin. He left male issue, but the Armenians disliked his children, and chose Erato their queen. She was, perhaps, the widow of Tigranes III. (Tac. Ann. iii. 4.) VONONES. Erato was deposed by the Armenians after a short reign, and the throne remained vacant for several years, till the Armenians at length chose Vonones as their king, the son of Phraates IV., and the exiled king of Parthia. (A. D. 16.) Vonones maintained himself but one year on the throne, as he was compelled to fly into Syria through fear of Artabanus III., the king of Parthia. [AiRSACES XVIII.] ARTAXIAS III., chosen king, A. D. 18, about two years after Vonones had fled into Syria. [AaTAXIAS III.] ARSACES I., the eldest son of Artabanus, king of the Parthians, was placed on the throne of Armenia by his father, after the death of Artaxias III. He perished by the treachery of Mithridates, the brother of Pharasmanes, king of Iberia, who had bribed some of the attendants of Arsaces to kill their master. After his death, which happened in A. D. 35, Mithridates invaded Armenia and took its capital, Artaxata. Josephus (xviii. 3. ~ 4.) calls this Armenian king Orodes, but this was the name of his brother, who, as we learn from Tacitus, was sent by the Parthian king to revenge his death. (Tac. Ann. vi. 31-33; Dion Cass. Iviii. 26.) MITHRIDATES, the aforesaid brother of Pharasmanes, was established on the throne of Armenia by the emperor Tiberius, A. D. 35. He was recalled to Rome by Caligula, but sent into Armenia again by Claudius, about A. D. 47, where he continued to reign, supported by the Romans, till he was expelled and put to death by his nephew Rhadamistus, A. D. 52. (Tac. Ann. vi. 33, ix. 8, 9, xii. 44-47; Dion Cass. Ix. 8.) RHADAMISTus, the son of Pharasmanes, king of Iberia, was a highly gifted but ambitious youth, whom his old father tried to get rid of by exciting him to invade Armenia, for which purpose he gave him an army. (A. D. 52.) Rhadamistus, seconded by the perfidy of the Roman praefect in Armenia, Pollio, succeeded in seizing upon the person of his uncle, whom he put to death with his wife and his children. Rhadamistus then ascended the throne; but Vologeses I., the king of the Parthians, took advantage of the distracted state of the country to send his brother Tiridates into Armenia, and proclaim him king. Tiridates advanced upon Tigranocerta, took this city and Artaxata, and compelled Rhadamistus to fly. Rhadamistus was subsequently killed by his father Pharasmanes. (Tac. Ann. xii. 44--51, xiii. 6, 37.) 'TIRIDATES I., the brother of Vologeses I., king
Page 363 ARSACIDAE. of the Parthians, was driven out of Armenia by Corbulo, who appointed in his place Tigranes IV., the grandson of king Archelaus, A. D. 60. [TIGRANES IV.] Tiridates subsequently received the crown as a gift from Nero, A. D. 63. [ARSACES XXIII., TIRIDATES I.] EXEDARES (Ardashies III.), an Arsacid (of the younger Armenian branch), was driven out by Chosroes or Khosrew, king of the Parthians. (Dion Cass. lxviii. 17.) According to Moses Chorenensis (ii. 44-57), Exedares, who is called Ardashes III., was a mighty prince, who humbled the armies of Domitian, but was finally driven out by Trajan. Chosroes placed on the throne in his stead Parthamasiris, a Parthian prince. Exedares reigned during forty-two years, from A. D. 78 to 120, but was several times compelled to fly from his kingdom. PARTHAMASIRIs, the son of Pacorus (Arsaces XXIV.), king of Parthia, and the nephew of Chosroes, who supported him against Trajan. Parthamasiris, reduced to extremity, humbled himself before Trajan, and placed his royal diadem at the feet of the emperor, hoping that Trajan would restore it to him and recognize him as a subject king. But he was deceived in his expectation, and Armenia was changed into a Roman province. According to some accounts, he was put to death by Trajan. (Dion Cass. lxviii. 17-20; comp. Eutrop. viii. 2; Fronto, Princ)ip. Hist. p. 248, ed. Niebuhr.) PARTHAMASPATES, was appointed by Trajan king of Parthia, but after he had been expelled by the Parthians [ARSACES XXV.]; he seems to have subsequently received the kingdom of Armenia from Hadrian. (Comp. Spartan. Hadr. cc. 21, 5, where he is called Psamatossiris.) ACHAEMENIDES, the son of Parthamaspates. There are some coins on which he is represented with the diadem, which seems to have been given to him by Antoninus Pius. (lamblichus, ap. Phot. Cod. 94. p. 75, b., ed. Bekker.) SoAEMUS or SOHEMUS (o'acupos), the son of Achaemenides, was established on the throne by Thucydides, the lieutenant of Lucius (Martius) Verus, during the reign of M. Aurelius Antoninus. (lamiblich. ap. Phot. 1. c.) We learn from Moses Chorenensis (ii. 60-64), that the national king, who was supported by Vologeses II. of Parthia, was Dikran or Tigranes. Soaemus was an Arsacid. (Dion Cass. Fragm. Ixxi. p. 1201, ed. Reimar.) SANATRUCES (avarCTpoKVw7s), the son of Soaemus, as it seems, was established on the throne by Septimius Severus. According to Suidas, he was a man highly distinguished by his warlike qualities and many nobler virtues. He seems to be the king of Armenia mentioned by Dion Cassius, who was treacherously seized upon by Caracalla, about A. D. 212. The Armenian name of Sanatruces is Sanadrug. (Dion Cass. lxxv. 9, lxxvii. 12; Suidas, s. v. Ti'varpoivKhs; comp. Herodian, iii. 9.) VOLOGESES, the son of Sanatruces, whom Dion Cassius (Ixxvii. 12) calls king of the Parthians. [AtRSACES XXIX.] Vaillantthinks that hewasthe king seized upon by Caracalla. On the other hand, the Armenian historians tell us that Wagharsh, in Greek Vologeses or Valarsases, the son of Dikran (Tigranes), reigned over Armenia, or part of Arnenia, from A. D. 178 to 198, and that he perished in a battle against the Khazars, near Derbent, in 198. It is of course impossible that he ARSACIDAE. 363 should have been seized by Caracalla, who succeeded his father Septimius Severus in 211. Nor do the Armenians mention any king of that name who was a contemporary either of Septimius Severus or Caracalla. (Moses Choren. ii. 65-68.) TIRIDATES II., the son of Vologeses. [TinIDATES II.] ARSACES II., the brother of ArtabanusIV.,the last Arsacid in Parthia, by whom he was made king of Armenia in the first year of the reign of Alexander Severus. (A. D. 222-223.) When his brother was killed by Artaxerxes (Ardashir), the first Sassanid on the Persian throne, he resisted the usurper, and united his warriors with those of Alexander Severus in the memorable war against Artaxerxes. [SASSANIDAE.] (Procop. de AediJciis Justin. iii. 1; Dion Cass. lxxx. 3, 4; Herodian, vi. 2, &c.; Agathias, pp. 65, 134, ed. Paris.) ARTAVASDES III., the ally of Sapor against the emperor Valerian, A. D. 260. (Trebell. Poll. Valerian. 6.) Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ix. 8) mentions a Christian king of Armenia during the reign of Diocletian, who seems to have been the son of Artavasdes III. During the war of Diocletian with Narses, king of Persia, this king of Armenia joined the Roman army commanded by Galerius Caesar. After the accession of Maximinianus he was involved in a war with this emperor, who intended to abolish the Christian religion in Armenia. TIRIDATES III. [TIRIDATES III.] ARSACEs III. (Tiranus), the son of Diran (Tiridates III.), ascended the throne either in the seventeenth year of the reign of Constantius, that is, in A. D. 354, or perhaps as early as 341 or 342, after his father had been made prisoner and deprived of his sight by Sapor II., king of Persia. After the reconciliation of Sapor with his captive Diran (Tiridates), Arsaces was chosen king, since his father, on account of his blindness, was unable to reign according to the opinion of the eastern nations, which opinion was also entertained by the Greeks of the Lower Empire, whence we so often find that when an emperor or usurper succeeded in making his rival prisoner, he usually blinded him, if he did not venture to put him to death. The nomination of Arsaces was approved by the emperor Constantius. The new king nevertheless took the part of Sapor in his war with the Romans, but soon afterwards made peace with the latter. He promised to pay an annual tribute, and Constantius allowed him to marry Olympias, the daughter of the praefect Ablavius, a near relation of the empress Constantia, and who had been betrothed to Constans, the brother of Constantius. Olympias was afterwards poisoned by a mistress of Sapor, an Armenian princess of the name of P'harhandsem. To punish the defection of Arsaces, Sapor invaded Armenia and took Tigranocerta. He was thus involved in a war with the emperor Julian, the successor of Constantius, who opened his famous campaign against the Persians (A. D. 363) in concert with Arsaces, on whose active co-operation the success of the war in a great measure depended. But Julian's sanguine expectations of overthrowing the power of the Sassanidae was destroyed by the pusillanimity, or more probably well calculated treachery, of Arsaces, who withdrew his troops from the Roman camp near Ctesiphon in the month of June, 363. Thence the disastrous
Page 364 384 ARSACIDAE. retreat of the Romans and the death of Julian, who died from a wound on the 26th of the same month. Jovian, who was chosen emperor in the camp, saved the Roman army by a treaty in July, by which he renounced his sovereignty over the tributary kingdoms of Armenia and Iberia. Arsaces, in the hope of receiving the reward of his treachery, ventured into the camp of Sapor. He was at first received with honour, but in the midst of an entertainment was seized by order of Sapor and confined in the tower of Oblivion at Ecbatana, where he was loaded with silver chains. He died there by the hand of a faithful servant, whom he implored to release him with his sword from the humiliation of his captivity. Arsaces reigned tyrannically, and had a strong party against him, especially among the nobles. (Amm. Marc. xx. 11, xxi. 6, xxiii. 2, 3, xxv. 7, xxvii. 12; Procop. de Bell. Pers. i. 5.) PARA, the son of Arsaces III. and Olympias. (Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs.) No sooner had Sapor seized Arsaces, than he put one Aspacures on the throne of Armenia. Para, the heir and successor of Arsaces, was reduced to the possession of one fortress, Artogerassa (perhaps Artagera, or Ardis, towards the sources of the Tigris, above Diyarbekr or Amida), where he was besieged with his mother Olympias by the superior forces of Sapor. The fortress surrendered after a gallant defence, Olympias fell into the hands of the conqueror, but Para escaped to Neocaesareia, and implored the aid of the emperor Valens. The emperor ordered him to be well treated, and promised to assist him. Terentius, a Roman general, led the fugitive king back into Armenia with a sufficient force, and Para was acknowledged as king; and though attacked by Sapor, he continued to reign with the assistance of the Romans. Para was a tyrant. Misled by the intrigues of Sapor, he killed Cylaces and Artabanus, two of his chief ministers. As Valens was dissatisfied with the conduct of the Armenian king, Terentius persuaded him to go to Cilicia, pretending that the emperor wished to have an interview with him. When Para arrived at Tarsus, he was treated with due respect, but so closely watched as to be little better than a prisoner. He escaped with a body of light cavalry, and swimming across the Euphrates, arrived safely in Armenia in spite of an ardent pursuit. He continued to show himself a friend of the Romans, but Valens distrusted him and resolved upon his death. Trajanus, a Roman dux, or general, executed the emperor's secret order. He invited Para to a banquet, and when the guests were half intoxicated, a band of Roman soldiers rushed in, and Para and his attendents were slain after a brave resistance, A. D. 374 or 377. The Armenian name of Para is Bab. (Amm. Marc. xxvii. 12, xxx. 1.) ARSACES IV. (V. of Vaillant), the son of Para or Bab. According to Vaillant, he was the nephew of Para, being the son of one Arsaces (IV. of Vaillant), who was the brother of Para; this opinion has been adopted by distinguished historians, but it seems untenable. Arsaces IV. reigned a short time together with his brother Valarsaces or Wagharshag, who died soon. In a war against an usurper, Waraztad, the son of Anob, who was the brother of Arsaces III., Arsaces IV. showed such a want of character and energy that he owed his success merely to the bad conduct of the ARSACIDAE. usurper, who was at first supported by the emperor Theodosius the Great. The weakness of Arsaces being manifest, Theodosius and Sapor III. formed and carried into execution the plan of dividing Armenia. Arsaces was allowed to reign as a vassal king of Constantinople in the western and smaller part of Armenia, while the larger and eastern part became the share of Sapor, who gave it to Chosroes or Khosrew, a noble belonging to the house of the Arsacidae, of which there were still some branches living in Persia. According to St. Martin this happened in 387. Procopius mentions one Tigranes, brother of Arsaces, who reigned over eastern Armenia, which he ceded to Sapor. The whole history of the division of Armenia is very obscure, and the chief sources, Procopius and Moses Chorenensis are in manifest contradiction. Arsaces IV. died in 389, and his dominions were conferred by the emperor upon his general, Casavon, who was descended from the family of the Gamsaragans, which was a branch of the Arsacidae. It seems that this general was a most able diplomatist, and that his nomination was a plot concerted between him and Theodosius to. bring all Armenia under the imperial authority; Casavon declared himself a vassal of Chosroes, and this vassal suddenly broke his allegiance towards Sapor, and submitted to Theodosius. On this Bahram IV., the successor of Sapor, invaded Armenia, seized Chosroes and put Bahram Shapur (Sapor) the brother of Chosroes, on the vassal throne of (eastern) Armenia. (392.) In 414, Chosroes was re-established by Yezdegerd I., the successor of Bahram IV., and after the death of Chosroes, in 415, Yezdegerd's son, Shapur or Sapor, became king. Sapor died in 419, and till 422 there was an interregnum in Armenia till Ardashes (Artasires) ascended the throne. (Procopius, de Aedif. Justin. iii. 1. 5; De Bell. Pers. ii. 3; Moses Choren. iii. 40, &c., 49, &c.) ARTASIRES, the last Arsacid on the throne of Armenia, the son of Bahram Shapur, and the nephew of Chosroes. Moses Chorenensis tells us, that his real name was Ardashes. (Artases or Artaxes.) He was made king of Armenia in 422, by Bahram IV., who ordered or requested him to adopt the name of Ardashir (Artasires or Artaxerxes). As Artasires was addicted to vices of every description, the people, or rather the nobles of Armenia, wished for another king. Since the conversion of prince Gregory (afterwards St. Gregory), the son of Anag, the Arsacid, to the Christian religion, in the time of Constantine the Great, the Armenians had gradually adopted the Christian religion; and there was a law that the patriarch should always be a member of the royal family of the Arsacidae. During the reign of Artasires the office of patriarch was held by Isaac, to whom the nobles applied when they wished to choose another king; but Isaac aware that their choice would fall upon Bahram, the heathen king of Persia, refused to assist them. The nobles thereupon applied straightway to Bahram, who invaded Armenia, deposed Artasires, and united his dominions to Persia, A. D. 428. From this time eastern Armenia was called Persarmenia. (Procop. De Aedif. Justin. iii. 1, 5; Moses Choren. iii. 63, &c.; Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, vol. iii. pars i. p. 396, &c.) The following chronological table, which differs in some points from the preceding narrative, is taken
Page 365 ARSACIDAE. from St. Martin, and is founded upon the Armenian histories of Moses Chorenensis and Faustus Byzantinus, compared with the Greek and Roman authors. A. The first or elder Branch in Armenia Magna. B. c. 149. Valarsaces or Wagharshag I., founder of the Armenian dynasty of the Arsacidae, established on the throne of Armenia by his brother, Mithridates Arsaces [ARSAcEs VI.] king of the Parthians. ---B.c. 127. Arsaces or Arshag I., his son.-B. C. 114. Artaces, Artaxes, or Ardashes I., his son.-B. c. 89. Tigranes or Dikran I. (II.), his son.-B. c. 36. Artavasdes or Artawazt I., his son.-B. c. 30. Artaxes II., his son.-B. c. 20. Tigranes II., brother of Artaxes II.-B. c..... Tigranes III.-B. c. 6. Artavasdes II.--B. c. 5. Tigranes III. re-established.-B. c. 2. Erato, queen. A. D. 2. Ariobarzanes, a Parthian prince, established by the Romans.-A. D. 4. Artavasdes III. or Artabases, his son.-A. D. 5. Erato re-established; death uncertain.-.... Interregnum.-A. D. 16. Vonones.-A. D. 17. Interregnum.-A. D. 18. Zeno of Pontus, surnamed Artaxias.-... Tigranes IV., son of Alexander Herodes.-A. n. 35. Arsaces II. -A. D. 35. Mithridates of Iberia.-A. D. 51. Rhadamistus of Iberia.-A. D. 52. Tiridates I.-A. D. 60. Tigranes V. of the race of Herodes.-A. D. 62. Tiridates I. re-established by Nero, reigned about eleven years longer, B. The second or younger Branch, at first at Edessa, and sometimes identical with the "Reges Osrhoenenses," afterwards in Armenia Magna. B. c. 38. Arsham or Ardsham, the Artabazes of Josephus. (Ant. Jud. xx. 2.)-B. C. 10. Manu, his son.-B. c. 5. Abgarus, the son of Arsham, the Ushama of the Syrians. This is the celebrated Abgarus who is said to have written a letter to our Saviour. (Moses Chor. ii. 29.) A. D. 32. Anane or Ananus, the son of Abgarus. -A.. 36. Sanadrug or Sanatruces, the son of a sister of Abgares, usurps the throne.-A. D. 58. Erowant, an Arsacid by the female line, usurps the throne; conquers all Armenia; cedes Edessa and Mesopotamia to the Romans.-A. D. 78. Ardashes or Artaxes III. (Exedares or Axidares), the son of Sanadrug, established by Vologeses I., king of the Parthians.-A. D. 120. Ardawazt or Artavasdes IV., son of Ardashes III., reigns only some months.A. D. 121. Diran or Tiranus I., his brother.-A. D. 142. Dikran or Tigranes VI., driven out by Lucius (Martins) Verus, who puts Soaemus on the throne. -A. D. 178. Wagharsh or Vologeses, the son of Tigranes VI.-A. D. 198. Chosroes or Khosrew I., surnamed Medz, or the Great, the (fabulous) conqueror (overrunner) of Asia Minor; murdered by the Arsacid Anag, who was the father of St. Gregory, the apostle of Armenia.-A. D. 232. Ardashir or Artaxerxes, the first Sassanid of Persia.-A. D. 259. Dertad or Tiridates II., surnamed Medz, the son of Chosroes, established by the Romans.-A. D. 314. Interregnum. Sanadrug seizes northern Armenia, and Pagur southern Armenia, but only for a short time.-A.,.316. Chosroes or Khosrew II., surnamed P'hok'hr, or "the Little," the son of Tiridates Mezd.-A. D. 325. Diran or Tiranus II., his son.-A. D. 341. Arsaces or Arshag III., his son. -A. D. 370. Bab or Para.-A. D. 377. Waraztad, usurper.-A. D. 382. Arsaces IV. (and Valarsaces or Wagharshag II., his brother).-A. D. 387. Armenia divided.-A. D. 389. Arsaces IV. dies. Cazavon in Roman Armenia, Chosroes or Khosrew [II. in Persarmenia.-A. D. 392. Bahrainm Shapur ARSENIUS. 365 (Sapor), the brother of Chosroes III.-A. D. 414. Chosroes re-established by Yezdegerd.--A. D. 415. Shapur or Sapor, the son of Yezdegerd-A. D. 419. Interregnum.-A. D. 422. Ardashes or Ardashir (Artasires) IV.-A. D. 428. End of the kingdom of Armenia. (Comp. Vaillant, Regnum Arsacidarum, especially Elenchus Regun A rmeniae Majoris, in the 1st. vol.; Du Four de Longuerue, Annales Arsacidamrm, Strasb. 17 32; Richter, Histor. Krit. Versuch iRber die A rsaciden und Sassaniden-Dynastien, Gittingen, 1804; St. Martin, Mimoires historiques et geograph. smr l'Armenie, vol. i.) [W. P.] ARSA'MENES ('ApraauE'Pvs), the son of Dareius, the commander of the Utii and Myci in the army of Xerxes. (Herod. vii. 68.) ARSAMES ('Apdsnys). 1. The father of Hystaspes and grandfather of Dareius. (Herod. i. 209, vii. 11, 224.) 2. Also called Arsanes, the great grandson of the preceding, and the son of Dareius and Artystone, the daughter of Cyrus, commanded in the army of Xerxes the Arabians and the Aethiopians who lived above Egypt. (Herod. vii. 69.) Aeschylus (Pers. 37, 300) speaks of an Arsames, who was the leader of the Egyptians from Memphis in the army of Xerxes. 3. An illegitimate son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, murdered by his brother Artaxerxes Ochus. (Plut. Artax. c. 30.) 4. Supposed on the authority of a coin to have been a king of Armenia about the time of Seleucus II., and conjectured to have been the founder of the city of Arsamosata. (Eckhel, iii. p. 204, &c.) ARSE'NIUS ('Aprevios). 1. Of Constantinople, surnamed Autorianus, lived about the middle of the thirteenth century. He was educated in some monastery in Nicaea, of which he afterwards became the head. After he had held this office for some time, he led a private and ascetic life; and he appears to have passed some time also in one of the monasteries on mount Athos. At length, about A. D. 1255, the emperor Theodorus Lascaris the Younger raised him to the dignity of patriarch. In A. D. 1259, when the emperor died, he appointed Arsenius and Georgius Muzalo guardians to his son Joannes; but when Muzalo began to harbour treacherous designs against the young prince, Arsenius, indignant at such faithless intrigues, resigned the office of patriarch, and withdrew to a monastery. In A. D. 1260,, when the Greeks had recovered possession of Constantinople under Michael Palaeologus, Arsenius was invited to the imperiai city, and requested to resume the dignity of patriarch. In the year following, the emperor Michael Palaeologus ordered prince Joannes, the son of Theodorus Lascaris, to be blinded; and Arsenius not only censured this act of the emperor publicly, but punished him for it with excommunication. Michael in vain implored forgiveness, till at length, enraged at such presumption, he assembled a council of bishops, brought several fictitious accusations against his patriarch, and caused him to be deposed and exiled to Proconnesus. Here Arsenius survived his honourable disgrace for several years; but the time of his death is unknown. Fabricius places it in A. D. 1264. He was a man of great virtue and piety, but totally unfit for practical life. At the time when he was yet a monk, he wrote a synopsis of divine laws (Synopsis Canonum), collected from the writings of the fathers and the decrees of councils. The Greek original, accompanied by a Latin
Page 366 366 ARSINOE. translation, was published by H. Justellus in the Diblioth. Jur. Canon. vol. ii. p. 749, &c. His will likewise, with a Latin translation, was published by Cotelerius, Monument. ii. p. 168, &c. (Pachymer. ii. 15, iii. 1, 2, 10, 14, 19, iv. 1-16; Nicephorus Gregoras, iii. 1, iv. 1, &c.; Cave, Hist. Lit. i, p. 725, &c., ed. London; Fabr. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 581.) 2. A Greek monk (Cave calls him Patricius Romanus), who lived towards the end of the fourth century of our era, was distinguished for his knowledge of Greek and Roman literature. The emperor Theodosius the Great invited him to his court, and entrusted to him the education of his sons Arcadius and Honorius, whose father Arsenius was called. At the age of forty, he left the court and went to Egypt, where he commenced his monastic life at Scetis in the desert of the Thebais. There he spent forty years, and then migrated to Troe, a place near Memphis, where he passed the remainder of his life, with the exception of three years, which he spent at Canopus. He died at Troe at the age of ninety-five. There exists by him a short work containing instructions and admonitions for monks, which is written in a truly monastic spirit. It was published with a Latin translation by Combefisius in his Auctaricu Naovissimznm Biblioth. Patr., Paris, 1672, p. 301, &c. We also possess forty-four of his remarkable sayings (apophthegmata), which had been collected by his ascetic friends, and which are* printed in Cotelerius' Monemenla, i. p. 353. (Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p. 80, ed. London; Fabr. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 580, &c.) [L. S.] ARSES, NARSES, or OARSES ("Apo-ns, Ndpors, or 'Odpar7s), the youngest son of king Artaxerxes III. (Ochus.) After the eunuch Bagoas had poisoned Artaxerxes, he raised Arses to the throne, B. c. 339; and that he might have the young king completely under his power, he caused the king's brothers to be put to death; but one of them, Bisthanes, appears to have escaped their fate. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 19.) Arses, however, could but ill brook the indignities committed against his own family, and the bondage in which he himself was kept; and as soon as Bagoas perceived that the king was disposed to take vengeance, he had him and his children too put to death, in the third year of his reign. The royal house appears to have been thus destroyed with the exception of the above-mentioned Bisthanes, and Bagoas raised Dareius Codomannus to the -throne. (Diod. xvii. 5; Strab. xv. p. 736; Plut. de Fort. Alex. ii. 3, Artax. 1; Arrian, Anab. ii. 14; Ctesias, Pers. p. 151, ed. Lion; Syncell. pp. 145, 392, 394, 487, ed. Dindorf.) [L. S.] ARSI'NOE ('Apoer-iv). 1. A daughter of Phegeus, and wife of Alcmaeon. As she disapproved of the murder of Alcmaeon, the sons of Phegeus put her into a chest and carried her to Agapenor at Tegea, where they accused her of having killed Alcmaeon herself. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 5; ALCMAEON, AGENOR.) 2. The nurse of Orestes, who saved him from the hands of his mother Clytemnestra, and carried him to the aged Strophius, the father of Pylades. (Pind. Pyth. xi. 25, 54.) Other traditions called this nurse Laodameia. (Schol. ad Pind. 1. c.) 3. A daughter of' Leucippus and Philodice, and sister of Hilaeira and Phoebe, the wives of the Dioscuri. By Apollo she became the mother of Eriopis, and thle Messenian tradition regarded ARSI-NOE. Asclepius also as her son. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3; Paus. ii. 26. ~ 6; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 14; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 22.) At Sparta she had a sanctuary and was worshipped as a heroine. (Paus. iii. 12. ~ 7.) [L. S.] ARSI'NOE ('Aptrwor). 1. The mother of Ptolemy I., king of Egypt, was originally a concubine of Philip, the father of Alexander the Great, and was given by Philip to Lagus, a Macedonian, while she was pregnant with Ptolemy. Hence Ptolemy was regarded by the Macedonians as the son of Philip. (Paus. i. 6. ~ 2; Curt. ix. 8; Suidas, s. v. Adyos.) 2. The daughter of Ptolemy I. and Berenice, born about B. c. 316, was married in n. c. 300 to Lysimachus, king of Thrace, who was then far advanced in years. Lysimnachus had put away Amastris in order to marry Arsinoi, and upon the death of the former in B. c. 288 [AMASTRIS], Arsinoe received from Lysimnachus the cities of Heracleia, Amastris, and Dium, as a present. (Plut. Destr. 31; Paus. i. 10. ~ 3; Memnon, ap. Ph/ot. p. 225, a. 30, ed. Bekker.) Arsinoe, who was anxious to secure the succession to the throne for her own children, was jealous of her step-son Agathocles, who was married to her half-sister Lysandra, the daughter of Ptolemy I. and Eurydice. Through the intrigues of Arsinoe, Agathocles was eventually put to death in B. c. 284. [AGATHOCLES, p. 65, a.] This crime, however, led to the death of Lysimachus; for Lysandra fled with her children to Seleucus in Asia, who was glad of the pretext to march against Lysimachus. In the war which followed, Lysimachus lost his life (B. c. 281); and after the death of her husband, Arsinoii first fled to Ephesus, to which Lysimachus had given the name of Arsinoe in honour of her (Steph. Byz. s. v. "'Emecos), and from thence (Polyaen. viii. 57) to Cassandreia in Macedonia, where she shut herself up with her sons by Lysimachus. Seleucus had seized Macedonia after the death of Lysimachus, but he was assassinated, after a reign of a few months, by Ptolemy Ceraunus, the half-brother of Arsinoe, who had now obtained the throne of Macedonia. Ptolemy was anxious to obtain possession of Cassandreia and still more of the sons of Lysimachus, who might prove formidable rivals to him. He accordingly made offers of marriage to Arsinoe, and concealed his real object by the most solemn oaths and promises. Arsinoe consented to the union, and admitted him into the town; but he had scarcely obtained possession of the place, before he murdered the two younger sons of Lysimachus in the presence of their mother. Arsinoe herself fled to Samothrace (Justin, xvii. 2, xxiv. 2, 3; Memnon, ap. Phot. p. 226, b. 34); from whence she shortly after went to Alexandria in Egypt B. c. 279, and married her own brother Ptolemy II. Philadelphus. (Paus. i. 7. ~~ 1, 3; Theocrit. Idyll. xv. 128, &c. with the Scholia; Athen. xiv. p. 621, a.) Though Arsinoi bore Ptolemy no children, she was exceedingly beloved by him; he gave her name to several cities, called a district (vogds) of Egypt Arsinoites after her, and honoured her memory in various ways. (Cornp. Paus. 1. c.; Athen. vii. p. 318, b. xi. p. 497, d. e.) Among other things, he commanded the architect, Dinochares, to erect a temple to Arisinoh in Alexandria, of which the roof was to he arched with loadstones, so that her statue made of
Page 367 ARSINOE. iron might appear to float in the air; but the death of the architect and the king prevented its completion. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 42.) Coins were struck in her honour, one of which is figured "below, representing her crowned with a diadem and her head partially veiled: the reverse contains ARTABANUS. 367 her murder; they broke into the house of Philammon, and killed him together with his son and wife. (Polyb. v, 83, 84, 87, xv. 25, 32, 33.) a double cornucopia, which illustrates the statement of Athenaeus (xi. p. 497, b. c.), that Ptolemy Philadelphus was the first who had made the drinking-horn, calld pvr"dv, as an ornament for the statues of Arsinoe, which bore in the left hand such a horn, filled with all the fruits of the earth. It should, however, be remarked that the word occurs as early as the time of Demosthenes. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. pvrTo.) 3. The daughter of Lysimachus and Nicaea, was married to Ptolemy II. Philadelphus soon after his accession, B. c. 285. When Arsinob, the sister of Ptolemy Philadelphus [see No. 2], fled to Egypt in B. c. 279, and Ptolemy became captivated by her, Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, in conjunction with Amyntas and Chrysippus, a physician of Rhodes, plotted against her; but her plots were discovered, and she was banished to Coptos, or some city of the Thebais. She had by Ptolemy three children, Ptolemy Evergetes, afterwards king, Lysimachus, and Berenice. (Schol. ad Tlieocr. Id. xvii. 128; Paus. i. 7. ~ 3; Polyb. xv. 25.) 4. The wi-fe of Magas, king of Cyrene. In order to put an end to his disputes with his brother Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, Magas had betrothed his only daughter, Berenice, to the son of Ptolemy, but died before the marriage took place. As Arsinoe" disapproved of this connexion, she invited Demetrius the Fair, the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, to Cyrene, in order to become the king of the place and the husband of Berenice. But his beauty captivated Arsinoe; and her daughter indignant at the treatment she had received, excited a conspiracy against him, and caused him to be killed in the arms of her mother. Berenice then married the son of Ptolemy. (Justin, xxvi. 3.) It is not stated of what family this Arsinoe was. Niebuhr (Kleine Scriften, p. 230) conjectures that she was the same as the daughter of Lysimachus [No. 3], who after her banishment to Coptos went to Cyrene, and married Magas. 5. Called Eurydice by Justin (xxx. 1), and Cleopatra by Livy (xxvii. 4), but Arsinoe by Polybius, was the daughter of Ptolemy III. Evergetes, the wife of her brother Ptolemy IV. Philopator, and the mother of Ptolemy V. Epiphanes. She was present with her husband at the battle of Raphia (B. c. 217), in which Antiochus, the Great, was defeated; but her profligate husband was induced towards the end of his reign, by the intrigues of Sosibius, to order Philammon to put her to death. But after the death of Ptolemy Philopator, the female friends of Arsinoe revenged 6. Daughter of Ptolemy XI. Auletes, escaped from Caesar, when he was besieging Alexandria in B. c. 47, and was recognized as queen by the Alexandrians, since her brother Ptolemy X1I. Dionysus was in Caesar's power. After the capture of Alexandria she was carried to Rome by Caesar, and led in triumph by him in B. c. 46, on which occasion she excited the compassion of the Roman people. She was soon afterwards dismissed by Caesar, and returned to Alexandria; but her sister Cleopatra persuaded Antony to have her put to death in B. c. 41, though she had fled for refuge to the temple of Artemis Leucophryne in Miletus. (Dion Cass. xlii. 39, &c., xliii. 19; Caes. B. C. iii. 112, B. Alex. 4, 33; Appian, B. C. v. 9, comp. Dion Cass. xlviii. 24.) ARSI'TES ('ApoiTons), the satrap of the Hellespontine Phrygia when Alexander the Great invaded Asia. After the defeat of the Persians at the Granicus, Arsites retreated to Phrygia, where he put an end to his own life, because he had advised the satraps to fight with Alexander, instead of retiring before him and laying waste the country, as Memnon had recommended. (Arrian, Anab. i. 13, 17; Paus. i. 29. ~ 7.) ARTABA'NUS ('Aprd'Gavos), sometimes written Artapanims or Artapanes. 1. A son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareius Hystaspis, is described by Herodotus (iv. 83) as dissuading his brother from the expedition against the Scythians. In the reign of Xerxes, the successor of Dareius, Artabanus appears occasionally again in the character of a wise and frank counsellor, and Herodotus introduces him several times as speaking. (Herod. vii. 10, 46-53.) 2. An HIyrcanian, who was commander of the body-guard of king Xerxes. In B. c. 465, Artabanus, in conjunction with a eunuch, whom some call Spamitres and others Mithridates, assassinated Xerxes, with the view of setting himself upon the throne of Persia. Xerxes had three sons, Dareius, Artaxerxes, and Hystaspes, who was absent from the court as satrap of Bactria. Now as it was necessary for Artabanus to get rid of these sons also, he persuaded Artaxerxes that his brother Dareius was the murderer of his father, and stimulated him to avenge the deed by assassinating Dareius. This was done at the earliest opportunity. Artabanus now communicated his plan of usurping the throne to his sons, and his intention to murder Artaxerxes also. When the moment for carrying this plan into effect had come, he insidiously struck Artaxerxes with his sword; but the blow only injured the prince slightly, and in the struggle which ensued Artaxerxes killed Artabanus, and thus secured the succession to himself. (Diod. xi. 69.) Justin (iii. 1), who knows only of the two
Page 368 S68 ARTABAZUS. brothers, Dareius and Artaxerxes, gives a different account of the circumstances under which Artabanus was killed. (Comp. Ctesias, Pers. p. 38, &c., ed Lion; Aristot. Polit. v. 10.) 3. A Greek historian of uncertain date, who wrote a work on the Jews (Trep 'Iovlawv), some of the statements of which are preserved in Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. i. p. 149), the Chronicum Alexandrinum (p. 148), and Eusebius. (Praep. Evang. ix. 18, 23, 27.) 4. I. II. III. IV., kings of Parthia. [ARSACES, III. VIII. XIX. XXXI.] [L. S.] ARTABAZA'NES ('ApTrayadvs). 1. The eldest son of Dareius Hystaspis, also called Ariabignes. [ARIABIGNES.] 2. King of the people whom Polybius calls the Satrapeii, and who appear to have inhabited that part of Asia usually called Media Atropatene. Artabazanes was the most powerful king of this part of Asia in the time of Antiochus the Great, and appears to have been descended from Atropatus, who founded the kingdom in the time of the last king of Persia, and was never conquered by the Macedonians. When Antiochus marched against Artabazanes, in B. c. 220, he made peace with Antiochus upon terms which the latter dictated. (Polyb. v. 55.) ARTABA'ZES. [ARTAVASDES.] ARTABA'ZUS ('Aprd&aeos). 1. A Median, who acts a prominent part in Xenophon's account of Cyrus the Elder, whose relative Artabazus pretended to be. He is described there as a friend of Cyrus, and advising the Medes to follow Cyrus and remain faithful to him. Cyrus employed him on various occasions: when Araspes was on the point of violating Pantheia, the wife of Abradatas, Cyrus sent Artabazus to protect her; in the war against Croesus, Artabazus was one of the chiliarchs of the infantry. Cyrus bestowed upon him various honours and presents for his faithful attachment. (Xenoph. Cyrop. i. 4. ~ 27, iv. 1. ~ 23, v. 1. ~ 23, vi. 1. ~~ 9, 34, vi. 3. ~ 31, vii. 5. ~ 48, viii. 3, ~ 25, 4. ~~ 1, 12, 24.) 2. A distinguished Persian, a son of Pharnaces, who lived in the reign of Xerxes. In the expedition of this king to Greece, B. c. 480, Artabazus commanded the Parthians and Choasmians. (Herod. vii. 66.) When Xerxes quitted Greece, Artabazus accompanied him as far as the Hellespont, and then returned with his forces to Pallene. As Potidaea and the other towns of Pallene had revolted from the king after the battle of Salamis, Artabazus determined to reduce them. He first laid siege to Olynthus, which he took; he butchered the inhabitants whom he had compelled to quit the town, and gave the place and the town to the Chalcidians. After this Artabazus began the siege of Potidaea, and endeavoured to gain his end by bribes; but the treachery was discovered and his plans thwarted. The siege lasted for three months, and when at last the town seemed to be lost by the low waters of the sea, which enabled his troops to approach the walls from the sea-side, an almost wonderful event saved it, for the returning tide was higher than it had ever been before. The troops of Artabazus were partly overwhelmed by the waters and partly cut down by a sally of the Potidaeans. He now withdrew with the remnants of his army to Thessaly, to join Mardonius. (viii. 126-130.) Shortly before the battle of Plataeae, B. c. 479, ARTABAZUS. Artabazus dissuaded Mardonius from entering on an engagement with the Greeks, and urged him to lead his army to Thebes in order to obtain provisions for the men and the cattle; for he entertained the conviction that the mere presence of the Persians would soon compel the Greeks to surrender. (ix. 41.) His counsel had no effect, and as soon as he perceived the defeat of the Persians at Plataeae,he fled with forty thousand men through Phocis, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace, to Byzantium, and led the remnants of his army, which had been greatly diminished by hunger and the fatigues of the retreat, across the Hellespont into Asia. (ix. 89; Diod. xi. 31, 33.) Subsequently Artabazus conducted the negotiations between Xerxes and Pausanias. (Thuc. i. 129; Died. xi. 44; C. Nepos, Paus. 2, 4.) 3. One of the generals of Artaxerxes I., was sent to Egypt to put down the revolt of Inarus, B. c. 462. He advanced as far as Memphis, and accomplished his object. (Diod. xi. 74, 77; comp. Thuc. i. 109; Ctesias, Pers. p. 42, ed. Lion.) In B. c. 450, he was one of the commanders of the Persian fleet, near Cyprus, against Cimon. (Diod. xii. 4.) 4. A Persian general, who was sent in B. c. 362, in the reign of Artaxerxes II., against the revolted Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, but was defeated by the bravery and resolution of the latter. (Diod. xv. 91; comp. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vi. p. 129.) In the reign of Artaxerxes III., Artabazus was satrap of western Asia, but in B. c. 356 he refused obedience to the king, which involved him in a war with the other satraps, who acknowledged the authority of Artaxerxes. He was at first supported by Chares, the Athenian, and his mercenaries, whom he rewarded very generously. Afterwards he was also supported by the Thebans, who sent him 5000 men under Pammenes. With the assistance of these and other allies, Artabazus defeated his enemies in two great battles. Artaxerxes, however, succeeded in depriving him of his Athenian and Boeotian allies, whereupon Artabazus was defeated by the king's general, Autophradates, and was even taken prisoner. The Rhodians, Mentor and Memnon, two brothers-in-law of Artabazus, who had likewise supported him, still continued to maintain themselves, as they were aided by the Athenian Charidemus, and even succeeded in obtaining the liberation of Artabazus. After this, Artabazus seems either to have continued his rebellious operations, or at least to have commenced afterwards a fresh revolt; but he was at last obliged, with Memnon and his whole family, to take refuge with Philip of Macedonia. During the absence of Artabazus, Mentor, his brother-in-law, was of great service to the king of Persia in his war against Nectanebus of Egypt. After the close of this war, in B. c. 349, Artaxerxes gave to Mentor the command against the rebellious satraps of western Asia. Mentor availed himself of the opportunity to induce the king to grant pardon to Artabazus and Memnon, who accordingly obtained permission to return to Persia. (Diod. xvi. 22, 34, 52; Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 671, &c.) In the reign of Dareius Codomannus, Artabazus distinguished himself by his great fidelity and attachment to his sovereign. He took part in the battle of Arbela, and afterwards accompanied Dareius on his flight. After the death of the latter, Alexander rewarded Arta
Page 369 ARTAPHERNES. bazus for his fidelity with the satrapy of Bactria. His daughter, Barsine, became by Alexander the mother of Heracles; a second daughter, Artocama, was given in marriage to Ptolemy; and a third, Artonis, to Eumenes. In B. c. 328, Artabazus, then a man of very advanced age, resigned his satrapy, which was given to Cleitus. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 23, 29, vii. 4; Curtius, iii. 13, v. 9, 12, vi. 5, vii. 3, 5, viii. 1; Strab. xii. p. 578; comp. Droysen, Gesch. Alex. des Gross. p. 497.) [L. S.] ARTACAMA. [ARTABAZUS, No. 4.] ARTACHAEES ('Ap'rXalays), a distinguished Persian, and the tallest man in the nation, superintended the construction of the canal across the isthmus of Athos. He died while Xerxes was with his army at Athos; and the king, who was deeply grieved at his loss, gave him a splendid funeral, and the whole army raised a mound. In the time of Herodotus, the Acanthians, in pursuance of an oracle, sacrificed to Artachaees as a hero. (Herod. vii. 22, 117.) This mound appears to be the one described by Lieutenant Wolfe, who remarks: "About 1 mile to the westward of the north end of the canal (of Xerxes) is the modern village of Erso (on the site of Acanthus), which gives its name to the bay, situated on an eminence overhanging the beach: this is crowned by a remarkable mound, forming a small natural citadel." (Classical Museum, No. I. p. 83, Lond. 1843.) ARTANES( 'AprinVs), a son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareius Hystaspis, had given his only daughter and all his property to Dareius, and was afterwards one of the distinguished Persians who fought and fell in the battle of Thermopylae. (Herod. vii. 224.) [L. S.] ARTAPANUS or ARTAPANES. [ARTABANiU.] ARTAPHERNES ('ApTra<ipv-S). 1. A son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareius Hystaspis, who was appointed satrap of Sardis. In the year B. c. 505, when the Athenians sought the protection of Persia against Sparta, they sent an embassy to Artaphernes. The satrap answered, that the desired alliance with Persia could be granted only on condition of their recognizing the supremacy of king Dareius. When Hippias, the son of Peisistratus, lhad taken refuge in Asia, he endeavoured to induce Artaphernes to support his cause, and the Athenians, on being informed of his machinations, again sent an embassy to Artaphernes, requesting him not to interfere between them and IHippias. The reply of Artaphernes, that they should suffer no harm if they would recall their tyrant, shewed the Athenians that they had to hope nothing from Persia. In B. c. 501, Artaphernes was induced by the brilliant hopes which Aristagoras of Miletus held out to him, to place, with the king's consent, 200 ships and a Persian force at the command of Aristagoras, for the purpose of restoring the Naxian exiles to their country. But the undertaking failed, and Aristagoras, unable to realise his promises, was driven by fear to cause the insurrection of the lonians against Persia. When in B. c. 499 Aristagoras and his Athenian allies marched against Sardis, Artaphernes, not expecting such an attack, withdrew to the citadel, and the town of Sardis fell into the hands of the Greeks and was burnt. But the Greeks returned, fearing lest they should be overwhelmed by a Persian army, which might come to the relief of Artaphernes. In the second year of the Ionian ARTAS. 369 war, B. c. 497, Artaphernes and Otanes began to attack vigorously the towns of lonia and Aeolis. Cumae and Clazomenae fell into the hands of the Persians. Artaphernes was sharp enough to see through the treacherous designs of Histiaeus, and expressed his suspicions to him at Sardis. The fear of being discovered led Histiaeus to take to flight. Some letters, which he afterwards addressed to some Persians at Sardis, who were concerned in his designs, were intercepted, and Artaphernes had all the guilty Persians put to death. From this time Artaphernes disappears from history, and he seems to have died soon afterwards. (Herod. v. 25, 30-32, 100, 123, vi. 1, &c.; comp. IIIPPIAS, ARISTAGORAS, HISTIAEUS.) 2. A son of the former. After the unsuccessful enterprise of Mardonius against Greece in B. c. 492, king Dareius placed Datis and his nephew Artaphernes at the head of the forces which were to chastise Athens and Eretria. Artaphernes, though superior in rank, seems to have been inferior in military skill to Datis, who was in reality the commander of the Persian army. The troops assembled in Cilicia, and here they were taken on board 600 ships. This fleet first sailed to Samos, and thence to the Cyclades. Naxos was taken and laid in ashes, and all the islands submitted to the Persians. In Euboea, Carystus and Eretria also fell into their hands. After this the Persian army landed at Marathon. Here the Persians were defeated in the memorable battle of Marathon, B. c. 490, whereupon Datis and Artaphernes sailed back to Asia. When Xerxes invaded Greece, B. c. 480, Artaphernes commanded the Lydians and Mysians. (Herod. vi. 94, 116, vii. 10. ~ 2, 74; Aeschyl. Pers. 21.) 3. A Persian, who was sent by king Artaxerxes I., in B. c. 425, with a letter to Sparta. While he passed through Eion on the Strymon, he was arrested by Aristeides, the son of Archippus, and carried to Athens, where the letter of his king was opened and translated. It contained a complaint of the king, that owing to the many and discrepant messages they had sent to him, he did not -know what they wanted; and he therefore requested them to send a fresh embassy back with Artaphernes, and to explain clearly what they wished. The Athenians thought this a favourable opportunity for forming connexions themselves with Persia, and accordingly sent Artaphernes in a galley, accompanied by Athenian ambassadors, to Ephesus. On their arrival there they received intelligence of thle death of king Artaxerxes, and the Athenians returned home. (Thuc. iv. 50.) [L. S.] ARTAS or ARTUS ("Apras, Thuc.; "Apros, Demetr. and Suidas), a prince of the Messapians in the time of the Peloponnesian war. Thucydides (vii. 33) relates that Demosthenes in his passage to Sicily (a. c. 413) obtained from himn a force of 150 dartmen, and renewed with him an old-existing friendly connexion. This connexion with Athens is explained by the long enmity, which, shortly before, was at its height, between the Messapians and the Lacedaemonian Tarentum. (Comp. Niebuhr, i. p. 148.) The visit of Demosthenes is, probably, what the comic poet Demetrius alluded to in the lines quoted from his " Sicily" by Athenaeus (iii. p. 108), who tells us further, that Polemon wrote a book about him. Possibly, however, as Polemon and Demetrius both flourished about 300 a. c., this may be a second Artas. The name is 2B
Page 370 370 ARTAVASDES. found also in Hesychius, who quotes from the lines of Demetrius, and in Suidas, who refers to Polemon. [A. H. C.] ARTASI'RES. [ARSACIDAE, p. 364, b.] ARTAVASDES ('Apraovder8ls or'Apvra@doFss), ARTAUASDES (Apraovdioqs),orARTABAZES ('Apragdas), called by the Armenian historians, Artawazt. 1. King of the Greater Armenia, succeeded his father Tigranes I (II). In the expedition of Crassus against the Parthians, B. c. 54, Artavasdes was an ally of the Romans; but when Orodes, the king of Parthia, invaded Media, and Artavasdes was unable to obtain assistance from the Romans, he concluded a peace with the Parthian king, and gave his sister or daughter in marriage to Pacorus, the son of Orodes. When Pacorns subsequently invaded Syria, in B. c. 51, Artavasdes threatened a descent upon Cappadocia; and Cicero, who was then governor of Cilicia, made preparations to meet him; but the defeat of Pacorus put a stop to his designs. (Plut. Crass. 19, 21, 22, 33; Dion Cass. xl. 16; Cic. adAtt. v. 20, 21, ad Fmin. xv. 2, 3.) We next hear of Artavasdes in Antony's campaign against the Parthians in B. c. 36. Artavasdes joined the Romans, as he wished to injure his namesake Artavasdes, king of Media, with whom he was at enmity. He accordingly persuaded Antony to invade Media, but then treacherously deserted him, and returned with all his forces to Armenia. (Dion Cass. xlix. 25, 31; Plut. Ant. 39, 50; Strab. xi. p. 524.) The desertion of the Armenian king was one of the main causes of the failure of the Roman expedition [see p. 216, a.]; and Antony accordingly determined to be revenged upon Artavasdes. After deferring his invasion of Armenia for a year, he entered the country in B. c. 34, and contrived to entice Artavasdes into his camp, where he was immediately seized. The Armenians thereupon set upon the throne his son Artaxias [ARTAXIAS II.]; but Artavasdes himself, with his wife and the rest of his family, was carried to Alexandria, and led in triumph in golden chains. He remained in captivity till B. c. 30, when Cleopatra had him killed, after the battle of Actium, and sent his head to his old enemy, Artavasdes of Media, in hopes of obtaining assistance from him in return. (Dion Cass. xlix. 33, 39, 40, 1. 1, li. 5; Plut. Ant. 50; Liv. Epit. 131; Veil. Pat. ii. 82; Tac. Ann. ii. 3; Strab. xi. p. 532; Joseph. Ant. xv. 4. ~ 3, B. J. i. 18. ~ 5.) This Artavasdes was well acquainted with Greek literature, and wrote tragedies, speeches, and historical works, some of which were extant in Plutarch's time. (Plut. C'ass. 33.) ARTAVASDES II., perhaps the son of Artaxias II., was placed upon the Armenian throne by Augustus after the death of Tigranes II. He was however deposed by the Armenians; and C. Caesar,who was sent into Armenia to settle the affairs of the country, made Ariobarzanes, a Mede, king. (Tac. Ann. ii. 3,- 4.) There was another king of the name of Artavasdes in the later history of Armenia, respecting whom see ARSACIDAE, p. 363, b. ARTAVASDES, king of Media Atropatene, and an enemy of Artavasdes I., king of Armenia. Antony invaded his country in B. c. 36, at the instigation of the Armenian king, and laid siege to his capital, Phraaspa. After Antony, however, had been obliged to retreat from Media with great ARTAVASDES. loss, Artavasdes had a serious quarrel with the, Parthian king, Phraates, about the booty which had been taken from the Romans. In consequence of this dispute, and also of his desire to be revenged upon the king of Armenia, Artavasdes offered peace and alliance to Antony, through means of Polemon, king of Pontus. This offer was gladly accepted by Antony, as he too wished to punish the Armenian king on account of his desertion of him in his campaign in Media. After Antony had conquered Armenia in B. c. 34, the alliance between him and Artavasdes was rendered still closer by the latter giving his daughter, lotape, in marriage to Alexander, the son of Antony. Artavasdes further engaged to assist Antony with troops against Octavianus, and Antony on his part promised the Median king help against the Parthians. With the assistance of the Roman troops, Artavasdes was for a time enabled to carry on the war with success against the Parthians and Artaxias II., the exiled king of Armenia; but when Antony recalled his forces in order to oppose Octavianus, Artavasdes was defeated by Artaxias, and taken prisoner. Artavasdes recovered his liberty shortly afterwards. Plutarch (Ant. 61) mentions Median troops at the battle of Actium; but these might have been sent by Artavasdes before his captivity. After the battle of Actium, Octavianus restored to Artavasdes his daughter lotape, who had married Antony's son. Artavasdes died shortly before B. c. 20. (Dion Cass. xlix. 25, 33, 40, 41, 1. 1, li. 16, liv. 9; Plut. Ant. 38, 52.) ARTAVASDES or ARTABASDUS ('AprdGaoaos), emperor of Constantinople, was probably descended from a noble Armenian family. During the reign of Constantine V. Copronymus (A. D. 741 -775), he was appointed Curopalatus, and married Anna, a daughter of this emperor. Constantine, as his nick-name Caballinus indicates, would have made an excellent groom, but was a bad emperor; excited by fanaticism, he was active in the destruction of images in the churches, and thus acquired the name of the new Mohammed. Artavasdes, an adherent of the worship of images, profited from the discontent of the people against Constantine, and during a campaign of the emperor against the Arabs, prepared a revolt in Phrygia. Constantine, doubtful of his fidelity, demanded the sons of Artavasdes as hostages for the good conduct of their father, who refused to give them up, and suddenly surprised his master at the head of an army. Constantine was defeated, and fled into Phrygia Pacotiana, where he assembled his troops. Meantime, the rebel had won over the patrician Theophanes Monotes and Anastasius, the patriarch of Constantinople, to his cause. Both these men had great influence among the people, whom they persuaded that Constantine was dead; and thus Artavasdes was proclaimed emperor. He and Constantine both tried to obtain the aid of the Arabs: but they assisted neither, and shewed hostility to both. Artavasdes re-established the worship of images. He conferred the title of emperor upon his eldest son, Nicephorus; and lie sent his second son, Nicetas, with an army into Armenia. Constantine found assistance among the warlike inhabitants of Isauria, and early in 743 opened a campaign against Artavasdes, which terminated in the fall of the usurper. In May, 743, Artavasdes was defeated near Sardis; and in August, 743, his son Nicetas was routed at Comopolis in Bithynia: in
Page 371 ARTAXERXES. this battle fell Tigranes, a noble Armenian, the cousin of Artavasdes. The usurper fled to Constantinople, where he was besieged by the imperial forces; and while this city was exposed to the horrors of famine, Nicetas was taken prisoner near Nicomedeia. On the 2nd of November, 743, the besiegers took Constantinople by storm. Artavasdes, his sons, and his principal adherents, had their eyes put out, were conducted through the city on asses, with the tails in their hands, and were afterwards all put to death. Artavasdes was recognized as emperor by pope Zacharias. (Cedrenus, i. pp. 796-8, ed. Bonn.; Zonaras, ii. pp. 107, 108, ed. Paris; Procopius, de Bell. Pers. i. 2, &c.; Theophanes, pp. 347-50, ed. Paris.) [W. P.] ARTAXERXES or ARTOXERXES ('Apr'aZEp4's or 'AprToýe'pjs) is the name of three Persian kings, and signifies, according to Herodotus (vi. 98), "the great warrior" (d j.'yas dpl'ios). The word is compounded of Arta, which means " honoured" [see p. 284, a.], and Xerxes, which is probably the same as the Zend, ksathra, and the Sanscrit, kshatra, " a king:" consequently Artaxerxes would mean " the honoured king." ARTAXERXES I., surnamed Longimanus (MaKpoxEtp) from the circumstance of his right hand being longer than his left (Plut. Artax. 1), was king of Persia for forty years, from B. c. 465 to B. c. 425. (Diod. xi. 69, xii. 64; Thuc. iv. 50.) Hle ascended the throne after his father, Xerxes I., had been murdered by Artabanus, and after he himself had put to death his brother Dareius on the instigation of Artabanus. (Justin. iii. 1; Ctesias, ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 40, a., ed. Bekk.) His reign is characterized by Plutarch and Diodorus (xi. 71) as wise and temperate, but it was disturbed by several dangerous insurrections of the satraps. At the time of his accession his only surviving brother Hystaspes was satrap of Bactria, and Artaxerxes had scarcely punished Artabanus and his associates, before Hystaspes attempted to make himself independent. After putting down this insurrection and deposing several other satraps who refused to obey his commands, Artaxerxes turned his attention to the regulation of the financial and military affairs of his empire. These beneficent exertions were interrupted in B. c. 462, or, according to Clinton, in B. c. 460, by the insurrection of the Egyptians under Inarus, who was supported by the Athenians. The first army which Artaxerxes sent under his brother Achaemenes was defeated, and Achaemenes slain. After a useless attempt to incite the Spartans to a war against Athens, Artaxerxes sent a second army under Artabazus and Megabyzus into Egypt. A remnant of the forces of Achaemenes, who were still besieged in a place called the white castle (AEvfc6V TEXos), near Memphis, was relieved, and the fleet of the Athenians destroyed by the Athenians themselves, who afterwards quitted Egypt. Inarus, too, was defeated in B. c. 456 or 455, but Amyrtaeus, another chief of the insurgents, maintained himself in the marshes of lower Egypt. (Thuc. i. 104, 109; Diod. xi. 71, 74, 77.) In B. c. 449, Cimon sent 60 of his fleet of 300 ships to the assistance of Amyrtaeus, and with the rest endeavoured to wrest Cyprus from the Persians. Notwithstanding the death of Cimon, the Athenians gained two victories, one by land and the other by sea, in the neigbourhood of Salamis in Cyprus. After this defeat Artaxerxes is said to j ARTAXERXES. 371 have commanded his generals to conclude peace with the Greeks on any terms. The conditions on which this peace is said to have been concluded are as follows:-that the Greek towns in Asia should be restored to perfect independence; that no Persian satrap should approach the western coast of Asia nearer than the distance of a three days' journey; and that no Persian ship should sail through the Bosporus, or pass the town of Phaselis or the Chelidonian islands on the coast of Lycia. (Diod. xii. 4; comp. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, iii. p. 37, &c.) Thucydides knows nothing of this humiliating peace, and it seems in fact to have been fabricated in the age subsequent to the events to which it relates. Soon after these occurrences Megabyzus revolted in Syria, because Artaxerxes had put Inarus to death contrary to the promise which Megabyzus had made to Inarus, when he made him his prisoner. Subsequently, however, Megabyzus became reconciled to his master. (Ctesias, ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 50, &c.; comp. MEGAvBzus, INARus.) Artaxerxes appears to have passed the latter years of his reign in peace. On his death in B. c. 425, he was succeeded by his son Xerxes II. (Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii., sub anno, 455, and p. 380.) ARTAXERXES II., surnamed Mnemon (Mve n/s') from his good memory, succeeded his father, Dareius II., as king of Persia, and reigned from B. C. 405 to B. c. 362. (Diod. xiii. 104, 108.) Cyrus, the younger brother of Artaxerxes, was the favourite of his mother Parysatis, and she endeavoured to obtain the throne for him; but Dareius gave to Cyrus only the satrapy of western Asia, and Artaxerxes on his accession confirmed his brother in his satrapy, on the request of Parysatis, although he suspected him. (Xenoph. Anab. i. 1. ~ 3; Plut. Artax. 3.) Cyrus, however, revolted against his brother, and supported by Greek mercenaries invaded Upper Asia. In the neighbourhood of Cunaxa, Cyrus gained a great victory over the far more numerous army of his brother, B. c. 401, but was slain in the battle. [CYRus.] Tissaphernes was appointed satrap of western Asia in the place of Cyrus (Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 1. ~ 3), and was actively engaged in wars with the Greeks. [TiunMBRON; DERCYLLIDAS; AGESILAUS.] Notwithstanding these perpetual conflicts with the Greeks, the Persian empire maintained itself by the disunion among the Greeks themselves, which was fomented and kept up by Persian money. The peace of Antalcidas, in B. c. 388, gave the Persians even greater power and influence than they had possessed before. [ANTALCIDAS.] But the empire was suffering from internal disturbances and confusion: Artaxerxes himself was a weak man; his mother, Parysatis, carried on her horrors at the court with truly oriental cruelty; and slaves and eunuchs wielded the reins of government. Tributary countries and satraps endeavoured, under such circumstances, to make themselves independent, and the exertions which it was necessary to make against the rebels exhausted the strength of the empire. Artaxerxes thus had to maintain a long struggle against Evagoras of Cyprus, from B. C. 385 to B. c. 376, and yet all he could gain was to confine Evagoras to his original possession, the town of Salamis and its vicinity, and to compel him to pay a moderate tribute. (Diod. xv. 9.) At the same time he had to carry on war against the Cardusians, on the 2 n 2
Page 372 372 ARTAXIAS. shores of the Caspian sea; and after his numerous army was with great difficulty saved from total destruction, he concluded a peace without gaining any advantages. (Diod. xv. 9, 10; Plut. A rtax. 24.) His attempts to recover Egypt were unsuccessful, and the general insurrection of his subjects in Asia Minor failed only through treachery among the insurgents themselves. (Diod. xv. 90, &c.) When Artaxerxes felt that the end of his life was approaching, he endeavoured to prevent all quarrels respecting the succession by fixing upon Dareius, the eldest of his three legitimate sons (by his concubines he had no less than 115 sons, Justin. x. 1), as his successor, and granted to him all the outward distinctions of royalty. But Dareius soon after fell out with his father about Aspasia, and formed a plot to assassinate him. But the plot was betrayed, and Dareius was put to death with many of his accomplices. (Plut. Artax. 26, &c.; Justin. 1. c.) Of the two remaining legitimate sons, Ochus and Ariaspes, the former now hoped to succeed his father; but as Ariaspes was beloved by the Persians on account of his gentle and amiable character, and as the aged Artaxerxes appeared to prefer Arsames, the son of one of his concubines, Ochus contrived by intrigues to drive Ariaspes to despair and suicide, and had Arsames assassinated. Artaxerxes died of grief at these horrors in B. c. 362, and was succeeded by Ochus, who ascended the throne under the name of Artaxerxes III. (Plut. Life of Artaxerxes; Diod. xv. 93; Phot. Bibl. pp. 42--44, ed. Bekker; Clinton, Fast. Hellen. ii. p. 381, &c.) AITAXERXES III., also called Ochus, succeeded his father as king of Persia in B. c. 362, and reigned till B. c. 339. In order to secure the throne which he had gained by treason and murder, he began his reign with a merciless extirpation of the members of his family. IHe himself was a cowardly and reckless despot; and the great advantages which the Persian arms gained during his reign, were owing only to his Greek generals and mercenaries, and to traitors, or want of skill on the part of his enemies. These advantages consisted in the conquest of the revolted satrap Artabazus [AlsrTAa zus, No. 4], and in the reduction of Phoenicia, of several revolted towns in Cyprus, and of Egypt, B. c. 350. (Diod. xvi. 40-52.) From this time Artaxerxes withdrew to his seraglio, where he passed his days in sensual pleasures. "The reins of the government were entirely in the hands of the eunuch Bagoas, and of Mentor, the Rhodian, and the existence of the king himself was felt by his subjects only in the bloody commands which he issued. At last he was killed by poison by Bagoas, and was succeeded by his youngest son, Arses. (Diod. xvii. 5; Plut. De Is. et Os. 11; Aelian, V. IL iv. 8, vi. 8, f. A. x. 28; Justin, x. 3; comp. Clinton, Fast. Hellen. ii. p. 382, &c.) Respecting Artaxerxes, the founder of the dynasty of the Sassanidae, see SASSANIDAE [L. S.] ARTA'XIAS ('AprTaais) or ARTAXES ('ApTrd(7s), the name of three kings of Armenia. I. The founder of the Armenian kingdom, was one of the generals of Antiochus the Great, but revolted from him soon after his peace with the Romans in B. c. 188, and became an independent sovereign. (Strab. xi. pp. 528, 531, 532.) Hannibal took refuge at the court of Artaxias, when Antiochus was no longer able to protect him, and he superintended the building of Artaxata, the capital ARTAYCTES. of Armenia, which was so called in honour of Artaxias. (Strab. xi. p. 528; Plut. Lucull. 31.) Artaxias was included in the peace made between Eumenes and Pharnaces in B. c. 179 (Polyb. xxvi. 6), but was conquered and taken prisoner by Antiochus IV. Epiphanes towards the end of his reign, about B. c. 165. (Appian, Syr. 45, 66.) II. The son of Artavasdes I., was made king by the Armenians when his father was taken prisoner by Antony in B. c. 34. He risked a battle against the Romans, but was defeated and obliged to fly into Parthia. But with the help of the Parthians he regained his kingdom soon afterwards, and defeated and took prisoner Artavasdes, king of Media, who had opposed him. [ARTAVASDES.] On his return to Armenia, he put to death all the Romans who had remained behind in the country; and in consequence of that, Augustus refused to restore him his relatives, when he sent an embassy to Rome to demand them. When the Armenians in B. c. 20 complained to Augustus about Artaxias, and requested as king his brother Tigranes, who was then at Rome, Augustus sent Tiberius with a large army into Armenia, in order to depose Artaxias and place Tigranes upon the throne; but Artaxias was put to death by his relatives before Tiberius reached the country. Tigranes was now proclaimed king without any opposition; but Tiberius took the credit to himself of a successful expedition: whence Horace (Epist. i. 12. 25) says, "Claudi virtute Neronis Armenius cecidit." (Dion Cass. xlix. 39, 40, 44, li. 16, liv. 9; Tac. Ann. ii. 3; Vell. Pat. ii. 94; Joseph. Ant. xv. 4. ~ 3; Suet. Tiber. 9.) Velleius Paterculus (1. c.) calls this king Artavasdes, and Dion Cassius in one passage (liv. 9) names him Artabazes, but in all the others Artaxes. III. The son of Polemon, king of Pontus, was proclaimed king of Armenia by Germanicus in A. D. 18, at the wish of the Armenians, whose favour he had gained by adopting their habits and mode of life. His original name was Zenon, but the Armenians called him Artaxias on his accession. Upon the death of Artaxias, about A. D. 35, Arsaces, the son of the Parthian king, Artabanus, was placed upon the Armenian throne by his father. (Tac. Ann. ii. 56, vi. 31.) ARTAYCTES ('Apr'aiwcTKs), a Persian, the son of Cherasmis, commanded the Macrones and Mosynoeci in the expedition of Xerxes into Greece. He was at the time governor of the town of Sestus and its territory on the Hellespont, where he ruled as an arbitrary and reckless tyrant. When Xerxes passed through Sestus, Artayetes induced the king by fraud to give him the tomb and sacred land of the hero Protesilaus, which existed at Elaeus near Sestus; he then pillaged the tomb, and made profane use of the sacred land. This sacrilegious act was not forgiven him by the Greeks. He did not expect to see an enemy at such a distance from Athens; when, therefore, in n. c. 479, Xanthippus appeared in the Hellespont with a fleet, Artayctes was not prepared for a siege. However the town was strongly fortified and able to resist a besieging army. Xanthippus continued his siege during the whole winter, but on the approach of spring the famine in the town became insupportable; and Artayctes and Oeobazus, a Persian of high rank, succeeded in making their escape through the lines of the besiegers. As soon as the Greek inhabitants of Sestus heard of the flight of their gover
Page 373 ARTEMIDORUS. nor, they opened their gates to the Athenians. The two fugitives were pursued, and Artayctes and his son were overtaken and brought before Xanthippus. Artayctes offered 100 talents to the inhabitants of Elaeus as an atonement for the outrage he had committed,on the tomb of Protesilaus, and 200 more as a ransom for himself and his son. But the inhabitants would not accept any other atonement than his life, and Xanthippus was obliged to give him up to them. Artayctes was then nailed to a cross, and his son stoned to death before his eyes. (Herod. vii. 33, 78, ix. 116, 118-120; Paiss. i. 4. ~ 5.) [L. S.] ARTAYNTE ('AprTai'UY), a daughter of Masistes, the brother of Xerxes I. Xerxes gave her in marriage to his son Dareius, but he himself was in love with her, and on one occasion was obliged, by his own imprudent promise, to give her a robe which he had received as a present from his wife Amastris. Thus the king's paramour became known, and Amastris, fancying that the love affair was the work of the wife of Masistes, took the most cruel vengeance upon her. (Herod. ix. 108-110.) Maximus Tyrius (xxvi. 7) confounds the two women, Amastris and Artaynte. (Comp. Tzetz. Chil. ii. 6.) [L. S.] ARTAYNTES ('Aprarivr-sy), one of the generals in the army of Xerxes. When Xerxes had returned to Asia after the battle of Salamis, Artayntes, Ithamitres, and some other generals, sailed to Samos in order to watch the lonians, and in the hope that the land-force under Mardonius in northern Greece might still be successful. But after the battles of Plataeae and Mycale, in B. c. 479, Artayntes and Ithamitres took to flight. While Artayntes was passing through Asia, he was met by Masistes, the brother of Xerxes, who censured him severely for his cowardly flight. Artayntes, enraged, drew his sword and would have killed Masistes, had he not been saved by Xeinagoras, a Greek, who seized Artayntes at the moment and threw him on the ground, for which act he was liberally rewarded. (Herod. viii. 130, ix. 102, 107.) [L. S.] ARTE'MBARES ('Aprepscdps), a Median of noble rank, whose son, according to the story about the youth of the great Cyrus, was one of the playmates of Cyrus. Cyrus chastised him for his Wvant of obedience in their play; and Artembares, indignant at the conduct of Cyrus, who was believed to be a mere shepherd's boy, complained to king Astyages, and thus became the means of discovering that Cyrus was the son of Mandane and the grandson of Astyages. (Herod. i. 114-116.) Two Persians of this name occur in Herodotus (ix. 122), and Aeschylus. (Pers. 29, 294.) [L.S.] ARTEMICHA. [CLEINIS.] ARTEMIDO'RUS ('AprEjiSwpos). 1. Surnamed ARISTOPHANIUS, and also Pseudo-Aristophanius, from his being a disciple of the celebrated grammarian Aristophanes, of Byzantiumn at Alexandria. Artemidorus himself was, therefore, a contemporary of Aristarchus, and likewise a grammarian. lie is mentioned by Athenaeus (iv. p. 182) as the author of a work srepi Awpilos, the nature of which is not clear, and of AEieis or *yhACeral ofrap-rvraca i, that is, a dictionary of technical terms and expressions used in the art of cookery. (Athen. i. p. 5, ix. p. 387, xiv. pp. 662, 663; Suidas, s. ev., 'ApTrejlcs wpos and Tiafirase; Erotian in Adorov.) Some MSS. of Theocritus con ARTEMIDORUS. 373 tain, under the name of Artemidorus, an epigram of two lines on the collection of bucolic poems, which perhaps belongs to our grammarian. (Theocrit. p. 806, ed. Kiessling; Anthol. Graec. ix. n. 205.) 2. Of ASCALON, wrote a history of Bithynia, and is mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium (s. V. 'AeKaNwiv) as one of the distinguished persons of that place. 3. Of CNIDus, a son of Theopompus, and a friend of Julius Caesar (Strab. xiv. p. 656), was a rhetorician, and taught the Greek language at Rome. At the time when the plot was formed against the life of Caesar, B. c. 43, Artemidorus, who had heard of it, cautioned Caesar by a letter, and urged him to take care of himself; but the warning was not heeded. (Plut. Caes. 65; Zonaras, vol. i. p. 491, ed. Paris.) 4. DALDIANUS, was a native of Ephesus, but is usually called Daldianus (AaAltavds), to distinguish him from the geographer Artemidorus (Lucian, Phlilopatr. 22), since his mother was born at Daldia or Daldis, a small town in Lydia. Artemidorus himself also preferred the surname of Daldianus (Oneirocr. iii. 66), which seems to have been a matter of pride with him, as the Daldian Apollo Mystes gave him the especial commission to write a work on dreams. (Oneirocr. ii. 70.) He lived at Rome in the reign of Antoninus Pius and M. Aurelius, as we may infer from several passages of his work (i. 28, 66, iv. 1), though some writers have placed him in the reign of Constantine, and others identify him with the friend of Pliny the younger, and son-in-law of Musonius. (Plin. Epist. iii. 11.) But the passages of Artemidorus's own work cited above, place the question beyond all doubt. Artemidorus is the author of a work on the interpretation of dreams ('OvseipocpLTrica), in five books, which is still extant. He collected the materials for this work by very extensive reading (he asserts that he had read all the books on the subject), on his travels through Asia, Greece, Italy, and the Grecian islands. (Oneir. Prooem. lib. i.) He himself intimates that he had written several works, and from Suidas and Eudocia we may infer, that one was called oewvoaico7riKca', and the other XElpoo-'conlcd. Along with his occupations on these subjects, he also practised as a physician. From his work on dreams, it is clear that he was acquainted with the principal productions of more ancient writers on the subject, and his object is to prove, that in dreams the future is revealed to man, and to clear the science of interpreting them from the abuses with which the fashion of the time had surrounded it. He does not attempt to establish his opinion by philosophical reasoning, but by appealing to facts partly recorded in history, partly derived from oral tradition of the people, and partly from his own experience. On the last point he places great reliance, especially as he believed that he was called to his task by Apollo. (ii. 70.) This makes him conceited, and raises him above all fear of censure. The first two books are dedicated to Cassius Maximus. The third and fourth are inscribed to his son. The fifth book is, properly speaking, an independent work, the title of which is srepi dovipy i'idv 'cisEa'wv, and which contains a collection of interesting dreams, which were believed to have been realized. The style of the work is simple, correct, and elegant; and this,
Page 374 374 ARTEMIDORUS. ARTEMIDORUS. together with the circumstance that Artemidorus or lexicographical works reference is made by the has often occasion to allude to or explain ancient Scholiast on Aristophanes ( Vesp. 1139, 1164,1231; manners and usages, give to it a peculiar value. Comp. Phot. s. v. revrdew; Etym. M. s. vv. dptsThe work has also great interest, because it shews Kdlys and dplfy), though the work or works here us in what manner the ancients symbolized and in- referred to may also belong to No. 1. terpreted certain events of ordinary life, which, when 10. Of TRALLES, a celebrated pugilist, who well understood, throws light on various points of lived about A. D. 69. (Paus. vi. 14. ~ 1; Martial, ancient mythology. The first edition of the Onei- vi. 77.) rocritica is that of Aldus, Venice, 1518, 8vo.; the 11. The author of elegies on love. (Hrep EprW'ros, next is that of Rigaltius(Paris, 1603, 4to.), which Eratosth. Catast. 31.) There are many more percontains a valuable commentary; however, it sons of the name of Artemidorus who are mentioned goes down only to the 68th chapter of the second in ancient writers; but as nothing is known about book. The last edition is that of J. G. Reiff, them, we refer to the list in Fabricius (Bibl. Graec. Leipzig, 1805, 2 vols. 8vo. It contains the notes v. p. 263), to which some supplements are given of Rigaltius, and some by Reiske and the editor, by Van Goens. (1. c.) [L. S.] 5. A MEGARIC philosopher, who, according to ARTEMIDO'RUIS('Aprep wgos). 1. A Greek Diogenes Laertius (ix. 53), wrote a work against physician, quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Chrysippus. Acut. ii. 31, iii. 14, 15, pp. 146, 224, 227), who was 6. Of EPHESUS, a Greek geographer, who lived a native of Side in Pamphylia, and a follower of about B. C. 100. IHe made voyages round the Erasistratus. He must have lived some time between coasts of the Mediterranean, in the Red Sea, and the third century B. c. and the second century apparently even in the southern ocean. He also after Christ. He may perhaps be the person visited Iberia and Gaul, and corrected the accounts quoted by Galen without any distinguishing epiof Eratosthenes respecting those countries. We thet (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 3, vol. know that in his description of Asia he stated the xii. p. 828), but he is probably not the same person distances of places from one another, and that the as the Artemidorus olwvi'rLris who is mentioned by countries beyond the river Tanais were unknown the same author. (Comment. in Hippocr. "De Rat. to him. The work in which be gave the results Vict. in Morb. Ac." i. 15. vol. xv. p. 444.) of his investigations, is called by Marcianus of 2. ARTEMIDORUS CAPITO ('AprTEplwpos Heracleia, a 7repi'rAovs, and seems to be the same KaT'rwov), a Greek physician and grammarian as the one more commonly called ra yswypacov- at Rome, in the reign of the emperor Hadrian, uLva, or Tr TfTS ywcoypapias rAia. It consisted A. D. 117-138, who published an edition of the of eleven books, of which Marcianus afterwards works of Hippocrates, which Galen tells us (Commade an abridgement. The original work, which ment. in Hippocr. " De Nat. Hom." vol. xv. p. 21) was highly valued by the ancients, and is quoted was not only much valued by the emperor himin innumerable passages by Strabo, Stephanus of self, but was also much esteemed even in Galen's Byzantium, Pliny, Isidorus, and others, is lost; time. He is, however, accused of making conbut we possess many small fragments and some siderable changes in the text, and of altering the larger ones of Marcianus' abridgement, which con- old readings and modernizing the language. He tain the periplus of the Pontus Euxeinus, and ac- was a relation of Dioscorides, who also edited the counts of Bithynia and Paphlagonia. The loss of works of Hippocrates, and he is frequently menthis important work is to be regretted, not only on tioned by Galen. (Comment. in Hippocr. " De account of the geographical information which it Hlumor." vol. xvi. p. 2; Gloss. Hippocr. vol. xix. contained, but also because the author entered into p. 83, &c.) He may perhaps be the person somethe description of the manners and costumes of times quoted simply by the name of Capito. the nations he spoke of. The fragments of Arte- [CAPITO.] midorus were first collected and published by D. 3. ARTEMIDORUS CORNELIUS, a physician, who Hidschel in his GeograpiMca, Aug. Vindel. 1600, was born at Perga in Pamphylia, or, according to 4to. The best collection is that in Hudson's Geo- some editions of Cicero, at Pergamus in Mysia. graphi Minores, vol. i. Two small fragments, not He was one of the unprincipled agents of Verres, contained in Hudson, have been published by Van whom he first assisted in his robbery of the temple Goens in his edition of Porphyrius's Antrum NAym- of Diana at Perga, when he was legatus to Cn. pharuim, p. 87, and a third, containing a descrip- Dolabella in Cilicia, B. c. 79 (Cic. 2 Verr. i. 20, tion of the Nile is printed in Aretin's Beitrige zur iii. 21); and afterwards attended him in Sicily Gesch. und Lit. vol. ii. p. 49, &c. (Vossius, de during his praetorship, B. c. 72-69, where, among Hist. Graec. p. 185, with the notes of Wester- other infamous acts, he was one of the judges mann.) Athenaeus (iii. p. 111) ascribes to this (recuperatores) in the case of Nympho. His oriArtemidorus a work entitled 'IoviKo mhrouLvftmara. ginal name appears to have been Artemidorus; he (Comp. Ukert, Geogr. der Griech. u. Rbm. i. 2, p. was probably at first a slave, and afterwards, on 141, &c., 250.) being freed by his master, (perhaps Cn. Cornelius 7. A son-in-law of MUSONIUS, the philosopher, Dolabella,) took the name of Cornelius. Cicero was himself likewise a philosopher, and a friend of calls him in one place " Cornelius medicus" (2 Pliny the younger, one of whose letters (iii. 11) is Verr. iii. 11), in another " Artemidorus Pergaeus" full of his praise. (c. 21), and in a third " Artemidorus Cornelius" 8. Of PARION, an astronomer, whose views of (c. 49); but it is plain that in each passage he his science are recorded by Seneca. (Quaest. Nat. refers to the same individual, though Ernesti has i. 4, vii. 13.) in his Index Historicus considered them as three 9. Of TARSUs, a grammarian, whom Strabo different persons. [W. A. G.] (xiv. p. 675) mentions as one of the distinguished ARTEMIDO'RUS, a painter, who lived at the "persons of that place. It is not impossible that he close of the fist century after Christ. (Martial, may be the same as the one to whose grammatical v. 40.) [C. P. M.J
Page 375 ARTEMIS. A'RTEMIS ("AprEqIs), one of the great divinities of the Greeks. Her name is usually derived from dpreJsAn, uninjured, healthy, vigorous; according to which she would be the goddess who is herself inviolate and vigorous, and also grants strength and health to others. (Plat. Cratyl. p. 406, b.; Strab. xiv. p. 635; Eustath. ad Iomn. pp. 32, 577, 1732.) According to the Homeric account and Hesiod (Tlheog. 918) she was the daughter of Zeus and Leto, whence Aeschylus (Sept. 148) calls her ArcvwyEvseia. She was the sister,of Apollo, and born with him at the same time in the island of Delos. According to a tradition which Pausanias (viii. 37. ~ 3) found in Aeschylus, Artemis was a daughter of Demeter, and not of Leto, while according to an Egyptian story (Herod. ii. 156) she was the daughter of Dionysus and Isis, and Leto was only her nurse. But these and some other legends are only the results of the identification of the Greek Artemis with other local or foreign divinities. The place of her birth is for the same reason not the same in all traditions: some say that it was the grove of Ortygia near Ephesus (Tacit. Annal. iii. 61; Schol. ad Pind. Nenm. i. 1), others that it was Crete (Diod. v. 72), and others again, that she was the sister of Apollo, but born somewhat earlier, so that she was able to assist Leto in giving birth to Apollo. (Orph Hymn. 34. 5; Spanheim, ad Callim. p. 476, &c.) In the description of the nature and character of this goddess, it is necessary to distinguish between the different points of view from which the Greeks regarded her, and also between the really Greek Artemis and certain foreign divinities, who for some resemblance or another were identified by the Greeks with their own Artemis, 1. Artemis as the sister of Apollo, is a kind of female Apollo, that is, she as a female divinity represented the same idea that Apollo did as a male divinity. This relation between the two is in many other cases described as the relation of husband and wife, and there seems to have been a tradition which actually described Artemis as the wife of Apollo. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1197.) In the character of sister of Apollo, Artemis is like her brother armed with a bow, quiver, and arrows, and sends plague and death among men and animals: she is a Sea airo'AAovona. Sudden deaths, but more especially those of women, are described as the effect of her arrows. (Hom. II. vi. 205, 427, &c., xix. 59, xxi. 483, &c.; Od. xi. 172, &c., 324, xv. 478, xviii. 202, xx. 61, &c., v. 124, &c.) She also acts sometimes in conjunction with her brother. (Od. xv. 410; II. xxiv. 606.) As Apollo was not only a destructive god, but also averted the evils which it was in his power to inflict, so Artemis was at the same time a aSed crd"Teipa; that is, she cured and alleviated the sufferings of mortals. Thus, for instance, she healed Aeneas, when he was wounded and carried into the temple of Apollo. (II. v. 447.) In the Trojan war she sided, like Apollo, with the Trojans. The man whom she looked graciously upon was prosperous in his fields and flocks, his household was thriving, and he died in old age. (Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 129, &c.) She was more especially the protectress of the young, whence the epithets raeSorpo'(os, Kovpoe'rpopos, and LtAhopepaý (comp. Diod. v. 73); and Aeschylus (Agam. 142) calls her the protectress of young sucking-animals, and of the game ranging through ARTEMIS. 375 the forests of the mountains. Artemis thus also came to be regarded as the goddess of the flocks and the chase: she is the huntress among the immortals; she is called the stag-killer (EAaq5nq@Aos), the lover of the tumult connected with the chase (KcsAetLV4), and adypdvepa. (II. xxi. 511, 485, &c.; Hornm. Hymn. in Dian. 10.) Artemis is moreover, like Apollo, unmarried; she is a maidendivinity never conquered by love. (Soph. Elect. 1220.) The priests and priestesses devoted to her service were bound to live pure and chaste. and trangressions of their vows of chastity were severely punished. (Paus. vii. 19. ~ 1. viii. 13. ~ 1.) She was worshipped in several places together with her brother; and the worship of both divinities was believed to have come from the Hyperboreans, and Hyperborean maidens brought sacrifices to Delos. (Herod. ii. 32, 35.) The laurel was sacred to both divinities, and both were regarded as the founders and protectors of towns and streets. (Paus. i. 38. ~ 6, iii. 24. ~ 6, viii. 36, in fin.; Aeschyl. Sept. 450; Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 34.) There are, however, some points also, in which there is no resemblance between Artemis and Apollo: she has nothing to do with music or poetry, nor is there any trace of her having been regarded as an oracular divinity like Apollo. Respecting the real and original character of Artemis as the sister of Apollo, we encounter the same difficulties as those mentioned in the article APOLLO, viz. as to whether she was a purely spiritual and ethical divinity, as MUller thinks, or whether she was the representative of some power in physical nature; and the question must be decided here in the same manner as in the case of Apollo. When Apollo was regarded as identical with the sun or Helios, nothing was more natural than that his sister should be regarded as Selene or the moon, and accordingly the Greek Artemis is, at least in later times, the goddess of the moon. Buttmann and Hermann consider this idea of Artemis being the moon as the fundamental one from which all the others are derived. But, at any rate, the idea of Artemis being the goddess of the moon, must be confined to Artemis the sister of Apollo, and is not applicable to the Arcadian, Taurian, or Ephesian Artemis. 2. The Arcadian Artemis is a goddess of the nymphs, and was worshipped as such in Arcadia in very early times. Her sanctuaries and temples were more numerous in this country than in any other part of Greece. There was no connexion between the Arcadian Artemis and Apollo, nor are there any traces here of the ethical character which is so prominent in Artemis, the sister of Apollo. These circumstances, together with the fact, that her surnames and epithets in Arcadia are nearly all derived from the mountains, rivers, and lakes, shew that here she was the representative of some part or power of nature. In Arcadia she hunted with her nymphs on Taygetus, Erymanthus, and Maenalus; twenty nymphs accompanied her during the chase, and with sixty others, daughters of Oceanus, she held her dances in the forests of the mountains. Her bow, quiver, and arrows, were made by Hephaestus, and Pan provided her with dogs. Her chariot was drawn by four stags with golden antlers. (Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 13, 81, 90, &c.; Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 3; Pind. O1. iii, 51.) Her temples and sanctuaries in Arcadia were usually near lakes or rivers, whence she was
Page 376 376 ARTEMIS. called AJAy^TYls or A\uveaia. (Paus. ii. 7. ~ 6, iii. 23. ~ 6, iv. 4. ~ 2, 31. ~ 3, viii. 53. ~ 5.) In the precincts of her sanctuaries there were often sacred wells, as at Corinth. (Paus. ii. 3. ~ 5, iii. 20. ~ 7.) As a nymph, Artemis also appears in connexion with river gods, as with Alpheius [ALPHEIUS], and thus it is intelligible why fish were sacred to her. (Diod. v. 3.) 3. The Taurian Artemis. The legends of this goddess are mystical, and her worship was orgiastic and connected, at least in early times, with human sacrifices. According to the Greek legend there was in Tauris a goddess, whom the Greeks for some reason identified with their own Artemis, and to whom all strangers that were thrown on the coast of Tauris, were sacrificed. (Eurip. Iph. Tau'r. 36.) Iphigeneia and Orestes brought her image from thence, and landed at Brauron in Attica, whence the goddess derived the name of Brauronia. (Paus. i. 23. ~ 9, 33. ~ 1, iii. 16, in fin.) The Brauronian Artemis was worshipped at Athens and Sparta, and in the latter place the boys were scourged at her altar in such a manner that it became sprinkled with their blood. This cruel cereniony was believed to have been introduced by Lycurgus, instead of the human sacrifices which had until then been offered to her. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Bpavpcvcia and ALapaoariywacos.) Her name at Sparta was Orthia, with reference to the phallus, or because her statue stood erect. According to another tradition, Orestes and Iphigeneia concealed the image of the Taurian goddess in a bundle of brushwood, and carried it to Aricia in Latium. [ARICINA.] Iphigeneia, who was at first to have been sacrificed to Artemis, and then became her priestess, was afterwards identified with the goddess (Herod. iv. 103; Paus. i. 43. ~ 1), who was worshipped in some parts of Greece, as at Hermione, under the name of Iphigeneia. (Paus. ii. 35. ~ 1.) Some traditions stated, that Artemis made Iphigeneia immortal, in the character of Hecate, the goddess of the moon. [HECATE.] A kindred divinity, if not the same as the Taurian Artemis, is Artemis ravporcdAos, whose worship was connected with bloody sacrifices, and who produiced madness in the minds of men, at least the chorus in the Ajax of Sophocles, describes the madness of Ajax as the work of this divinity. In the legends about the Taurian Artemis, it seems that separate local traditions of Greece are mixed up with the legends of some Asiatic divinity, whose symbol in the heaven was the moon, and on the earth the cow. 4. The Epicesian Artemis was a divinity totally distinct from the Greek goddess of the same name. She seems to have been the personification of the fructifying and all-nourishing powers of nature. It is an opinion almost universally adopted, that she was an ancient Asiatic divinity whose worship the Greeks found established in lonia, when they settled there, and that, for some resemblance they discovered, they applied to her the name of Artemis. As soon as this identity of the Asiatic goddess with the Greek Artemis was recognised, other features, also originally peculiar to the Greek Artemis, were transferred to her; and thus she is called a daughter of Leto, who gave birth to her in the neighbourhood of Ephesus. Her original character is sufficiently clear from the fact, that her priests were eunuchs, and that her image in the magnificent temple of Ephesus represented her ARTEMISTA. with many breasts (7roAaupCaaT6s). The whole figure of the goddess resembled a mummy: her head was surmounted with a mural crown (corona imuralis), and the lower part of her body, which ended in a point, like a pyramid upside down, was covered with figures of mystical animals. (Strab. xiv. p. 641; Paus. iv. 31. ~ 6, vii. 5. ~ 2., The symbol of this divinity was a bee, and her highpriest bore the name of king (ioa-<n). Her worship was said to have been established at Ephesus by the Amazons. (Paus. ii. 7. ~ 4, viii. 12. ~ 1; Hesych. and Suid. s. v. icrirav.) Respecting some other divinities, or attributes of divinities, which were likewise regarded as identical with Artemis in Greece, see BIUTOMARTIS, DICTYNNA, and EILEITHYIA. The Romans identified their goddess Diana with the Greek Artemis, and at a comparatively early time they transferred to their own goddess all the peculiar features of the Greek Artemis. [DIANA.] The worship of Artemis was universal in all Greece, in Delos, Crete, Sicily, and southern Italy, but more especially in Arcadia and the whole of the Peloponnesus. The sacrifices offered to the Brauronian Artemis consisted of stags and goats; in Thrace dogs were offered to Artemis. Among the animals sacred to the Greek Artemis we may mention the stag, boar, dog, and others; the fir-tree was likewise sacred to her. It is impossible to trace the various relations in which Artemis appears to us to one common source, or to one fundamental idea: the very manner in which such a complicated mythus was formed renders the. attempt futile, or, to say the least, forced. In the case of Artemis, it is evident, that new elements and features were added in various places to the ancient local mythus; the worship of one divinity is identified with that of another, and tlhe legends of the two are mixed up into one, or those of the one are transferred to the other, whose legends then sink into oblivion. The representations of the Greek Artemis in works of art are different accordingly as she is represented either as a huntress, or as the goddess of the moon; yet in either case she appears as a youthful and vigorous divinity, as becomes the sister of Apollo. As the huntress, she is tall, nimble, and has small hips; her forehead is high, her eyes glancing freely about, and her hair tied up behind in such a manner, that some locks float down her neck; her breast is covered, cand the legs up to the knees are naked, the rest being covered by the chlamvs. Her attributes are the bow, quiver, and arrows, or a spear, stags, and dogs. As the goddess of the moon, she wears a long robe which reaches down to her feet, a veil covers her head, and above her forehead rises the crescent of the moon. In her hand she often appears holding a torch. (Mitscherlich, de Diana Sospita, Giittingen, 1821; Muller, Dorians, book ii. c. 9; Museo Pio-Clem. i. 30; Hirt. Mythol. Bilderb. i. p. 37.) [L. S.] ARTEMI'SIA ('ApTreu-ria). 1. A queen of Halicarnassus, Cos, Nisyros, and Calydna, who ruled over these places as a vassal of the Persian empire in the reign of Xerxes I. She was a daughter of Lygdamis, and on the death of her husband, she succeeded him as queen. When Xerxes invaded Greece, she voluntarily joined his fleet with five beautiful ships, and in the battle of Salamis (s. c. 480) she distinguished herself by her prudence, courage, and perseverance, for which she
Page 377 ARTEMON. was afterwards highly honoured by the Persian king. (Herod. vii. 99, viii. 68, 87, &c., 93, 101, &c.; Polyaen. viii. 53; Pans. iii. 11. ~ 3.) According to a tradition preserved in Photius (Bibl. p. 153, a., ed. Bekker), she put an end to her life in a romantic manner. She was in love, it is said, with Dardanus, a youth of Abydos, and as her passion was not returned, she avenged herself by putting his eyes out while he was asleep. This excited the anger of the gods, and an oracle commanded her to go to Leucas,'where she threw herself from the rock into the sea. She was succeeded by her son Pisindelis. Respecting the import of the phrase in regard to lovers, "to leap from the Leucadian rock," see SAPPHO. 2. The sister, wife, and successor of the Carian prince Mausolus. She was the daughter of Hecatomnus, and after the death of her husband, she reigned for two years, from B. c. 352 to u. c. 350. Her administration was conducted on the same principles as that of her husband, whence she supported the oligarchical party in the island of Rhodes. (1)iod. xvi. 36, 45; Dem. de Rhod. Libert. pp. 193, 197, 198.) She is renowned in history for her extraordinary grief at the death of her husband Mausolus. She is said to have mixed his ashes in her daily drink, and to have gradually died away in grief during the two years that she survived him. She induced the most eminent Greek rhetoricians to proclaim his praise in their oratory; and to perpetuate his memory she built at Halicarnassus the celebrated monument, Mausoleum, which was regarded as one of the seven wonders of the world, and whose name subsequently became the generic term for any splendid sepulchral monument. (Cic. Tusc. iii. 31; Strabo, xiv. p. 656; Gellius, x. 18; Plin. HI. N. xxv. 36, xxxvi. 4. ~ 9; Val. Max. iv. 6. ext. 1; Suid. -Harpocr. s. vv. 'Aprepuria and Mauc'rwAos.) Another celebrated monument was erected by her in the island of Rhodes, to commemorate her success in making herself mistress of the island. The Rhodians, after recovering their liberty, made it inaccessible, whence it was called in later times the "Aearov. (Vitruv. ii. 8.) [L. S.] ARTEMI'SIUS, a physician who is quoted by Marcellus Empiricus (De Medicame. c. 36. p. 410), and who nmst therefore have lived some time in or before the fourth century after Christ. It seems most probable that he is the same person who is called by mistake in another passage Artemius. (Ibid. c. 13. p. 298.) [W. A. G.] ARTE'MIUS ANASTA'SIUS. [ANASTAsiUS II.] A'RTEMON ('Apr7ew'). 1. Of CASSANDREIA, a learned grammarian, who seems to have lived after B. c. 316. He is mentioned by Athenaeus (xii. p. 515) as the author of-1. lHepl vvawyw-yis (according to others dvaywy-rs) ig~\hwv, which would either be on collecting books, or on assigning books to their proper authors. 2. 1-ep pl eilwv Xp'riews, or niep Xpiraewws 7W "n'irpi 'rs 'vvovo'ias 4a8o0veviv. (Athen. xv. p. 694.) He is perhaps the same as the author of a work 7repl AlovvcriaKov oav-ruTaros, quoted by Athenaeus (xiv. pp. 636, 637), without any distinguishing epithet. There is also a work on painters (n7rpl ýwypdjwv) which is ascribed to one Artemon. (Harpocrat. s. v. rioXdyvwros.) Fabricius is inclined to believe, that our Artemon of Cassandreia is the one of whom Demetrius (de Elocut. 231) speaks as the person who collected letters of Aristotle. ARTEMON. 377 2. Of CLAZOMENAE, is mentioned by Aelian (Hist. An. xii. 38) as the author of lpot K~aeoe vi1co1, in which he mentioned that, at one time, the territory of Clazomenae was ravaged by a winged sow. Suidas (s. v. 'ApKsrTvos) ascribes to him a work on Homer (repil 'OuLpov), of which, however, not a trace is now extant. 3. A HERETIC, who seems to have lived about the beginning of the third century of our era. It is also probable that he resided in or near Rome, since we read in Photius (Bibl. p. 12, a., ed. Bekker), that the celebrated presbyter Caius (about A. D. 210) wrote against Artemon and his heresies. From the synodal letter of the bishops assembled at Antioch in A. D. 269, who deposed the heretic Paul of Samosata (Euseb. H. E. vii. 30), it seems clear that Artemon was regarded in the East as the precursor of the heresies of Paul, and perhaps also that Artemon was then still alive; at any rate, however, that his sect was still in existence. Artemon and his friend Theodotus denied the divinity of Christ, and asserted, that he was merely a prophet raised by his virtues above all others, and that God had made use of him for the good of mankind. (Euseb. H. E. v. 28; Theodoret. Haeret. faibu. Epit. ii 4.) These opinions were probably supported by Artemon and his followers, the Artemonites, by philosophical arguments; for Eusebius states, that they occupied themselves very much with philosophy and mathematics, and that they made use of them in their interpretation of Scripture. They are charged with having introduced forged readings into the text of the Bible, and to have omitted certain passages from the copies they used. These accusations, however, rest on rather weak grounds. (C. H. Stemmler Diatribe de Secta Artemonitarum, Leipzig, 1730; Schaffhausen, Historia Artemonis et Artemonitarum, Leipzig, 1737, 4to.) 4. A LACEDAEMONIAN, who built the military engines for Pericles in his war against Samos in B.C. 441. (Plut. Pericl. 27; Diod. xii. 28; Schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 802.) There was a celebrated statue of this Artemon made by Polycletus. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19. ~ 2.) Servius (ad Aen. ix. 505) confounds him with Artemon of Clazomenae. 5. Of MAGNESIA, is known only as the author of a work on the virtues of women (nrepi -rWv caKV dp~Ers)v 'yvvaieml rEirpaypa7revoy'/LcY e ^&-y-darw), of which Sopater made an abstract (Phot. Bibl. p. 103, a.); but both the original and the abstract are lost. 6. Called MAeoTrotis, from his being a melic poet, appears to have been a contemporary of the comic poet Aristophanes. (Acharn. 830, with the Schol.; Suid. s. v. i0'wv.) It is usually believed, that he is the author of the two epigrams still extant in the Anthologia Graeca. (xii. 55. 124.) 7. Of MILETUS, wrote a work on the interpretation of dreams (dOvepoKpeirTd), in twenty-two books, which is now lost. (Artemid. Oneir. ii. 49; Eustath. ad IHom. II. xvi. p. 1119; Tertull. de Anim. 46; Fulgent. i. 13.) 8. Of PERGAMUs, a Greek rhetorician, who wrote a history of Sicily, which is now lost, but is often mentioned by the grammarians. (Schol. ad Pind. Pytt. i. 1, 32, iii. 48; 01. ii. 16, v. 1; Isth. ii. Argum.; Schol. ad Lycophr. 177.) 9. A RHIETORICIAN, who seems to have lived during the early period of the Roman empire, and
Page 378 378 ARTYBIUS. ARUSIANUS. is mentioned several times by Seneca, who has ARTYSTO'N E ('AprvUero-w ), a daughter of the also preserved some fragments of his. (Senec. Suas. great Cyrus, was married to Dareias Hystaspis, 1; Controv. i. 6, 7, ii. 9, 11, iii. 16, iv. 25, v. 30. who loved her more than any other of his wives, 33.) and had a golden statue made of her. She had by 10. A SYRIAN of royal descent, who lived in Dareius a son, Arsames or Arsanes. (Herod. iii. and after the reign of Antiochus the Great. He 88, vii. 69.) [ARSAMES.] [L. S.] resembled the king so much, that when, in B. c. ARVI'NA, a cognomen of the Cornelia gens. 187, Antiochus was killed, the queen Laodice put 1. A. CORNELIUS P. F. A. N. Cossus AvrINA, Artemon into a bed, pretending that he was the whom Livy sometimes calls A. Cornelius Cossus, king, and dangerously ill. Numbers of persons and sometimes A. Cornelius Arvina, was magister were admitted to see him; and all believed that equitum B. c. 353, and a second time in 349. they were listening to their king when he recom- (Liv. vii. 19, 26.) He was consul in B. c. 343, mended to them Laodice and her children. (Plin. the first year of the Samnite war, and was the II. N. vii. 10; Val. Max. ix. 14. ext. 1.) [L. S.] first Roman general who invaded Samnium. A'RTEMON, a physician, who is said by While marching through the mountain passes of Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 2) to have made use of Samnium, his army was surprised in a valley by cruel and superstitious remedies, and who must the enemy, and was only saved by the heroism of have lived some time in or before the first century P. Decius, who seized with a body of troops a after Christ. [W. A. G.] height which commanded the road. The consul A'RTEMON. 1. A painter mentioned by then conquered the Samnites, and triumphed on Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40), who enumerates his return to Rome. (vii. 28, 32, 34-38, x. 31; some of his works. His country is not known. Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. iii. p. 120, &c.) Arvina was With regard to his age, we can only say, that he consul again in B. c. 322 (A. Cornelius iterum, seems to have lived after the time of Alexander Liv. viii. 17), and dictator in 320, in the latter of the Great, as one of his works was a statue of which years he defeated the Samnites in a hardqueen Stratonice, a name not unfrequent in the fought battle, though some of the ancient authoriAsiatic kingdoms after that time. ties attributed this victory to the consuls of the 2. A sculptor, in the first century after Christ, year. (Liv. viii. 38, 39; Niebuhr, iii. p. 200, &c.) and, in conjunction with Pythodorus, adorned the 2. A. CORNELIUS ARVINA, the fetialis, sent to palaces of the Caesars on the Palatine with statues. restore to the Samnites the prisoners who had (Plin, -. NT. xxxvi. 5. s. 4. ~ 11.) [C. P. M.] been set free by them after the battle of Caudium, ARTO'CES ('ApTai s), king of the Iberians, B. c. 321. (Liv. ix. 10.) against whom Pompey marched in B. c. 65. Pom- 3. P. CORNELIUS A. F. P. N. ARVINA, appey crossed the Cyrnus and defeated Artoces; and parently a son of No. 1, consul B. c. 306, comwhen he also crossed the Pelorus, Artoces sent to manded in Samnium. He was censor in B. c. him his sons as hostages, and concluded a peace 294, and consul a second time in 288. (Liv. ix. with him. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 1, 2; Appian, Mithr. 42, &c., x. 47; Fasti.) 103, 117; Flor. iii. 5, who calls him Arthoces;.ARULE'NUS RU'STICUS. [RusTICUS.] Plut. Pomp. 36.) ARUNS. 1. The son of Demeratus of Corinth, ARTONIS. [ARTABAZUS, No. 4.] and the brother of Lucumo, afterwards L. TarquiM. ARTO'RIUS ('Aprcoptos), a physician at nius Priscus, died in the life-time of his father. Rome, who was one of the followers of Asclepiades (Liv. i. 34; Dionys. iii. 46.) (Cael. Aurel. De Morb. Acut. iii. 14, p. 224), and 2. The brother of L. Tarquinius Superbus, afterwards became the friend and physician of married to the younger Tullia, was murdered by Caesar Octavianus. He attended him in his cam- his wife, who despised her husband's want of ampaign against Brutus and Cassius, B. c. 42, and it bition and was anxious to marry his brother. (Liv. was by his advice, in consequence of a dream, that i. 46.) Octavianus was persuaded to leave his camp and 3. The son of Tarquinius Superbus, went with assist in person at the battle of Philippi, notwith- Brutus to consult the oracle at Delphi, and after standing a severe indisposition. This was probably the expulsion of the Tarquins killed, and was the means of saving his life, as that part of the at the same time killed by, Brutus in battle. army was cut to pieces by Brutus. (Vell. Paterc. (Liv. i. 56, ii. 6; Cic. Tusc. iv. 22.) ii. 70; Plut. Brut. c. 41, where some editions 4. The son of Porsena, accompanied his father have Antonius instead of Artorius; Lactant. Divin. to the Roman war, and was afterwards sent to beInstit. ii. 8; Dion Cass. xlvii. 41; Valer. Max. i. siege Aricia, before which he fell in battle. (Liv. 7. ~ 1; Tertull. De Anima, c. 46; Sueton. Aug. ii. 14; Dionys. v. 30, 36, vii. 5, 6.) c. 91; Appian, De Bell. Civil. iv. 110; Florus, iv. 5. Of Clusium, according to the legend, invited 7.) He was drowned at sea shortly after the the Gauls across the Alps. He had been guardian battle of Actium, B. c. 31. (S. Hieron. in Euseb. to a wealthy Lucumo, who, when he grew up, Chron.) St. Clement of Alexandria quotes (Pae- seduced the wife of Aruns. The husband in redag. ii. 2, p. 153) a work by a person of the same venge carried wine, oil, and figs, across the Alps, name, Hsepi MaiKpoLo'rTias. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. and by these tempted the Gauls to invade Italy. xiii. p. 86, ed. vet.; Caroli Patini Comment. in (Liv. v. 33; Plut. Camill. 15.) Antiq. Cenotaph... Artorii, in Poleni Tlies. Antiq. ARU'NTIUS. [ARRUNTIUS.] Rom. et Gr. Supplem. vol. ii. p. 1133.) [W.A.G.] ARUSIA'NUS, MESSUS or ME'SSIUS, a ARTY'BIUS ('ApT;vfos), a Persian general in Roman grammarian, who lived under one of the the reign of Dareius Hystaspis, who, after the later emperors. He wrote a Latin phrase-book, Ionian revolt had broken out, sailed with a fleet to entitled " Quadriga, vel Exempla Elocutionum ex Cyprus to conquer that island. He was killed in Virgilio, Sallustio, Terentio, et Cicerone per literas battle by Onesilus, the principal among the chiefs digesta." It is called Quadriga from its being of Cyprus, (Herod. v. 108-110.) [L. S.] composed from four authors. The work is valuable
Page 379 ASANDER. as preserving many passages from some of Cicero's lost writings, and from Sallust's History. He first gives a phrase generally, then an example, thus: " Firmatus illius rei, Sallust. Hist. iii. Ad Cypicum perrexit firmatus animi. - Prudens illarum rerum, Sall. Hist. i. Prudens omnium quae senatus censuerat." The following words he arranges under the letter K:-Kave, kareo, kaptus, khao (abl. of chaos) kassus, klaudus, kalleo, kalco, kausatas, k-lam. In some MSS. the work is called " M. Frontonis Exempla Elocutionum," &c.; in others, " Arusiani (or Volusiani) Messi Quadriga." On the authority of the former MSS. it has often passed under the name of Fronto, and under his name it was published by Angelo Mai, from a MS. much mutilated, especially in the latter part. But after what Fronto says on Cicero and other authors, it seems highly improbable that he would have employed himself in composing such a work from these authors. le would have chosen some of his favourite writers, Ennius, &c. It is possible that the work may be an extract by Arusianus from a larger work by Fronto, which larger work would have been composed from a greater number of authors, including those which Fronto most admired. The best edition is that by Lindemann, in his Corpus Graminaticorum Latin. Vet. vol. i. p. 199, from a MS. in the Wolfenbiittel collection, in excellent condition, and which, with the exception of a few passages, gives the work complete. It contains more than half as much again as Mai's edition. This new part contains many of the most valuable passages, those from Cicero's lost writings and from Sallust's History. The transcriber has prefixed the following remark: - " In aliquibus Codicibus pro Arusiani Messi male irrepsit Cornelii Frontonis." Lindemann gives in the notes the exact references to the passages which in the MS. are referred to only by the book. [FRONTo.] (Niebuhr, in his edit. of Fronto, Berlin, 1816, p. xxxi., &c.; Lindemann, Pr-aeflt. in Corp. Gramm. Lat. Vet. i. p. 201, &c.) [A. A.] ARYANDES ('Apciv'v-js), a Persian, who was appointed by Cambyses governor of Egypt. During his administration Pheretime, the mother of Arcesilaus of Cyrene, is said to have come to Aryandes as a suppliant, and to have solicited his assistance in avenging the death of her son, who had been murdered at Barca, as she pretended, because he had been a friend of the Persians. Aryandes accordingly placed an army and a fleet at her command. Herodotus thinks that this whole affair was a mnere pretext under which the Persian satrap concealed his desire of conquering Libya. After the conquest of Barca, some of the Persians wanted to take possession of Cyrene also, but before they came to any determination, Aryandes sent a messenger to call the troops back to Egypt. Dareius Hystaspis wished to perpetuate his own memory iii a manner in which no king had yet done, and for this purpose he struck gold coins of the purest metal. Aryandes imitated the king by coining money of the purest silver; but Dareius, indignant at such presumption, had him put to death. (Herod. iv. 165-167, 200-203.) [LA. S.] ARYBAS or ARYMBAS. [ARRIBAS.] ARYE'NIS. [ASTYAGES.] ASANDER ("A- avipos). 1. A son of Philotas and brother of Parmenion. Alexander the Great appointed him in B. c. 334, governor of Ly ASANDER. 379 dia and the other parts of the satrapy of Spithridates, and also placed under his command an army strong enough to maintain the Macedonian authority. (Arrian, Anab. i. 18.) In the beginning of the year B. c. 328, Asander and Nearchus led a number of Greek mercenaries to Alexander, who was then staying at Zariaspa. (iv. 7.) In the division of the empire after the death of Alexander, in B. c. 323, Asander obtained Caria for his satrapy, in which he was afterwards confirmed by Antipater. (Phot. Bibl. p. 64, a, 69, b, 72, a, ed. Bekk.; Diod. xviii. 3, 39, who in these and other passages uses the name of Cassander instead of Asander, and thus produces a confusion in his account; Justin, xiii. 4; Curtius, x. 10.) At the command of Antipater he fought against Attalus and Alcetas, both partizans of Perdiccas (Phot. Bibl. p. 72, b.), but was conquered by them. In B. c. 317, while Antigonus was engaged in Persia and Media, Asander increased his power in Asia Minor,. and was undoubtedly a member of the confederacy which was formed by Ptolemy Lagi and Cassander of Macedonia against Antigonus, although he is not mentioned by Diodorus (xix. 57) on account of the above mentioned confusion with Cassander. In B. c. 315, when Antigonus began his operations against the confederates, he sent one Ptolemy, a nephew of his, with an army to relieve Amisus, and to expel from Cappadocia the army with which Asander had invaded that country; but as Asander was supported by Ptolemy Lagi and Cassander (Diod. xix. 62, 68), he maintained himself until B. c. 313, when Antigonus himself marched against him, and compelled him to conclude a treaty by which he was bound to surrender his whole army, to restore the Greek towns on the coast to freedom, to regard his satrapy of Caria as the gift of Antigonus, and to give his brother Agathon as hostage. But after a few days Asander broke this humiliating treaty: he contrived to get his brother out of the hands of Antigonus, and sent ambassadors to Ptolemy and Seleucus for assistance. Antigonus indignant at these acts, immediately sent out an army to restore the Greek towns to freedom by force of arms. Caria too appears to have been conquered, and Asander from this time disappears from history. (Diod. xix. 75.) 2. A man of high rank in the kingdom of the Bosporus. He first occurs in history as a general of Pharnaces II. of the Bosporus, whose sister Dynamis was the wife of Asander. In B. c. 47, he revolted against his brother-in-law who had appointed him regent of his kingdom during his war against Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Asander hoped by thus deserting his brother-in-law to win the favour of the Romans, and with their assistance to obtain the kingdom for himself. When, therefore, Pharnaces was defeated by the Romans and took refuge in his own dominions, Asander had him put to death. Asander now usurped the throne, but was unable to maintain himself upon it, for Julius Caesar commanded Mithridates of Pergamus, on whom he conferred the title of king of the Bosporus, to make war upon Asander. (Dion Cass. xlii. 46-48, liv. 24; Appian, Mithrid. 120; Caesar, de Bello Alex. 78.) The results of this undertaking are not mentioned, but if we may believe the authority of Lucian (Mllacrob. 17) Asander was deprived of his kingdom and afterwards restored by Augustus. He died of voluntary starvation at the advanced age of ninety-three, from
Page 380 380 ASCALAPIIUS. despair at seeing his troops desert to Scribonius. Strabo (vii. p. 311) speaks of a wall or a ditch which Asander constructed across the Isthmus of the Crimea, of 360 stadia in length, to protect the peninsula against the incursions of the nomadic tribes. (Mannert, Geogr. der Griech. u. Rom. iv. p. 293.) [L. S.] ASBAMAEUS ('Ao-cauaos), a surname 'of Zeus, the protector of the sanctity of oaths. It was derived from a well, Asbamaeon near Tyana, in Cappadocia, the water of which was said to be beneficial and pleasant to honest persons, but pestilential to those who were guilty of perjury. When perjured persons drank of the water, it produced a disease of the eyes, dropsy, and lameness, so that the guilty persons were unable to walk away from the well, and were obliged to own their crime. (Philostr. Vit. Apollon. i. 6.; PseudoAristot. Mirab. Auscult. 163; Armmian. Marcellin. xxiii. 6.) [L. S.] A'SBOLUS ("Auo'oXos), a centaur, whom Hesiod (Scut. Here. 185) calls oicvia-rs, probably from his skill in observing or prophesying from the flight of birds. He fought against the Lapithae at the nuptials of Peirithous, and was subsequently nailed to a cross by Heracles, who is said to have made an epigram upon him, which is preserved in Philostratus. (Her. xix. ~ 17; comp. Tzetz. Chil. v. 22.) [L. S.] ASCA'LABUS ('Aoa'dXeaos), a son of Misme. When Demeter on her wanderings in search of her daughter Persephone came to Misme in Attica, the goddess was received kindly, and being exhausted and thirsty, Misme gave her something to drink. As the goddess emptied the vessel at one draught, Ascalabus laughed at her, and ordered a whole cask to be brought. Demeter indignant at his conduct, sprinkled the few remaining drops from her vessel upon him and thereby changed him into a lizard. (Antonin. Lib. 24; Ov. Met. v. 447, where a similar story is related, though without the name either of Misme or Ascalabus; Welcker, Das Kunst-Museum zu Bonn, p. 74, &c.) For different legends respecting what happened to Demeter on her arrival in Attica, see BAUno, IAMBnE, and METANEIRA. [L. S.] ASCA'LAPHUS ('AcdAopos). 1. A son of Ares and Astyoche, and brother of Ialmenus, together with whom he led the Minyans of Orchomenos against Troy, in thirty ships. (Hom. II. ii. 511, &c.) In the war against Troy, he was slain by the hand of Deiphobus, at which Ares was filled with anger and indignation. (II. xiii. 519, &c., xv. 110, &c.; comp. Paus. ix. 37. ~ 3.) According to Apollodorus (i. 9. ~ 16, iii. 10. ~ 8) Ascalaphus was one of the Argonauts, and also one of the suitors of Helen. Hyginus in one passage (Fab. 97) calls Ascalaphus and lalmenus sons of Lycus of Argos, while in another (Fab. 159) he agrees with the common account. One tradition described Ascalaphus as having gone from Troy to Samareia, and as having been buried there by Ares. The name of Samareia itself was derived from this occurrence, that is, from eadna or oalja and 'Ap-s. (Eustath. ad Homr. p. 1009.) 2. A son of Acheron by Gorgyra (Apollod. i. 5. ~ 3) or by Orphne. (Ov. Met. v. 540.) Servius (ad Aen. iv. 462) calls him a son of Styx. When Persephone was in the lower world, and Pluto gave her permission to return to the upper, piovided she had not eaten anything, Ascalaphus ASCLEPIADES. declared that she had eaten part of a pomegranate. Demeter (according to Apollodorus, 1. e., ii. 5. ~ 12) punished him by burying him under a huge stone, and when subsequently this stone was removed by Heracles, she changed Ascalaphus into an owl. According to Ovid, Persephone herself changed him into an owl by sprinkling him with water of the river Phlegethon. There is an evident resemblance between the mythus of Ascalabus and that of Ascalaphus. The latter seems to be only a modification or continuation of the former, and the confusion may have arisen from the resemblance between the words dar dxaeos, a lizard, and doicaAaeos, an owl. [L. S.] A'SCALUS ("AomcaXos), a son of Hymenaeus, and a general of the Lydian king Aciamus, who is said to have built the town of Ascalon in Syria. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AucKANwV.) [L. S.] ASCA'NIUS ('A-KdviLos), a son of Aeneas by Creusa (Virg. Aen. ii. 666), or by Lavinia. (Liv. i. 1, 3; Serv. ad Aen. vi. 760.) From Livy it would seem that some traditions distinguished between an earlier and a later Ascanius, the one a son of Creusa, and the other of Lavinia. After the fall of Troy, Ascanius and some Phrygian allies of the Trojans were sent by Aeneas to the country of Dascylitis, whose inhabitants made Ascanius their king; but he soon returned to Troy, and ruled there after the death of his father, who, according to some traditions, had likewise returned to Troy. (Dionys. Hal. i. 47, 53.) Another legend made Ascanius found a new kingdom at Scepsis in Troas, in conjunction with Scamandrius, the son of Hector. (Strab. xiii. p. 607.) Others again, according to whom his original name was Euryleon, made him accompany his father to Italy and succeed him as king of the Latins. (Dionys. i. 65.) Livy states that on the death of his father Ascanius was yet too young to undertake the government, and that after he had attained the age of manhood, he left Lavinium in the hands of his mother, and migrated to Alba Longa. Here he was succeeded by his son Silvius. According to Dionysius (i. 70), Silvius was a younger brother of Ascanius, and disputed the succession with Julus, a son of Ascanius. The dispute was decided in favour of Silvius. Servius (ad Aen. i. 271) states, that Ascanius was also called Ilus, Julus, Dardanus, and Leontodamus. The gens Julia at Rome traced its pedigree up to Julus and Ascanius. (Heyne, Excrs. viii., ad A en. i.) In the stories about Troy there occur three other personages of the name Ascanius. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5; Hom. II. ii. 862, xiii. 792.) [L. S.] A'SCARUS ("Aeeeapos), a Theban statuary, who made a statue of Zeus, dedicated by the Thessalians at Olympia. (Paus. v. 24. ~ 1.) Thiersch (Epochen der bild. Kunst, p. 160, &c. Anm.) endeavours to shew that he was a pupil of Ageladas of Sicyon. [AGELADAS.] [C. P. M.] A'SCLAPO, a physician of Patrae, in Achaia, who attended on Cicero's freedman, Tiro, during an illness, B. c. 51. (Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 9.) Cicero was so much pleased by his kindness and his medical skill, that he wrote a letter of recommendation for him to Servius Sulpicius, B. c. 47. (xiii. 20.) [W. A.G.] ASCLEPI'ADAE. [AESCULAPIUS.] ASCLEPI'ADES ('Ao-KAcqsnras). 1. Of ALE.XANDRIA, seems to have been a grammarian, as the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Nub. 37) quotes him
Page 381 ASCLEPIADES. as an authority on the meaning of the word 97=apXos. 2. Of ANAZARBA in Cilicia, is mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. 'Auvaapdi) as the author of many works, of which however only one, on rivers (repl iroTrayv), is specified. 3. A son of AREIUS, wrote a work on Demetrius Phalereus. (Athen. xiii. p. 567.) It is not quite certain whether he is not the same as Asclepiades of Myrleia, who is also called a native of Nicaea. (Steph. Byz. s. v. NcKala.) 4. A CYNIc philosopher, a native of Phlius, and a contemporary of Crates of Thebes, who must consequently have lived about B. c. 330. (Diog. Laert. vi. 91; Tertull. c. Nat. ii. 14.) Whether he is the same as the one whom Cicero (Tusc. v. 39) states to have been blind, is uncertain. 5. A CYNIC philosopher, who is mentioned along with Servianus and Chytton, and lived in the reign of Constantius and Julianus, about A. D. 360. (Julian, Orat. c. Ileracl. Cyn. p. 224; Ammian. Marc. xxii. 13.) 6. Of CYPRUS, wrote a work on the history of his native island and Phoenicia, of which a fragment is preserved in Porphyrius. (DeAbstin. iv. 15; comp. Hieronym. ad Jovin. 2.) 7. An EGYPTIAN, possessed, according to Suidas (s. v. 'Hpaleo-cos), a profound knowledge of Egyptian theology, and wrote hymns on his native gods. He also composed a work upon the agreement among the -different religions, a second on the history of Egypt, and a third on Ogyges. Of the history of Egypt the sixtieth book is quoted by Athenaeus. (iii. p. 83.) There seems to be little doubt that tins Asclepiades is the same as the one whom Suetonius (Aug. 94) calls the author of OEohoyov'Iueva, and of whom he quotes a fragment. This ~EoXoyovdeva, moreover, seems to be the same work as that on the agreement among the different religions. Suetonius calls him Asclepiades Mendes, which seems to be derived from the name of a, town in Egypt. (Comp. Schol. ad Hon. II. vii. p. 147; Casaub. ad Suet. 1. c.; Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 406, ed. Westermann.) 8. EPIGRAMMATIC poets. Under the name of Asclepiades the Greek Anthology contains upwards of forty epigrams; but it is more than probable that they are not all the productions of the same poet. Some of them undoubtedly belong to Asclepiades of Samos, who is mentioned as a teacher of Theocritus, and said to have written bucolic poetry. (Schol. ad Tsheocr. vii. 21, 40; Meleager, i. 46; Theocrit. vii. 40; Moschus, iii. 96.) Others may be the productions of Asclepiades of Adramyttium, who lived at an earlier time. (Jacobs, ad Anthol. xiii. p. 864.) 9. A LYRIC poet, from whom a certain species of verse, resembling the choriambic, is said to have derived its name; but the ancients themselves were not agreed whether the Asclepiadic verse was invented by Asclepiades, or whether he used it only more frequently than others. He lived after the time of Alcaeus and Sappho. (Hephaest. Enchir. p. 34; Attilius Fortunatianus, p. 2700, ed. Putsch.) 10. Of MENDE. See No. 7. 11. Of MYRLEIA in Bithynia, or of Nicaea, a son of Diotimus. He was a pupil of Apollonius Rhodius, and lived about the time of Pompey the Great. Suidas places him nearly a century earlier, from which some modern critics have inferred, that ASCLEPIADES. 381 there must have been two Asclepiades of Myrleia, the one of whom was perhaps a son or grandson of the other. The younger taught grammar at Rome, arid is supposed to be the same as the one who for some time resided in Spain as a teacher of grammar, and wrote a description of the tribes of Spain (rspnjtyoIeIs Twv Ovcv), to which Strabo occasionally refers. (iii. p. 157, &c.) Asclepiades of Myrleia is also mentioned as the author of several other works, of which, however, we possess only a few fragments. 1. On grammarians or grammars (Trept ypapUavriKCcv, Suidas, s. v. 'Opipevs; Anonym. Vit. Arati; S. Empiric. adv. Grammat. 47, 72, 252). 2. A work on the poet Cratinus (re'pl Kparivov, Athen. xi. p. 501). 3. A work called 7rep1 NeoTopl$os. (Athen. xi. pp. 477, 488, &c., 498, 503.) 4. An Vrde'76'mIpO crijs z'O-vLoeieas. (Etym. M. s. v. 'Apvalos; Schol. ad Homr. Od. x. 2, xi. 269, 321, 326, xii. 69, ed. Buttmann.) 5. A work on the history of Bithynia (BeOvw'uca), which consisted of at least ten books. (Parthen. Erot. 35; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. ii. 722, 791; Athen. ii. p. 50.) He is usually believed to be the author of a history of Alexander the Great mentioned by Arrian. (Anab. vii. 15; comp. Vossius, de Hist. Gramc. pp. 97, 158, 161, 187, ed. Westermann; F. X. Werfer, Acta Phiilol. Monac. iii. 4. p. 551, where the fragments of Asclepiades are collected.) 12. Of TRAGILUS in Thrace, a contemporary and disciple of Isocrates. (Phot. Bibl. p. 486, b. ed. Bekker.) He is called a tragic writer, but was more probably a sophist or a grammarian. He was the author of a work called Tpa-yqSeo6Seva, in six books, which treated on the subjects used by the Greek tragic writers, and on the manner in which they had dealt with their mythuses. (Plut. Vii. X. Orat. p. 837; Steph. Byz. s. v. TpCiycgos; Athen. x. p. 456; Harpocrat. s. v. AvaoascA7s; Hesych. s. v. Sol'iapxos; comp. Werfer, 1. c. p. 489, where the fragments of the Tpa'qode/Lsva are collected.) 13. A bishop of TRALLES, who lived about A. D. 484. A letter of his and ten analhematismi against Fullo are printed with a Latin translation in Labbeus, Concil. iv. p. 1120. Another letter of his is still extant in the Vienna and Vatican libraries in MS. (Fabr. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 583.) This Asclepiades must be distinguished from an earlier Christian writer of the same name, who is mentioned by Lactantius. (vii. 4.) [L. S.] ASCLEPI'ADES ('AocAX-rtnda-s), the name of several physicians, some of whom probably assumed this appellation either as a sort of honorary title in allusion to the ancient family of the Asclepiadae, or in order to signify that they themselves belonged to it. A list of the physicians who bore this name is given by Le Clerc, Hist de la Mid.; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 87, &c. ed. vet.; C. G. Gumpert, Asclepiadis Bithyni Fragmenta, Vinar. 1794, 8vo., p. 3, &c.; C. F. Harless, De Mlied'icis Veteribus "Asclepiades" Dictis, Bonn. 1828, 4to. 1. ASCLEPIADES BITHYNUS, a very celebrated physician of Bithynia, who acquired a considerable degree of popularity at Rome at the beginning of the first century B. c., which he maintained through life, and in a certain degree transmitted to his successors. It is said that he first came to Rome as a teacher of rhetoric (Plin. H1. N. xxvi. 7), and that it was in consequence of his not being successful in this profession, that he turned his attention to the study of medicine. From what we learn of hlis
Page 382 382 ASCLEPIADES. ASCLEPIODORUS. history and of his practice, it would appear that he from any disease himself. Pliny, who tells the may be fairly characterized as a man of natural anecdote (H. N. vii. 37), adds, that he won his talents, acquainted with human nature (or rather wager, for that he reached a great age and died at with human weakness), possessed of considerable last from an accident. shrewdness and address, but with little science or Further information respecting the medical and professional skill. He began (upon the plan which philosophical opinions of Asclepiades may be found is so generally found successful by those who are in Sprengel's Hist. de la Mid.; Isensee, Gesch. conscious of their own ignorance) by vilifying the ders Med.; Ant. Cocchi, Discorso Primo sopra principles and practice of his predecessors, and by Asclepiade, Firenze, 1758, 4to.; G. F. Bianchini, asserting that he had discovered a more compen- La Medicina d'Asclepiades per ben curare le lIMalattie dious and effective mode of treating diseases than Acute, raccolta da Varii Frammenti Greci e Latini, had been before known to the world. As he was Venezia, 1769, 4to.; K. F. Burdach, Asclepiades ignorant of anatomy and pathology, he decried the und John Brown, eine Parallele, Leipzig, 1800, labours of those who sought to investigate the 8vo.; Id. Scriptorum de Asclepiade Index, Lips. structure of the body, or to watch the phenomena 1800, 4to.; Bostock's Hist. of M/led., from which of disease, and he is said to have directed his work part of the preceding account has been taken. attacks more particularly against the writings of 2. ASCLEPIADES PHARMACION (eapPacicJwv) or Hippocrates. It appears, however, that he had JUNIOR, a physician who must have lived at the the discretion to refrain from the use of very active end of the first or the beginning of the second and powerful remedies, and to trust principally to century after Christ, as he quotes Andromachus, the efficacy of diet, exercise, bathing, and other Dioscorides, and Scibonius Largus (Gal.De ComCpos. circumstances of this nature. A part of the great lMedicam. sec. Locos, vii. 2, x. 2, vol. xiii. pp. 51, popularity which he enjoyed depended upon his 53, 342; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. vii. 6, prescribing the liberal use of wine to his patients vol. xiii. p. 968), and is himself quoted by Ga(Plin. I. N. vii. 37, xxiii. 22), and upon his not len. He derived his surname of Pharmacion from only attending in all cases, with great assiduity, to his skill and knowledge of pharmacy, on which everything which contributed to their comfort, but subject he wrote a work in ten books, five on exalso upon his flattering their prejudices and indulg- ternal remedies, and five on internal. (Gal. ibid. ing their inclinations. By the due application of vol. xiii. p. 442.) Galen quotes this work very these means, and from the state of the people frequently, and generally with approbation. among whom he practised, we may, without much 3. M. ARTORIUS ASCLEPIADES. [ARTORIUS.] difficulty, account for the great eminence at which 4. ASCLEPIADES PHILOPHYSICUS (Athoo)VuouTico), he arrived, and we cannot fail to recognise in a physician, who must have lived some time in or Asclepiades the prototype of more than one popular before the second century after Christ, as he is physician of modern times. Justice, however, quoted by Galen, who has preserved some of his obliges us to admit, that he seems to have pos- medical formulae. (De Compos. -iMedicam. sec. Losessed a considerable share of acuteness and dis- cos, vii. 5, viii. 5, vol. xiii. pp. 102, 179.) cernment, which on some occasions he employed 5. L. SCRIDONIUS ASCLEPIADES, whose name with advantage. It is probable that to him we are occurs in a Latin inscription of unknown date, is indebted, in the first instance, for the arrangement supposed by Rhodius (ad Scrib. Larg. p. 4) to be of diseases into the two great classes of Acute and Scribonius Largus Designatianus [LARG s], but Chronic (Cael. Aurel. De Meorb. Chron. iii. 8. p. this is very doubtful. 469), a division which has a real foundation in 6. ASCLEPIADES TITIENSIS, a physician, who nature, and which still forms an important feature must have lived in or before the second century in the most improved modern nosology. In his after Christ, as he is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus. philosophical principles Asclepiades is said to have (De Milorb. Acut. iii. 5, p. 201.) been a follower of Epicurus, and to have adopted 7. ASCLEPIADES JUNIORt (o NecoTepos), a phyhis doctrine of atoms and pores, on which he sician quoted by Galen (De ComLpos. Medicame. sec. attempted to build a new theory of disease, by Locos, i. 1. vol. xii. p. 410), who is the same persupposing that all morbid action might be reduced son as Asclepiades Pharmacion. into obstruction of the pores and irregular distri- 8. AREIUS ASCLEPIADES ("ApeIos) is somebution of the atoms. This theory he accommodated times inserted in the list of physicians of the name to his division of diseases, the acute being supposed of Asclepiades, but this appears to be a mistake, as to depend essentially upon a constriction of the in the passage of Galen where the names occur (De pores, or an obstruction of them by a superfluity of Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, viii. 5. vol. xiii. p. atoms; the chronic, upon a relaxation of the pores 182) instead of 'Apelov 'AncrAicdnov we should or a deficiency of the atoms. Nothing remains of probably read 'ApEsov 'AcnlX-raEaS' iov. [AREIUS.] his writings but a few fragments, which have been 9. M. GALLUS ASCLEPIADES seems to be a collected and published by Gumpert in the little similar mistake, as in Galen, De Compos. lledicum. work mentioned above. There is a poem con- sec. Locos, viii. 5, vol. xiii. p. 179, instead of taining directions respecting health (vdyei-d raapay- Iahhov Mdpmiov 'roD 'Aockh7trcdiou we should proyeXAhiara) which is ascribed to Asclepiades of Bi- bably read rjAA o Mcpicov TO 'AoirXnrtaSerdov. thynia, and which was first published by R. von [GALLUS.] Welz, Wiirzberg, 1842; but a writer in the Rhez- There are several other physicians of the name nisches 2Museum (p. 444 in the vol. of 1843) has of Asclepiades mentioned in inscriptions, of whom shewn, that this poem could not have been written nothing worth recording is known. A list of them before the seventh century after Christ. is given in the works mentioned above. [W.A.G.] The age at which Asclepiades died and the date ASCLEPIODO'RUS ('Aoe-cArendSewpos). 1. A of his death are unknown; but it is said that he Macedonian, son of Timander, was one of the gelaid a wager with Fortune, engaging to forfeit his nerals of Alexander the Great, and after the concharacter as a physician if he should ever suffer quest of Syria was appointed by Alexander satrap
Page 383 ASCLEPIUS. of that country. In B. c. 328, he led reinforcements from Syria to Alexander in eastern Asia, and there became involved in the conspiracy which was formed by Hermolaus against the life of the king. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 13, Ind. 18; Curtius, vii. 10, viii. 6.) He seems to be the same as the one whom Antigonus, in B. c. 317, made satrap of Persia (Diod. xix. 48); but he must be distinguished from an Asclepiodorus, a general of Cassander, mentioned by Diodorus. (xix. 60.) 2. The author of a small work on tactics (,rac"rtiKic e<pQAtai), who is in some MSS. called Asclepiodotus. His work exists in several MSS. at Leyden, Paris, and Rome, but has not yet been published. [L. S.] ASCLEPIODO'RUS. 1. An Athenian painter, a contemporary of Apelles, who considered him to excel himself in the symmetry and correctness of his drawing. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. s. 36. ~ 21.) Plutarch (de Gloria Athen. 2) ranks him with Euphranor and Nicias. 2. A statuary, famed for statues of philosophers. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19. ~ 26.) [C. P. M.] ASCLEPIO'DOTUS ('Ao-.TXqrtdo-ros.) 1. The author of an epigram which seems to have been taken from the base of a statue of Memnon. (Anthol. Graec. Append. No. 16, ed. Tauchnitz.; comp. Brunck. Analect. i. p. 490; Letronne in the Transactions of the R. Society of Literature, vol. ii. 1, part i. 1832.) 2. Of Alexandria, the most distinguished among the disciples of Proclus, and the teacher of Damascius, was one of the most zealous champions of Paganism. He wrote a commentary on the Timaeus of Plato, which however is lost. (Olympiod. Mleteorolog. 4; Suidas, s. v. 'A-KATriOOTos; Damascius, Vid. Isid. ap. Phot. pp. 344, b. 345, b.). 3. An author who lived in the time of Diocletian, and seems to have written a life of this emperor. (Vopise. Aurelian. 44.) He seems to be the same as the one who is mentioned as a general in the reign of Probus. (Vopisc. Prob. 22.) 4. A pupil of Posidonius, who, according to Seneca (Nat. Quaest. vi. 17), wrote a work called " Quaestionum Naturalium causae." 5. A commander of the Gallic mercenaries in the army of Perseus, king of Macedonia. (Liv. xlii. 51, xliv. 2.) [L. S.] ASCLEPIO'DOTUS ('AncA7nrToo'r-os), a physician, who was also well versed in mathematics and music, and who grew famous for reviving the use of white hellebore, which in his time had grown quite out of vogue. He lived probably about the end of the fifth century after Christ, as he was the pupil of Jacobus Psychrestus, and is mentioned by Damascius. (Damascius, ap. Phot. Cod. 242, p. 344, b., ed. Bekk.; Suidas, s. v. wcopavos; Freind's Hist. of Physic.) [W. A. G.] ASCLEPIO'DOTUS, CA'SSIUS, a man of great wealth among the Bithynians, shewed the same respect to Soranus, when he was under Nero's displeasure, as he had when Soranus was in prosperity. He was accordingly deprived of his property and driven into exile, A. D. 67, but was restored by Galba. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 33; Dion Cass. 1xii. 26.) ASCLE'PIUS ('AricAr'os7). 1. A fabulous personage, said to have been a disciple of Hermes, the Egyptian Thot, who was regarded as the father of all wisdom and knowledge. There existed in antiquity a Greek dialogue (A'yos re'Aeos) be ASCLETARIO. 383 tween Asclepius and Hermes on God, man, and the universe; we now possess only a Latin translation of it, which in former times used to be attributed to Appuleius. It is entitled " Hermetis Trismegisti Asclepius, seu de Natura Deorum Dialogus," and is evidently the production of a very late time, that is, of the age in which a reconciliation was attempted between the polytheism of antiquity and Christianity through the medium of the views of the New Platonists. (Bosscha in Oudendorp's edition of Appuleius, iii. p. 517; H ildebrand, de Vita et Scriptis Appuleii, p. 28, &c.) To the same Asclepius is also ascribed a work still extant, entitled opos 'AocATrlor vposs Atosvca /aoIAeda, which is printed together with a Latin. translation by A. Turnebus in his edition of the Poemander ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus (Paris, 1554, 4to.), and in F. Patricius's Nova de Universis Philosophia, Ferrara, 1591, fol. The Latin translation of the work is contained in vol. ii. of the works (Opera) of Marsilius Ficinus, Basel, 1561. 2. A Greek grammarian of uncertain date, who wrote commentaries upon the orations of Demosthenes and the history of Thucydides; but both works are now lost. (Ulpian, ad Dem. Philip. I; Schol. Bavar. ad Dem. de fals. leg. pp. 375, 378; Marcellin. Vit. Thucyd. 57; Schol. ad Thucyd. i. 56.) 3. Of Tralles, a Peripatetic philosopher and a disciple of Ammonius, the son of Hermias. He lived about A. D. 500, and wrote commentaries on the first six or seven books of Aristotle's Metaphysics and on the dpiOprriKr'j of Nicomachus of Gerasa. These commentaries are still extant in MS., but only a portion of them has yet been printed in Brandis, Scholia Graeca in Aristot. lMetaphys. p. 518, &c.; comp. Fabr. Bibl. Grace. iii. p. 258; St. Croix in the 1Magasin.. Encyclop. Cinquieme Annee, vol. iii. p. 359. [L. S.] ASCLE'PIUS ('AscAx4ifros), a physician, who must have lived some time in or before the second century after Christ, as he is mentioned by Galen. (De DiTfer. JMorb. c. 9. vol. vi. p. 869.) A person of the same name is quoted by the Scholiast on Hippocrates (Dietz, Schol. in Hippocr. et Gal. vol. ii. p. 458, n., 470, n.) as having written a commentary on the Aphorisms, and probably also on most of the other works of Hippocrates, as he is said to have undertaken to explain his writings by comparing one part with another. (Ibid.; Littre, Oeuvres d'Hippocr. vol. i. p. 125.) Another physician of the same name is said by Fabricius to be mentioned by Aetius. [W. A. G.] ASCLETA'RIO, an astrologer and mathematician in the time of Domitian. On one occasion he was brought before the emperor for some offence. Domitian tried to put the knowledge of the astrologer to the test, and asked him what kind of death he was to die, whereupon Ascletario answered, " I know that I shall soon be torn to pieces by the dogs." To prevent the realisation of this assertion, Domitian ordered him to be put to death immediately, and to be buried. When his body lay on the funeral pile, a vehement wind arose, which carried the body from the pile, and some dogs, which had been near, immediately began devouring the half-roasted body. Domitian, on being informed of this, is said to have been more moved and perplexed than he had ever been before. This tale, which is related in all its sim
Page 384 384 ASCONIUS. plicity by Suetonius (Domit. 15), is much distorted in the accounts which Cedrenus, Constantine Manasses, and Glycas give of it. [L. S.] Q. ASCO'NIUS PEDIA'NUS, who holds the first place among the ancient commentators of Cicero, seems to have been born a year or two before the commencement of the Christian era, and there is some reason to believe that he was a native of Padua. It appears from a casual expression in his notes on the speech for Scaurus, that these were written after the consulship of Largus Caecina and Claudius, that is, after A. D. 42. We learn from the Eusebian chronicle that he became blind in his seventy-third year, during the reign of Vespasian, and that he attained to the age of eighty-five. The supposition that there were two Asconii, the one the companion of Virgil and the expounder of Cicero, the other an historian who flourished at a later epoch, is in opposition to the clear testimony of antiquity, which recognises one only. He wrote a work, now lost, on the life of Sallust; and another, which has likewise perished, against the censurers of Virgil, of which Donatus and other grammarians have availed themselves in their illustrations of that poet; but there is no ground for ascribing to him the tract entitled "- Origo gentis Romanae," more commonly, but with as little foundation, assigned to Aurelius Victor. But far more important and valuable than the above was his work on the speeches of Cicero; and fragments of commentaries, bearing his name, are still extant, on the Divinatio, the first two speeches against Verres and a portion of the third, the speeches for Cornelius (i. ii.), the speech In toga candida, for Scaurus, against Piso, andfor Milo. The remarks which were drawn up for the instruction of his sons (Comm. in Milon. 14) are conveyed in very pure language, and refer chiefly to points of history and antiquities, great pains being bestowed on the illustration of those constitutional forms of the senate, the popular assemblies, and the courts of justice, which were fast falling into oblivion under the empire. This character, however, does not apply to the notes on the Verrine orations, which are of a much more grammatical cast, and exhibit not unfrequently traces of a declining Latinity. Hence, after a very rigid and minute examination, the most able modern critics have decided that these last are not from the pen of Asconius, but must be attributed to some grammarian of a much later date, one who may have been the contemporary or successor of Servius or Donatus. It is impossible here to analyse the reasoning by which this conclusion has been satisfactorily established, but those who wish for full information will find everything they can desire in the excellent treatise of Madvig. (De Asconii Pediani, 4-c. Commentariis, Hafniae, 1828, 8vo.) The history of the preservation of the book is curious. Poggio Bracciolini, the renowned Florentine, when attending the council of Constance in the year 1416, discovered a manuscript of Asconius in the monastery of St. Gall. This MS. was transcribed by him, and about the same time by Bartolomeo di Montepulciano, and by Sozomen, a canon of Pistoia. Thus three copies were taken, and these are still in existence, but the original has long since disappeared. All the MSS. employed by the editors of Asconius seem to have been derived from the transcript of Poggio exclusively, and ASELLUS. their discrepancies arise solely from the conjectural emendations which have been introduced from time to time for the purpose of correcting the numerous corruptions and supplying the frequentlyrecurring blanks. Poggio has left no description of the archetype, but it evidently must have been in bad order, from the number of small gaps occasioned probably by edges or corners having been torn off, or words rendered illegible by damp. Indeed the account given of the place where the monks had deposited their literary treasures is sufficient to account fully for such imperfections, for it is represented to have been " a most foul and dark dungeon at the bottom of a tower, into which not even criminals convicted of capital offences would have been thrust down." The first edition of Asconius was taken directly from the transcript of Poggio, and was,published at Venice in 1477, along with sundry essays and dissertations on the speeches of Cicero. The work was frequently reprinted in the early part of the sixteenth century, and numerous editions have appeared from time to time, either separately or attached to the orations themselves; but, notwithstanding the labours of many excellent scholars, the text is usually exhibited in a very corrupt and interpolated form. By far the best is that which is to be found in the fifth volume of Cicero's works as edited by Orelli and Baiter; but many improvements might yet be made if the three original transcripts were to be carefully collated, instead of reproducing mere copies of copies which have been disfigured by the carelessness or presumption of successive scribes. [W. R.] ASCUS ('"Auos), a giant, who in conjunction with Lycurgus chained Dionysus and threw him into a river. Hermes, or, according to others, Zeus, rescued Dionysus, conquered (ildaaov) the giant, flayed him, and made a bag ( d ios) of his skin. From this event the town of Damascus in Syria was believed to have derived its name. (Etym. M. and Steph. Byz. s.v. Agaoirco's.) [L.S.] A'SDRUBAL. [HASDRUBAL.] ASE'LLIO, P. SEMPRO'NIUS, was tribune of the soldiers under P. Scipio Africanus at Numantia, B. c. 133, and wrote a history of the affairs in which he had been engaged. (Gell. ii. 13.) His work appears to have commenced with the Punic wars, and it contained a very full account of the times of the Gracchi. The exact title of the work, and the number of books into which it was divided, are not known. From the great superiority which Asellio assigns to history above annals (aup. Gell. v. 18), it is pretty certain that his own work w;is not in the form of annals. It is sometimes cited by the name of libri rerum geslarz/n, and sometimes by that of listoriae; and it contained at least fourteen books. (Gell. xiii. 3, 21; Charis. ii. p. 195.) It is cited also in Gell. i. 13, iv. 9, xiii. 3, 21; Priscian, v. p. 668; Serv. ad Viyr. Aen. xii. 121; Nonius, s. v. gliscitur. Cicero speaks (de Leg. i. 2) slightingly of Asellio. P. Sempronius Asellio should be carefully distinguished from C. Sempronius Tuditanus, with whom he is often confounded. [TUDITANUS.] Comp. Krause, Vitae et Fragmn. Iistoricum Latinorum, p. 216, &c. ASELLUS, a cognomen in the Annian and Claudian gentes. The Annia gens was a plebeian one; and the Aselli in the Cornelia gens were also plebeians.
Page 385 ASTNIA. 1. C. or P. ANNIUS ASELLUS, a senator, who had not been included in the census, died, leaving his only daughter his heres. The property, however, was seized by Verres, the praetor urbanus, on the ground that such a bequest was in violation of the lex Voconia. (Cic. in Verr. i. 41, &c., comp. i. 58, ii. 7; Diet. of Ant. s. v. Voconia Lex.) 2. Ti. CLAUDIus ASELLUS, tribune of the soldiers in the army of the consul, C. Claudius Nero, 1n. c. 207, praetor in B. c. 206, when he obtained Sardinia as his province, and plebeian aedile in B. c. 204. (Liv. xxvii. 41, xxviii. 10, xxix. 11.) Appian (de Bell. Annib. 37) relates an extraordinary adventure of this Claudius Asellus in B. c. 212. 3. Ti. CLAUDIUS ASELLUS, of the equestrian order, was deprived of his horse, and reduced to the condition of an aerarian, by Scipio Africanus, the younger, in his censorship, B. c. 142. When Asellus boasted of his military services, and complained that he had been degraded unjustly, Scipio replied with the proverb, " Agas asellum," i. e. " Agas asellum, si bovem non agere queas" (Cic. de Orat. ii. 64), which it is impossible to translate so as to preserve the point of the joke; it was a proverbial expression for saying, that if a person cannot hold as good a station as he wishes, he must be content with a lower. When Asellus was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 139, he accused Scipio Africanus before the people (Gell. iii. 4); and Gellius (ii. 20) makes a quotation from the fifth oration of Scipio against Asellus, which may have been delivered in this year. Among other charges which Asellus brought against Scipio, was, that the lnstrum had been inauspicious (because it had been followed by a pestilence); and Gellius (iv. 17) has preserved two verses of Lucilius referring to this charge: " Scipiadae magno improbus objiciebat Asellus Lustrum, illo censore, malum infelixque fuisse." Scipio replied, that it was not surprising that it should have been so, as his colleague, L. Mummius, who had performed the lustrum, had removed Asellus from the aerarians and restored him to his former rank. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 66; comp. Val. Max. vi. 4. ~ 2; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 58, where the opposition of Mummius to Scipio is alluded to.) This Claudius Asellus seems to be the same who was poisoned by his wife, Licinia. (Val. Max. vi. 3. ~ 8.) A'SIA ('Arfa). I. A surname of Athena in Colchis. Her worship was believed to have been brought from thence by Castor and Polydeuces to Laconia, where a temple was built to her at Las. (Paus. iii. 24. ~ 5.) 2. A daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, who became by Japetus the mother of Atlas, Prometheus, and Epimetheus. (Hesiod. Theog. 359; Apollod. i. 2. ~ 2, &c.) According to some traditions the continent of Asia derived its name from her. (Herod. iv. 45.) There are two other mythical personages of this name. (Hygin. Fab. Praef p. 2; Tzetzes, ad Lycoph. 1277.) [L. S.] ASIA'TICUS, a surname of the Scipios and Valerii. [SCIPIO; VALERIUS.] A'SINA, a surname of the Scipios. [SCIPIO.] ASPNIA, the daughter of C. Asinius Pollio, consul B. c. 40, was the wife of Marcellus Aeserninus, and the mother of Marcellus Aeserninus the younger, who was instructed in rhetoric by his A8OPIS. 385 grandfather Asinius. (Sence. Epit. Controv. lib. iv. praef.; Tac. Ann. iii. 11, xiv. 40; Suet. Oct. 43.) ASI'NIA GENS, plebeian. The Asinii came from Teate, the chief town of the Marrucini (Sil. Ital. xvii. 453; Liv. Epit. 73; Catull. 12); and their name is derived from asina, which was a cognomen of the Scipios, as asellus was of the Annii and Claudii. The Herius, spoken of by Silius Italicus (1. c.) in the time of the second Punic war, about B. c. 218, was an ancestor of the Asinii; but the first person of the name of Asinius, who occurs in history, is Herius Asinius, in the Marsic war, B. c. 90. [ASINIUS.] The cognomens of the Asinii are AGRIPPA, CELER, DENTO, GALLUS, POLLIO, SALONINus. The only cognomens which occur on coins, are GALLUS and POLLIO. (Eckhel, v. p. 144.) ASI'NIUS. 1. HERIUS AsINIUS, of Teate, the commander of the Marrucini in the Marsic war, fell in battle against Marius, B. c. 90. (Liv. Epit. 73; Vell. Pat. ii. 16; Appian, B. C. i. 40; Eutrop. v. 3.) 2. CN. ASINIUS, only known as the father of C. Asinius Pollio. [POLLIO.] 3. ASINIus, a friend of Antony, who surreptitiously crept into the senate after the death of Caesar, B. c. 44. (Cic. Phil. xiii. 13.) ASI'NIUS QUADRA'TUS. [QUADRATUS.] A'SIUS ('Aoeos). 1. A son of Hyrtacus of Arisbe,and father of Acamas and Phaenops. He was one of the allies of the Trojans, and brought them auxiliaries from the several towns over which he ruled. lie was slain by Idomeneus. (Hom. II. ii. 835, xii. 140, xiii. 389, &c., xvii. 582.) 2. A son of Dymas and brother of Hecabe. Apollo assumed the appearance of this Asius, when he wanted to stimulate Hector to fight against Patroclus. (Hom. II. xvi. 715, &c.; Eustath. p. 1083.) According to Dictys Cretensis (iv. 12), Asius was slain by Ajax. There are two more mythical personages of this name, which is also used as a surname of Zeus, from the town of Asos or Oasos in Crete. (Virg. Aen. x. 123; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 355; Steph. Byz. s. v. '"Aos.) [L. S.] A'SIUS ('AOrLos), one of the earliest Greek poets, who lived, in all probability, about u. c. 700, though some critics would place him at an earlier and others at a later period. He was a native of Samos, and Athenaeus (iii. p. 125) calls him the old Samian poet. According to Pausanias (vii. 4. ~ 2), his father's name was Amphiptolemus. Asius wrote epic and elegiac poems. The subject or subjects of his epic poetry are not known; and the few fragments which we now possess, consist of genealogical statements or remarks about the Samians, whose luxurious habits he describes with great nai'vete and humour. The fragments are preserved in Athenaeus, Pausanias, Strabo, Apollodorus, and a few others. His elegies were written in the regular elegiac metre, but all have perished with the exception of a very brief one which is preserved in Athenaeus. (I. c.) The fragments of Asius are collected in N. Bach, Callini, Tyrtaei et Asii Samii quae supersunt, 6c., Leipzig, 1831, 8vo.; in Diibner's edition of Hesiod, &c., Paris, 1840, and in Diintzer, Die Fragm. der Epischl. Poes. p. 66, &c., Nachtrag, p. 31. [L. S.] ASO'PIS ('Aewvies), two mythological personages, one a daughter of Thespius, who became by Heracles the mother of Mentor (Apollod. ii. 7. 2c
Page 386 386 ASPASIA. ASPASIA. ~ P), and the other a daughter of the river-god Athens, and there gained and fixed the affections Asopus. (Diod. iv. 72.) [L. S.] of Pericles, not more by her beauty than by her ASO'PIUS ('Aac$rtos). 1. Father of Phormion high mental accomplishments. With his wife. (Thuc. i. 64), called Asopichus by Pausanias. (i. who was a lady of rank, and by whom he had two 24. ~ 12.) sons, he seems to have lived unhappily; and, hav2. Son of Phormion, was, at the request of the ing parted from her by mutual consent, he attached Acarnanians who wished to have one of Phor- himself to Aspasia during the rest of his life as mion's family in the command, sent by the Athe- closely as was allowed by the law, which forbade nians in the year following his father's naval marriage with a foreign woman under severe penalvictories, B. c. 428 (the 4th of the Peloponnesian ties. (Plut. Peric. 24; Demosth. c. Neaer. p. 1350.) war), with some ships to Naupactus. He fell Nor can there be any doubt that she acquired over shortly after in an unsuccessful attempt on the him a great ascendancy; though this perhaps comes Leucadian coast. (Thuc. iii. 7.) [A. H. C.] before us in an exaggerated shape in the statements ASOPODO'RUS, a statuary, possibly a native which ascribe to her influence the war with Samos of Argos (Thiersch, Epoch. d. bild. Kunst. p. 275, on behalf of Miletus in B. c. 440, as well as the Anm.), was a pupil of Polycletus. (Plin. xxxiv. Peloponnesian war itself. (Plut. Peric. 1. c.; Aris8. s. 19.) [C. P. M.] toph. Ac/sarn. 497, &c.; Schol. ad loc.; comp. ArisASO'PUS ('Ao-wros), the god of the river toph. Pax, 587, &c.; Thuc. i. 115.) The conAsopus, was a son of Oceanus and Tethys, or nexion, indeed, of Pericles with Aspasia appears to according to others, of Poseidon and Pero, of Zeus have been a favourite subject of attack in Athenian and Eurynome, or lastly of Poseidon and Cegluse. comedy (Aristoph. Acharn. 1. c.; Plut. Peric. 24; (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 6; Paus. ii. 5. ~ 2, 12. ~ 5.) Schol. ad Plat. Menex. p. 235), as also with cerHe was married to Metope, the daughter of the tain writers of philosophical dialogues, between river god Ladon, by whom he had two sons and whom and the comic poets, in respect of their twelve, or, according to others, twenty daughters. abusive propensities, Athenaeus remarks a strong Their names differ in the various accounts. (Apol- family likeness. (Athen. v. p. 220; Casaub. ad loc.) lod. 1. c.; Diod. iv. 72; Schol. ad Pind. 01. vi. Nor was their bitterness satisfied with the vent of 144, Isthm. viii. 37; Paus. ix. 1. ~ 2; Herod. ix. satire; for it was Hermippus, the comic poet, who 51; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 278.) Several of these brought against Aspasia the double charge of imdaughters of Asopus were carried off by gods, piety and of infamously pandering to the vices of which is commonly believed to indicate the colo- Pericles; and it required all the personal influence nies established by the people inhabiting the banks of the latter with the people, and his most earnest of the Asopus, who also transferred the name of entreaties and tears, to procure her acquittal. (Plut. Asopus to other rivers in the countries where they Peric. 32; Athen. xiii. p. 589, e.; comp. Thirlsettled. Aegina was one of the daughters of Asopus, wall's Greece, vol. iii. p. 87, &c., and Append. ii.) and Pindar mentions a river of this name in Aegina. The house of Aspasia was the great centre of the (Nem. iii. 4, with the Schol.) In Greece there highest literary and philosophical society of Athens, were two rivers of this name, the one in Achaia nor was the seclusion of the Athenian matrons so in Peloponnesus, and the other in Boeotia, and the strictly preserved, but that many even of them relegends of the two are frequently confounded or sorted thither with their husbands for the pleasure mixed up with each other. Hence arose the dif- and improvement of her conversation (Plut. Peric. ferent accounts about the descent of Asopus, and 24); so that the intellectual influence which she exthe difference in the names of his daughters. But ercised was undoubtedly considerable, even though as these names have, in most cases, reference to we reject the story of her being the preceptress geographical circumstances, it is not difficult to of Socrates, on the probable ground of the irony of perceive to which of the two river gods this or that those passages in which such statement is made particular daughter originally belonged. The more (Plat. Menex. pp. 235, 249; Xen. Oecon. iii. celebrated of the two is that of Peloponnesus. 14, Memor. ii. 6. ~ 36; Herm. de Soc. magist. When Zeus had carried off his daughter Aegina, et disc. juven.; Schleiermacher's Introd. to the and Asopus had searched after her everywhere, he Menexenus); for Plato certainly was no apwas at last informed by Sisyphus of Corinth, that prover of the administration of Pericles (Gorg. p. Zeus was the guilty party. Asopus now revolted 515, d. &c.), and thought perhaps that the refineagainst Zeus, and wanted to fight with him, but ment introduced by Aspasia had only added a new Zeus struck him with his thunderbolt and confined temptation to the licentiousness from which it was him to his original bed. Pieces of charcoal which not disconnected. (Athen. xiii. p. 569, f.) On the were found in the bed of the river in later times, death of Pericles, Aspasia is said to have attached were believed to have been produced by the light- herself to one Lysicles, a dealer in cattle, and to ning of Zeus. (Paus. ii. 5. ~ 1, &c.; Apollod. iii. have made him by her instructions a first-rate ora12. ~ 6.) According to Pausanias (ii. 12. ~ 5) tor. (Aesch. ap. Plut. Peric. 24; Schol. ad Plat. the Peloponnesian Asopus was a man who, in the lenex. p. 235.) For an amusing account of a reign of Aras, discovered the river which was sub- sophistical argument ascribed to her by Aeschines sequently called by his name. [L. S.] the philosopher, see Cic. de Invent. i. 31; Quintil. A'SPALIS ('Ao-rais), a daughter of Argaeus, Inst. Orat. v. 11. The son of Pericles by Asconcerning whom an interesting legend is pre- pasia was legitimated by a special decree of the served in Antoninus Liberalis. (13.) [L. S.] people, and took his father's name. (Plut. Peric. ASPAR, a Numidian, sent by Jugurtha to 37.) He was one of the six generals who were Bocchus in order to learn his designs, when the put to death after the victory at Arginusae. (Comp. latter had sent for Sulla. He was, however, de- Jacobs, Verm. Schriften, vol. iv. pp. 349-397.) ceived by Bocchus. (Sall. Jug. 108, 112.) 2. A Phocaean, daughter of Hermotimus, was ASPA'SIA ('Ao-raafa). 1. The celebrated carried away from her country to the seraglio of Milesian, daughter of Axiochus, came to reside at Cyrus the Younger, who so admired, not her beauty
Page 387 ASPASI US. only, but her superior qualities of mind and character, that he made her his favourite wife, giving her the name of "wise." She is said to have frequently aided him with her advice, the adoption of which he never regretted; and they lived together with great mutual affection till the death of the prince at the battle of Cunaxa. She then fell into the hands of Artaxerxes, and became his wife. (Plut. Peric. 24, Artax. 26; Ael. V. H. xii. 1; Xen. Anab. i. 10. ~ 2.) When Dareius, son of Artaxerxes, was appointed successor to the throne, he asked his father to surrender Aspasia to him. The request, it seems, could not be refused, as coming from the king elect; Artaxerxes, therefore, gave her up, on finding that she herself consented to the transfer; but lie soon after took her away again, and made her priestess of a temple at Ecbatana, where strict celibacy was requisite; and this gave rise to that conspiracy of Dareius against his father, which was detected, and cost him his life. (Plut. Artax. 27-29; Just. x. 2.) Her name is said to have been " Milto," till Cyrus called her "Aspasia" after the mistress of Pericles (Plut. Peric. 24; Athen. xiii. p. 576, d.); but "Milto" itself seems to have been a name expressive of the beauty of her complexion. (Ael. V. H. xii. 1, where we are favoured with a minute description of her appearance.) [E. E.] ASPA'SIUS ('Asrdoaios). 1. Of BaBLus, a Greek sophist, who according to Suidas (s. v. 'Ao7r&ados) was a contemporary of the sophists Adrianus and Aristeides, and who consequently lived in the reign of M. Antoninus and Commodus, about A. D. 180. He is mentioned among the commentators on Demosthenes and Aeschines; and Suidas ascribes to him a work on Byblus, meditations, theoretical works on rhetoric, declamations, an encomium on the emperor Hadrian, and some other writings. All these are lost with the exception of a few extracts from his commentaries. (Ulpian, ad Demosth. Leptin. p. 11; Phot. Bibl. p. 492, a., ed. Bekk.; Schol. ad Hermog. p. 260, &c.; Schol. ad Aeschin. c. Tim. p. 105.) 2. A PERIPATETIC philosopher, who seems to have lived during the latter half of the first century after Christ, since Galen (vol. vi. p. 532, ed. Paris), who lived under the Antonines, states, that he heard one of the pupils of Aspasius. Boethius, who frequently refers to his works, says that Aspasius wrote commentaries on most of the works of Aristotle. The following commentaries are expressly mentioned: on De Interpretatione, the Physica, Metaphysica, Categoriae, and the Nicomachean Ethics. A portion of the commentary on the last-mentioned work of Aristotle (viz. on books 1, 2, 4, 7, and 8) are still extant, and were first printed by Aldus Manutius, in his collection of the Greek commentators on the Nicomachean Ethics. (Venice, 1536, fol.) A Latin translation by J. B. Felicianus appeared at Venice in 1541, and has often been reprinted. From Porphyrius, who also states that Aspasius wrote commentaries on Plato, we learn that his commentaries on Aristotle were used in the school of Plotinus. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 264, &c.; Buhle, Aristot. Op. i. p. 296.) 3. Of RAVENNA, a distinguished sophist and rhetorician, who lived about A. D. 225, in the reign of Alexander Severus. He was educated by his father Demetrianus, who was himself a skilful rhetorician; afterwards he was also a pupil of ASPHALI US. 387 Pausanias and IIippodromus, and then travelled to various parts of the ancient world, as a companion of the emperor and of some other persons. He obtained the principal professorship of rhetoric at Rome, which he held until his death at an advanced age. At Rome he also began his long rhetorical controversy with Philostratus of Lemnos, which was afterwards continued by other disputants in lonia. Aspasius was also secretary to the emperor, but his letters were censured by his opponent Pausanias, for their declamatory character and their want of precision and clearness. He is said to have written several orations, which, however, are now lost. They are praised for their simplicity and originality, and for the absence of all pompous affectation in them. (Philostr. Vit. Sop&. ii. 33; Eudoc. p. 66; Suidas, s. v. 'Aoarrdamos.) 4. Of TYRE, a Greek rhetorician and historian of uncertain date, who, according to Suidas (s. v. 'Arndaestos), wrote a history of Epeirus and of things remarkable in that country, in twenty books, theoretical works on rhetoric, and some others. (Comp. Eudoc. p. 66.) [L. S.] ASPA'THINES ('Ao-rae1vs), one of the seven Persian chiefs, who conspired against the Magi. He was wounded in the thigh, when the latter were put to death. (Herod. iii. 70, &c. 78.) He was the father of Praxaspes. (vii. 97.) ASPER, AEMI'LIUS, a Roman grammarian, who wrote commentaries on Terence (Schopen, de Terentio et Donato, &c. p. 32, Bonn, 1821) and Virgil. (Macrob. iii. 5; Heyne's account of the ancient Commentators on Virgil, prefixed to his edition of Virgil.) Asper is also quoted in the Scholia on Virgil, discovered by A. Mai. (Virgil. Interp. Vet. Mediol. 1818.) This Asper must be distinguished from another grammarian of the same name, usually called Asper Junior, but who is equally unknown. The latter is the author of a small work entitled " Ars Grammatica," which has been printed in the collections of Granmmatici Ilsustres XII., Paris, 1516; Tres Artis Grammat. Authores, Lips. 1527; Grammat. Lat. Auctores, by Putschius, Hanov. 1605; Corpus Grammat. Lat. by Lindemann, vol. i. Lips. 1831. ASPER, JU'LlUS, had been raised to the consulship, as had also his sons, by Caracalla, but was afterwards, without any apparent cause, deprived of all his honours, and driven out of Rome by the same emperor, A. D. 212. (Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 5.) We learn from an inscription (ap. Fabrett. p. 494), that the consuls in A. D. 212 were both of the name of Julius Asper. Either the father or one of his sons was appointed governor of Asia by Macrinus, but was deprived of this dignity on his journey to the province, on account of some incautious words which offended the emperor. It is usually stated, on the authority of Dion Cassius, that Asper was killed by Elagabalus; but Dion Cassius does not say this. (Dion Cass. lxxviii. 22, lxxix. 4.) ASPER, SULPI'CIUS, a centurion, cne of the conspirators against Nero, A. D. 66, met his fate with great firmness, when he was put to death after the detection of the conspiracy. (Tac. Ann. xv. 49, 50, 68; Dion Cass. Ixii. 24.) ASPHA'LIUS or ASPHALEIUS ('AcpdiaXos or 'Aorareisros), a surname of Poseidon, under which he was worshipped in several towns of Greece. It describes him as the god who grants 2c2
Page 388 688 ASTACUS. safety to ports and to navigation in general. (Strab. i. p. 57; Paus. vii. 21. ~ 3; Plut. Thes. 36; Suid. s. v.) [L. S.] ASPLE'DON ('Ao-rXSwo), a son of Poseidon and the nymph Mideia (Chersias, ap. Paus. ix. 38. ~ 6); according to others, he was a son of Orchomenus and brother of Clymenus and Amphidicus (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AoerAc&v), or a son of Presbon and Sterope. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 272.) He was regarded as the founder of Aspledon, an ancient town of the Minyans in Boeotia. [L. S.] ASPPE'NAS, a surname of the Nonii, a consular family under the early emperors. (Comp. Plin. H. N. xxx. 20.) 1. C. NONIUS ASPRENAS, was a performer in the Trojae lusus under Augustus, and in consequence of an injury which he sustained from a fall in the game, he received a golden chain from Augustus, and was allowed to assume the surname of Torquatus, both for himself and his posterity. (Suet. Oct. 43.) 2. L. ASPRENAS, a legate under his maternal uncle, Varus, A. D. 10, preserved the Roman army from total destruction after the death of Varus. (Dion Cass. Ivi. 22; Vell. Pat. ii. 120.) He is probably the same as the L. Nonius Asprenas who was consul A. D. 6, and as the L. Asprenas mentioned by Tacitus, who was proconsul of Africa at the death of Augustus, A. D. 14, and who, according to some accounts, sent soldiers, at the command of Tiberius, to kill Sempronius Gracchus. (Tac. Ann. i. 53.) He is mentioned again by Tacitus, under A. D. 20. (Ann. iii. 18.) 3. P. NoNIus ASPRENAS, consul, A. D. 38. (Dion Cass. lix. 9; Frontinus, de Aquaeduct. c. 13.) 4. I. NONIUS ASPRENAS and P. NONIus AsPRENAS are two orators frequently introduced as speakers in the Controversiae (1-4, 8, 10, 11, &c.) of M. Seneca. ASPRE'NAS, CALPU'RNIUS, appointed governor of Galatia and Pamphylia by Galba, A. D. 70, induced the partisans of the counterfeit Nero to put him to death. (Tac. Hist. ii. 9.) ASSAON. [NIOBE.] ASSALECTUS, a Roman sculptor, whose name is found upon an extant statue of Aesculapius by him, of the merit of which Winckelmann (Gesch. d. K. viii. 4. ~ 5) speaks slightingly. [C. P. M.] ASSA'RACUS ('Aoaradpacos), a son of Tros and Calirrhoe, the daughter of Scamander. He was king of Troy, and husband of Hieromneme, by whom he became the father of Capys, the father of Anchises. (Hornm. II. xx. 232, &c.; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 2; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iii. 35; Aen. viii. 130.) [L. S.] ASSE'SIA ('Aotrio-'a), a surname of Athena, derived from the town of Assesus in lonia, where she had a temple. (Herod. i. 19.) [L. S.] ASSTEAS or ASTEAS, a painter, whose name is found upon a vase of his workmanship, discovered at Paestum, and now preserved in the Royal Museum at Naples. (Winckelmann, Gesch. d. K. iii. Anm. 778.) [C. P. M.] A'STACUS ('Ao-rTaos). 1. A son of Poseidon and the nymph Olbia, from whom the town of Astacus in Bithynia, which was afterwards called Nicomedeia, derived its name. (Arrian. ap. Steph. Byz. s. v.; Paus. v. 12. ~ 5; Strab. xii. p. 563.) 2. The father of Ismarus, Leades, Asphodicus, and Melanippus, whence Ovid calls the last of these heroes Astacides. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 8; Ovid, Ibis, 515.) [L. S.] ASTERIUS. ASTARTE. [APHRODITE and SYRIA DEA.] ASTE'RIA ('Ao-repfa), a daughter of the Titan Coeus (according to Hygin. Feab. Pref of Polus) and Phoebe. She was the sister of Leto, and, according to Hesiod (Theog. 409), the wife of Perses, by whom she became the mother of Hecate. Cicero (de Nat. Deor. iii. 16) makes her the mother of the fourth Heracles by Zeus. But according to the genuine and more general tradition, she was an inhabitant of Olympus, and beloved by Zeus. In order to escape from his embraces, she got metamorphosed into a quail (oprv), threw herself into the sea, and was here metamorphosed into the island Asteria (the island which had fallen from heaven like a star), or Ortygia, afterwards called Delos. (Apollod. i. 2. ~ 2, 4. ~ 1; Athen. ix. p. 392; Hygin. Fab. 53; Callimach. Hymn. in Del. 37; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 73.) There are several other mythical personages of this name,-one a daughter of Alcyoneus [ALCYONIDES]; a second, one of the Danaids (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5); a third, a daughter of Atlas (Hygin. Fab. 250, where, perhaps, Asterope is to be read); and a fourth, a daughter of Hydis, who became by Bellerophontes the mother of Hydissus, the founder of Hydissus in Caria. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Tluro's.) [L. S.] ASTE'RION or ASTE'RIUS ('Aoripiwv or "Aem'pmos). 1. A son of Teutamus, and king of the Cretans, who married Europa after she had been carried to Crete by Zeus. He also brought up the three sons, Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhadamanthys whom she had by the father of the gods. (Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 2, &c.; Diod. iv. 60.) 2. A son of Cometes, Pyremus, or Priscus, by Antigone, the daughter of Pheres. He is mentioned as one of the Argonauts. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 35; Paus. v. 17. ~ 4; Hygin. Fab. 14; Valer. Flacc. i. 355.) There are two more mythical personages of this name, one a river-god [ACRAEA], and the second a son of Minos, who was slain by Theseus. (Paus. ii. 31. ~ 1.) [L. S.] ASTERION ('AorEpea'W), a statuary, the son of a man named Aeschylus. Pausanias (vi. 3. ~ 1) mentions a statue of Chaereas, a Sicyonian pugilist, which was of his workmanship. [C. P. M.] ASTE'RIUS ('A-Tpeios), a son of Anax and grandson of Ge. According to a Milesian legend, he was buried in the small island of Lade, and his body measured ten cubits in length. (Paus. i. 35. ~ 5, vii. 2. ~ 3.) There are four other mythical personages of this name, who are mentioned in the following passages: Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 4; Apollon. Rhod. i. 176; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 9; Hygin. Fab. 170. [L. S.] ASTE'RIUS ('Ao-re'pos), succeeded Eulalius as bishop of Amaseia in Pontus, in the latter part of the fourth century. He had been educated in his youth by a Scythian slave. Several of his homilies are still extant, and extracts from others, which have perished, have been preserved by Photius. (Cod. 271.) He belonged to the orthodox party in the Arian controversy, and seems to have lived to a great age. Fabricius (Bibl. Graec. ix. p. 519, &c.) gives a list of 25 other persons of this name, many of whom were dignitaries of the church, and lived about the end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century. Among them we may notice Asterius, a Cappadocian, who embraced Christianity, but apostatized in the persecution under Diocletian and Maximian (about A. P. 304). He subse
Page 389 ASTRATEIA. quently returned to the Christian faith, and joined the Arian party, but on account of his apostasy was excluded from the dignity of bishop to which he aspired. He was the author of several theological works. There was also an Asterius of Scythopolis, whom St. Jerome (Epist. 83, ad Magnum Orat.) mentions as one of the most celebrated ecclesiastical writers. [C. P. M.] ASTE'RIUS, TURCIUS RUFUS APRONIA'NUS, was consul A. D. 494, devoted himself to literary pursuits, and emended a MS. of Sedulius, and one of Virgil, on which he wrote an epigram. (Anth. Lat. No. 281, ed. Meyer.) [C. P. M.] ASTERODIA. [ENDYMION.] ASTEROPAEUS ('Arreporraios), a son of Pelegon, and grandson of the river-god Axius, was the commander of the Paeonians in the Trojan war, and an ally of the Trojans. He was the tallest among all the men, and fought with Achilles, whom he at first wounded, but was afterwards killed by him. (Horn. 11. xxi. 139, &c.; Philostr. Heroic. xix. 7.) [L. S.] ASTE/ROPE ('Aoe-epo&r,), two mythical personages: see ACRAGAs and AESACUS. [L. S.] ASTEROPEIA ('AU'repOI7reta), two mythical personages, one a daughter of Pelias, who in conjunction with her sisters murdered her father (Paus. viii. 1. ~ 2); and the second a daughter of Deion and Diomede. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 4.) [L. S.] ASTRA'BACUS ('Ao-rpdGatcos), a son of Irbus and brother of Alopecus, was a Laconian hero of the royal house of Agis. He and his brother found the statue of Artemis Orthia in a bush, and became mad at the sight of it. He is said to have been the father of Damaratus by the wife of Ariston. He had a sanctuary at Sparta, and was worshipped there as a hero. (Herod. vi. 69; Paus. iii. 16. ~ 5, &c.) [L. S.] ASTRAEA ('Aorpaia), a daughter of Zeus and Themis, or according to others, of Astraeus by Eos. During the golden age, this star-bright maiden lived on earth and among men, whom she blessed; but when that age had passed away, Astraea, who tarried longest among men, withdrew, and was placed among the stars. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 25; Eratost. Catast. 9; Ov. Met. i. 149.) [L. S.] ASTRAEUS ('Aa-rpaeos), a Titan and son of Crius and Eurybia. By Eos he became the father of the winds Zephyrus, Boreas, and Notus, Eosphorus (the morning star), and all the stars of heaven. (Hesiod. Theog. 376, &c.) Ovid (Met. xiv. 545) calls the winds fratres Astraei, which does not mean that they were brothers of Astraeus, but brothers through Astraeus, their common father. [L. S.] ASTRAMPSY'CHUS, a name borne by some of the ancient Persian Magians. (Diog. Ladrt. prooem. 2; Suidas, s. v. Mdiyot.) There is still extant under this name a Greek poem, consisting of 101 iambic verses, on the interpretation of dreams ('OveipocpIrKndV), printed in Rigault's edition of Artemidorus, in the collections of Obsopoeus and Servais Galle, and in J. C. Bulenger, de Ration. Divinat. v. 5. The poem is a comparatively modern composition (not earlier than the fourth century after Christ), and the name of the author is perhaps an assumed one. Suidas (s. v.) also ascribes to the same author a treatise on the diseases of asses, and their cure. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 152, v. p. 265, xi. p. 583.) [C.P.M.] ASTRATEIA ('Ao'rpaTeia), a surname of Arte ASTYAGES. 389 mis, under which she had a temple near Pyrrhichus in Laconia, because she was believed to have stopped there the progress of the Amazons. (Paus. iii. 25. ~ 2.) [L. S.] ASTY'AGES ('Ao-rva'7s), king of Media, (called by Ctesias 'A-arviy's, and by Diodorus 'Aorrda&as), was the son and successor of Cyaxares. The accounts of this king given by Herodotus, Ctesias, and Xenophon, differ in several important particulars. We learn from Herodotus (i. 74), that in the compact made between Cyaxares and Alyattes in B. c. 610, it was agreed that Astyages should marry Aryenis, the daughter of Alyattes. According to the chronology of Herodotus, he succeeded his father in B. c. 595, and reigned 35 years. (i. 130.) His government was harsh. (i. 123.) Alarmed by a dream, he gave his daughter Mandane in marriage to Cambyses, a Persian of good family. (i. 107.) Another dream induced him to send Harpagus to destroy the offspring of this marriage. The child, the future conqueror of the Medes, was given to a herdsman to expose, but he brought it up as his own. Years afterwards, circumstances occurred which brought the young Cyrus under the notice of Astyages, who, on inquiry, discovered his parentage. He inflicted a cruel punishment on Harpagus, who waited his time for revenge. When Cyrus had grown up to man's estate, Harpagus induced him to instigate the Persians to revolt, and, having been appointed general of the Median forces, he deserted with the greater part of them to Cyrus. Astyages was taken prisoner, and Cyrus mounted the throne. He treated the captive monarch with mildness, but kept him in confinement till his death. Ctesias agrees with Herodotus in making Astyages the last king of the Medes, but says, that Cyrus was in no way related to him till he married his daughter Amytis. When Astyages was attacked by Cyrus, he fled to Ecbatana, and was concealed in the palace by Amytis and her husband Spitamas, but discovered himself to his pursuers, to prevent his daughter and her husband and children from being put to the torture to induce them to reveal where he was hidden. He was loaded with chains by Oebaras, but soon afterwards was liberated by Cyrus, who treated him with great respect, and made him governor of the Barcanii, a Parthian people on the borders of Hyrcania. Spitamas was subsequently put to death by the orders of Cyrus, who married Amytis. Some time after, Amytis and Cyrus being desirous of seeing Astyages, a eunuch named Petisaces was sent to escort him from his satrapy, but, at the instigation of Oebaras, left him to perish in a desert region. The crime was revealed by means of a dream, and Amytis took a cruel revenge on Petisaces. The body of Astyages was found, and buried with all due honours. We are told that, in the course of his reign, Astyages had waged war with the Bactrians with doubtful success. (Ctes. ap. Phot. Cod. 72. p. 36, ed. Bekker.) Xenophon, like Herodotus, makes Cyrus the grandson of Astyages, but says, that Astyages was succeeded by his son Cyaxares II., on whose death Cyrus succeeded to the vacant throne. (Cyrop. i. 5. ~ 2.) This account seems to tally better with the notices contained in the book of Daniel. (v. 31, "vi. 1, ix. 1.) Dareius the Mede, mentioned there and by Josephus (x. 11. ~ 4), is apparently the same with Cyaxares II. (Compare the account in the
Page 390 390 ASTYMEDES. Cyropaedeia of the joint expedition of Cyaxares and Cyrus against the Assyrians.) In that case, Ahasuerus, the father of Dareius, will be identical with Astyages. The existence of Cyaxares II. seems also to be recognized by Aeschylus, Pers. 766. But the question is by no means free from difficulty. [C. P. M.] ASTY'AGES, a grammarian, the author of a commentary on Callimachus, and some other treatises on grammatical subjects. (Suidas, s. v.; Eudocia, p. 64.) [C. P. M.] ASTYANASSA ('Ao-rvavao-o-a), said to have been a daughter of Musaeus, and a slave of Helen, and to have composed poems on immodest subjects. (Suidas, s. v.; Photius, Bibl. p. 142, ed. Bekk.) Her personal existence, however, is very doubtful. [C. P. M.] ASTY'ANAX ('Ao-rvdvae), the son of Hector and Andromache; his more common name was Scamandrius. After the taking of Troy the Greeks hurled him down from the walls of the city to prevent the fulfilment of a decree of fate, according to which he was to restore the kingdom of Troy. (Hom. II. vi. 400, &c.; Ov. Met. xiii. 415; Hygin. Fab. 109.) A different mythical person of the name occurs in Apollodorus. (ii. 7. ~ 8.) [L. S.] ASTY'DAMAS ('Aorv-r-uaas). 1. A tragic poet, the son of Morsimus and a sister of the poet Aeschylus, was the pupil of Isocrates, and according to Suidas (s. v. 'Ao-Av.) wrote 240 tragedies and gained the prize fifteen times. His first tragedy was brought upon the stage in O1. 95. 2. (Diod. xiv. p. 676.) He was the author of an epigram in the Greek Anthology (Anal. iii. 329), which gave rise to the proverb Zaviv ireratvels daimnrep 'Aarvud Eas rrer. (Suidas, s. v. 2avur- v K. r. A.; Diog. Lagrt. ii. 43.) 2. A tragic poet, the son of the former. The names of some of his tragedies are mentioned by Suidas (s. v.). [C. P. M.] ASTYDAMEIA ('AarvdasEta), a daughter of Amyntor, king of the Dolopians in Thessaly, by Cleobule. She became by Heracles the mother of Tlepolemus. (Pind. 01. vii. 24, with the Schol.) Other accounts differ from Pindar, for Hyginus (Fab. 162) calls the mother of Tlepolemus Astyoche, and Apollodorus (ii. 7. ~ 8) calls the son of Astydameia Ctesippus. (Comp. Muncker, ad Hygin. 1. c.) The Astydameia mentioned under ACASTrs and ANTIGONE, No. 2, is a different personage. [L. S.] A'STYLUS, a seer among the centaurs, who is mentioned by Ovid (Met. xii. 308) as dissuading the centaurs from fighting against the Lapithae. But the name in Ovid seems to be a mistake either of the poet himself or of the transcribers for Asbolus. (Hes. Scut. Herc. 185; ASBOLUs.) [L. S.] ASTYME'DES ('AosvAu-L1r), a Rhodian of distinction. On the breaking out of the war between the Romans and Perseus (B. C. 171), he advised his countrymen to side with the former. (Polyb. xxvii. 6. ~ 3.) After the war, when the Rhodians were threatened with hostilities by the Romans, Astymedes was sent as ambassador to Rome to deprecate their anger. The tenour of his speech on the occasion is censured by Polybius. (xxx. 4, 5; Liv. xlv. 21-25.) Three years afterwards, he was again sent as ambassador to Rome, and succeeded in bringing about an alliance between the Romans and his countrymen. (Polyb. xxxi. 6, 7.) In B. c. 153, on the occasion of the ASTYOCHUS. war with Crete, we find him appointed admiral, and again sent as ambassador to Rome. (Polyb xxxiii. 14.) [C. P. M.] ASTY'NOME ('Ao-rvTvdO), the daughter of Chryses (whence she is also called Chryseis), a priest of Apollo. She was taken prisoner by Achilles in the Hypoplacian Thebe or in Lyrnessus, whither she had been sent by her father for protection, or, according to others, to attend the celebration of a festival of Artemis. In the distribution of the booty she was given to Agamemnon, who, however, was obliged to restore her to her father, to soothe the anger of Apollo. (Hom. II. i. 378; Eustath. ad Hor. pp. 77, 118; Dictys Cret. ii. 17.) There are two more mythical personages of this name, one a daughter of Niobe, and the other a daughter of Talaus and mother of Capaneus. (Hygin. Fab. 70.) [L. S.] ASTY'NOMUS ('AO-Tr6obos), a Greek writer upon Cyprus. (Plin. H. N. v. 35; Steph. Byz. s. v. KV'rpos.) ASTY'NOUS ('Aorv'rToos), a son of Protiaon, a Trojan, who was slain by Neoptolemus. (Hom. II. xv. 455; Paus. x. 26. ~ 1.) A second Astynous occurs in Apollodorus. (iii. 14. ~ 3.) [L. S.] ASTY'OCHE or ASTYOCHEIA ('AOarvo'UX or 'Aa-rvdo'Xa). 1. A daughter of Actor, by whom Ares begot two sons, Ascalaphus and lalmenus. (Hom. 11. ii. 512, &c.; Paus. ix. 37. ~ 3.) 2. A daughter of Phylas, king of Ephyra, by whom Heracles, after the conquest of Ephyra, begot Tlepolemus. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~~ 6, 8; Horn. II. ii. 658, &c.; Schol. ad Pind. 01. vii. 24; ASTYDAMEIA.) 3. A daughter of Laomedon by Strymo, Placia, or Leucippe. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 3.) According to other traditions in Eustathius (ad Horn. p. 1697) and Dictys (ii. 2), she was a daughter of Priam, and married Telephus, by whom she became the mother of Eurypylus. Three other mythical personages of this name occur in Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 2, iii. 5. ~ 6; Hygin. Fab. 117. [L. S.] ASTY'OCHUS ('Aor-doos), succeeded Melancridas as Lacedaemonian high admiral, in the summer of 412, B. c., the year after the Syracusan defeat, and arrived with four ships at Chios, late in the summer. (Thuc. viii. 20, 23.) Lesbos was now the seat of the contest: and his arrival was followed by the recovery to the Athenians of the whole island. (Ib. 23.) Astyochus was eager for a second attempt; but compelled, by the refusal of the Chians and their Spartan captain, Pedaritus, to forego it, he proceeded, with many threats of revenge, to take the general command at Miletus. (31-33.) Here he renewed the Persian treaty, and remained, notwithstanding the entreaties of Chios, then hard pressed by the Athenians, wholly inactive. He was at last starting to relieve it, when he was called off, about mid-winter, to join a fleet from home, bringing, in consequence of complaints from Pedaritus, commissioners to examine his proceedings. Before this (rIT tv'ra dTre 7rp2 MiVATrov, cc. 36-42), Astyochus it appears had sold himself to the Persian interest. He had received, perhaps on first coming to Miletus, orders from home to put Alcibiades to death; but finding him in refuge with the satrap Tissaphernes, he not only gave up all thought of the attempt, but on receiving private intelligence of his Athenian negotiations, went up to Magnesia, betrayed Phrynichus his informant to Alcibiades, and there, it would
Page 391 ATALANTE. seem, pledged himself to the satrap. (cc. 45 and 50.) Henceforward, in pursuance of his patron's policy, his efforts were employed in keeping his large forces inactive, and inducing submission to the reduction in their Persian pay. The acquisition of Rhodes, after his junction with the new fleet, he had probably little to do with; while to him, must, no doubt, be ascribed the neglect of the opportunities afforded by the Athenian dissensions, after his return to Miletus (cc. 60 and 63), 411 B.C. The discontent of the troops, especially of the Syracusans, was great, and broke out at last in a riot, where his life was endangered; shortly after which his successor Mindarus arrived, and Astyochus sailed home (cc. 84, 85), after a command of about eight months. Upon his return to Sparta he bore testimony to the truth of the charges which Hermocrates, the Syracusan, brought against Tissaphernes. (Xen. Hell. i. 1. ~ 31.) [A. H. C.] ASTYPALAEA ('A-Trnrahala), a daughter of Phoenix and Perimede, the daughter of Oeneus. She was a sister of Europa, and became by Poseidon the mother of the Argonaut Ancaeus and of Eurypylus, king of the island of Cos. The island Astypalaea among the Cyclades derived its name from her. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 1; Paus. vii. 4. ~ 2; Apollod. Rhod. ii. 866; Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L.S.] A'SYCHIS ("Ao-vXs), a king of Egypt, who, according to the account in Herodotus (ii. 136), succeeded Mycerinus (about B. c. 1012 according to Larcher's calculation), and built the propylaea on the east side of the temple of Hephaestus which had been begun by Menes, and also a pyramid of brick. Herodotus likewise mentions some laws of his for the regulation of money transactions. [C. P. M.] ATABY'RIUS ('Avraeptor), a surname of Zeus derived from mount Atabyris or Atabyrion in the island of Rhodes, where the Cretan Althaemenes was said to have built a temple to him. (Apollod. iii. 2. ~ 1; Appian, Mitlirid. 26.) Upon this mountain there were, it is said, brazen bulls which roared when anything extraordinary was going to happen. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. vii. 159.) [L. S.] ATALANTE ('AvaA?"dvn). In ancient mythology there occur two personages of this name, who have been regarded by some writers as identical, while others distinguish between them. Among the latter we may mention the Scholiast on Theocritus (iii. 40), Burmann (ad Ov. Met. x. 565), Spanheim (ad Callimach. p. 275, &c.), and Muncker (ad. Hygin. Fab. 99, 173, 185). K. 0. Milller, on the other hand, who maintains the identity of the two Atalantes, has endeavoured to shew that the distinction cannot be carried out satisfactorily. But the difficulties are equally great in either case. The common accounts distinguish between the Arcadian and the Boeotian Atalante. 1. The Arcadian Atalante is described as the daughter of Jasus (Jasion or Jasius) and Clymene. (Aelian, V. H. xiii. 1; fHygin. Fab. 99; Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 216.) Her father, who had wished for a son, was disappointed at her birth, and exposed her on the Parthenian (virgin) hill, by the side of a well and at the entrance of a cave. Pausanias (iii. 24. ~ 2) speaks of a spring near the ruins of Cyphanta, which gushed forth from a rock, and which Atalante was believed to have called forth by striking the rock with her spear. In her infancy, Atalante was suckled in the wilderness by a she-bear, the symbol of Artemis, and after she ATAULPHUS. 391 had grown up, she lived in pare maidenhood, slew the centaurs who pursued her, took part in the Calydonian hunt, and in the games which were celebrated in honour of Pelias. Afterwards, her father recognized her as his daughter; and when he desired her to marry, she made it the condition that every suitor who wanted to win her, should first of all contend with her in the foot-race. If he conquered her, he was to be rewarded with her hand, if not, he was to be put to death by her. This she did because she was the most swift-footed among all mortals, and because the Delphic oracle had cautioned her against marriage. Meilanion, one of her suitors, conquered her in this manner. Aphrodite had given him three golden apples, and during the race he dropped them one after the other. Their beauty charmed Atalante so much, that she could not abstain from gathering them. Thus she was conquered, and became the wife of Meilanion. Once when the two, by their embraces in the sacred grove of Zeus, profaned the sanctity of the place, they were both metamorphosed into lions. Hyginus adds, that Atalante was by Ares the mother of Parthenopaeus, though, according to others, Parthenopaeus was her son by Meilanion. (Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 2; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 313; Athen. iii. p. 82.) 2. The Boeotian Atalante. About her the same stories are related as about the Arcadian Atalante, except that her parentage and the localities are described differently. Thus she is said to have been a daughter of Schoenus, and to have been married to Hippomenes. Her footrace is transferred to the Boeotian Onchestus, and the sanctuary which the newly married couple profaned by their love, was a temple of Cybele, who metamorphosed them into lions, and yoked them to her chariot. (O, Met. x. 565, &c., viii. 318, &c.; Hygin. Falfl85.) In both traditions the main cause of the metamorphosis is, that the husband of Atalante neglected to thank Aphrodite for the gift of the golden apples. Atalante has in the ancient poets various surnames or epithets, which refer partly to her descent, partly to her occupation (the chase), and partly to her swiftness. She was represented on the chest of Cypselus holding a hind, and by her side stood Meilanion. She also appeared in the pediment of the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea among the Calydonian hunters. (Paus. v. 19. ~ 1, viii. 45. ~ 4; Comp. Miiller, Orechom. p. 214.) [L. S.] ATALANTE ('AraAdvr), the sister of Perdiccas, married Attalus, and was murdered a few days after her brother, Perdiccas. (Diod. xviii. 37.) ATA'RRHIAS ('ATraPi'as), mentioned several times by Q. Curtius (v. 2, vii. 1, viii 1), with a slight variation in the orthography of the name, in the wars of Alexander the Great, appears to have been the same who was sent by Cassander with a part of the army to oppose Aeacides, king of Epeirus, in B. c. 317. (Diod. xix. 36.) ATAULPHUS, ATHAULPHUS, ADAULPHUS (i. e. Atba-ulf, " sworn helper," the same name as that which appears in later history under the form of Adolf or Adolphus), brother of Alaric's wife. (Olympiod. ap. Phot. Cod. 80, p. 57, a., ed Bekk.) He first appears as conducting a reinforcement of Goths and Huns to aid Alaric in Italy after the termination of the first siege of Rome. (A. -. 409.) In the same year he was after the
Page 392 392 ATAULPIIITS. second siege raised by the mock emperor Attalus to the office of Count of the Domestics; and on the death of Alaric in 410, he was elected to supply his place as king of the Visigoths. (Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 32.) From this time the accounts of his history vary exceedingly. The only undisputed facts are, that he retired with his nation into the south of Gaul,-that he married Placidia, sister of Honorius, - and that he finally withdrew into Spain, where he was murdered at Barcelona. According to Jornandes (de Reb. Get. 32), he took Rome a second time after Alaric's death, carried off Placidia, formed a treaty with Honorius, which was cemented by his marriage with Placidia at Forum Livii or Cornellii, remained a faithful ally in Gaul, and went into Spain for the purpose of suppressing the agitations of the Suevi and Vandals against the empire. But the other authorities for the time agree on the whole in giving a different representation. According to them, the capture of Placidia had taken place before Alaric's death (Philostorg. xii. 4; Olympiod. 1. c.; Marcellin. C/ronicons); the treaty with the empire was not concluded till after Ataulphus's retreat into Gaul, where he was implicated in the insurrection of Jovinus, and set up Attalus, whom he detained in his camp for a musician, as a rival emperor; he then endeavoured to make peace with Honorius by sending him the head of the usurper Sebastian, and by offering to give up Placidia in exchange for a gift of corn; on this being refused, he attacked Massilia, from which he was repulsed by Bonifacius; finally, the marriage with Placidia took place at Narbo (Idat. Chronicon), which so exasperated her lover, the general Constantius, as to make him drive Ataulphus into Spain. (Orosius, vii. 43; Idat. Chronicon; Philostorg. xii. 4.) He was remarkable as being the first independent chief who entered into alliance with Rome, not for pay, but from respect. His original ambition had been (according to Orosius, vii. 43, who appears to record his very words), " that what was now Romania should become Gothia, and what Caesar Augustus was now, that for the future should be Ataulphus, but that his experience of the evils of lawlessness and the advantages of law had changed his intention, and that his highest glory now would be to be known in after ages as the defender of the empire." And thus his marriage with Placidia- the first contracted between a barbarian chief and a Roman princesswas looked upon by his contemporaries as a marked epoch, and as the fulfilment of the prophecy of Daniel, that the king of the North should wed the daughter of the king of the South. (Idat. Chlronicon.) He was a man of striking personal appearance, and of middle stature. (Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 32.) The details of his life are best given in Olympiodorus (ap. Phot.), who gives a curious description of the scene of his nuptials with Placidia in the house of Ingenuus of Narbo (p. 59, b. ed. Bekker). His death is variously ascribed to the personal anger of the assassin Vernulf or (Olympiod. p. 60, a.) Dobbius (Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 32), to the intrigues of Constantius (Philostorg. xii. 4), and to a conspiracy occasioned in the camp by his having put to death a rival chief, Sarus (Olympiod. p. 58, b.) It is said to have taken place in the palace at Barcelona (Idat. Chronicon), or whilst, according ATERIUS. to his custom, he was looking at his stables. (Olympiod.p. 60,a.) His first wife was a Sarmatian, who was divorced to make way for Placidia (Philostorg. xii. 4), and by whom he had six children. The only offspring of his second marriage was a son, Theodosius, who died in infancy. (Olympiod. p. 59, b.) [A. P. S.] ATE (A7?-), according to Hesiod (Tlieog. 230), a daughter of Eris, and according to Homer (II. xix. 91) of Zeus, was an ancient Greek divinity, who led both gods and men to rash and inconsiderate actions and to suffering. She once even induced Zeus, at the birth of Heracles, to take an oath by which Hera was afterwards enabled to give to Eurystheus the power which had been destined for Heracles. When Zeus discovered his rashness, he hurled Ate from Olympus and banished her for ever from the abodes of the gods. (Hom. II. xix. 126, &c.) In the tragic writers Ate appears in a different light: she avenges evil deeds and inflicts just punishments upon the offenders and their posterity (Aeschyl. Choeph. 381), so that her character here is almost the same as that of Nemesis and Erinnys. She appears most prominent in the dramas of Aeschylus, and least in those of Euripides, with whom the idea of Dike (justice) is more fully developed. (Bliimner, Ueber die Idee des Schickisals, jc. p. 64, &c.) [L. S.] ATEIUS, surnamed Praetextatus, and also Philologus, the latter of which surnames he assumed in order to indicate his great learning, was born at Athens, and was one of the most celebrated grammarians at Rome, in the latter half of the first century B. c. He was a freedman, and was perhaps originally a slave of the jurist Ateius Capito, by whom he was characterized as a rhetorician among grammarians, and a grammarian among rhetoricians. He taught many of the Roman nobles, and was particularly intimate with the historian Sallust, and with Asinius Pollio. For the former he drew up an abstract of Roman history (Breviarium rerum omnium Romanarum), that Sallust might select from it for his history such subjects as he chose; and for the latter he compiled precepts on the art of writing. Asinius Pollio believed that Ateius collected for Sallust many of the peculiar expressions which we find in his writings, but this is expressly denied by Suetonius. The commentarii of Ateius were exceedingly numerous, but only a very few were extant even in the time of Suetonius. (Sueton. de Illustr. Grammat. 10; comp. Osann, Analecta Critic. p. 64, &c.; Madvig, Opusc/ula Academica, p. 97, &c.) ATEIUS CA'PITO. [CAPITO.] ATEIUS SANCTUS. [SANcTus.] ATERIA'NUS, JU'LIUS, wrote a work upon the Thirty Tyrants (A. D. 259-268), or at least upon one of them, Victorinus. Trebellius Pollio (Trig. Tyr. 6) gives an extract from his work. A. ATE'RNIUS or ATE'RIUS consul B. c. 454, with Sp. Tarpeius. (Liv. iii. 31.) The consulship is memorable for the passing of the Lex Aternia Tarpeia. (Diet. of Ant. s. v.) Aternius was subsequently in B. c. 448, one of the patrician tribunes of the people, which was the only time that patricians were elected to that office. (Liv. iii. 65.) ATE'RIUS, or HATE'RIUS, a Roman jurisconsult, who was probably contemporary with Cicero, and gave occasion to one of that great ora
Page 393 ATHANADAS. tor's puns. Cicero writes to L. Papirius Paetus (ad Fam. ix. 18), Tu istic te Ateriano jure delectato: ego me hie Hirtiano. " While you are amusing yourself with the law (jus) of Aterius, let me enjoy my pea-fowl here with the capital sauce (jus) of my friend Hirtius." [J. T. G.] A'THAMAS ('A06das), a son of Aeolus and Enarete, the daughter of Deimachus. He was thus a brother of Cretheus, Sisyphus, Salmoneus, &c. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3.) At the command of Hera, Athamas married Nephele, by whom he became the father of Phrixus and Helle. But he was secretly in love with the mortal Ino, the daughter of Cadmus, by whom he begot Learchus and Melicertes, and Nephele, on discovering that Ino had a greater hold on his affections than herself, disappeared in her anger. Misfortunes and ruin now came upon the house of Athamas, for Nephele, who had returned to the gods, demanded that Athamas should be sacrificed as an atonement to her. Ino, who hated the children of Nephele and endeavoured to destroy them, caused a famine by her artifices, and when Athamas sent messengers to Delphi to consult the oracle about the means of averting famine, Ino bribed them, and the oracle they brought back declared, that Phrixus must be sacrificed. When the people demanded compliance with the oracle, Nephele rescued Phrixus and Helle upon the ram with the golden fleece, and carried them to Colchis. Athamas and Ino drew upon themselves the anger of Hera also, the cause of which is not the same in all accounts. (Apollod. iii. 4. ~ 3; Hygin. Fab. 2.) Athamas was seized by madness (comp. Cic. Tusc. iii. 5, in Pison. 20), and in this state he killed his own son, Learchus, and Ino threw herself with Melicertes into the sea. Athamas, as the murderer of his son, was obliged to flee from Boeotia. He consulted the oracle where he should settle. The answer was, that he should settle where he should be treated hospitably by wild beasts. After long wanderings, he at last came to a place where wolves were devouring sheep. On perceiving him, they ran away, leaving their prey behind. Athamas recognized the place alluded to in the oracle, settled there, and called the country Athamania, after his own name. He then married Themisto, who bore him several sons. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 1, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 1-5.) The accounts about Athamas, especially in their details, differ much in the different writers, and it seems that the Thessalian and Orchomenian traditions are here interwoven with one another. According to Pausanias (ix. 34. ~ 4), Athamas wished to sacrifice Phrixus at the foot of the Boeotian mountain Laphystius, on the altar dedicated to Zeus Laphystius, a circumstance which suggests some connexion of the mythus with the worship of Zeus Laphystius. (Miiller, Orciomn. p. 161, &c.) There are two other mythical personages of this name, the one a grandson of the former, who led a colony of Minyans to Teos (Paus. vii. 3. ~ 3; Steph. Byz. s. v. T ws), and the other a son of Oenopion, the Cretan, who had emigrated to Chios. (Paus. vii. 4. ~ 6.) [L. S.] A'THAMAS ('AOcaai), a Pythagorean philosopher, cited by Clemens of Alexandria. (Strom. vi. p. 624, d. Paris, 1629.) ATHA'NADAS ('A6avdSas), a Greek writer, the author of a work on Ambracia ('AppocAcK ). (Antonin. Liber. c. 4.) [C. P. M.] ATHANASIUS. 393 ATHANAR'CUS, the son of Rhotestus, was king, or according to Ammianus Marcellinus (xxvii. 5), " judex" of the West Goths during their stay in Dacia. His name became first known in A. D. 367, when the Goths were attacked by the emperor Valens, who first encamped near Daphne, a fort on the Danube, from whence, after having laid a bridge of boats over this river, he entered Dacia. The Goths retired and the emperor retreated likewise after having performed but little. He intended a new campaign, but the swollen waters of the Danube inundated the surrounding country, and Valens took up his winter quarters at Marcianopolis in Moesia. In 369, however, he crossed the Danube a second time, at Noviodunum in Moesia Inferior, and defeated Athanaric who wished for peace, and who was invited by Valens to come to his camp. Athanaric excused himself, pretending that he had made a vow never to set his foot on the Roman territory, but he promised to the Roman ambassadors, Victor and Arinthaeus, that he would meet with the emperor in a boat on the Danube. Valens having agreed to this, peace was concluded on that river, on conditions not very heavy for the Goths, for they lost nothing; but their commerce with Moesia and Thrace was restricted to two towns on the Danube. Thence probably the title " Gothicus," which Eutropius gives to Valens in the dedication of his history. In 373, Athanaric, who belonged to the orthodox party, was involved in a feud with Fritigern, another "judge" of the West-Goths or Thervingi, who was an Arian, and oppressed the Catholic party. In 374, the Gothic empire was invaded by the Huns. Athanaric defended the passages of the Dnieper, but the Huns crossed this river in spite of his vigilance and defeated the Goths, whereupon Athanaric retired between the Pruth and the Danube, to a strong position which he fortified by lines. His situation, however, was so dangerous, that the Goths sent ambassadors, among whom probably was Ulphilas, to the emperor Valens, for the purpose of obtaining dwelling places within the Roman empire. Valens received the ambassadors at Antioch, and promised to receive the WestGoths as " foederati." Thus the West-Goths (Thervingi) settled in Moesia, but Athanaric, faithful to his vow, refused to accompany them and retired to a stronghold in the mountains of Dacia. There he defended himself against the Huns, as well as some Gothic chiefs, who tried to dislodge him, till in 380 he was compelled to fly. Necessity urged him to forget his oath, he entered the Roman territory and retired to Constantinople, where the emperor Theodosius treated him with great kindness and all the respect due to his rank. He died in 381. (Amm. Marc. xxvii. 5, xxx. 3; Themistius, Orat. in Valent.; Zosimus, iv. 34, 35; Sozomen. vi. 37; Idatius, in Fastis, Syagrio et Eucherio Coss.; Eunapius, Fragm. pp. 18, 19, ed. Paris.) [W. P.] A'THANAS ('AOdvas), a Greek historical writer, the author of a work on Sicily, quoted by Plutarch (Timol. 23, 37) and Diodorus. (xv. 94.) He is probably the same with Athanis, a writer mentioned by Athenaeus (iii. p. 98), who also wrote a work on Sicily. (G6ller, de Situ, 6c. Syracusarum, p. 16.) [C. P. M.] ATHANA'SIUS ('AOavcros), ST., archbishop of Alexandria, was born in that city, a few years before the close of the third century. The date of
Page 394 394 ATHANASIUS. ATHANASIUS. his birth cannot be ascertained with exactness; before the emperor in person, and was honourably but it is assigned by Montfaucon, on grounds suffi- acquitted. With regard to the pretended acts of ciently probable, to A. D. 296. No particulars are sacrilege, it was proved that Ischyras had never recorded of the lineage or the parents of Athana- received regular orders; that, in consequence of sius. The dawn of his character and genius seems his unduly assuming the priestly office, Athanasius to have given fair promise of his subsequent emi- in one of his episcopal visitations had sent Macanence; for Alexander, then primate of Egypt, rius and another ecclesiastic to inquire into the brought him up in his own family, and superintend- matter; that these had found Ischyras ill in bed, ed his education with the view of dedicating him and had contented themselves with advising his to the Christian ministry. We have no account father to dissuade him from all such irregularities of the studies pursued by Athanasius in his youth, for the future. Ischyras himself afterwards conexcept the vague statement of Gregory Nazianzen, fessed with tears the groundlessness of the charges that he devoted comparatively little attention to preferred against Macarius; and gave Athanasius general literature, but acquired an extraordinary a written disavowal of them, signed by six priests knowledge of the Scriptures. His early proficiency and seven deacons. Notwithstanding these proofs in Biblical knowledge is credible enough; but of the primate's innocence, his enemies renewed though he was much inferior in general learning to their attack in an aggravated form; accusing Athasuch men as Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, and nasius himself of the acts previously imputed to Eusebius, his Oration against the Greeks, itself a Macarius, and charging him moreover with the juvenile performance, evinces no contemptible ac- murder of Arsenius, bishop of Hypselis in Upper quaintance with the literature of heathen mytho- Egypt. To give colour to this latter accusation logy. While a young man, Athanasius frequent- Arsenius absconded, and lay concealed for a conly visited the celebrated hermit St. Antony, of siderable time. The emperor before whom the whom he eventually became the biographer; and charges were laid, already knew that those relatthis early acquaintance laid the foundation of a ing to Ischyras were utterly unfounded. He refriendship which was interrupted only by the death ferred it to his brother Dalmatins, the Censor, to of the aged recluse. [ANTONIUS, ST.] At what inquire into the alleged murder of Arsenius. Dalage Athanasius was ordained a deacon is nowhere matius wrote to Athanasius, commanding him to stated; but he was young both in years and in prepare his defence. The primate was at first inoffice when he vigorously supported Alexander in dined to leave so monstrous a calumny to its own maintaining the orthodox faith against the earliest fate; but finding that the anger of the emperor assaults of the Arians. He was still only a deacon had been excited against him, he instituted an when appointed a member of the famous council of active search after Arsenius, and in the end learned Nice (A. D. 325), in which he distinguished him- that he had been discovered and identified at Tyre. self as an able opponent of the Arian doctrine, and The Arians meanwhile had urged the convention assisted in drawing up the creed that takes its of a council at Caesareia, for the purpose of inname from that assembly. quiring into the crimes imputed to Athanasius. In the following year Alexander died; and But he, unwilling to trust his cause to such a triAthanasius, whom he had strongly recommended bunal, sent to the emperor a full account of the exas his successor, was raised to the vacant see of posure of the pretended homicide. On this, ConAlexandria, the voice of the people as well as the stantine ordered Dalmatius to stay all proceedings suffrages of the ecclesiastics being decisively in against Athanasius, and commanded the Arian his favour. The manner in which he discharged bishops, instead of holding their intended synod at the duties of his new office was highly exemplary; Caesareia, to return home. but he had not long enjoyed his elevation, before Undeterred by this failure, the enemies of Athahe encountered the commencement of that long nasius, two years after, prevailed upon Constantine series of trials which darkened the eventful re- to summon a council at Tyre, in which they remainder of his life. About the year 331, Arius, peated the old accusations concerning Ischyras and who had been banished by Constantine after the Arsenius, and urged new matter of crimination. condemnation of his doctrine by the council of The pretended sacrilege in the church of Ischyras Nice, made a professed submission to the Catholic was disproved by the bishops who were present faith, which satisfied the emperor; and shortly from Egypt. The murder of Arsenius was satisafter, Athanasius received an imperial order to ad- factorily disposed of by producing the man himself mit the heresiarch once more into the church of alive and well, in the midst of the council. The Alexandria. The archbishop had the courage to adversaries of the primate succeeded, however, in disobey, and justified his conduct in a letter which appointing a commission to visit Egypt and take seems, at the time, to have been satisfactory to cognizance of the matters laid to his charge. The Constantine. Soon after this, complaints were proceedings of this commission are described by lodged against Athanasius by certain enemies of Athanasius as having been in the highest degree his, belonging to the obscure sect of the Meletians. corrupt, iniquitous, and disorderly. On the return One of the charges involved nothing short of high of the commissioners to Tyre, whence Athanasius treason. Others related to acts of sacrilege alleged had meanwhile withdrawn, the council deposed to have been committed in a church where a priest him from his office, interdicted him from visiting named Ischyras or Ischyrion officiated. It was Alexandria, and sent copies of his sentence to all averred that Macarius, a priest acting under the the bishops in the Christian world, forbidding orders of Athanasius, had forcibly entered this them to receive him into their communion. On a church while Ischyras was performing divine ser- calm review of all the proceedings in this case, it vice, had broken one of the consecrated chalices, seems impossible to doubt that the condemnation overturned the communion-table, burned the sacred of Athanasius was flagrantly unjust, and was enbooks, demolished the pulpit, and razed the edifice tirely provoked by his uncompromising opposition to its foundations. Athanasius made his defence to the tenets of the Arians, who had secured a ma
Page 395 ATHANASIUS. jority in the council. Undismayed by the triumph of his enemies, the deposed archbishop returned to Tyre, and presenting himself before Constantine as he was entering the city, entreated the emperor to do him justice. His prayer was so far granted as that his accusers were summoned to confront him in the imperial presence. On this, they abandoned their previous grounds of attack, and accused him of having threatened to prevent the exportation of corn from Alexandria to Constantinople. It would seem that the emperor was peculiarly sensitive on this point; for, notwithstanding the intrinsic improbability of the charge, and the earnest denials of Athanasius, the good prelate was banished by Constantine to Gaul. It is not unlikely that, when the heat of his indignation had subsided, Constantine felt the sentence to be too rigorous; for he prohibited the filling up of the vacant see, and declared that his motive in banishing the primate was to remove him from the machinations of his enemies.* Athanasius went to Treves (A. D. 336), where he was not only received with kindness by Maximinus, the bishop of that city, but loaded with favours by Constantine the Younger. The Alexandrians petitioned the emperor to restore their spiritual father, and Antony the hermit joined in the request; but the appeal was unsuccessful. In the year 337, Constantine died. In the following year, Athanasius was replaced in his see by Constantine II. He was received by the clergy and the people with the liveliest demonstrations of joy. But he had scarcely resumed the dignities and duties of his office, when the persevering hostility of his Arian opponents began to disturb him afresh. They succeeded in prejudicing the mind of Constantius against him, and in a council held at Antioch proceeded to the length of appointing Pistus archbishop of Alexandria. To counteract their movements, Athanasius convoked a council at Alexandria, in which a document was prepared setting forth the wrongs committed by the adverse party, and vindicating the character of the Egyptian primate. Both parties submitted their statements to Julius, the bishop of Rome, who signified his intention of bringing them together, in order that the case might be thoroughly investigated. To this proposition Athanasius assented. The Arians refused to comply. In the year 340, Constantine the Younger was slain; and in him Athanasius seems to have lost a powerful and zealous friend. In the very next year, the Arian bishops convened a council at Antioch, in which they condemned Athanasius for resuming his office while the sentence of deposition pronounced by the council of Tyre was still unrepealed. They accused him of disorderly and violent proceedings on his return to Alexandria, and even revived the old exploded stories about the broken chalice and the murder of Arsenius. They concluded by appointing Eusebius Emisenus to the archbishopric of Alexandria; and when he declined the dubious honour, Gregory of ATHANASIUS. 395 Cappadocia was advanced in his stead. The new primate entered on his office (A. D. 341) amidst scenes of atrocious violence. The Christian population of Alexandria were loud in their complaints against the removal of Athanasius; and Philagrius, the prefect of Egypt, who had been sent with Gregory to establish him in his new office, let loose against them a crowd of ferocious assailants, who committed the most frightful excesses. Athanasius fled to Rome, and addressed to the bishops of every Christian church an energetic epistle, in which he details the cruel injuries inflicted upon himself and his people, and entreats the aid of all his brethren. At Rome he was honourably received by Julius, who despatched messengers to the ecclesiastical opponents of Athanasius, summoning them to a council to be held in the imperial city. Apparently in dread of exposure and condemnation, they refused to comply with the summons. When the council met (A. D. 342), Athanasius was heard in his own vindication, and honourably restored to the communion of the church. A synodical letter was addressed by the council to the Arian clergy, severely reproving them for their disobedience to the summons of Julius and their unrighteous conduct to the church of Alexandria. In the year 347, a council was held at Sardica, at which the Arians at first designed to attend. They insisted, however, that Athanasius and all whom they had condemned should be excluded. As it was the great object of this council to decide upon the merits of that very case, the proposition was of course resisted, and the Arians left the assembly. The council, after due investigation, affirmed the innocence of those whom the Arians had deposed, restored them to their offices, and condemned their adversaries. Synodical epistles, exhibiting the decrees of the council, were duly prepared and issued. Delegates were sent to the emperor Constantius at Antioch, to notify the decision of the council of Sardica; and they were also entrusted with a letter from Constans to his brother, in which the cause of the orthodox clergy was strongly recommended. At Antioch an infamous plot was laid to blast the reputation of the delegates. Its detection seems to have wrought powerfully upon the mind of Constantius, who had previously supported the Arians; for he recalled those of the orthodox whom he had banished, and sent letters to Alexandria forbidding any further molestation to be offered to the friends of Athanasius. In the following year (A. n. 349), Gregory was murdered at Alexandria; but of the occasion and manner of his death no particulars have reached us. It prepared the way for the return of Athanasius. He was urged to this by Constantius himself, whom he visited on his way to Alexandria, and on whom he made, for the time, a very favourable impression. He was once more received at Alexandria with overflowing signs of gladness and affection. Restored to his see, he immediately proceeded against the Arians with great vigour, and they, on their side, renewed against him the charges which had been so often disproved. Constans, the friend of Athanasius, was now dead; and though Constantius, at this juncture, professed great friendliness for the primate, he soon attached himself once more to the Arian party. In a council held at Arles (A. D. 353), and another at Milan (A. D. 355), they succeeded by great exertions in procur "* Gibbon ascribes the sentence to reasons of policy. "The emperor was satisfied that the peace of Egypt would be secured by the absence of a popular leader; but he refused to fill the vacancy of the archiepiscopal throne; and the sentence, which, after long hesitation, he pronounced, was that of a jealous ostracism, rather than of an ignominious exile."
Page 396 396 ATHIANASIUS. ing the condemnation of Athanasius. On the latter occasion, the whole weight of the imperial authority was thrown into the scale against him; and those of the bishops who resolutely vindicated his cause were punished with exile. Among these (though his banishment occurred some time after the synod of Milan had closed) was Liberius, bishop of Rome. Persecution was widely directed against those who sided with Athanasius; and he himself, after some abortive attempts to remove him in a more quiet manner, was obliged once more to flee from Alexandria in the midst of dreadful atrocities committed by Syrianus, a creature of the emperor's. The primate retired to the Egyptian deserts, whence he wrote a pastoral address to his persecuted flock, to comfort and strengthen them amidst their trials. His enemies meanwhile had appointed to the vacant primacy one George of Cappadocia, an illiterate man, whose moral character was far from blameless. The new archbishop commenced a ruthless persecution against the orthodox, which seems to have continued, with greater or less severity, during the whole of his ecclesiastical administration. The banished primate was affectionately entertained in the monastic retreats which had already begun to multiply in the deserts of Egypt; and he employed his leisure in composing some of his principal works. His place of retreat was diligently sought for by his enemies; but, through his own activity and the unswerving fidelity of his friends, the monks, the search was always unsuccessful. In the year 361, Constantius, the great patron of the Arians, expired. He was succeeded by Julian, commonly called the Apostate, who, at the commencement of his reign, ordered the restoration of the bishops banished by Constantius. This was rendered the easier in the case of Athanasius, inasmuch as George the Cappadocian was slain, at that very juncture, in a tumult raised by the heathen population of the city. Once more reinstated in his office, amidst the joyful acclamations of his friends, Athanasius behaved with lenity towards his humbled opponents, while he vigorously addressed himself to the restoration of ecclesiastical order and sound doctrine. But, after all his reverses, he was again to be driven from his charge, and again to return to it in triumph. The heathens of Alexandria complained against him to the emperor, for no other reason, it would seem, than his successful zeal in extending the Christian faith. Julian was probably aware that the superstition he was bent upon re-establishing had no enemy more formidable than the thrice-exiled archbishop: he therefore banished him not only from Alexandria,, but from Egypt itself, threatening the prefect of that country with a heavy fine if the sentence were not carried into execution. Theodoret, indeed, affirms, that Julian gave secret orders for inflicting the last penalties of the law upon the hated prelate. He escaped, however, to the desert (A. D. 362), having predicted that this calamity would be but of brief duration; and after a few months' concealment in the monasteries, he returned to Alexandria on receiving intelligence of the death of Julian. By Jovian, who succeeded to the throne of the empire, Athanasius was held in high esteem. When, therefore, his inveterate enemies endeavoured to persuade the emperor to depose him, they were repeatedly repulsed, and that with no little asperity. The speedy demise of Jovian again deprived Athanasius of a powerful protector. During ATHANASIUS. the first three years of the administration of Valens, the orthodox party seem to have been exempt from annoyance. In this interval Athanasius wrote the life of St. Antony, and two treatises on the doctrine of the Trinity. In the year 367, Valens issued an edict for the deposition and banishment of all those bishops who had returned to their sees at the death of Constantius. After a delay occasioned by the importunate prayers of the people on behalf of their beloved teacher, Athanasius was for the fifth time expelled from Alexandria. His last exile, however, was short. In the space of a few months, he was recalled by Valens himself, for reasons which it is now impossible to penetrate; and from this time to the date of his death, A. D. 373, he seems to have remained unmolested. He continued to discharge the laborious duties of his office with unabated energy to the last; and after holding the primacy for a term of forty-six years, during which he sustained unexampled reverses with heroic fortitude, and prosecuted the great purpose of his life with singular sagacity and resolution, he died without a blemish upon his name, full of years and covered with honour. The following eulogium was extorted by his merits from the pen of an historian who seldom lavishes praise upon ancient or modern defenders of orthodoxy:-" Amidst the storms of persecution, the Archbishop of Alexandria was patient of labour, jealous of fame, careless of safety; and though his mind was tainted by the contagion of fanaticism, Athanasius displayed a superiority of character and abilities, which would have qualified him, far better than the degenerate sons of Constantine, for the government of a great monarchy. His learning was much less profound and extensive than that of Eusebius of Caesarea, and his rude eloquence could not be compared with the polished oratory of Gregory or Basil; but whenever the primate of Egypt was called upon to justify his sentiments or his conduct, his unpremeditated style, either of speaking or writing, was clear, forcible, and persuasive." (Gibbon, Decline and Fa4ll, c. ch. xxi. vol. iii. pp. 351, 352, Milmnan's edition.) Erasmus's opinion of the style of Athanasius seems to us more just and discriminating than Gibbon's:---" Erat vir ille saeculo tranquillissimo dignus, dedisset nobis egregios ingenii facundiaeque suae fructus. Habebat enim vere dotem illam, quam Paulus in Episcopo putat esse praecipuam, rd O MacrKicd'; adeo dilucidus est, acutus, sobrius, adtentus, breviter omnibus modis ad docendum appositus. Nihil habet durum, quod offendit in Tertulliano: nihil EmrimtEcKrtcov,quod vidimus in Hieronymo; nihil operosum, quod in Hilario: nihil laciniosum, quod est in Augustino, atque etiam Chrysostomo: nihil Isocraticos numeros, aut Lysiae compositionem redolens, quod est in Gregorio Nazianzeno: sed totus est in explicanda re." The most important among the works of Athanasius are the following:-" Oratio contra Gentes;" " Oratio de Incarnatione;" " Encyclica ad Episcopos Epistola;" " Apologia contra Arianos;" " Epistola de Nicaenis Decretis;" " Epistola ad Episcopos Aegypti et Libyae;" " Apologia ad Imperatorem Constantium;" "Apologia de Fuga sua;" " Historia Arianorum ad Manachos; " " Orationes quatuor contra Arianos;" "C Epistolae quatuor ad Serapionem;" "Epistola de Synodis Arimini et Seleuciae;" " Vita Antonii;" " Liber de Incarnatione Dei Verbi et c. Arianos."
Page 397 ATHANASIUS. The earliest edition of the collected works of Athanasius appeared, in two volumes, folio, at Ieidelberg, ex officina Commeliniana, A. D. 1600. The Greek text was accompanied by the Latin "version of Peter Nanning (Nannius); and in the following year an appendix issued from the same press, containing notes, various readings, indices, &c., by Peter Felckmann. Those who purchase this edition should take care that their copies contain the appendix. The Paris edition of 1627, and the Leipzig of 1686 (which professes, but untruly, to have been published at Cologne), are not held in much estimation; and the latter is very inaccurately printed. The valuable Benedictine edition of Athanasius was published at Paris, A. D. 1698, in three volumes, folio. The learned editor, Montfaucon, was at first assisted in preparing it by James Loppinus; but his coadjutor dying when no more than half of the first volume was finished, the honour of completing the edition devolved upon Montfaucon. Many of the opuscula of Athanasius were printed, for the first time, in the second "volume of Montfaucon's " Collectio Nova Patrum et Scriptorum Graecorum," Paris, A, D. 1706. The most complete edition of the works of Athanasius is that published at Padua, A. D. 1777, in four volumes, folio. The first three volumes contain all that is comprised in the valuable Benedictine edition of 1698; the last includes the supplementary collections of Montfaucon, Wolf, Maffei, and Antonelli. The following list includes the principal English translations from the works of Athanasius:--" St. Athanasius's Four Orations against the Arians; and his Oration against the Gentiles. Translated from the original Greek by Mr. Sam. Parker." Oxford, 1713. Athanasius's intire Treatise of the Incarnation of the Word, and of his bodily appearance to us, translated into English by W. ~Whiston, in his " Collection of ancient Monuments relating to the Trinity and Incarnation," London, 1713. The same collection also contains a translation of Athanasius's Life of Antony the Monk, which was first published in 1687. The Epistles of Athanasius in defence of the Nicene definition, and on the Councils of Ariminum and Seleuceia, together with his first Oration against the Arians, have been recently translated, with notes, by the Rev. J. H. Newman, Oxford, 1842. The other three Orations, translated by the same writer, are shortly to appear; and other works of Athanasius on the Arian controversy are advertised as preparing for publication. For a complete list of the genuine, doubtful, and supposititious works of Athanasius, see Fabricius, Bibl. Graeca,vol. viii. pp. 184-215, ed. Harles. The most important of his genuine writings are those (both historical and doctrinal) which relate to the Arian controversy. It is hardly necessary to observe that the creed commonly called Athanasian was not composed by the archbishop of Alexandria. (See Gerardi Vossii, Dissertatio de Symbolo Atlhanasiano, Opp. vol. vi. pp. 516-522; W. E. Tentzelii, Judicia eruditorum de Symbolo Athanasiano.) It has been ascribed to Vigilius of Tapsus, Vincent of Lerins, Hilary of Poictiers, and others; but its real author is unknown. The " Synopsis Sacrae Scripturae," which is included in the writings of this eminent father, has no claim to be considered his; though, in itself, it is a valuable relic of antiquity. ATHENA, 397 The chief sources of information respecting the life of Athanasius are found in his own writings; next to these, in the ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. The materials afforded by these and other writers have been collected, examined, and digested with great learning and fidelity by Montfaucon, in his " Vita Sancti Athanasii," prefixed to the Benedictine edition of the works of this father, and by Tillemont, in his Memoires pour servir' l' Histoire Ecclesiastique, vol. viii., Paris edition of 1713. [J. M. M.] ATHANA'SIUS ('Atavaoatos), of Alexandria, a presbyter of the church in that city, was a son of Isidora, the sister of Cyril of Alexandria. He was deprived of his office and driven out of Alexandria and Egypt by the bishop, Dioscurus, from whom he suffered much persecution. There is extant a small work of his, in Greek, against Dioscurus, which he presented to the council of Chalcedon, A. D. 451. (Concil. vol. iv. p. 405.) There were various other ecclesiastical writers of the name of Athanasius, of whom a list is given in Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. viii. p. 174. ATHANA'SIUS SCHOLASTICUS. 1. A Graeco-Roman jurist, who practised as an advocate at Emesa, and was contemporary with and survived Justinian. He published in Greek an epitome of Justinian's Novellme; and this work, long known to the learned to exist in manuscript in the royal libraries of Vienna and Paris, was first given to the world by G. E. Heimbach, in the first volume of his 'AvEc or7a, Leipz. 1838. It was probably the same Athanasius who wrote a book de Criminibus, of which there was a manuscript in the library of Ant. Augustinus. (G. E. Heimbach, De Basilicorum Origine Fontibus Scholiis, 4c., Leipz. 1825, p. 41.) 2. A Graeco-Roman jurist, who wrote scholia on Eustathius after the publication of the Basilica. (Leunclav. Jus Gr. Rom. vol. ii. p. 207; Heimbach, de Basilic. Orig. &c. p. 44.) [J. T. G.] ATHE'NA ('AOfr1V or 'A0rva^), one of the great divinities of the Greeks. Homer (II. v. 880) calls her a daughter of Zeus, without any allusion to her mother or to the manner in which she was called into existence, while most of the later traditions agree in stating that she was born from the head of Zeus. According to Hesiod (Theog. 886, &c.), Metis, the first wife of Zeus, was the mother of Athena, but when Metis was pregnant with her, Zeus, on the advice of Gaea and Uranus, swallowed Metis up, and afterwards gave birth himself to Athena, who sprang from his head. (Hesiod, 1. c. 924.) Pindar (01. vii. 35, &c.) adds, that Hephaestus split the head of Zeus with his axe, and that Athena sprang forth with a mighty war-shout. Others relate, that Prometheus or Hermes or Palamaon assisted Zeus in giving birth to Athena, and mentioned the. river Triton as the place where the event took place. (Apollod. i. 4. ~ 6; Schol. ad Pind. 01. vii. 66.) Other traditions again relate, that Athena sprang from the head of Zeus in full armour, a statement for which Stesichorus is said to have been the most ancient authority. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 355; Philostr. Icon. ii. 27; Schol. ad Apollon. iv. 1310.) All these traditions, however, agree in making Athena a daughter of Zeus; but a second set regard her as the daughter of Pallas, the winged giant, whom she afterwards killed on account of his attempting to violate her chastity, whose skin
Page 398 398 ATHENA. she used as her aegis, and whose wings she fastened to her own feet. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1. c.; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 23.) A third tradition carries us to Libya, and calls Athena a daughter of Poseidon and Tritonis. Athena, says Herodotus (iv. 180), on one occasion became angry with her father and went to Zeus, who made her his own daughter. This passage shews more clearly than any other the manner in which genuine and ancient Hellenic myths were transplanted to Libya, where they were afterwards regarded as the sources of Hellenic ones. Respecting this Libyan Athena, it is farther related, that she was educated by the rivergod Triton, together with his own daughter Pallas. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 3.) In Libya she was also said to have invented the flute; for when Perseus had cut off the head of Medusa, and Stheno and Euryale, the sisters of Medusa, lamented her death, while plaintive sounds issued from the mouths of the serpents which surrounded their heads, Athena is said to have imitated these sounds on a reed. (Pind. Pyth. xii. 19, &c.; compare the other accounts in Hygin. Fab. 165; Apollod. i. 4. ~ 2; Paus. i. 24. ~ 1.) The connexion of Athena with Triton and Tritonis caused afterwards the various traditions about her birth-place, so that wherever there was a river or a well of that name, as in Crete, Thessaly, Boeotia, Arcadia, and Egypt, the inhabitants of those districts asserted that Athena was born there. It is from such birth-places on a river Triton that she seems to have been called Tritonis or Tritogeneia (Paus. ix. 33. ~ 5), though it should be observed that this surname is also explained in other ways; for some derive it from an ancient Cretan, Aeolic, or Boeotian word,,rpTrc', signifying " head," so that it would mean " the goddess born from the head," and others think that it was intended to commemorate the circumstance of her being born on the third day of the month. (Tztez. ad Lycoph. 519.) The connexion of Athena with Triton naturally suggests, that we have to look for the most ancient seat of her worship in Greece to the banks of the river Triton in Boeotia, which emptied itself into lake Copais, and on which there were two ancient Pelasgian towns, Athenae and Eleusis, which were according to tradition swallowed up by the lake. From thence her worship was carried by the Minyans into Attica, Libya, and other countries. (Miiller, Orchom. p. 355.) We must lastly notice one tradition, which made Athena a daughter of Itonius and sister of Iodama, who was killed by Athena (Paus. ix. 34. ~ 1; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 355), and another according to which she was the daughter of Hephaestus. These various traditions about Athena arose, as in most other cases, from local legends and from identifications of the Greek Athena with other divinities. The common notion which the Greeks entertained about her, and which was most widely spread in the ancient world, is, that she was the daughter of Zeus, and if we take Metis to have been her mother, we have at once the clue to the character which she bears in the religion of Greece; for, as her father was the most powerful and her mother the wisest among the gods, so Athena was a combination of the two, that is, a goddess in whom power and wisdom were harmoniously blended. From this fundamental idea may be derived the various aspects under which she appears in the ancient writers. She seems to have been ATHENA. a divinity of a purely ethical character, and not the representative of any particular physical power manifested in nature; her power and wisdom appear in her being the protectress and preserver of the state and of social institutions. Everything, therefore, which gives to the state strength and prosperity, such as agriculture, inventions, and industry, as well as everything which preserves and protects it from injurious influence from without, such as the defence of the walls, fortresses, and harbours, is under her immediate care. As the protectress of agriculture, Athena is represented as the inventor of the plough and rake: she created the olive tree, the greatest blessing of Attica, taught the people to yoke oxen to the plough, took care of the breeding of horses, and instructed men how to tame them by the bridle, her own invention. Allusions to this feature of her character are contained in the epithets /3oSeia, Soapjla, dypirpa, Tmnria, or Xae'xiris. (Eustath. ad Homr. p. 1076; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 520; Hesych. s. v. 'ITrTia; Serv. ad Aen. iv. 402; Pind. 01. xiii. 79.) At the beginning of spring thanks were offered to her in advance (7rpoxapia-rspta, Suid. s.v.) for the protection she was to afford to the fields. Besides the inventions relating to agriculture, others also connected with various kinds of science, industry, and art, are ascribed to her, and all her inventions are not of the kind which men make by chance or accident, but such as require thought and meditation. We may notice the invention of numbers (Liv. vii. 3), of the trumpet (Bockh, ad Pind. p. 344), the chariot, and navigation. [AETHYIA.] In regard to all kinds of useful arts, she was believed to have made men acquainted with the means and instruments which are necessary for practising them, such as the art of producing fire. She was further believed to have invented nearly every kind of work in which women were employed, and she herself was skilled in such work: in short Athena and Hephaestus were the great patrons both of the useful and elegant arts. Hence she is called Epydcv? (Paus. i. 24. ~ 3), and later writers make her the goddess of all wisdom, knowledge, and art, and represent her as sitting on the right hand side of her father Zeus, and supporting him with her counsel. (Horn. Od. xxiii, 160, xviii. 190; Hymn. in Ven. 4, 7, &c.; Plut. Cim. 10; Ovid, Fast. iii. 833; Orph. Hymn. xxxi. 8; Spanh. ad Callim. p. 643; Horat. Carm. i. 12. 19; comp. Diet. of Ant. under 'AO4'mua and Xaskcea.) As the goddess who made so many inventions necessary and useful in civilized life, she is characterized by various epithets and surnames, expressing the keenness of her sight or the power of her intellect, such as drT-LA Es, 6)p6aAmJrus, dovepK s, y'AV W7riS,,rOe\V~OVOS, 7roAv'turts, and u/TXav'rsis. As the patron divinity of the state, she was at Athens the protectress of the phratries and houses which formed the basis of the state. The festival of the Apaturia had a direct reference to this particular point in the character of the goddess. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Apaturia.) She also maintained the authority of the law, and justice, and order, in the courts and the assembly of the people. This notion was as ancient as the Homeric poems, in which she is described as assisting Odysseus against the lawless conduct of the suitors. (Od. xiii. 394.) She was believed to have instituted the ancient court of the Areiopagus, and in cases where the votes of
Page 399 ATHENA. ATHENA. 399 the judges were equally divided, she gave the casting one in favour of the accused. (Aeschyl. Eum. 753; comp. Paus. i. 28. ~ 5.) The epithets which have reference to this part of the goddess's character are dto'sroLwos, the avenger (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 4), 3ovhuAa, and cyvpaia. (iii. 11. ~ 8.) As Athena promoted the internal prosperity of the state, by encouraging agriculture and industry, and by maintaining law and order in all public transactions, so also she protected the state from outward enemies, and thus assumes the character of a warlike divinity, though in a very different sense from Ares, Eris, or Enyo. According to Homer (II. v. 736, &c.), she does not even bear arms, but borrows them from Zeus; she keeps men from slaughter when prudence demands it (II. i. 1 99, &c.), and repels Ares's savage love of war, and conquers him. (v. 840, &c., xxi. 406.) She does not love war for its own sake, but simply on account of the advantages which the state gains in engaging in it; and she therefore supports only such warlike undertakings as are begun with prudence, and are likely to be followed by favourable results. (x. 244, &c.) The epithets which she derives from her warlike character are dyesAia, Aappla, dikCqdplX, Aao'ooor, and others. In times of war, towns, fortresses, and harbours are under her especial care, whence she is designated as Epvai0rvoAhs, dXahAcouEsvrjts, 7roAhds, 7roAtoeXos, dfrpaa, diKpla, Kh i oeXos, 7rvAairTs, 7potaXyoppa, and the like. As the prudent goddess of war, she is also the protectress of all heroes who are distinguished for prudence and good counsel, as well as for their strength and valour, such as Heracles, Perseus, Bellerophontes, Achilles, Diomedes, and Odysseus. In the war of Zeus against the giants, she assisted her father and Heracles with her counsel, and also took an active part in it, for she buried Enceladus under the island of Sicily, and slew Pallas. (Apollod. i. 6. ~ 1, &c.; comp. Spanheim, ad Callim. p. 643; Horat. Carm. i. 12. 19.) In the Trojan war she sided with the more civilised Greeks, though on their return home she visited them with storms, on account of the manner in which the Locrian Ajax had treated Cassandra in her temple. As a goddess of war and the protectress of heroes, Athena usually appears in armour, with the aegis and a golden staff, with which she bestows on her favourites youth and majesty. (Hom. Od. xvi. 172.) The character of Athena, as we have here traced it, holds a middle place between the male and female, whence she is called in an Orphic hymn (xxxi. 10) `lporv Kal 9iuvs, and hence also she is a virgin divinity (Hom. Hymn. ix. 3), whose heart is inaccessible to the passion of love, and who shuns matrimonial connexion. Teiresias was deprived of his sight for having seen her in the bath (Callim. Hymn. pp. 546, 589), and Hephaestus, who made an attempt upon her chastity, was obliged to flee. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 7, 14. ~ 6; Hom. II. ii. 547, &c.; comp. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 111.) For this reason, the ancient traditions always describe the goddess as dressed; and when Ovid (Heroid. v. 36) makes her appear naked before Paris, he abandons the genuine oi story. Her statue also was always dressed, and when it was carried about at the Attic festivals, it was entirely covered. But, notwithstanding the common opinion of her virgin character, there are some traditions of late origin which describe her as a mother. Thus, Apollo is called a son of Hephaestus and Athena a legend which may have arisen at the time when the lonians introduced the worship of Apollo into Attica, and when this new divinity was placed in some family connexion with the ancient goddess of the country. (Miller, Dor. ii. 2. ~ 13.) Lychnus also is called a son of Hephaestus and Athena. (Spanheim, ad Callim. p. 644.) Athena was worshipped in all parts of Greece, and from the ancient towns on the lake Copais her worship was introduced at a very early period into Attica, where she became the great national divinity of the city and the country. Here she was afterwards regarded as the 9ea eo'reipa, vlyieia, and raLcovia, and the serpent, the symbol of perpetual renovation, was sacred to her. (Paus. i. 23. ~ 5, 31. ~ 3, 2. ~ 4.) At Lindus in Rhodes her worship was likewise very ancient. Respecting its introduction into Italy, and the modifications which her character underwent there, see MINERVA. Among the things sacred to her we may mention the owl, serpent, cock, and olive-tree, which she was said to have created in her contest with Poseidon about the possession of Attica. (Plut. de Is. et Os.; Paus. vi. 26. ~ 2, i. 24. ~ 3; Hygin. Fab. 164.) At Corone in Messenia her statue bore a crow in its hand. (Paus. iv. 34. ~ 3.) The sacrifices offered to her consisted of bulls, whence she probably derived the surname of ravpogdAos (Suid. s. v.), rams, and cows. (Hom. II. ii. 550; Ov. Met. iv. 754.) Eustathius (ad Horn. 1. c.) remarks, that only female animals were sacrificed to her, but no female lambs. In Ilion, Locrian maidens or children are said to have been sacrificed to her every year as an atonement for the crime committed by the Locrian Ajax upon Cassandra; and Suidas (s. v. iroiv) states, that these human sacrifices continued to be offered to her down to B. c. 346. Respecting the great festivals of Athena at Athens, see Dict. ofAnt. s.vv. Panathlenaea and Arrhephoria. Athena was frequently represented in works of art; but those in which her figure reached the highest ideal of perfection were the three statues by Pheidias. The first was the celebrated colossal statue of the goddess, of gold and ivory, which was erected on the acropolis of Athens; the second was a still greater bronze statue, made out of the spoils taken by the Athenians in the battle of Marathon; the third was a small bronze statue called the beautiful or the Lemnian Athena, because it had been dedicated at Athens by the Lemnians. The first of these statues represented the goddess in a standing position, bearing in her hand a Nike four cubits in height. The shield stood by her feet; her robe came down to her feet, on her breast was the head of Medusa, in her right hand she bore a lance, and at her feet there lay a serpent. (Paus. i. 24. ~ 7, 28. ~ 2.) We still possess a great number of representations of Athena in statues, colossal busts, reliefs, coins, and in vase-paintings. Among the attributes which characterise the goddess in these works of art, we mention-1. The helmet, which she usually wears on her head, but in a few instances carries in her hand. It is usually ornamented in the most beautiful manner with griffins, heads of rams, horses, and sphinxes. (Comp. Hom. II. v. 743.) 2. The aegis. (Dict. ofAnt. s. v. Aegis.) 3. The round Argolic shield, in the centre of which is represented the head of Medusa. 4. Objects sacred to her, such as an olive branch, a serpent, an owl, a cock, and a lance. Her garment is usually the Spartan tunic without sleeves, and over it
Page 400 400 ATHENAEUS. ATHENAEUS. she wears a cloak, the peplus, or, though rarely, the chlamys. The general expression of her figure is thoughtfulness and earnestness; her face is rather oval than round, the hair is rich and generally combed backwards over the temples, and floats freely down behind. The whole figure is majestic, and rather strong built than slender: the hips are small and the shoulders broad, so that the whole somewhat resembles a male figure. (Hirt. Mytltol. Bilderb. i. p. 46, &c.; Welcker, Zeitschriftfifr Gesch. der alten Kunst, p. 256, &c.) [L. S.] ATHENAEUS ('AO'vaios), historical. The name differed in pronunciation from the Greek adjective for Athenian, the former being accentuated 'A@i'vatos, and the latter 'AOqvacor. (Eustath. ad II. f3. p. 237.) 1. Son of Pericleidas, a Lacedaemonian, was one of the commissioners, who, on the part of the Lacedaemonians and their allies, ratified the truce for one year which in B. c. 423 was made between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians and their allies; and afterwards with Aristonymus, an Athenian, went round to announce the truce to Brasidas and other officers of the belligerent parties. (Thuc. iv. 119, 122.) The names Athenaeus and Pericleidas mark the friendly relations which subsisted between this family and the Athenians, and more especially the family of Pericles. 2. A lieutenant of Antigonus, who was sent against the Nabataeans, an Arabian people. (B. c. 312.) He surprised the stronghold of Petra, but afterwards suffered himself to be surprised in the night, and his army was almost entirely destroyed. (Diod. xix. 94.) 3. A general in the service of Antiochus VII. lie accompanied him on his expedition against the Parthians, and was one of the first to fly in the battle in which Antiochus lost his life, B. c. 128. He, however, perished with hunger in his flight, as in consequence of some previous excesses, none of those to whom he fled would furnish him with the necessaries of life. (Diod. Exc. de Virt. et Vit. p. 603, ed. Wess.) 4. Son of Attalus I., king of Pergamus. [EuMENES; ATTALUS.] His name occurs not unfrequently in connexion with the events of his time. He was on various occasions sent as ambassador to Rome by his brothers Eumenes and Attalus. (Polyb. xxiv. 1, xxxi. 9, xxxii. 26, xxxiii. 11; Liv. xxxviii. 12, 13, x1ii. 55, xlv. 27.) 5. A Cappadocian, who had been banished at the instance of queen Athenais, but through the influence of Cicero was restored, B. c. 51. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 4,) [C. P. M.] ATHENAEUS ('AOSvatos), literary. 1. A contemporary of Archimedes, the author of an extant work rlept M-qXavfihUcrcTv' (on warlike engines), addressed to Marcellus (probably the conqueror of Syracuse). He is perhaps the same with Athenaeus of Cyzicus, mentioned by Proclus (in Euclid. p. 19) as a distinguished mathematician. The above-mentioned work is printed in Thevenot's Mathenmatici Veteres, Paris, 1693. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 222, &c.) 2. An EPIGRAMMATIC poet, mentioned by Diogenes Laertius. (vi. 14, vii. 30.) He was the author of two epigrams in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 257.) 3. ARHETORICIAN, the contemporary and oppo-,nent of Hermagoras. He defined rhetoric to be the art of deceiving. (Quintil. iii. 1L ~ 16, ii. 15. ~ 23.) 4. Of SELEUCUS, a philosopher of the Peripatetic school, mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 670) as a contemporary of his own. He was for some time the leading demagogue in his native city, but afterwards came to Rome and became acquainted with L. Licinius Varro Muraena. On the discovery of the plot which the latter, with Fannius Caepio, had entered into against Augustus, Athenaeus accompanied him in his flight. He was retaken, but pardoned by Augustus, as there was no evidence of his having taken a more active part in the plot. He is perhaps the same with the writer mentioned by Diodorus. (ii. 20.) 5. A STOIC philosopher, mentioned by Porphyrius in his life of Plotinus. (c. 20.) There was also an Epicurean philosopher of this name. (Diog. Laeirt. x. 22. 12.) [C. P. M.] ATHENAEUS ('A07ivatos), a native of Naucratis, a town on the left side of the Canopic mouth of the Nile, is called by Suidas a ypavpaTriKS, a term which may be best rendered into English, a literary man. Suidas places him in the "'times of Marcus," but whether by this is meant Marcus Aurelius is uncertain, as Caracalla was also Marcus Antoninus. We know, however, that Oppian, who wrote a work called Halieutica inscribed to Caracalla, was a little anterior to him (Athen. i. p. 13), and that Commodus was dead when he wrote (xii. p. 537), so that he may have been born in the reign of Aurelius, but flourished under his successors. Part of his work must have been written after A. D. 228, the date given by Dion Cassius for the death of Ulpian the lawyer, which event he mentions. (xv. p. 686.) His extant work is entitled the Deipnosophistae, i.e. the Banquet of the Learned, or else, perhaps, as has lately been suggested, The Contrivers of Feasts. It may be considered one of the earliest collections of what are called A na, being an immense mass of anecdotes, extracts from the writings of poets, historians, dramatists, philosophers, orators, and physicians, of facts in natural history, criticisms, and discussions on almost every conceivable subject, especially on Gastronomy, upon which noble science he mentions a work (now lost) of Archestratus [ARCHESTRATUS], whose place his own 15 books have probably supplied. It is in short a collection of stories from the memory and common-place book of a Greek gentleman of the third century of the Christian era, of enormous reading, extreme love of good eating, and respectable ability. Some notion of the materials which he had amassed for the work, may be formed from the fact, which lie tells us himself, that he had read and made extracts from 800 plays of the middle comedy only. (viii. p. 336.) Athenaeus represents himself as describing to his friend Timocrates, a banquet given at the house of Laurentius (AapoiYaios), a noble Roman, to several guests, of whom the best known are Galen, a physician, and Ulpian, the lawyer. The work is in the form of a dialogue, in which these guests are the interlocutors, related to Timocrates: a double machinery, which would have been inconvenient to an author who had a real talent for dramatic writing, but which in the hands of Athenaeus, who had none, is wholly unmanageable. As a work of art the failure is complete. Unity of time and dramatic probability are utterly violated by the supposition that so immense a work is the record of the conversation at a single banquet, and
Page 401 ATHENAEUS. by the absurdity of collecting at it the produce of every season of the year. Long quotations and intricate discussions introduced apropos of some trifling incident, entirely destroy the form of the dialogue, so that before we have finished a speech we forget who was the speaker. And when in addition to this confusion we are suddenly brought back to the tiresome Timocrates, we are quite provoked at the clumsy way in which the book is put together. But as a work illustrative of ancient manners, as a collection of curious facts, names of authors and fragments, which, but for Athenaeus, would utterly have perished; in short, as a body of amusing antiquarian research, it would be difficult to praise the Deipnosophistae too highly. The work begins, somewhat absurdly, considering the difference between a discussion on the Immortality of the Soul, and one on the Pleasures of the Stomach, with an exact imitation of the opening of Plato's Phaedo,-Athenaeus and Timocrates being substituted for Phaedo and Echecrates. The praises of Laurentius are then introduced, and the conversation of the savans begins. It would be impossible to give an account of the contents of the book; a few specimens therefore must suffice. We have anecdotes of gourmands, as of Apicius (the second of the three illustrious gluttons of that name), who is said to have spent many thousands on his stomach, and to have lived at Minturnae in the reign of Tiberius, whence he sailed to Africa, in search of good lobsters; but finding, as he approached the shore, that they were no larger than those which he ate in Italy, he turned back without landing. Sometimes we have anecdotes to prove assertions in natural history, e. g. it is shewn that water is nutritious (1), by the statement that it nourishes the rtrTiý, and (2) because fluids generally are so, as milk and honey, by the latter of which Democritus of Abdera allowed himself to be kept alive over the Thesmophoria (though he had determined to starve himself), in order that the mourning for his death might not prevent his maidservants from celebrating the festival. The story of the Pinna and Pinnoteer (Tr'vvop5AaS or,rivvor'Op7r) is told in the course of the disquisitions on shell-fish. The pinna is a bivalve shell-fish (o"r7peoV), the pinnoteer a small crab, who inhabits the pinna's shell. As soon as the small fish on which the pinna subsists have swum in, the pinnoteer bites the pinna as a signal to him to close his shell and secure them. Grammatical discussions are mixed up with gastronomic; e. g. the account of the dcuv'y1d/A begins with the laws of its accentuation; of eggs, by an inquiry into the spelling of the word, whether lo'v, wi'ov, cseov, or dWdpiov. Quotations are made in support of each, and we are told that od was formerly the same as drrEpc^a, from which fact he deduces an explanation of the story of Helen's birth from an egg. This suggests to him a quotation from Eriphus, who says that Leda produced goose's eggs; and so he wanders on through every variety of subject connected with eggs. This will give some notion of the discursive manner in which he extracts all kinds of facts from the vast stores of his erudition. Sometimes he connects different pieces of knowledge by a mere similarity of sounds. Cynulcus, one of the guests, calls for bread (dpr-o), " not however for Artus king of the Messapians;" and then we are led back from Artus the king to Artus the eatable, and from that to salted meats, which brings in a ATHENAEUS. 401 grammatical discussion on the word 'rdpitor, whether it is masculine in Attic or not. Sometimes antiquarian points are discussed, especially Homeric. Thus, he examines the times of day at which the Homeric meals took place, and the genuineness of some of the lines in the Iliad and Odyssey, as j7se yap Kcarad S1vudv daEXse'ov, cs IroveTro, which he pronounces spurious, and only introduced to explain a7v-oJaTos o oU 0 A1 e $ofji d8yeods Mevs'eaoy. His etymological conjectures are in the usual style of ancient philology. In proving the religious duty of drunkenness, as he considers it, he derives Ooivy from O e v EEKca olvovaOat and /eOvU'E from ser rd Ov'EI. We often obtain from him curious pieces of information on subjects connected with ancient art, as that the kind of drinking-cup called vurdv was first devised by Ptolemy Philadelphus as an ornament for the statues of his queen, Arsinoe. [ARSINOE, No. 2.] At the end of the work "is a collection of scolia and other songs, which the savans recite. One of these is a real curiosity,-a song by Aristotle in praise of dpeTri. Among the authors, whose works are now lost, from whom Athenaeus gives extracts, are Alcaeus, Agathon the tragic poet, Antisthenes the philosopher, Archilochus the inventor of iambics, Menander and his contemporary Diphilus, Epimenides of Crete, Empedocles of Agrigentum, Cratinus, Eupolis (Hor. Sat. i. 4.1), Alcman, Epicurus (whom he represents as a wasteful glutton), and many others whose names are well known. In all, he cites nearly.800 authors and more than 1200 separate works. Athenaeus was also the author of a lost book irepi 7r1v du voica paLctrheveder-wv, which probably, from the specimen of it in the Deipnosophists, and the obvious unfitness of Athenaeus to be a historian, was rather a collection of anecdotes than a connected history. Of the Deipnosophists the first two books, and parts of the third, eleventh, and fifteenth, exist only in an Epitome, whose date and author are unknown. The original work, however, was rare in the time of Eustathius (latter part of 12th cent.); for Bentley has shewn, by examining nearly a hundred of his references to Athenaeus, that his only knowledge of him was through the Epitome. (Phalaris, p. 130, &c.) Perizonius (preface to Aelian quoted by Schweighauser) has proved that Aelian transferred large portions of the work to his Various Histories (middle of 3rd cent.), a robbery which must have been committed almost in the life-time of the pillaged author. The Deipnosophists also furnished to Macrobius the idea and much of the matter of his Saturnalia (end of 4th cent.); but no one has availed himself so largely of Athenaeus's erudition as Eustathius. Only one original MS. of Athenaeus now exists, called by Schweighiuser the Codex Veieto-Parisiensis. From this all the others which we now possess are copies; so that the text of the work, especially in the poetical parts, is in a very unsettled state. The MS. was brought from Greece by cardinal Bessarion, and after his death was placed in the library of St. Mark at Venice, whence it was taken to Paris by order of Napoleon, and there for the first time collated by Schweighauser's son. It is probably of the date of the 10th cen2D
Page 402 402 ATHENAGORAS. tury. The subscript is always placed after, instead of under, the vowel with which it is connected, and the whole is written without contractions. The first edition of Athenaens was that of Aldus, Venice, 1514; a second published at Basle, 1535; a third by Casaubon at Geneva, 1597, with the Latin version of Dalecampius (Jacques Dalechamp of Caen), and a commentary published in 1600; a fourth by Schweighliuser, Strasburg, 14 vols. 8vo. 1801-1807, founded on a collation of the abovementioned MS. and also of a valuable copy of the Epitome; a fifth by W. Dindorf, 3 vols. 8vo., Leipsic, 1827. The last is the best, Schweighiuser not having availed himself sufficiently of the sagacity of previous critics in amending the text, and being himself apparently very ignorant of metrical laws. There is a translation of Athenaeus into French by M. Lefevre de Villebrune, under the title "Banquet des Savans, par Athenee," 1789-1791, 5 vols. 4to. A good article on Schweighliuser's edition will be found in the Edinburgh Review, vol. iii. 1803. [G. E. L. C.] ATHENAEUS ('Ad7f'vaos), a celebrated physician, who was the founder of the sect of the Pneumatici. He was born in Cilicia, at Attaleia, according to Galen (De Elemient. ex Hippocr. i. 6. vol. i. p. 457; Defin. lfMed. prooem. vol. xix. pp. 347, 356; De Trem. Palpit., &c. c. 6. vol. vii. p. 609; De Difter. Puls. iv. 10. vol. viii. p. 749), or at Tarsus according to Caelius Aurelianus. (De Miorb. Acut. ii. 1. p. 74.) The exact years of his birth and death are unknown, but as Agathinus was one of his followers [AGATIIINUS], he must have lived in the first century after Christ. (Gal. De Dignosc. Puls. i. 3. vol. viii. p. 787.) He was tutor to Theodorus (Diog. LaSrt. ii. 104), and appears to have practised at Rome with great success. Some account of his doctrines and those of the Pneumatici is given in the Diet. of Ant. s. v. Pneoumatici, but of his personal history no further particulars are known. He appears to have been a voluminous writer, as the twenty-fourth volume of one of his works is quoted by Galen (De Caus. Symoptom. ii. 3. vol. vii. p. 165), and the twenty-ninth by Oribasius. (Coll. Medic. ix. 5. p. 366.) Nothing, however, remains but the titles, and some fragments preserved by Oribasius. (Coll. Medic. i. 2. p. 206, v. 5. p. 263, ix. 5. 12. pp. 366, 368.) For further information the reader may consult Le Clerc's Hist. de la Mid.; Haller's Biblioth. Medic. Pract. vol. i. p. 190; Osterhausen, De Sectae Pneumoaticorumn Mecldicorums Historia, Altorf, 1791, 8vo.; and Sprengel's Hist. de la MIid. There is in the Royal Library at Paris a Greek MS. of the sixteenth century, containing a treatise on Urine, IsepI Ovipwv:u zodis 'Aicpst'7s, by a person of the name'of Athenaeus, but it is not known for certain whether he is the same individual as the founder of the Pneumatici. [W. A. G.] ATHENAEUS, a statuary of distinction, who flourished about the 155th Olympiad. (Plin. EI.f. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) [C. P. M.] ATHENA'GORAS ('AO-.Yayopas) delivers in Thucydides (vi. 35-40) the speech which represents the common feeling of the democratical party at Syracuse on the first reports of the intended expedition from Athens, B. c. 415. HIe is called?47,AOU spooaTrdr's., who, in Syracuse and other )Dorian states, appears to 1have been an actual magistrate, like the Roman tribunus plebis. (Mihller, Dor, iii. 9. 1.) [A. HII. C.] ATHENAGORAS. ATHENA'GORAS ('AOrceaydpas). 1. ASamian, the son of Archestratides, was one of the ambassadors sent by the Samians to Leotychides shortly before the battle of Mycale, B. c. 479. (Herod. ix. 90.) 2. A Milesian, was sent by Ptolemy at the head of some mercenary troops to the assistance of the Rhodians, when they were attacked by Demetrius Poliorcetes (a. c. 305), and commanded the guard of the counter-mine which was dug by the Rhodians. Demetrius attempted to bribe him, but he disclosed his overtures to the Rhodians, and enabled them to make prisoner Alexander, an officer of high rank in the service of Demetrius. (Diod. xx. 94.) 3. An officer in the service of Philip, king of Macedonia, B. c. 200. His name occurs not unfrequently in the history of the war between that prince and the Romans. (Liv. xxxi. 27, 35, 43, xxxii. 5, xxxiii. 7; Polyb. xviii. 5.) 4. There was an officer of the same name in the service of Perseus, who commanded at Thessalonica in the war with the Romans, B. c. 168. (Liv. xliv. 32.) There were several other persons of this name, among whom we may mention a native of Cumae, spoken of by Cicero (pro Flacc. c. 7); a Platonic philosopher, to whom Boethus dedicated his work trepi 7r v 7rapac JIAdTrvi dtropolqYvEVwv A\eeWv (Photius, Cod. 155); and a bishop of Byzantium. (Philipp. Cypr. Chroen. p. 4; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 101.) [C. P. M.] ATHENA'GORAS ('AOQvayo'pas), a Grecian philosopher converted to the Christian religion, flourished in the second century of our era. HIis name is unaccountably passed over by Eusebius and Jerome; and the only ancient biographical notice of him is contained in a fragment of Philippus Sidetes, published by Henry Dodwell along with his Dissertationes in Irenaeitm. In this document it is stated, that Athenagoras was the first master of the catechetical school at Alexandria, and that he flourished in the days of Hadrian and Antoninus, to whom he addressed an Apology on behalf of the Christians. It is added that he had, before Celsus, intended to write against the Christians; but when he examined the Holy Scriptures with this view, he became a convert to the faith he had purposed to destroy. It is further asserted by this writer, that Clemens Alexandrinus was the disciple of Athenagoras, and Pantaenus the disciple of Clemens. The authority of Philippus Sidetes was lightly esteemed, even in ancient times; and there are some manifest inaccuracies in the foregoing statement. Athenagoras's defence of the Christians was certainly not addressed to Hadrian and Antoninus. It has been contended by some modern scholars, that it was presented to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus; but it has been shewn by irrefragable proofs, that the emperors to whom it was addressed were Marcus Aurelius and his son Commodus. In this view Baronius, Petavius, Tillemont, Maranus, Fabricius, Lumper, and many others concur. It is certain, again, that Clemens Alexandrinus was the pupil, not the master, of Pantaenus. And it is very improbable that Athenagoras was in any way connected with the celebrated catechetical school of Alexandria. All that we know respecting him is, that he was an Athenian by birth, a proselyte to Christianity, and the author of the above-mentioned Apology, and of a treatise in defence of the
Page 403 ATHENION. tenet of the resurrection. Both of these are written with considerable ability and elegance, and in a pure Attic style. In the first, he vigorously combats the charges of atheism, profligacy, and cannibalism, which were preferred against the early Christians. In the second, he shews with no little ingenuity, that the presumptive arguments against the Christian doctrine of the resurrection are inconclusive. The best edition of the works of Athenagoras is that of the Benedictines, superintended by Maranus, and published, together with the writings of Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, and Hermias, in one volume, folio, Paris, 1742. The other editions of Athenagoras are these: H. Stephani, 1557, reprinted at Zurich in 1559, and at Cologne in 1686; Bishop FelPs, Oxford, 1682; Rechenberg's, Leipzig, 1684-85; Dechair's, Oxford, 1706. His works are also given in the edition of Justin Martyr, published at Paris in 1615, and in the collections of de la Bigne, Gallandi, and Oberthiir. J. G. Lindner's notes to his edition of the Apology for the Christians (Longosal. 1774-75) deserve particular recommendation. The writings of Athenagoras, with fragments from other ancient authors, were translated into English by David Humphreys, London, 1714. There is an old translation of the treatise on the Resurrection by Richard Porder, London, 1573. See T. A. Clarisse, Commentatio de A thenagorae Vita et Scriptis, Lugd. Batav. 1819; Polycarp Leyser, Dissertatio de Athienagora, Lips. 1736. [J. M. M.] ATHENA'GORAS ('AOrvma^o'pas), a physician, the author of an unedited treatise on the Pulse and on Urine, of which there is a Latin MS. of the eleventh century in the Royal Library at Paris. Some bronze coins struck at Smyrna in honour of a person named Athenagoras were thought by Dr. Mead (in his Dissert. de ArNummis quibusdam a Smnyrnaeis in Mlledicorumc Honorem percussis, Lond. 1724, 4to.) to refer to the physician of this name; but this is now generally considered to be a mistake. (See Diet. of Ant. s. v. Medicus.) A work on Agriculture by a person of the same name is mentioned by Varro (De Re Rust. i. 1. ~ 9) and Columella (De Re Rust. i. 1. ~ 10). [W. A. G.] ATHENA'IS ('A0p'ves). 1. A Sibyl in the time of Alexander the Great, born at Erythrae. (Strab. xiv. p. 645.) 2. Surnamed Philostorgus (4Ntoo'rop-yos), the wife of Ariobarzanes II., king of Cappadocia, and the mother of Ariobarzanes III. (Cic. ad Fam. xv. 4; Eckhel, iii. p. 200.) It appears from an inscription (Eckhel, iii. p. 199), that the wife of Ariobarzanes I. was also called Athenais. 3. The daughter of Leontius. [EunDocA.] ATHE'NION ('Ae0,YLwv). 1. A Cilician, who in the second servile war in Sicily, by the aid of his wealth and pretended astrological knowledge, procured himself to be chosen leader of the insurgents in the western part of the island. After a fruitless attack upon Lilybaeum, he joined Salvius, the king of the rebels, who, under the influence of a suspicious jealousy, threw him into prison, but afterwards released him. Athenion fought with great bravery in a battle with L. Licinius Lucullus, and was severely wounded. On the death of Salvius, he succeeded to his title of king. He maintained his ground for some time successfully, but in B. c. 101 the Romans sent against him the consul M'. ATHENODORUS. 403 Aquillius, who succeeded in subduing the insurgents, and slew Athenion with his own hand. (Diod. Fragm. xxxvi.; Florus, iii. 19; Cic. in Verr. iii. 26, 54.) The nickname Athenio was given to Sex. Clodius. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 12.) 2. A comic poet, from one of whose plays (the ai,uodpa"ces) Athenaeus (xiv. p. 660) has a long extract. 3. A tragic poet, the instructor of Leonteus the Argive. (Athen. viii. p. 343.) 4. [ARISTION.] 5. A mythographer referred to in the Scholia on Apollonius (i. 917) and Homer (11. xv. 718). (Comp. Lobeck, Aglaoph. ii. p. 1220.) [C. P. M.] ATHE'NION ('AO-vico), a Greek physician, who is mentioned by Soranus (De Arle Obstetr. p. 210) as being a follower of Erasistratus, and who must therefore have lived some time between the third century before and the first century after Christ. He may very possibly be the same physician, one of whose medical formulae is preserved by Celsus. (De Medic. v. 25. p. 95.) [W.A.G.] ATHE'NION. 1. A painter, born at Maroneia in Thrace. He was a pupil of Glaucion of Corinth, and a contemporary probably of Nicias, whom he resembled and excelled, though his style was harsher. He gave promise of the highest excellence in his art, but died young. (Plin. IH. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40. ~ 29.) 2. The engraver of a celebrated cameo, in the Royal Museum at Naples, representing Zeus contending with the giants. (Bracci, Mem. degli Ant. Inic. i. 30; Miiller, Arch. d. Kunst. p. 498, Anm. 2.) [C. P. M.] ATHENIPPUS ('AOsvutrwos), a Greek physician (judging from his name), who must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ, as one of his medical prescriptions is quoted by Scribonius Largus. (De Compos. Medicacm. c. 3. ~ 26, p. 198.) He may perhaps be the same person mentioned by Galen. (De Compos. Medicam. see. Locos, iv. 8. vol. xii. p. 789.) [W. A. GJ] ATHENOCLES ('AOrvoicAos). 1. The leader of an Athenian colony, who settled at Amisus in Pontus, and called the place Peiraeeus. The date of this event is uncertain. (Strab. xii. p. 547.) 2. Of Cyzicus, a commentator upon Homer, who, according to the judgment of Athenaeus (v. p. 177, e.), understood the Homeric poems better than Aristarchus. Whether the commentator upon Homer is the same Athenocles who wrote upon the early history of the Assyrians and Medes (Agathias, ii. 24), is uncertain. ATHENOCLES ( 'A6Opvo'jcXs), a celebrated embosser or chaser, mentioned by Athenaeus. (xi. pp. 781, e., 782, b.) [C. P. M.] ATHENODO'RUS ('AO, vo'opos). 1. Of AENos, a rhetorician, who lived in the time of Pollux. He had been a disciple of Aristocles and Chrestus. (Philost. Vit. Sophist. ii. 14; Eudocia, p. 51.) 2. The father and brother of the poet ARATUS. The latter defended Homer against the attacks of Zoilus. (Suidas, s. v. "Aparos.) 3. A Stoic philosopher, surnamed CANANITES (KavavirI-s) from Cana in Cilicia, the birthplace of his father, whose name was Sandon. Athenodorus was himself a native of Tarsus. It is the same person probably whom Cicero (ad Att. xvi. 11) calls Athenodorus Calvus. In Rhodes he became acquainted with Posidonius, by whom probably he was 2n2
Page 404 404 ATHENODORUS. instructed in the doctrines of the Stoics. He afterwards went to Apollonia, where he taught, and attracted the notice of Octavianus, whom he followed to Rome. He stood high in the favour of the emperor, and was permitted to offer him advice, which he did on some occasions with considerable freedom. (Dion Cass. lii. 36, Ivi. 43; Zonaras, p. 544, b.) Zosimus (i. 6) tells us, that the government of Augustus became milder in consequence of his attending to the advice of Athenodorus. The young Claudius was placed under his instruction. (Suet. Claud. 4.) In his old age he returned to Tarsus, which was at that time misgoverned by Boethus, a favourite of Antonius. Athenodorus procured his expulsion and that of his party, and restored order. Through his influence with Augustus, he procured for his native city a remission of the vectigalia. He died at the age of eighty-two, and his memory was honoured by an annual festival and sacrifice. (Strab. xiv. p. 674; Lucian, Macrob. 21; Cic. ad Farm. iii. 7, ad Att. xvi. 14.) He was the author of a work against the Categories of Aristotle (Porphyr. in Categ. p. 21, a.; Simplic. Categ. p. 15, b.; Stobaeus, Sernm. 33) attributed by some to Athenodorus Cordylio; of an account of Tarsus (Steph.'AyXdiadX-); of a work addressed to Octavia (Plut. Poplic. 17); of one Srepl oTrovbns Kal nral=iia (Athen. xii. p. 519); of a work called fIIpiraToL (Diog. La'rt. iii. 3, v. 36), and of some others. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 543; Hoffmann, Dissert. de Athen. iarsensi, Lips. 1732; Sevin, in the Mllm)oires de i'Acad. des Inscr. xix. p. 77.) 4. Surnamed CORDYLIo (KopaFvulw), a Stoic philosopher, born at Tarsus. He was the keeper of the library at Pergamus, and in his anxiety to preserve the doctrines of his sect in their original purity, used to cut out from the works of the Stoic writers such parts as appeared to him erroneous or inconsistent. He removed from Pergamus to Rome, and lived with M. Cato, at whose house he died. (Strab. xiv. p. 674; Diog. Laert. vii. 34; Plut. Cat. Min. 10; Senec. de Tranquill. Animsi, c. 3, Ep. x. 4.) 5. An ERETRIAN, the author of a work entitled Virofvisarea. (Photius, Cod. 119.) 6. Of RHODEs, a rhetorician spoken of by Quintilian. (ii. 17.) 7. Of SOL1, a disciple of Zenon. (Diog. La'rt. vii. 38, 121.) He maintained, in opposition to the other Stoics, that all offences were not equal. 8. Of TARSUs. [See Nos. 3 and 4.] 9. Of TEOS, a player on the cithara, was one of the performers who assisted at the festivities celebrated at Susa in B. c. 324, on the occasion of the marriage of Alexander with Statira. There was also a tragedian of the same name, whose services were called into requisition on the same occasion. (Athen. xii. p. 538.) [C. P. M.] ATHENODO'RUS ('A0pv6awpos), a Greek physician in the first century after Christ or the beginning of the second. He was probably a contemporary of Plutarch, by whom the first book of his treatise On Epidemic Diseases, 'Ermns/tsra, is quoted. (Sympos. viii. 9. ~ 1.) [W. A. G.] ATHENODO'RUS ('AOv66owpos). 1. A statuary, a native of Cleitor in Arcadia, executed statues of Zeus and Apollo, which were dedicated by the Lacedaemonians at Delphi after the battle of Aegos-potami. He was also famed for his statues of distinguished women. He was a pupil ATIA. of the elder Polycletus, and flourished at the end of the fifth century B. c. (Paus. x. 9. ~ 8; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19, init., and ~ 26.) 2. A sculptor, the son and pupil of Agesander of Rhodes, whom he assisted in executing the group of Laocoon. [AGESANDER.] [C. P. M.] ATHENO'GENES ('A60jvoysvEs),the author of a work, probably a poem, entitled Cephalion. (Athen. iv. p. 164, a.) ATHENO'GENES ('AOmo-yevvs), a Christian martyr, of whom nothing more is known with certainty than that, when he was proceeding to the stake, he left, as a parting gift to his friends, a hymn in which the divinity of the Holy Spirit was acknowledged. We learn this fact from St. Basil, by whom it is incidentally recorded. (De Spiriti Snmto, c. 29.) On the supposed authority of this testimony, some have erroneously attributed to Athenogenes the morning hymn (/ svos ewBvwos) beginning Aosa Ev 'uIrtOIs Op, and the evening hymn (vpvos EGrepivos) beginning wcýs Iapdv d'yias 864s. (For the hymns themselves, see Usher, Diss. de Symbolo-Apostolico, &c. p. 33; Thomas Smith's Miscellanea priora, p. 152; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vii. pp. 171-2.) But Basil in this passage makes no mention whatever of the morning hymn, while he expressly distinguishes the evening hymn from that of Athenogenes, and says that he does not know who was its author. Cave falls into the above-mentioned error in the first volume of his Historia Literaria (ed. 1688), but corrects it in the dissertation de Libris et Qfficiis Ecclesiasticis Graecorunm, appended to the second volume, published in 1693. Le Moyne makes Athenogenes contemporary with Clemens Alexandrinus, and represents him as suffering under the emperor Severus. In this chronology Cave and Lumper concur. Garnier, in a note upon the above-cited passage in Basil, identifies this Athenogenes with one whom the martyrologies represent as suffering under Diocletian. Baronius and Tillemont strangely suppose that Athenogenes is one and the same with Athenagoras, whose apology for the Christians was addressed to M. Aurelius Antoninus and his son Commodus. (Le Moyne, Varia Sacra, ii. pp. 1095-6; Tillemont, Miomoires, &c. ii. p. 632; Lumper, Historia Theologico-Critica, &c. iv. pp. 39, 40; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vii. pp. 170-2.) [J.M.M.] ATHO'US ('A6ecos), a surname of Zeus, derived from mount Athos, on which the god had a temple. (Hesych. s. v.; Aeschyl. Agam. 270.) [L. S.] ATHRYILA'TUS ('AOptmitaros), a Greek physician of Thasos, introduced by Plutarch as one of the speakers in his Symposiacon (iii. 4), and who must therefore have lived at the end or the first or the beginning of the second century after Christ. [W. A. G.] ATHYMBRUS ('AOvt posp), ATHYMBRADUS ('AOdtIApasos), and HYDRE'LUS ("T8pAos), three brothers, who came from Lacedaemon, and founded cities in Lydia, which were called by their names. These cities were afterwards deserted by their inhabitants, who founded together the town of Nysa, whence the latter regarded Athymbrus as its founder. (Strab. xiv. p. 650; Steph. Byz. s. v."AOv/Lpa.) A'TIA, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus of Aricia, and of Julia, the sister of C. Julius Caesar. She was married to C. Octavius, and became by him the mother of Augustus Caesar. (Suet. Oct. 4; Vell. Pat. ii. 59.) She pretended that Augustus
Page 405 ATILICINUS. ATILIUS. 403 was the son of Apollo, who had intercourse with ATILIUS. 1. L. ATILIUS, a plebeian, consular her in the form of a dragon, while she was sleeping tribune B. c. 399, and again in 396. (Liv. v. 13,18; on one occasion in the temple of the god. (Dion Diod. xiv. 54, 90.) He must be distinguished from Cass. xlv. 1; Suet. Oct. 94.) She carefully at- L. Atilius, the consular tribune in B. c. 444 (Liv. tended to the education of her son, and is on this iv. 7), who was a patrician, and whose cognomen account classed by the author of the Dialogue on was Longus, as we learn from Dionysius (xi. 61). Orators (c. 29) along with Cornelia, the mother of 2. L. ATILIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 311, the Gracchi, and Aurelia, the mother of C. Julius brought forward a bill, in conjunction with his Caesar. Her husband died in B. c. 59, when her colleague, C. Marcius, giving the people the power son was only four years of age, and she afterwards of electing 16 military tribunes in the four legions, married L. Marcius Philippus, who was consul in the usual number levied annually. (Liv. ix. 30.) B. c. 56. On the death of Julius Caesar, she and As there were six tribunes in each legion, the peoher husband tried to dissuade her son from accept- ple by this bill had the election of two-thirds of ing the inheritance which his great-uncle had left the whole number. Previously they appointed him. (Plut. Cic. 44; Suet. Oct. 8; Vell. Pat. ii. 60; only six; the remaining eighteen were nominated Appian, B. C. iii. 10.) She died in the first con- by the consuls. (Comp. Liv. vii. 5.) sulship of her son, B. c. 43, and was honoured with 3. L. ATILIUS, quaestor in B. c. 21 6, slain at a public funeral. (Suet. Oct. 61; Dion. Cass. the battle of Cannae in the same year. (Liv. xlvii. 17.) xxii. 49.) A'TIA GENS, plebeian. The word is always 4 and 5. M. and C. ATILII, duumviri in B. c. written on coins with one t; but in manuscripts we 216, dedicated the temple of Concord, which L. find bothAttius and Aiucs. This gens does not appear Manlius, the praetor, had vowed. (Liv. xxiii. 22.) to have been of any great antiquity, and none of 6. L. ATILIUS, commander of the Roman garits members ever attained the consulship; but, since risen in Locri, escaped with his troops by sea, Augustus was connected with it on his mother's when the town was surrendered to Hannibal in side [ATIA], the flattery of the poets derived its B. c. 215. (Liv. xxiv. 1.) origin from Atys, the son of Alba, and father of 7. L. ATILIUS, praetor B. c. 197, obtained SarCapys. (Virg. Aen. v. 568.) The cognomens of dinia as his province. (Liv. xxxii. 27, 28.) the Atii are BALBus, LABIENUS, RUFUS, VARUS: 8. L. ATILIUS, served in the fleet of Cn. Octafor those who have no cognomens, see ATIus. vius, who was sent by the consul Paullus to The only cognomens which occur on coins are Samothrace in B. c. 168, to demand Perseus, who Balbus and Labienus. (Eckhel, v. p. 145.) had taken refuge there. Atilius addressed the ATI'DIUS GE'MINUS. [GEMINUS.] Samothracian assembly in support of this demand. ATILIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. On (Liv. xlv. 5.) coins the name always occurs with only one 1, but 9. L. ATILIUs, the jurist. See below. in MSS. usually with two. The cognomens of the 10. ATILIUS, one of the libertini, built an amAtilii under the republic are, BULBus, CALATINUS, phitheatre at Fidenae in the reign of Tiberius, A. D. LONGUS, REGULUS, SERRANUS; and of these the 27; but in consequence of the slight and careless Longi were undoubtedly patricians. (Dionys. xi. manner in which it was built, it fell down through 61.) The first member of this gens who obtained the weight of the spectators, and upwards of the consulship was M. Atilius Regulus, in B. c. 20,000 persons perished, according to Suetonius 335; and the Fasti contain several consuls of this (Tib. 40), and as many as 50,000, according to name under the emperors. The only cognomen Tacitus, were either injured or destroyed. Atilius found on coins is Saranus, which appears to be the was banished in consequence. (Tac. Ann. iv. 62, same as Serranus. (Eckhel, v. p. 146.) For those 63.) Atilii who have no cognomen, see ATILIUS. L. ATI'LIUS, a Roman jurist, who probably The annexed coin of the Atilia Gens represents lived in the middle of the sixth century of the city. on the obverse the head of Pallas winged, and on By Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 38) he is the reverse the Dioscuri, with the inscription M. called Publius Atilius, and in some manuscripts of ATILr. and underneath RoMA. Cicero (Amic. c. 2), Acilius, not Atilius. He was among the earliest of the jurisconsults, after Coruncanius, who gave public instruction in law, and he was remarkable for his science in p'ofitendo. He ____ was the first Roman who was called by the people S Sapiens, although, before his time, the jurist P. Sempronius (who was consul B. c. 304) had aco- Aquired the cognomen Sophus, less expressive to Latin ears. Sapiens was afterwards a title freATILICI'NUS, a Roman jurist, who probably quently given to jurists. (Gell. iv. 1.) He wrote lived about the middle of the first century of the Commentaries on the laws of the Twelve Tables. Christian era. He seems to have been attached to (Cic. de Leg. ii. 23; Heinec. Hist. Jur. Rom. ~ the sect of Proculus (Heinec. Hist. Jur. Rom. 125.) [J. T. G.] ~ 230), to whom he addressed a letter, which is M. ATILIUS, one of the early Roman poets, contained in the Digest in an extract from Proculus. is classed among the comic poets of Rome by Vulg (Dig. 23. tit. 4. s. 17.) He is several times referred catius Sedigitus, who assigns him the fifth place to in the Digest, and is also cited in the Institutes among them in order of merit. (Ap. Gell. xv. (2. tit. 14, pr.) as an authority; but there is no 24.) But as Atilius translated into Latin the direct extract from him, and the names of his works Electra of Sophocles (Cic. de Fin. L 2; comp. Suet. have not been preserved, though Bach (Hist. Jur. Caes. 84), it would appear that he wrote tragedies Rom. p. 411) seems to infer from Dig. 12. tit. 4. as well as comedies. The latter, however, may s. 7. pr., that he published responsc. [J. T. G.] have been both superior to, and more numerous
Page 406 406 ATIUS. ATLAS. than, the former; and this would be a sufficient Pompeian party, and had possession of Sulrmo, reason why Sedigitus classed him among the comic when Caesar invaded Italy, B. c. 49. Caesar depoets, without having recourse to the improbable spatched. M. Antony against the town, the inconjecture of Weichert (Poet. Latin. Reliquiae, habitants of which opened the gates as soon as p. 139), that he had turned the Electra of Sopho- they saw Antony's standards, while Atius cast cles into a comedy. Among his other plays we himself down from the wall. At his own request have the titles of the following: Miro'yovos (Cic. he was sent to Caesar, who dismissed him unhurt. Tusc. Disp. iv. 11), Boeotia (Varr. L. L. vi. 89, (Caes. B. C. i. 18.) Cicero writes (ad Att. viii. 4) ed. Miiller), "Aypouwos, and Conanorientes. (Varr. as if Atius himself had surrendered the town to Cap. Gell. iii. 3.) According to another reading Antony. the last three are attributed to a poet Aquillius. ATLAS ("ATrAs), according to Hesiod (Theog. With the exception of a line quoted by Cicero (ad 507, &c.), a son of Japetus and Clymene, and a Att. xiv. 20), and a few words preserved in two brother of Menoetius, Prometheus, and Epinmetheus; passages of Varro (L. L. vii. 90, 106), nothing of according to Apollodorus (i. 2. ~ 3), his mother's Atilius has come down to us. Cicero (ad Att. 1. c.) name was Asia; and, according to Hlyginus (Fab. calls him poteta durissimuzs, and Licinius describes Praef), he was a son of Aether and Gaea. For him as ferrous scriptor. (Cic. de Fin. 1. c.) other accounts see Diod. iii. 60, iv. 27; Plat. CriATI'LIUS FORTUNATIA'NUS. [Fon- tias, p. 114; Serv. ad Aen. iv. 247. According to TUNATIANUS.] the description of the Homeric poems, Atlas knows ATILLA, the mother of Lucan, was accused by the depth of all the sea, and bears the long her own son, in A. D. 66, as privy to the conspiracy columns which keep asunder, or carry all around against Nero, but escaped punishment, though she (dyiuls eXovrcn), earth and heaven. (Od. i. 52.) was not acquitted. (Tac. Ann. xv. 56, 71.) Hesiod only says, that he bore heaven with hii ATIME'TUS, a freedman and paramour of Do- head and hands. (Comp. Aeschyl. Prom. 347, &c.; mitia, the aunt of Nero, accused Agrippina of Paus. v. 18. ~ 1, 11. ~ 2.) In these passages Atlas plotting against her son Nero, A. D.56. Agrippina, is described either as bearing heaven alone, or as however, on this occasion, obtained from Nero the bearing both heaven and earth; and several mopunishment of her accusers, and Atimetus accord- dern scholars have been engaged in investigating ingly was put to death. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19, 21, which of the two notions was the original one. 22.) Much depends upon the meaning of the H-omeric ATIME'TUS, P. ATTIUS, a physician, expression dcls E'xovoi; if the signification is whose name is preserved in an ancient inscription, " the columns which keep asunder heaven and and who was physician to Augustus. Some writers earth," the columns (mountains) must be conceived suppose that he is the same person who was a con- as being somewhere in the middle of the earth's temporary of Scribonius Largus, in the first century surface; but if they mean " bear or support all after Christ, and who is said by him (De Compos. around," they must be regarded as forming the cirMiledicam. c. 29. ~ 120) to have been the slave of cumference of the earth, upon which the vault of a physician named Cassius, and who is quoted by heaven rests apparently. In either case, the meanGalen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, iv. 8, vol. ing of keeping asunder is implied. In the Homeric xii. p. 771), under the name of Atimetruis ('A- description of Atlas, the idea of his being a superiA1rTpOs). human or divine being, with a personal existence, A physician of the same name, who is mentioned seems to be blended with the idea of a mountain. in an ancient inscription with the title Archiater, The idea of heaven-bearing Atlas is, according to is most probably a different person, and lived later Letronne, a mere personification of a cosmographic than the reign of Augustus. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. notion, which arose from the views entertained by vol. xiii. p. 94, ed.vet.; Rhodius, Note on Scribon. the ancients respecting the nature of heaven and its Larg. pp. 188-9.) [W. A. G.] relation to the earth; and such a personification, There is an epitaph on Claudia Homonoca, the when once established, was further developed and wife of an Atimetus, who is described as the freed- easily connected with other myths, such as that of man of Pamphilus, the freedman of the emperor the Titans. Thus Atlas is described as the leader of Tiberius, which has been published by Burimmann the Titans in their contest with Zeus, and, being (Antsh. Lat. vol. ii. p. 90), Meyer (Anth. Lat. n. conquered, he was condemned to the labour of bear1274), and Wernsdorf (PoUt. Lat. Min. vol. iii. ing heaven on his head and hands. (Hesiod, 1. c.; p. 213), and is in the form of a dialogue, partly in Hygin. Fab. 150.) Still later traditions distort the Latin and partly in Greek, between Homonoea and original idea still more, by putting rationalistic interher husband. This Atimetus is supposed by some pretations upon it, and make Atlas a man who was writers to have been the same as the slave of metamorphosed into a mountain. Thus Ovid (Met. Cassius, mentioned by Scribonius (Wernsdorf, vol. iv. 630, &c., comp. ii. 296) relates, that Perseus came iii. p. 139); and Lipsius (ad Tac. Ann. xiii. 19) to him and asked for shelter, which he was refused, imagines both to be the same as the freedman of whereupon Perseus, by means of the head of MeDomitia spoken of above; but we can come to no dusa, changed him into mount Atlas, on which certainty on the point. rested heaven with all its stars. Others go still ATI'NIA GENS, plebeian. None of the mem- further, and represent Atlas as a powerful king, bers of this gens ever attained the consulship; and who possessed great knowledge of the courses of the first who held any of the higher offices of the the stars, and who was the first who taught men state was C. Atinius Labeo, who was praetor B. c. that heaven had the form of a globe. Hience the 188. All the Atinii bear the cognomen LABEO. expression that heaven rested on his shoulders was A'TIUS. 1. L. ATIUs, the first tribune of the regarded as a mere figurative mode of speaking. second legion in the war with the Istri, B. c. 178. (Diod. iii. 60, iv. 27; Paus. ix. 20. ~ 3; Serv. ad (Liv. xli. 7.) Aen. i. 745; Tzetz. ad Lycoph'r. 873.) At first, 2. C. ATIus, the Pelignian, belonged to the the story of Atlas referred to one mountain only,
Page 407 ATRATINUS. which was believed to exist on the extreme boundary of the earth; but, as geographical knowledge extended, the name of Atlas was transferred to other places, and thus we read of aMauritanian, Italian, Arcadian, and even of a Caucasian, Atlas. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 1; Dionys. i. 61; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 134.) The common opinion, however, was, that the heaven-bearing Atlas was in the north-western part of Africa, and the range of mountains in that part of the world bears the name of Atlas down to this day. Atlas is said to have been the father of the Pleiades by Pleione or by Hesperis, of the Hyades and Hesperides by Aethra, and of Oenomaus and Maea by Sterope. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 1; Diod. iv. 27; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 130.) Dione and Calypso, and Hyas and Hesperus, are likewise called his children. (Hom. Od. vii. 245; Hygin. Fab. 83.) Atlas was painted by Panaenus on the parapet surrounding the statue of the Olympian Zeus (Paus. v. 11. ~ 2); on the chest of Cypselus he was seen carrying hea"ven and holding in his hands the golden apples of the Hesperides; and on the throne of Apollo at Amyclae he was likewise represented. (Paus. v. 18. ~ 1, iii. 18. ~ 7; comp. Heffter, in the AllYem. Sc/uezeit/ug for 1832, No. 74, &c.; E. Gerhard, Asrchemoros wnd die Iesperiden, Berlin, 1838; KAnstblatt for 1836, No. 64, &c.; G. Hermann, Dissertalio de Atlante, Lips. 1820.) [L. S.] ATOSSA ("Arorro-a), the daughter of Cyrus, and the wife successively of her brother Cambyses, of Smerdis the Magian, and of Dareius Hystaspis, over whom she possessed great influence. Excited by the description of Greece given her by Democedes [DEMOCEDnES], she is said to have urged Dareius to the invasion of that country. She bore Dareius four sons, Xerxes, Masistes, Achaemenes, and Hystaspes. (Herod. iii. 68, 88, 133, 134, vii. 2, 3, 64, 82, 97; Aeschyl. Persae.) According to a tale related by Aspasius (ad Aristot. Ethic. p. 124), Atossa was killed and eaten by her son Xerxes in a fit of distraction. Hellanicus related (Tatian, c. Graec. init.; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 307, ed. Par. 1629), that Atossa was the first who wrote epcstles. This statement is received by Bentley (Phalaris, p. 385, &c.), and is employed by him as one argument against the authenticity of the pretended epistles of Phalaris. [C. P.M.] ATRATI'NUS, a family-name of the Sempronia gens. The Atratini were patricians, and were distinguished in the early history of the republic; but after the year B. c. 380, no member of the family is mentioned till B. c. 34. 1. A. SEMPRONIus ATRATINUS, consul B. c. 497. (Liv. ii. 21; Dionys. vi. 1.) He had the charge of the city when the battle of the lake Regillus was fought (Dionys. vi. 2), which is variously placed in 498 and 496. [See p. 90, b.] He was consul again in 491, when he exerted himself with his colleague in obtaining a supply of corn for the people. (Liv. ii. 34; Dionys. vii. 20.) In the war with the Hernicans and Volscians in 487, Atratinus was again entrusted with the care of the city. (Dionys. viii. 64.) He was interrex in 482. (Dionys. viii. 90.) 2. A SEMPRONIUS A. F. ATRATINUS, son of No. 1, consular tribune B. c. 444, the year in which this office was first instituted. In consequence of a defect in the auspices, he and his colleagues resigned, and consuls were appointed in their stead. (Liv. iv.7; Dionys, xi. 61; Diod. xii, 32.) ATREUS. 407 3. L. SEMPRONIUS A. F. ATRATINUS, son of No. 1, consul B. c. 444. He was censor in the following year with L. Papirius Mugillanus, and they were the first who held this ofilce. (Dionys. xi. 62, 63; Liv. iv. 7, 8; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21.) 4. A. SEMPRONIUs L. F. A. N. ATRATINUS, son of No. 3, was consular tribune three times, in B. c. 425, 420, and 416. (Liv. iv. 35, 44, 47; Diod. xii. 81, xiii. 9.) 5. C. SEMPRONIUS A. F. A. N. ATRATINUS, son of No. 2, whence he is called by Livy (iv. 44) the paIr/elis of No. 4, was consul B. c. 423, and had the conduct of the war against the Volscians. Through his negligence and carelessness the Roman army was nearly defeated, and was saved only through the exertions of Sex. Tempanius, one of the officers of the cavalry. The battle was undecided, when night put an end to it; and both armies abandoned their camps, considering it lost. The conduct of Atratinus excited great indignation at Rome, and he was accordingly accused by the tribune L. Hortensius, but the charge was dropt in consequence of the entreaties of Tempanius and three others of his colleagues, who had served under Atratinus, and had been elected tribunes. It was revived, however, in 420, and Atratinus was condemned to pay a heavy fine. (Liv. iv. 37 -42, 44; Val. Max. vi. 5. ~ 2.) 6. A. SEMPRONIUs ATRATINUS, master of the horse to the dictator, T. Quinctius Cincinnatus, B. c. 380. (Liv. vi. 28.) 7. L. S PEMPRONIUS ATRATINUS, the accuser of M. Caelius, whom Cicero defended. (Comp. Suet. de Clar. Rhet. 2.) In his speech which has come down to us, Cicero speaks highly of Atratinus. (Pro Cael. 1, 3, 7.) This Atratinus is apparently the same as the consul of B. c. 34, elected in the place of M. Antony, who resigned in his favour. (Dion Cass. xlix. 39.) ATRAX (Ar-pag), a son of Peneius and Bura, from whom the town of Atrax in Hestiaeotis was believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) He was the father of Hippodamneia and Caenis, the latter of whom by the will of Poseidon was changed into a man, and named Caenus. (Antonin. Lib. 17; Ov. Met. xii. 190, &c.) [L. S.] ATREIDES ('ArpdsLss'), a patronymic from Atreus, to designate his sons and descendants. When used in the singular, it commonly designates Agamemnon, but in the plural it signifies the two brothers, Agamemnon and Menelaus. (Horn. II. i. 12, &c.; Hor. Ccrm. ii. 4. 7, &c.) [L. S.] ATREUS ('Arpe66s), a son of Pelops and Hippodameia, a grandson of Tantalus, and a brother of Thyestes and Nicippe. [PELOPS.] He was first married to Cleola, by whom he became the father of Pleisthenes; then to Aerope, the widow of his sonr Pleisthenes, who was the mother of Agamemnon, Menelaus, and Anaxibia, either by Pleisthenes or by Atreus [AGAMEMNON]; and lastly to Pelopia, the daughter of his brother Thyestes. (Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 5; Soph. Aj. 1271; Hygin. Fab. 83, &c.; Serv. ad Aen. i. 462.) The tragic fate of the house of Tantalus gave ample materials to the tragic poets of Greece, but the oftener the subjects were handled, the greater were the changes and modifications which the legends underwent; but the main points are collected in Hyginus. The story of Atreus begins with a crime, for he and his brother Thyestes were induced by their mother Hippodameia to kill their step-brother Chrysippus,
Page 408 408 ATREUS. the son of Pelops and the nymph Axioche or Danais. (Hygin. Fab. 85; Schol. ad Horn. II. ii. 104.) According to the Scholiast on Thucydides (i. 9), who seems himself to justify the remark of his commentator, it was Pelops himself who killed Chrysippus. Atreus and Thyestes hereupon took to flight, dreading the consequences of their deed, or, according to the tradition of Thucydides, to escape the fate of Chrysippus. Sthenelus, king of Mycenae, and husband of their sister Nicippe (the Schol. on Thucyd. calls her Astydameia) invited them to come to Midea, which he assigned to them as their residence. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 6.) When afterwards Eurystheus, the son of Sthenelus, marched out against the Heracleids, he entrusted the government of Mycenae to his uncle Atreus; and after the fall of Eurystheus in Attica, Atreus became his successor in the kingdom of Mycenae. From this moment, crimes and calamities followed one another in rapid succession in the house of Tantalus. Thyestes seduced Aerope, the wife of Atreus, and robbed him also of the lamb with the golden fleece, the gift of Hermes. (Eustath. adHomn. p. 184.) For this crime, Thyestes was expelled from Mycenae by his brother; but from his place of exile he sent Pleisthenes, the son of Atreus, whom he had brought up as his own child, commanding him to kill Atreus. Atreus however slew the emissary, without knowing that he was his own son. This part of the story contains a manifest contradiction; for if Atreus killed Pleisthenes under these circumstances, his wife Aferope, whom Thyestes had seduced, cannot have been the widow of Pleisthenes. (Hygin. Fab. 86; Schol. ad Horn. ii. 249.) In order to obtain an opportunity for taking revenge, Atreus feigned to be reconciled to Thyestes, and invited him to Mycenae. When the request was complied with, Atreus killed the two sons of Thyestes, Tantalus and Pleisthenes, and had their flesh prepared and placed it before Thyestes as a meal. After Thyestes had eaten some of it, Atreus ordered the arms and bones of the children to be brought in, and Thyestes, struck with horror at the sight, cursed the house of Tantalus and fled, and Helios turned away his face from the frightful scene. (Aeschyl. Agam. 1598; Soph. Aj. 1266.) The kingdom of Atreus was now visited by scarcity and famine, and the oracle, when consulted about the means of averting the calamity, advised Atreus to call back Thyestes. Atreus, who went out in search of him, came to king Thesprotus, and as he did not find him there, he married his third wife, Pelopia, the daughter of Thyestes, whom Atreus believed to be a daughter of Thesprotus. Pelopia was at the time with child by her own father, and after having given birth to a boy (Aegisthus), she exposed him. The child, however, was found by shepherds, and suckled by a goat; and Atreus, on hearing of his existence, sent for him and educated him as his own child. According to Aeschylus (Agam. 1605), Aegisthus, when yet a child, was banished with his father Thyestes from Mycenae, and did not 'return thither until he had grown up to manhood. Afterwards, when Agamemnon and Menelaus had grown up, Atreus sent them out in search of Thyestes. They found him at Delphi, and led him back to Mycenae. Here Atreus had him imprisoned, and sent Aegisthus to put him to death. But Aegisthus was recognised by his father; and, returning to Atreus, he pretended to have killed Thyestes, ATTA. and slew Atreus himself, who was just offering up a sacrifice on the sea-coast. (Hygin. Fab. 88.) The tomb of Atreus still existed in the time of Pausanias. (ii. 16. ~ 5.) The treasury of Atreus and his sons at Mycenae, which is mentioned by Pausanias (1. c.), is believed by some to exist still (Miller, Orchom. p. 239); but the ruins which Miller there describes are above ground, whereas Pausanias calls the building iro'yaia. [L. S.] Q. A'TRIUS, was left on the coast in Britain to take care of the ships, B. c. 54, while Caesar himself marched into the interior of the country. (Caes. B. G. v. 9, 10.) P. ATRIUS, a Roman knight, belonged to Pompey's party, and was taken prisoner by Caesar in Africa, B. c. 47, but his life was spared. (Caes. B. Afr. 68, 89.) ATROMETUS. [AESCHINES, p. 36, b.] ATROPATES ('A-rpoirarirs), called Atrapes by Diodorus (xviii. 4), a Persian satrap, apparently of Media, had the command of the Medes, together with the Cadusii, Albani, and Sacesinae, at the battle of Guagamela, B. c. 331. After the death of Dareius, he was made satrap of Media by Alexander. (Arrian, iii. 8, iv. 18.) His daughter was married to Perdiccas in the nuptials celebrated at Susa in B. c. 324; and he received from his fatherin-law, after Alexander's death, the province of the Greater Media. (Arrian, vii. 4; Justin. xviii. 4; Diod. 1. c.) In the northern part of the country, called after him Media Atropatene, he established an independent kingdom, which continued to exist down to the time of Strabo. (Strab. xi. p. 523.) It was related by some authors, that Atropates on one occasion presented Alexander with a hundred women, said to be Amazons; but Arrian (vii. 13) disbelieved the story. A'TROPOS. [MOIRAE.] ATTA, T. QUINCTIUS, a Roman comic poet, of whom very little more is known than that he died at Rome in B. c. 78, and was buried at the second milestone on the Praenestine road. (Hieronym. in Eusseb. OCiron. 01. 175, 3.) His surname Atta was given him, according to Festus (s. v.), from a defect in his feet, to which circumstance many commentators suppose that Horace alludes in the lines (Ep. ii. 1. 79), "Recte, necne, crocum floresque perambulet Attae Fabula, si dubitem;" but the joke is so poor and far-fetched, that we are unwilling to father it upon Horace. It appears, however, from this passage of Horace, that the plays of Atta were very popular in his time. Atta is also mentioned by Fronto (p. 95, ed. Rom.); but the passage of Cicero (pro Sestio, 51), in which his name occurs, is evidently corrupt. The comedies of Atta belonged to the class called by the Roman grammarians togalae tabernareae (Diomedes, iii. p. 487, ed. Putsch), that is, comedies in which Roman manners and Roman persons were introduced. The titles and a few fragments of the following plays of Atta have come down to us: Aedilicia (Gell. vii. 9; Diomed. iii. p. 487); Aquae Calidae (Non. Marc. p. 133. 11, 139. 7); Conciliatrix (Gell vii. 9); Lucubratio (Non. Marc. p. 468. 22); Materfera, though this was probably written by Afranius, and is wrongly ascribed to Atta (Schol. Cruqu. ad Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 80); lIMegalensia (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. vii. 33); Socrus (Priscian, vii. p. 764); Szpplicatio (Macrob. Set. ii. l4)'
Page 409 ATTALUS. Tiro Proftciscens. (Priscian, viii. p. 828.) The fragments of Atta are collected by Bothe, in Po't. Seen. Lat. vol. v. par. ii. p. 97, &c.; compare Weichert, Poit. Lat. Reliquiae, p. 345. ATTAGPNUS ('Arrayvos), the son of Phrynon, one of the leading men in Thebes, betrayed Thebes to Xerxes on his invasion of Greece (Paus. vii. 10. ~ 1), and took an active part in favour of the Persians. He invited Mardonius and fifty of the noblest Persians in his army to a splendid banquet at Thebes, shortly before the battle of Plataea, B. c. 479. After the battle, the Greeks marched against Thebes, and required Attaginus, with the other partisans of the Median party, to be delivered up to them. This was at first refused; but, after the city had been besieged for twenty days, his fellow-citizens determined to comply with the demands of the Greeks. Attaginus made his escape, but his family were handed over to Pausanias, who dismissed them without injury. (Herod. ix. 15, 86, 88; Athen. iv. p. 148, e.) ATTALI'ATA,* MICHAEL, a judge and proconsul under Michael Ducas, emperor of the East, at whose command he published, A. D. 1073, a work containing a system of law in 95 titles, under the name vroir'la voIwoCv ifjroTL paytaLracK'. This work was translated into Latin by Leunclavius, and edited by him in the beginning of the second volume of his collection, Jus Graeco-Romanum. If it is a poem, as might be inferred from the title, no one has yet observed the fact or discovered the metre in which it is written. noiroua vocLKudyV is usually translated opus dejure. The historians of Roman law before Ritter (Ritter, ad Heinec. Hist. J. R. ~ 406) wrote irovxya for erolpea. There are many manuscripts of the work in existence, which differ considerably from the printed edition of Leunclavius. (Bach, Hist. J. R. p. 682.) It may be mentioned that extracts from a similar contemporary work, emIvoýFIs Tr(P '4eIUw, by Michael Psellus, are given by Leunclavius as scholia to the work of Attaliata, and printed as if they were prose, whereas they aro really specimens of the 7roAhrUiKol rrrIxot, or popular verses, in which accent or emphasis is supposed to supply the place of quantity. [PSELLUS.] (Heimbach, Anecdota, i. 125-6; C. E. Zachariae, Historiae Juris GraecoRomani delineatio,p. 71, Heidelberg, 1839.) [J.T.G.] ATTA'LION ('ArTaxiCw ), a physician, who wrote a commentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, which is now lost. His date is very uncertain, as he is mentioned only in the preface to the Commentary on the Aphorisms falsely ascribed to Oribasius, who lived in the fourth century after Christ. [W. A. G.] A'TTALUS ('ATrraXos). 1. One of the generals of Philip of Macedon, and the uncle of Cleopatra, whom Philip married in B. c. 337. He is called by Justin (ix. 5), and in one passage of Diodorus (xvii. 2), the brother of Cleopatra; but this is undoubtedly a mistake. (Wess. ad Diod. xvi. 93, xvii. 2.) At the festivities in celebration of the ATTALUS. 409 marriage of his niece, Attalus, when the guests were heated with wine, called upon the company to beg of the gods a legitimate (yvrairtos) successor to the throne. This roused the wrath of Alexander who was present, and a brawl ensued, in which Philip drew his sword and rushed upon his son. Alexander and his mother Olympias withdrew from the kingdom (Plut. Alex. 7; Justin, ix. 7; Athen. xiii. p. 557, d. e.); but though they soon afterwards returned, the influence of Attalus does not appear to have been weakened. Philip's connexion with Attalus not only thus involved him in family dissensions, but eventually cost him his life. Attalus had inflicted a grievous outrage upon Pausanias, a youth of noble family, and one of Philip's bodyguard. Pausanias complained to Philip; but, as he was unable to obtain the punishment of the offender, he resolved to be revenged upon the king himself, and accordingly assassinated him at the festival at Aegae in B. c. 336. [PHILIP.] (Arist. Pol. v. 8. ~ 10; Diod. xvi. 93; Plut. Alex. 10; Justin, ix. 6.) Attalus was in Asia at the time of Philip's death, as he had been previously sent thither, along with Parmenion and Amyntas in the command of some troops, in order to secure the Greek cities in Western Asia to the cause of Philip. (Diod. xvi. 91; Justin, ix. 5.) Attalus could have little hope of obtaining Alexander's pardon, and therefore entered very readily into the proposition of Demosthenes to rebel against the new monarch. But, mistrusting his power, he soon afterwards endeavoured to make terms with Alexander, and sent him the letter which he had received from Demosthenes. This, however, produced no change in the purpose of Alexander, who had previously sent Hecataeus into Asia with orders to arrest Attalus, and convey him to Macedon, or, if this could not be accomplished, to kill him secretly. Hecateus thought it safer to adopt the latter course, and had him assassinated privately. (Diod. xvii. 2, 3, 5.) 2. Son of Andromenes the Stymphaean, and one of Alexander's officers, was accused with his brothers, Amyntas and Simmias, of having been engaged in the conspiracy of Philotas, B. c. 330, but was acquitted, together with his brothers. [AMYNTAS, No. 4.] In B. c. 328, Attalus was left with Polysperchon and other officers in Bactria with part of the troops, while the king himself marched against the Sogdians. (Arrian, iv. 16.) He accompanied Alexander in his expedition into India, and was employed in several important duties. (Arrian, iv. 27, v. 12.) In Alexander's last illness, B. c. 323, he was one of the seven chief officers who passed the night in the temple of Serapis at Babylon, in order to learn from the god whether Alexander should be carried into the temple. (Arrian, vii. 26.) After the death of Alexander, Attalus joined Perdiccas, whose sister, Atalante, he had married. lie accompanied his brother-in-law in his unfortunate campaign against Egypt in B. c. 321, and had the command of the fleet. After the murder of Perdiccas, all his friends were condemned to death by the army; Atalante, who was in the camp, was immediately executed, but Attalus escaped his wife's fate in consequence of his absence with the fleet at Pelusium. He forthwith sailed to Tyre, where the treasures of Perdiccas had been deposited. These, which amounted to as much as 800 talents, were surrendered to him by Archelaus, * The quantity of the name appears from the last lines of an epigram prefixed to the edition of Leunclavius: T'sr0pere? ^ rV? 'ypae)- (pioq'ppvws 'O0 MXaXi)A\ dvOdtraros 'ArrTaeta'xrs. In some MSS. the name in the title of the work is spelled 'ArTahnetIcTs. It is derived from the place Attala.
Page 410 410 ATTALUS. ATTALUS. who had been appointed governor of the town, and by means of these he soon found himself at the head of 10,000 foot and 800 horse. He remained at Tyre for some time, to collect the friends of Perdiccas who had escaped from the army; but then, instead of uniting his forces immediately with those of Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, he sailed to the coast of Caria, where he became involved in a contest with the Rhodians, by whom he was completely defeated in a sea-fight. (Diod. xviii. 37; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 72, a., ed. Bekker.) After this, he joined Alcetas; but their united forces were defeated in Pisidia by Antigonus, who had the conduct of the war against the party of Perdiccas. Alcetas escaped for a time, but Attalns with many others was taken prisoner. (Diod. xviii. 44, 45.) This happened in B. c. 320; and he and his companions remained in captivity till B. c. 317, when they contrived on one occasion to overpower their guards, and obtain possession of the castle in which they were confined. Before they could effect their escape, the castle was surrounded with troops from the neighbourhood. They continued, however, to defend it for a year and four months; but at length were obliged to yield to superior numbers. (Diod. xix. 16.) We do not hear of Attalus after this: his daughters were with Olympins in B. c. 317. (Diod. xix. 35.) 3. Arrian speaks (ii. 9, iii. 12) of an Attalus who was the commander of the Agrianians in Alexander's army at the battles of Issus, B. c. 333, and Guagamela, B. c. 331. He seems to be a different person from the son of Andromenes. 4. One of the chief officers in the infantry of Alexander. After the death of Alexander, B. c. 323, the infantry were dissatisfied with the arrangements made by Alexander's generals; and in the tumult which ensued, Attalus, according to Justin (xiii. 3) sent persons to murder Perdiccas, though this is generally attributed to Meleager. He is again mentioned in the mutiny of the army at Triparadisus after the death of Perdiccas in B.C. 321. (Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 71, b. 10.) It is evident, from both of these circumstances, that this Attalus must be a different person from the son of Andromenes. ATTALUS, the name of three kings of Pergamus. I. Was the son of Attalus, the brother of Philetaerus, and Antiochis, daughter of Achaeus (not the cousin ofAntiochus the Great). [EUMENES.] -He succeeded his cousin, Eumenes I., in B. c. 241. He was the first of the Asiatic princes who ventured to make head against the Gauls, over whom -he gained a decisive victory. After this success, he assumed the title of king (Strab. xiii. p. 624; Paus. i. 8. ~ 1, x. 15. ~ 3; Liv. xxxviii. 16; Polyb. xviii. 24), and dedicated a sculptured representation of his victory in the Acropolis at Athens. (Paus. i. 25. ~ 2.) He took advantage of the disputes in the family of the Seleucidae, and in B. c. 229 conquered Antiochus Hierax in several battles. (Porphyr. ap. Euseb. Graec. p. 186; Euseb. C/ron. Arm. p. 347.) Before the accession of Seleucus Ceraunus (B. c. 226), he had made himself master of the whole of Asia Minor west of mount Taurus. Seleucus immediately attacked him, and by B. c. 221 Achaeus [ACHAEUs] had reduced his dominions to the limits of Pergamus itself. (Polyb. iv. 48.) On the breaking out of the war between the Rhodians and Byzantines (.c. 220), Attalus took part with the latter, who had done their utmost to bring about a peace between him and Achaeus (Polyb. iv. 49), but he was unable to render them any effective assistance. In B. c. 218, with the aid of a body of Gaulish mercenaries, he recovered several cities in Aeolis and the neighbouring districts, but was stopped in the midst of his successes by an eclipse of the sun, which so alarmed the Gauls, that they refused to proceed. (Polyb. v. 77, 78.) In B. c. 216, he entered into an alliance with Antiochus the Great against Achaeus. (v. 107.) In B. c. 211, he joined the alliance of the Romans and Aetolians against Philip and the Achaeans. (Liv. xxvi. 24.) In 209, he was made praetor of the Aetolians conjointly with Pyrrhias, and in the following year joined Sulpicius with a fleet. After wintering at Aegina, in 207 he overran Peparethus, assisted in the capture of Oreus, and took Opus. While engaged in collecting tribute in the neighbourhood of this town, he narrowly escaped falling into Philip's hands; and hearing that Prusias, king of Bithynia, had invaded Pergamus, he returned to Asia. (Liv. xxvii. 29, 30, 33, xxviii. 3-7; Polyb. x. 41, 42.) In B.C. 205, in obedience to an injunction of the Sibylline books, the Romans sent an embassy to Asia to bring away the Idaean Mother from Pessinus in Phrygia. Attains received them graciously and assisted them in procuring the black stone which was the symbol of the goddess. (Liv. xxix. 10, 11.) At the general peace brought about in 204, Prusias and Attalus were included, the former as the ally of Philip, the latter as the ally of the Romans. (xxix. 12.) On the breaking out of hostilities between Philip and the Rhodians, Attalus took part with the latter; and in B. c. 201, Philip invaded and ravaged his territories, but was unable to take the city of Pergamus. A sea-fight ensued, off Chios, between the fleet of Philip and the combined fleets of Attalus and the Rhodians, in which Philip was in fact defeated with considerable loss, though he found a pretext for claiming a victory, because Attalus, having incautiously pursued a Macedonian vessel too far, was compelled to abandon his own, and make his escape by land. After another ineffectual attempt upon Pergamus, Philip retired. (Polyb. xvi. 1-8; Liv. xxxii. 33.) In 200, Attalus, at the invitation of the Athenians, crossed over to Athens, where the most flattering honours were paid him. A new tribe was created and named Attalis after him. At Athens he met a Roman embassy, and war was formally declared against Philip. (Polyb. xvi. 25, 26; Liv. xxxi. 14, 15; Paus. i. 5. ~ 5, 8. ~ 1.) In the same year, Attalus made some ineffectual attempts to relieve Abydos, which was besieged by Philip. (Polyb. xvi. 25, 30-34.) In the campaign of 199, he joined the Romans with a fleet and troops. Their combined forces took Oreus in Euboea. (Liv. xxxi. 44-47.) Attalus then returned to Asia to repel the aggressions of Antiochus III., who had taken the opportunity of his absence to attack Pergamus, but was induced to desist by the remonstrances of the Romans. (Liv. xxxi. 45-47, xxxii. 8, 27.) In 198, Attalus again joined the Romans, and, after the campaign, wintered in Aegina. In the spring of 197, he attended an assembly held at Thebes for the purpose of detaching the Boeotians from the cause of Philip, and in the midst of his speech was struck with apoplexy. He was con
Page 411 ATTALUS. veyed to Pergamus, and died the same year, in the seventy-second year of his age, after a reign of forty-four years. (Liv. xxxii. 16, 19, 23, 24, 33, xxxiii. 2, 21; Polyb. xvii. 2, 8, 16, xviii. 24, xxii. 2, &c.) As a ruler, his conduct was marked by wisdom and justice; he was a faithful ally, a generous friend, and an affectionate husband and father. He encouraged the arts and sciences. (Diog. Laert. iv. 8; Athen. xv. p. 697; Plin. H. N. viii. 74, xxxiv. 19. ~ 24, xxxv. 49.) By his wife, Apollonias or Apollonis, he had four sons: Eumenes, who succeeded him, Attalus, Philetaerus, and Athenaeus. II. Surnamed PHILADELPHUS, was the second son of Attalus I., and was born in B. c. 200. (Lucian, Macrob. 12; Strab. xiii. p. 624.) Before his accession to the crown, we frequently find him employed by his brother Eumenes in military operations. In B. c. 190, during the absence of Eumenes, he resisted an invasion of Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, and was afterwards present at the battle of Mount Sipylus. (Liv. xxxvii. 18, 43.) In B. c. 189, he accompanied the consul Cn. Manlius Vulso in his expedition into Galatia. (Liv. xxxviii. 12; Polyb. xxii. 22.) In 182, he served his brother in his war with Pharnaces. (Polyb. xxv. 4, 6.) In 171, with Eumenes and Athenaeus, he joined the consul P. Licinius Crassus in Greece. (Liv. xlii. 55, 58, 65.) He was several times sent to Rome as ambassador: in B. c. 192, to announce that Antiochus had crossed the Hellespont (Liv. xxxv. 23); in 181, during the war between Eumenes and Pharnaces (Polyb. xxv. 6); in 167, to congratulate the Romans on their victory over Perseus. Eumenes being in ill-favour at Rome at this time, Attanlus was encouraged with hopes of getting the kingdom for himself; but was induced, by the remonstrances of a physician named Stratius, to abandon his designs. (Liv. xlv. 19,.20; Polyb. xxx. 1-3.) In 164 and 160, he was again sent to Rome. (Polyb. xxxi. 9, xxxii. 3, 5.) Attauins succeeded his brother Eumenes in B. c. 159. His first undertaking was the restoration of Ariarathes to his kingdom. (Polyb. xxxii. 23.) In 156, he was attacked by Prusias, and found himself compelled to call in the assistance of the Romans and his allies, Ariarathes and Mithridates. In B. c. 154, Prusias was compelled by the threats of the Romans to grant peace, and indemnify Attalus for the losses he had sustained. (Polyb. iii. 5, xxxii. 25, &c., xxxiii. 1, 6, 10, 11; Appian, Mlithr. 3, &c.; Diod. xxxi. Exc. p. 589.) In 152, he sent somen troops to aid Alexander Balas in usurping the throne of Syria (Porphyr. ap. Eaiseb. p. 187; Justin. xxxv. 1), and in 149 he assisted Nicomedes against his father Prusias. He was also engaged in hostilities with, and conquered, Diegylis, a Thracian prince, the father-in-law of Prusias (Diod. xxxiii. Exc. p. 595, &c.; Strab. xiii. p. 624), and sent some auxiliary troops to the Romans, which assisted them in expelling the pseudo-Philip and in taking Corinth. (Strab. 1. c.; Paus. vii. 16. ~ 8.) During the latter part of his life, he resigned himself to the guidance of his minister, Philopoemen. (Plut. Mor. p. 792.) He founded Philadelphia in Lydia (Steph. Byz. s.v.) and Attaleia in Pamphylia. (Strab. xiv. p. 667.) He encouraged the arts and' sciences, and was himself the inventor of a kind of embroidery. (Plin. IH. N. vii. 39, xxxv. 36. ~ 19, viii. 74; Athen. viii. p. 346, xiv. p. 634.) He died a. c. 138, aged eighty-two. ATTALUS. 411 III. Surnamed PHILOMETOR, was the son of Eumenes II. and Stratonice, daughter of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. While yet a boy, he was brought to Rome (B. c. 152), and presented to the senate at the same time with Alexander Balas. He succeeded his uncle Attanlus II. B. c. 138. He is known to us chiefly for the extravagance of Ihis conduct and the murder of his relations and friends, At last, seized with remorse, he abandoned all public business, and devoted himself to sculpture, statuary, and gardening, on which he wrote a work. He died B. c. 133 of a fever, with which he was seized in consequence of exposing himself to the sun's rays while engaged in erecting a msonument to his mother. In his will, lie made the Romans his heirs. (Strab. xiii. p. 624; Polyb. xxxiii. 16; Justin. xxxvi. 14; Diod. xxxiv. Exc. p. 601; Varro, R. R. Praef.; Columell. i. 1. ~ 8; Plin, H. N. xviii. 5; Liv. Epit. 58; Plut. Tib. Gracci. 14; Veil. Pat. ii. 4; Florus, ii. 20; Appian. Mitlr. 62, Bell. Civ. v. 4.) His kingdom was claimed by Aristonicus. [ARISTONicus.] [C. P. M.] A'TTALUS, emperor of the West for one year (A. D. 409, 410), the first raised to that office purely by the influence of barbarians. He was born in lonia, brought up as a Pagan (Philostorgius, xii. 3), and received baptism from an Arian bishop. (Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. ix. 9.) Having become senator and praefect of the city at the time of Alaric's second siege of Rome, he vwas, after the surrender of the place, declared emperor by the Gothic king and his army, in the place of Honorius, and conducted by them in state to Ravenna, where he sent an insulting message to Honorius, commanding him to vacate the throne, amputate his extremities, and retire to a desolate island. (Philostorgius, xii. 3.) But the union of pride and folly which he had shewn in the first days of his reign, by proposing to reannex Egypt and the East to the empire (Sozomen, Hlist. Ecl. ix. 8), and later by adopting measures without Alaric's advice, induced the Gothic chief to depose him on the plain of Ariminuim. (Zosimus, vi. 6-13.) After the death of Alaric, he remained in the camp of Ataulphus, whom, as emperor, he had made count of the domestics, and whose nuptials with Placidia he celebrated as a musician. He was again put forward by Ataulphus as a rival emperor, during the insurrection of Jovinus, but on being abandoned by him (Olympiod. apud Phot. p. 58), was taken prisoner, and on being brought before the tribunal of Ilonorius, was condemned to a sentence with which he had himself threatened Honorius in his former prosperity, viz. the amputation of his thumb and forefinger, and perpetual banishment to the island of Lipari, A. D. 416. (Philostorgius, xii. 4, with Godefroy's Dissertations.) There is in the British Museum a silver coin of this emperor, once in the collection of Cardinal Albano, and supposed to be unique. It is remarkable as exceeding in size all known ancient silver coins, and weighs about 1203 grains, and in the usual numismatic language would be represented by the number 133. The obverse is, PRISCUS. ATTALVS, P. F. AUG., a protome of Attalus, turned to the right, wearing a fillet ornamented iwith pearls round his forehead, and the pdaludamentzidm fastened across the right shoulder with the usual ibdla. The reverse is, INvICTA. ROMA. AETERNA. R. SM. Rome, helmeted and draped to the feet, sit
Page 412 412 ATTIANUS. ting in front on a chair ornamented on each side with lions' heads; in the right hand she holds a globe, on which a small Victory is standing and holding in her right hand a crown and in her left a branch of palm; the left rests upon a spear with a long iron head, and inverted. [A. P. S.] 7 -A'TTALUS, literary. 1. A Stoic philosopher in the reign of Tiberius, who was defrauded of his property by Sejanus, and reduced to cultivate the ground. (Senec. Suas. 2. p. 17, ed. Bip.) He taught the philosopher Seneca (Ep. 108), who frequently quotes him, and speaks of him in the highest terms. (Comp. Nat. Quaest. ii. 50, Ep. 9, 63, 67, 72, 81, 109.) The elder Seneca describes him (Suas. I.c.) as a man of great eloquence, and by far the acutest philosopher of his age. We have mention of a work of his on lightning (Nat. Quaest. ii. 48); and it is supposed that he may be the author of the IlapoiqiaL referred to by Hesychius (s. v. Kopivvoveir) as written by one Attalus. 2. A Sophist in the second century of the Christian era, the son of Polemon, and grandfather of the Sophist Hermocrates. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 25. ~ 2.) His name occurs on the coins of Smyrna, which are figured in Olearius's edition of Philostratus (p. 609). They contain the inscription ATTAAO2 20 I2. TAIS [IATPIZI 2MTP. AAOK., which is interpreted, " Attalus, the Sophist, to his native cities Smyrna and Laodicea." The latter is conjectured to have been the place of his birth, the former to have adopted him as a citizen. A'TTALUS ("ATraAos), a physician at Rome in the second century after Christ, who was a pupil of Soranus, and belonged to the sect of the Methodici. -He is mentioned by Galen (de Meth. Med. xiii. 15. vol. x.. p. 910, &c.) as having mistaken the disease of which the Stoic philosopher Theagenes died. [W. A. G.] A'TTALUS ("ArraXos), an Athenian statuary, the son of Andragathus. Pausanias (ii. 19. ~ 3) mentions a statue of Apollo Lykeios, in the temple of that god at Argos, which was made by him. His name has been found on a statue discovered on the site of the theatre at Argos (Bdckh, Corp. Ins. No. 1146), and on a bust. (Welcker, Kuinslbatt, 1827, No. 82.) [C. P. M.] ATTHIS or ATTIS ("ATCLs or"A'rms), a daughter of Cranaus, from whom Attica, which was before called Actaea, was believed to have derived its name. (Paus. i. 2. ~ 5.) The two birds into which Philomele and her sister Procne were metamorphosed, were likewise called Attis. (Martial, i. 54. 9, v. 67. 2.) [L. S.] ATTIA'NUS, CAE'LIUS, a Roman knight, was the tutor, and afterwards the intimate friend, of Hadrian. On the death of Trajan, Attianus, in conjunction with Plotina, caused Hadrian to be proclaimed emperor; and the latter after his accession enrolled Attianus in the senate, made him praefectus praetorio, and conferred upon him the insignia of the consulship. He subsequently fell,, ATTICUS. however, under the displeasure of the emperor. (Spart. IIadr. 1, 4, 8, 15; Dion Cass. Ixix. 1.) ATTICA. [ATTICds, T. POMPONIUS.] A'TTICUS, ANTO"NIUS, a Roman rhetorician of the age of Seneca and Quintilian. (Senec. Suas. 2. p. 19, ed. Bip.) [L. S.] A'TTICUS, bishop of CONSTANTINOPLE, was born at Sebaste, now Sivas, in Armenia Minor. He was educated in the ascetic discipline of the Macedonian monks, under the eye of Eustathius, a celebrated bishop of that sect. However, when Atticus reached the age of manhood, he conformed to the orthodox church. He was ordained a presbyter at Constantinople; and in the violent contentions between the friends and the enemies of the famous Chrysostom, he sided with the latter. After the death of Arsacius, who had been elevated to the see of Constantinople on occasion of the second banishment of Chrysostom, Atticus succeeded to the office, although the illustrious exile was still living. The ecclesiastical historians, Socrates and Sozomen, describe Atticus as a man of great natural prudence, and both of them testify that he administered the affairs of the church with wisdom and success. His learning seems to have been respectable; his preaching, we are told, was not attractive. His general manner was extremely winning, and he was particularly distinguished for his liberality to the poor. On hearing that distress amounting almost to famine prevailed at Nicaea, he sent a large sum of money for the relief of the suffering population, accompanied by a letter to Calliopius, the bishop of the place, which is extant in the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates. In his treatment of heretics, he is said to have exhibited a judicious combination of kindness and severity. He spoke charitably of the Novatians, and commended their inflexible adherence to the true faith under the persecutions of Constantius and Valens, though he condemned their terms of communion as being in the extreme of rigour. It is recorded, however, by Marius Mercator that when Coelestius, the well-known disciple of Pelagius, visited Constantinople, Atticus expelled him from the city, and sent letters to the bishops of various sees, warning them against him. He was himself laid under sentence of excommunication by the western bishops for refusing to insert the name of the deceased Chrysostom in the diptctycs or church registers. In the end, Atticus complied with the demand, and was again received into the communion of the western churches. He is said by Socrates to have foretold his own death: the prophecy, however, amounted to no more than this-that he told his friend Calliopius that he should not survive the ensuing autumn; and the event corresponded with his prognostication. He died in the twenty-first year of his episcopate. Gennadius informs us that he wrote, in opposition to the Nestorian doctrine, an excellent treatise de Fide et Virginitate, which he dedicated ad Regisnas, that is, to the daughters of the eastern emperor, Arcadius. This work has perished; and nothing from the pen of Atticus has survived, except the following short pieces: 1. A letter to Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, exhorting him to follow his own example, and insert the name of Chrysostom in the sacred tables. This is preserved in the Church History of Nicephorus Callisti. 2. The above-mentioned letter to Calliopius. 3. A few inconsiderable fragments extant in the writings of Marius Mercator and Theodoret,
Page 413 ATTICUS. and the appendix to the acts of the council of Chalcedon. (Socrates, Hist. Eccl. vi. 20, vii. 25; Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. viii. 27; Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. v. 3; Marius Mercator, Opera, ed. Baluz. pp. 133, 184, 185; Gennadius, de Viris Illustribus, c. 52; Nicephorus Callisti, xiv. 26.) [J. M. M.] A'TTICUS, CU'RTIUS, a Roman knight, was one of the few companions whom Tiberius took with him when he retired from Rome to Capreae in A. D. 26. Six years afterwards, A. D. 32, Atticus fell a victim to the arts of Sejanus. (Tac. Ann. iv. 58, vi. 10.) He is supposed by Lipsius to be the same as the Atticus to whom two of Ovid's Epistles from Pontus (ii. 4, 7) are addressed. A'TTICUS, DIONY'SIUS, of Pergamus, a pupil of the celebrated Apollodorus of Pergamus, who was also the teacher of Augustus. [APOLLonDORS, No. 22.] He was himself a teacher of rhetoric, and the author of several works, in which he explained the theory of his master. It would appear from his surname that he resided at Athens. (Strab. xiii. p. 625; Quintil. iii. 1. ~ 18.) A'TTICUS HERO'DES, TIBE'RIUS CLAU'DIUS, the most celebrated Greek rhetorician of the second century of the Christian era, was born about A. D. 104, at Marathon in Attica. He belonged to a very ancient family, which traced its origin to the fabulous Aeacidae. His father, whose name was likewise Atticus, discovered on his estate a hidden treasure, which at once made him one of the wealthiest men of his age. His son Atticus Herodes afterwards increased this wealth by marrying the rich Annia Regilla. Old Atticus left in his will a clause, according to which every Athenian citizen was to receive yearly one mina out of his property; but his son entered into a composition with the Athenians to pay them once for all five minas each. As Atticus, however, in paying the Athenians, deducted the debts which sime citizens owed to his father, they were exasperated against him, and, notwithstanding the great benefits he conferred upon Athens, bore him a grudge as long as he lived. Atticus Herodes received a very careful education, and the most eminent rhetoricians of the time, such as Scopelianus, Favorinus, Secundus, and Polemon, were among his teachers: he was instructed in the Platonic philosophy by Taurus Tyrius, and in the critical study of eloquence by Theagenes of Cnidus and Munatius of Tralles. After completing his studies, he opened a school of rhetoric at Athens, and afterwards at Rome also, where Marcus Aurelius, who ever after entertained a high esteem for him, was among his pupils. In A. D. 143 the emperor Antoninus Pius raised him to the consulship, together with C. Bellicius Torquatus; but as Atticus cared more for his fame as a rhetorician than for high offices, he afterwards returned to Athens, whither he was followed by a great number of young men, and whither L. Verus also was sent as his pupil by the emperor M. Aurelius. For a time Atticus was entrusted with the administration of the free towns in Asia; the exact period of his life when he held this office is not known, though it is believed that it was A. D. 125 when he himself was little more than twenty years of age. At a later time he performed the functions of high priest at the festivals celebrated at Athens in honour of M. Aurelius and L. Verus. The wealth and influence of Atticus Herodes did not fail to ATTICUS. 413 raise up enemies, among whom Theodotus and Demostratus made themselves most conspicuous. His public as well as his private life was attacked in various ways, and numerous calumnies were spread concerning him. Theodotus and Demostratus wrote speeches to irritate the people against him, and to excite the emperor's suspicion respecting his conduct. Atticus Herodes, therefore, found it necessary to travel to Sirmium, where M. Aurelius was staying; he refuted the accusations of the Athenian deputies, and only some of his freedmen were punished. These annoyances at last appear to have induced him to retire from public life, and to spend his remaining years in his villa Cephisia, near Marathon, surrounded by his pupils. The emperor M. Aurelius sent him a letter, in which he assured him of his unaltered esteem. In the case of Atticus Herodes the Athenians drew upon themselves the just charge of ingratitude, for no man had ever done so much to assist his fellow-citizens and to embellish Athens at his own expense. Among the great architectural works with which he adorned the city, we may mention a race-course (stadium) of white Pentelic marble, of which ruins are still extant; and the magnificent theatre of Regilla, with a roof made of cedar-wood. His liberality, however, was not confined to Attica: at Corinth he built a theatre, at Olympia an aqueduct, at Delphi a race-course, and at Thermopylae a hospital. He further restored with his ample means several decayed towns in Peloponnesus, Boeotia, Euboea, and Epeirus, provided the town of Canusium in Italy with water, and built Triopium on the Appian road. It also deserves to be noticed, that he intended to dig a canal across the isthmus of Corinth, but as the emperor Nero had entertained the same plan without being able to execute it, Atticus gave it up for fear of exciting jealousy and envy. His wealth, generosity, and still more his skill as a rhetorician, spread his fame over the whole of the Roman world. He is believed to have died at the age of 76, in A. D. 180. If we look upon Atticus Herodes as a man, it must be owned that there scarcely ever was a wealthy person who spent his property in a more generous, noble, and disinterested manner. The Athenians appear to have felt at last their own ingratitude; for, after his death, when his freedmen wanted to bury him, according to his own request, at Marathon, the Athenians took away his body, and buried it in the city, where the rhetorician Adrianus delivered the funeral oration over it. Atticus's greatest ambition was to shine as a rhetorician; and this ambition was indeed so strong, that on one occasion, in his early life, when he had delivered an oration before the emperor Hadrian, who was then in Pannonia, he was on the point of throwing himself into the Danube because his attempt at speaking had been unsuccessful. This failure, however, appears to have proved a stimulus to him, and he became the greatest rhetorician of his century. His success as a teacher is sufficiently attested by the great number of his pupils, most of whom attained some degree of eminence. His own orations, which were delivered extempore and without preparation, are said to have excelled those of all his contemporaries by the dignity, fulness, and elegance of the style. (Gell. i. 2, ix. 2, xix. 12.) Philostratus praises his oratory for its pleasing and harmonious flow, as well as for its simplicity and
Page 414 414 ATTICUS. ATTICUS. power. The loss of the works of Atticus renders but they may have been written by Herodes it impossible for us to form an independent opinion, Atticus. and even if they had come down to us, it is doubt- A'TTICUS,- T. POMPO'NIUS, was born at ful whether we could judge of them as favourably Rome, B. c. 109, three years before Cicero, as the ancients did; for we know, that although he and was descended from one of the most andid not neglect the study of the best Attic orators, cient equestrian families in the state. His yet he took Critias as his great model. Among his proper name after his adoption by Q. Caecilius, numerous works the following only are specified by the brother of his mother, was Q. Caecilius Q. F. the ancients: 1. Ao'yor avrooXlaEto, or speeches Pomponianus Atticus, by which name Cicero adwhich he had delivered extempore. 2. AiaXe'ELs, dressed him when he congratulated him on his accestreatises or dialogues, one of which was probably sion to the inheritance of his uncle. (Ad Att. iii. the one mentioned in the Etymologicum Magnum 20.) His surname, Atticus, was probably given (s.v. dpo?7) 0rWepl -ydcpUov ovUCioEwes. 3. 'E(p?7pCeplE~s, him on account of his long residence in Athens or diaries. 4. 'Erno-roai. All these works are now and his intimate acquaintance with the Greek lanlost. There exists an oration repl 7roXrTeias, in guage and literature. which the Thebans are called upon to join the Pe- His father, T. Pomponius, was a man of cultiloponnesians in preparing for war against Archelaus, vated mind; and as he possessed considerable proking of Macedonia, and which has come down to perty, he gave his son a liberal education. He was us under the name of Atticus Herodes. But the educated along with L. Torquatus, the younger C. genuineness of this declamation is very doubtful; Marius, and M. Cicero, and was distinguished at any rate it has very little of the character which above all his school-fellows by the rapid progress the ancients attribute to the oratory of Atticus. which he made in his studies. His father died The " Defensio Palamedis," a declamation usually when he was still young; and shortly after his ascribed to Gorgias the Sophist, has lately been at- father's death the first civil war broke out. Atticus tributed to Atticus Herodes by H. E. Foss in his was connected by ties both of affinity and frienddissertation De Gorgia Leontino, &c. Halae, 1828, ship with the Marian party; for his cousin Anicia 8vo. p. 100, &c.; but his arguments are not satis- had married the brother of the tribune, P. Sulpicius factory. The declamation wrepIt roXrsEias is printed Rufus, one of the chief opponents of Sulla, and in the collections of the Greek orators, and also by Atticus himself was a personal friend of his old R. Fiorillo in his IHerodis Attici quae smuperszun, school-fellow, the younger Marius. He resolved, admonilionibus illhstr., Leipzig, 1801, 8vo., which however, to take no part in the contest and acwork contains a good account of the life of Atticus cordingly withdrew to Athens in B. c. 85, with Herodes. (Compare Philostratus, Vit. Soph. ii. 1; the greater part of his moveable property, under Suid. s.v. 'Hpcds; Westermann, Gesch. der CGriech. the pretext of prosecuting his studies. The deBeredisamk. ~ 90.) termination which he came to on this occasion, he At the beginning of the sixteenth century, 1607, steadily adhered to for the rest of his life. Contwo small columns with inscriptions, and two others tented with his equestrian rank, he abstained of Pentelic nmarble with Greek inscriptions, were from suing for public honours, and would not discovered on the site of the ancient Triopium, the mix himself up with any of the political parties country seat of Atticus, about three miles from into which all classes were divided for the next Rome. The two former are not of much importance, fifty years. But notwithstanding this, he lived on but the two latter are of considerable interest. They the most intimate terms with the most distinguishare written in hexameter verse, the one consisting ed men of all parties; and there seems to have of thirty-nine and the other of fifty-nine lines. been a certain charm in his manners and converSome have thought, that Atticus himself was the sation which captivated all who had intercourse author of these versified inscriptions; but at the with him. Though he had assisted the younger head of one of them there appears the name Marius with money in his flight, Sulla was so Mapice'AAou, and, as the style and diction of the much pleased with him on his visit to Athens in other closely resemble that of the former, it has B. c. 84, after the Mithridatic war, that he wished been inferred, that both are the productions of to take him with him to Rome; and on Atticus Marcellus of Sida, a poet and physician who lived desiring to remain in Athens, Sulla presented him in the reign of M. Aurelius. These inscriptions, with all the presents he had received during his which are known by the name of the Triopian in- stay in that city. Atticus enjoyed also the friendscriptions, have often been printed and discussed, ship of Caesar and Pompey, Brutus and Cassius, as by Visconti (Inscrizioni greccle Triopee, con Antony and Octavianus. But the most intimate 'versioni ed osservazioni, Rome, 1794, fol.), Fiorillo of all his friends was Cicero, whose correspondence (1. c.), in Brunck's Analectac (ii. 302), and in the with him, beginning in the year B. c. 68 and conGreek Anthology. (Append. 50 and 51, ed. Tauch- tinued down to Cicero's death, supplies us with nitz.) [L. S.] various particulars respecting the life of Atticus, A'TTICUS, NUME'RIUS, a senator and a the most important of which are given in the article man of praetorian rank, who swore that after thle CICERO. Atticus did not return to Rome till B. c. death of Augustus he saw the emperor ascending 65, when political affairs had become more settled; up to heaven. (Dion Cass. Ivi. 46; Suet. Aug. 100.) and the day of his departure was one of general A'TTICUS, a PLATONIC philosopher, lived in mourning amnong the Athenians, whom he had the second century of the Christian era, unnder the assisted with loans of money, and benefited in emperor M. Aurelius. (Syncell. vol. i. p. 666, ed. various ways. During his residence at Athens, he Dindorf.) Eusebius has preserved (Praep. Ev. purchased an estate at Buthrotum in Epeirus, in xv. 4-9, &c.) some extracts from his works, in which place, as well as at Athens and afterwards which he defends the Platonic philosophy against at Rome, he spent the greater part of his time, Aristotle. Porphyry (FVit. Plotin. c. 14) makes engaged in literary pursuits and commercial undermention of the dsrorva~mPra of a Platonic Atticus, takings. He died in B. c. 32, at the age of 77, of
Page 415 ATTICUS. ATTILA. 415 voluntary starvation, when he found that he was attacked by an incurable illness. His wife Pilia, to whom he was married on the 12th of February, B. c. 56, when he was fifty-three years of age, bore him only one child, a daughter, Pomponia or Caecilia, whom Cicero sometimes calls Attica and Atticula. (Ad Att. vi. 5, xii. 1, xiii. 5, &c.) Through the influence of Antony, Pomponia was married in the life-time of her father, probably in B. c. 36, to M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the minister of Augustus; and the issue of this marriage, Vipsania Agrippina, was married to Tiberius, afterwards emperor, by whom she became the mother of Drusus. The sister of Atticus, Pomponia, was married to Q. Cicero, the brother of the orator; but the marriage was not a happy one, and the quarrels of Pomponia and her husband gave considerable trouble and vexation to Atticus and M. Cicero. The life of Atticus by Cornelius Nepos, of which the greater part was composed while Atticus was still alive (Nelpos, 19), is to be regarded rather as a panegyric upon an intimate friend (Nepos, 13, &c.; comp. Cic. ad Att. xvi. 5, 14), than strictly speaking a biography. According to Nepos, the personal character of Atticus was faultless; and though we cannot trust implicitly to the partial statements of his panegyrist, yet Atticus could not have gained and preserved the affection of so many of his contemporaries without possessing amiable qualities of no ordinary kind. In philosophy Atticus belonged to the Epicurean sect, and had studied it under Phaedrus, Zenon, and Patron, in Athens, and Saufeius, in Rome. His studies, however, were by no means confined to philosophy. He was thoroughly acquainted with the whole circle of Greek and Roman literature; he spoke and wrote Greek like a native, and was a thorough master of his own language. So high an opinion was entertained of his taste and critical acumen, that many of his friends, especially Cicero, were accustomed to send him their works for revision and correction, and were most anxious to secure his approbation and favour. It is therefore the more to be regretted that none of his own writings have come down to us. Of these the most important was one in a single book, entitled Annalis, which contained an epitome of Roman history from the earliest period to his own time, arranged according to years. (Cic. ad At. xii. 23, Oral. 34; Ascon. in Pison. p. 13, in Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli; Nepos, Hannib. 13, Ailic. 8.) This work was particularly valuable for the history of the ancient Roman families; and he had such an intimate acquaintance with this subject, that he was requested by many of his contemporaries to draw. up genealogical tables of their families, specifying with dates the various public offices which each had held. He accordingly drew up such tables for the Junii, Marcelli, Fabii, Aemilii, and others; and le also wrote inscriptions in verse to be placed under the statues of distinguished men, in which he happily described in four or five lines their achievements and public offices. In addition to these, we have frequent mention of his letters, and of a history of Cicero's consulship, in Greek, written in a plain and inartificial style. (Cic. ad. Att. ii. 1.) Atticus was very wealthy. His father left him two millions of sesterces, and his uncle Caecilius about ten (Nepos, 5, 14); and this property he greatly increased by his mercantile speculations. Being a member of the equestrian order, he was able to invest large sums of money in the various corporations which farmed the public revenues; and he also derived great profits from advancing his money upon interest. In addition to this, he was economical in all his habits; his monthly expenditure was small, and his slaves brought him in a considerable sum of money. He had a large number carefully educated in his own house, whom he employed in transcribing books. He was thus enabled to procure a library for himself at a comparatively small cost, and to supply the public with books at a profit. Atticus, in fact, neglected no means of making money. We read, for instance, of his purchasing a set of gladiators, in order to let them out to magistrates and others who wished to exhibit games. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 4, b.) (Hiillemann, Diatribe in T. Pomponium Atticun, Traj. ad Rhen. 1838; Drumann's Rom, vol. v.) A'TTICUS, C. QUI'NCTIUS, consul suffectus from the first of November, A. D. 69, declared in favour of Vespasian at Rome, and with the other partisans of Vespasian seized the Capitol. Here they were attacked by the soldiers of Vitellius; the Capitol was burnt down, and Atticus, with most of the other leaders of his party, taken prisoner. Atticus was not put to death by Vitellius; and probably in order to obtain the pardon of the emperor, he admitted that he had set fire to the Capitol, as Vitellius was anxious that his party should not bear the odium of this deed. (Tac. Hist. iii. 73-75; Dion Cass. lxv. 17.) A'TTICUS, M. VESTI'NUS, was consul in the year (A. D. 65) in which the conspiracy of Piso was formed against Nero. Atticus was a man of firm character, and possessed great natural talents; Piso was afraid lest he might restore liberty or proclaim some one emperor. Although innocent he was put to death by Nero on the detection of the conspiracy. Atticus had been very intimate with the emperor, but had incurred his hatred, as he had taken no pains to disguise the contempt in which he held the emperor. He had still further increased the emperor's hatred by marrying Statilia Messallina, although he knew that Nero was among her lovers. (Tac. Ann. xv. 48, 52, 68, 69.) A'TTICUS, VIPSA'NIUS, a disciple of Apollodorus of Pergamus. (Senec. Controv. ii. 13. p. 184.) As he is mentioned only in this passage of Seneca, his name has given rise to considerable dispute. Spalding (ad Quintil. iii. 1. ~ 18) conjectures that he was the son of M. Vipsanius Agrippa, who married the daughter of T. Pomponius Atticus, and that he had the surname of Atticus in honour of his grandfather. Frandsen (Ml1. Vipsanius Agrippa, p. 228), on the other hand, supposes him to have been the father of Vipsanius Agrippa. But both of these conjectures are unsupported by any evidence, and are in themselves improbable. We are more inclined to adopt Weichert's opinion (Caes. Augusti, 4c. ReliqaCe, p. 83), that, considering the imperfect state of Seneca's text, we ought to read Dionysius in this passage instead of Vipsanius. [ATTICUS, DIONYSIUS.] (Comp. Piderit, De Apollodoro Pergcamenso, 4c. p. 16, &c.) A'TTILA ('ATriXas or 'ArTias, German, Etzel, Hungarian, Ethele), kIing of the Huns, remarkable " Luden ( Teuisch. Gesch. ii. p. 568) conjectures that these were all German titles of honour given to him,
Page 416 416 ATTILA. ATTILA. as being the most formidable of the invaders of the defeated in the last great battle ever fought by tha Roman empire, and (except Radagaisus) the only Romans, and in which there fell 252,000 (Jornanone of them who was not only a barbarian, but a des, Reb. Get. 42) or 300,000 men. (Idatius and savage and a heathen, and as the only conqueror Isidore.) He retired by way of Troyes, Cologne, of ancient or modern times who has united under and Thuringia, to one of his cities on the Danube, his rule the German and. Sclavonic nations. He and having there recruited his forces, crossed the was the son of Mundzuk, descended from the an- Alps in A. D. 451, laid siege to Aquileia, then the cient kings of the Huns, and with his brother second city in Italy, and at length took and utBleda, in German Blodel (who died, according terly destroyed it. After ravaging the whole of to Jornandes, by his hand, in A. D. 445), at- Lombardy, he was then preparing to march upon tained in A. D. 434 to the sovereignty of all the Rome, when he was suddenly diverted from his northern tribes between the frontier of Gaul and purpose, partly perhaps by the diseases which had the frontier of China (see Desguignes, Hist. des begun to waste his army, partly by the fear inIHuns, vol. ii. pp. 295-301), and to the command stilled into his mind that he, like Alaric, could not of an army of at least 500,000 barbarians. (Jor- survive an attack upon the city, but ostensibly and nandes, Reb. Get. cc. 35, 37, 49.) In this position, chiefly by his celebrated interview with Pope Leo partly from the real terror which it inspired, partly the Great and the senator Avienus at Peschiera or from his own endeavours to invest himself in the Governolo on the banks of the Mincius. (Jornandes, eyes of Christendom with the dreadful character of Reb. Get. 42.) The story of the apparition of St. the predicted Antichrist (see Herbert, Attila, p. Peter and St. Paul rests on the authority of an 360), and in the eyes of his own countrymen with ancient MS. record of it in the Roman church, and the invincible attributes attendant on the possessor on Paulus Diaconus, who wrote in the eighth cenof the miraculous sword of the Scythian god of war tury, and who mentions only St. Peter. (Baronius, (Jornandes, Reb. Get. 35), he gradually concentrated Ann. Eccl. A. D. 452.) upon himself the awe and fear of the whole an- He accordingly returned to his palace beyond cient world, which ultimately expressed itself by the Danube, and (if we except the doubtful story affixing to his name the well-known epithet of in Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 43, of his invasion of the "the Scourge of God." The word seems to have Alani and repulse by Thorismund) there remained been used generally at the time to denote the bar- till on the night of his marriage with a beaubarian invaders, but it is not applied directly to tifal girl, variously named Hilda, Ildico, Mycolth, Attila in any author prior to the Hungarian Chro- the last of his innumerable wives, possibly by her nicles, which first relate the story of his receiving hand (Marcellin. C'ironicon), but probably by the the name from a hermit in Gaul. The earliest bursting of a blood-vessel, he suddenly expired, contemporary approaches to it are in a passage in and was buried according to the ancient and savage Isidore's Chronicle, speaking of the Huns as "virga customs of his nation. (A. D. 454.) The instanDei," and in an inscription at Aquileia, written a taneous fall of his empire is well symbolized in the short time before the siege in 451 (see Herbert, story that, on that same night, the emperor Attila, p. 486), in which they are described as Marcian at Constantinople dreamed that he saw "imminentia peccatorum flagella." the bow of Attila broken asunder. (Jornandes, His career divides itself into two parts. The Reb. Get. 49.) first (A. D. 445-450) consists of the ravage of In person Attila was, like the Mongolian race in the Eastern empire between the Euxine and general, a short thickset man, of stately gait, with the Adriatic and the negotiations with Theo- a large head, dark complexion, flat nose, thin beard, dosius II., which followed upon it, and which and bald with the exception of a few white hairs, were rendered remarkable by the resistance of his eyes small, but of great brilliancy and quickAzimus (Priscus, cc. 35, 36), by the embassy ness. (Jornandes, Reb. Get. 11; Priscus, 55.) He from Constantinople to the royal village beyond is distinguished from the general character of sathe Danube, and the discovery of the treacherous vage conquerors only by the gigantic nature of his design of the emperor against his life. (Ib. 37-72.) designs, and the critical era at which he appeared, They were ended by a treaty which ceded to Attila -unless we add also the magnanimity which he a large territory south of the Danube, an annual shewed to the innocent ambassador of Theodosius II. tribute, and the claims which he made for the sur- on discovering the emperor's plot against his life, render of the deserters from his army. (Ib. 34-37.) and the awe with which he was inspired by the The invasion of the Western empire (A. D.450- majesty of Pope Leo and of Rome. Among the 453) was grounded on various pretexts, of which few personal traits recorded of him may be menthe chief were the refusal of the Eastern emperor, tioned the humorous order to invert the picture Marcian, the successor of Theodosius II., to pay at Milan which represented the subjugation of the the above-mentioned tribute (Priscus, 39, 72), and Scythians to the Caesars (Suidas, s.v. KopuvKos); the the rejection by the Western emperor Valentinian command to burn the poem of Marullus at Padua, III. of his proposals of marriage to his sister Ho- who had referred his origin to the gods of Greece noria. (Jornandes, Regn. Succ. 97, Reb. Get. 42.) and Rome (Hungarian Chronicles, as quoted by Its particular direction was determined by his alli- Herbert, Attila, p. 500); the readiness with which ance with the Vandals and Franks, whose domi- he saw in the flight of the storks from Aquileia a nion in Spain and Gaul was threatened by Antius favourable omen for the approaching end of the and Theodoric. With an immense army composed siege (Jornandes, Reb. Get. 42; Procop. Bell. Vand. of various nations, he crossed the Rhine at Stras- i. 4); the stern simplicity of his diet, and the imburg, which is said to have derived its name from moveable gravity which he alone maintained amidst his having made it a place of thoroughfare (Klemm, the uproar of his wild court, unbending only to Attila, p. 175), and marched upon Orleans. From caress and pinch the cheek of his favourite boy, hence he was driven, by the arrival of AAtius, to Irnac (Priscus, 49-70); the preparation of the the plains of Chalons on the Marne, where he was funeral pile on which to burn himself, had the
Page 417 ATYMNIUS. Rom-ans forced his camp at Chalons (Jornandes, Reb. Get. 40); the saying, that no fortress could exist in the empire, if he wished to raze it; and the speech at Chalons, recorded by Jornandes (Reb. Get. 39), which contains parts too characteristic to have been forged. The only permanent monuments of his career, besides its destructiveness, are to be found in the great mound which he raised for the defence of his army during the siege of Aquileia, and which still remains at Udine (Herbert, Altila, p. 489); and indirectly in the foundation of Venice by the Italian nobles who fled from his ravages in A. D. 451. The partial descent of the Hungarians from the remnant of his army, though maintained strenuously by Hungarian historians, has been generally doubted by later writers, as resting on insufficient evidence. The chief historical authority for his life is Priscus, either as preserved in Excerpt. de Legat. 33-76 (in the Byzantine historians), or retailed to us through Jornandes. (Reb. Get. 32-50.) But he has also become the centre of three distinct cycles of tradition, which, though now inseparably blended with fable, furnish glimpses of historical truth. 1. The Hungarian Legends, which are to be found in the life of him by Dalmatinus and Nicolaus Olahus, the Enneads of Sabellicus and the Decads of Bonfinius,-none of which are earlier, in their present form, than the twelfth century. 2. The Ecclesiastical Legends, which relate to his invasion of Gaul, and which are to be found in the lives of St. Anianus, St. Servatius, St. Genovefa, St. Lupus, and St. Ursula, in the Acta Sanctorum. 3. The German Legends, which depart more entirely from history, and are to be found in the Nibelungen Lied, in a Latin poem on Attila, published by Fischer, and, as Mr. Herbert supposes (p. 536), in the romances about Arthur. See also W. Grimm's HIeldensagen. In modern works, a short account is given in Gibbon (cc. 34, 35), Rotteck (in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopaidie), and a most elaborate one in the notes to Mr. Herbert's poem of Attila, 1838, and in Klemm's Attila, 1827. Comp. J. v. Miller, Attila der Held des finflen Jar&. 1806. [A. P. S.] ATTILIA'NUS, a sculptor, a native of Aphrodisias. One of his productions, a statue of a muse, is in the museum at Florence. (Winckelmann, vol. vi. pt. 2. p. 341, note.) [C. P. M.] ATTI'LlUS. [ATILIUS.] A'TTIUS. [Accius and ATwIs.] A'TTIUS or ATTUS NA'VIUS. [NAVIUS.] A'TTIUS TU'LLIUS. [TuLLIUS.] ATTUS CLAUSUS. [CLAUsus and CLAUDIA GENS ] ATTUS, a Sabine praenomen. (Val. Max. Epit. de Nomin.) ATY'ANAS ('Arvdvas), the son of Hippocrates, a native of Adramyttium, conquered in boxing in the Olympic games, B. c. 72. He was afterwards killed by pirates. (Phlegon. Trall. ap. Phot. Cod. 97, p. 83, b., 40, ed. Bekk.; Cic. pro Flace. c. 13.) ATY'MNIUS ('ATrioS or 'ATrvoIPos), a son of Zeus and Cassiopeia, a beautiful boy, who was beloved by Sarpedon. (Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 2.) Others call him a son of Phoenix. (Schol. ad Apollon. ii. 178.) He seems to have been worshipped at Gortyn in Crete together with Europa. (llHck, Creta, ATYS. 417 i. p. 105.) Two other mythical personages of this name occur in Quint. Smyrn. iii. 300, and Horn. J. xvi. 317, &c. [L. S.] ATYS, ATTYS, ATTES, ATTIS, or ATTIN ('Arvs "ATrvs, "'A-rrqs, "Arris or "ArrLv). 1. A son of Nana, and a beautiful shepherd of the Phrygian town, Celaenae. (Theocr. xx. 40; Philostr. Epist. 39; Tertul. de Nat. 1.) His story is related in different ways. According to Ovid (Fast. iv. 221), Cybele loved the beautiful shepherd, and made him her own priest on condition that he should preserve his chastity inviolate. Atys broke the covenant with a nymph, the daughter of the river-god Sangarius, and was thrown by the goddess into a state of madness, in which he unmanned himself. When in consequence he wanted to put an end to his life, Cybele changed him into a firtree, which henceforth became sacred to her, and she commanded that, in future, her priests should be eunuchs. (Compare Arnob. adv. Gent. v. 4, and AGDISTIS.) Another story relates, that Atys, the priest of Cybele, fled into a forest to escape the voluptuous embraces of a Phrygian king, but that he was overtaken, and in the ensuing struggle unmanned his pursuer. The dying king avenged himself by inflicting the same calamity upon Atys. Atys was found by the priests of Cybele under a fir-tree, at the moment he was expiring. They carried him into the temple of the goddess, and endeavoured to restore him to life, but in vain. Cybele ordained that the death of Atys should be bewailed every year in solemn lamentations, and that henceforth her priests should be eunuchs. (FdAA\\o, Galli, Serv. ad A en. ix. 116; comp. Lobeck, ad Phrynich. p. 273.) A third account says, that Cybele, when exposed by her father, the Phrygian king Maeon, was fed by panthers and brought up by shepherdesses, and that she afterwards secretly married Atys, who was subsequently called Papas. At this moment, Cybele was recognised and kindly received by her parents; but when her connexion with Atys became known to them, Maeon ordered Attis, and the shepherdesses among whom she had lived, to be put to death. Cybele, maddened with grief at this act of her father, traversed the country amid loud lamentations and the sound of cymbals. Phrygia was now visited by an epidemic and scarcity. The oracle commanded. that Attis should be buried, and divine honours paid to Cybele; but as the body of the youth was already in a state of decomposition, the funeral honours were paid to an image of him, which was made as a substitute. (Diod. iii. 58, &c.) According to a fourth story related by Pausanias (vii. 17. ~ 5), Atys was a son of the Phrygian king Calaus, and by nature incapable of propagating his race. When he had grown up, he went to Lydia, where he introduced the worship of Cybele. The grateful goddess conceived such an attachment for him, that Zeus in his anger at it, sent a wild boar into Lydia, which killed many of the inhabitants, and among them Atys also. Atys was believed to be buried in Pessinus under mount Agdistis. (Paus. i. 4. ~ 5.) He was worshipped in the temples of Cybele in common with this goddess. (vii. 20. ~ 2; AGDISTIS; Hesych. s. v. "Ar-As.) In works of art he is represented as a shepherd with flute and staff. His worship appears to have been introduced, into Greece at a comparatively late period. It is an ingenious opinion of BPttiger (Amalthea, i. p. 353, &c.), that the mythus of Atys represents the two2uc
Page 418 418 AVENTINENSIS. AUFIDIUS. fold character of nature, the male and female, concentrated in one. 2. A son of Manes, king of the Maeonians, from whose son Lydus, his son and successor, the Maeonians were afterwards called Lydians. (Herod. i. 7, vii. 74.) Herodotus (i. 94; comp. Dionys. Hal. A. R. i. 26, 28; Tacit. Annal. iv. 55) mentions Tyrrhenus as another son of Atys; and in another passage (iv. 45), he speaks of Cotys as the son of Manes, instead of Atys. 3. A Latin chief, the son of Alba, and father of Capys, from whom the Latin gens Atia derived its origin, and from whom Augustus was believed to be descended on his mother's side. (Virg. Aen. v..568; Liv. i. 3; Suet. Aug. 4.) 4. A son of Croesus. [ADRASTUS.] [L. S.] AU'DATA (Am5cira), an Illyrian, the first wife of Philip of Macedon, by whom he had a daughter, Cynna. (Athen. xiii. p. 557, c.) AUDE'NTIUS, a Spanish bishop, of whom Gennadius (de Viris Illustribus, c. 14) records, that he wrote against the Manichaeans, the Sabellians, the Arians, and, with especial energy, against the Photinians. The work was entitled de Fide adversus Ilaereticos. Its object was to shew that the second person in the Trinity is co-eternal with the Father. Audentius is styled by Trithemius (de Script. Eccl. ci.) " vir in divinis scripturis exercitatum habens ingenium." Cave supposes him to have flourished about A. D. 260. [J. M. M.] AUDO'LEON (Aj3oAewv or AvwAkwv), a kIing of Paeonia, was the son of Agis. He was a contemporary of Alexander the Great, and was the father of Ariston, who distinguished himself at the battle of Guagamela, and of a daughter who married Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus. In a war with the Autoriatae he was reduced to great straits, but was succoured by Cassander. (Diod. xx. 19.) [C.P. M.] COIN OF AUDOLEON. AVENTINEN SIS, the name of a plebeian family of the Genucia gens. The name was derived from the hill Aventinus, which was the quarter of Rome peculiar to the plebeians. The family was descended from the tribune Cn. Genucius, who was murdered in B. c. 473. 1. L. GENUCIUS M. F. CN. N. AVENTINENSIs, consul B. c. 365, and again in 362, was killed in battle against the Hernicans in the latter of these years, and his army routed. His defeat and death caused the patricians great joy, as he was the first consul who had marched against the enemy with plebeian auspices. (Liv. vii. 1, 4, 6; Diod. xv. 90, xvi. 4; Eutrop. ii. 4; Oros. iii. 4; Lyd. de Macg. i. 46.) 2. CN. GENUCIUS M. F. M. N. AVENTINENSIs, consul B. c. 363, in which year the senate was chiefly occupied in endeavouring to appease the anger of the gods. (Liv. vii. 3; Diod. xvi. 2.) 3. L. GENUCIUS (AVENTINENSIS), tribune of the plebs, B. c. 342, probably belonged to this family. He brought forward a law for the abolition of usury, and was probably the author of many of the other reforms in the same year mentioned by Livy. (vii. 42.) 4. L. GENUCIUS (L. F. M. N.) AVENTINENSIS, consul B. c. 303. (Liv. x. 1; Diod. xx. 102.) AVENTI'NUS, a son of Hercules and the priestess Rhea. (Virg. Aen. vii. 656.) Servius on this passage speaks of an Aventinus, a king of the Aborigines, who was killed and buried on the hill afterwards called the Aventine. [L. S.] AVENTI'NUS, one of the mythical kings of Alba, who was buried on the hill which was afterwards called by his name. He is said to have reigned thirty-seven years, and to have been succeeded by Procas, the father of Amulius. (Liv. i. 3; Dionys. i. 71; Ov. Fast. iv. 51.) AVERNUS, properly speaking, the name of a lake in Campania, which the Latin poets describe as the entrance to the lower world, or as the lower world itself. Here we have only to mention, that Avernus was also regarded as a divine being; for Servius (ad Virgy. Georg. ii. 161) speaks of a statue of Avernus, which perspired during the storm after the union of the Avernian and Lucrinian lakes, and to which expiatory sacrifices were offered. [L. S.] AVERRUNCUS. [APOTROPAEI.] AUFI'DIA GENS, plebeian, was not known till the later times of the republic. The first member of it, who obtained the consulship, was Cn. Aufidius Orestes, in B. c. 71. Its cognomens are LURco and ORESTES: for those who occur without a family-name, see AUFIDIUS. AUFIDIENUS RUFUS. [RuFus.]8 CN. AUFIDIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 170, accused C. Lucretius Gallus on account of his oppression of the Chalcidians. (Liv. xliii. 10.) CN. AUFI'DIUS, a learned historian and perhaps a jurist, is celebrated in some of the extant works of Cicero for the equanimity with which he bore blindness; and we find from St. Jerome (in Epitaph. Nepotiani, Opp. vol. iv. P. ii. p. 268, ed. Benedict.), that his patience was also recounted in the lost treatise de Consolatione. His corporeal blindness did not quench his intellectual vision. Bereaved of sight and advanced in age, he still attended his duties, and spoke in the senate, and found means to write a Grecian history. Cicero states (Tusc. Disp. v. 38), that he also gave advice to his friends (nec amicis deliberantibus deerat); and, on account of this expression, he has been ranked by some legal biographers among the Roman jurists. In his old age, he adopted Cn. Aurelius Orestes, who consequently took the name of Aufidius in place of Aurelius. This precedent has been quoted (Cic. pro Dom. 13) to shew that the power of adopting does not legally depend on the power of begetting children. Aufidius was quaestor B. c. 119, tribunus plebis, B. c. 114, and finally praetor B. c. 108, about two years before the birth of Cicero, who, as a boy, was acquainted with the old blind scholar. (DeFin. v. 19.) [J. T. G.] SEX. AUFIDIUS, was warmly recommended by Cicero to Cornificius, proconsul of Africa, in B. c. 43. (Ad Fame. xii. 26, 27.) T. AUFI'DIUS, a jurist, the brother of M. Virgilius, who accused Sulla E., c. 86. It was probably the jurist who was quaestor B. c. 84, and who was afterwards praetor of Asia. (Cic. pro Flac. 19.) He may also have been the Aufidius once talked of as one of Cicero's competitors for the consulship, B. c. 63. (Cic. ad All. i. 1.) In pleading private causes, he imitated the manner of T. Ju
Page 419 AUGEAS. ventius and his disciple, P. Orbius, both of whom were sound lawyers and shrewd but unimpassioned speakers. Cicero, in whose lifetime he died at a very advanced age, mentions him rather slightingly as a good and harmless man, but no great orator. (Brutus, 48.) [J. T. G.] T. AUFI'DIUS, a physician, who was a native of Sicily and a pupil of Asclepiades of Bithynia, and who therefore lived in the first century B. c. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Avjldxtov.) He is probably the same person who is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus.by the name of Titus only, and who wrote a work On the Soul and another On Chronic Diseases, consisting of at least two books. (Acut. Mlorb. ii. 29, p. 144; Morb. Chron. i. 5, p. 339.) [W.A.G.] AUFI'DIUS BASSUS. [BAssus.] AUFI'DIUS CHIUS, a jurist, who is known only from the so-called Vaticana Fragmenta, first published by Mai in 1823 along with fragments of Symmachus and other newly-discovered remains of antiquity. In Vat. Frag. ~ 77, an opinion of Atilicinus is cited from Aufidius Chius; hence it is plain that this Aufidius could be neither Namusa nor Tucca, the disciples of Servius, for they lived long before Atilicinus. The Chian may possibly be identified with Titus or Titus Aufidius, who was consul under Hadrian, and is mentioned in the preamble of a senatusconsultum which is cited in Dig. 5. tit. 3. s. 20 [22]. ~ 6. (Bruns, Quid con-.frant Vaticana Fragmenta ad melius cognoscendum jus Romanum, p. 16, Tubingae, 1842.) [J. T. G.] AUFI'DIUS NAMUSA. [NAMUSA.] AUFI'DIUS TUCCA. [TUccA.] AU'GARUS. [ACBARns.] AUGE or AUGEIA (Avkyr or Atyeda), a daughter of Aleus and Neaera, was a priestess of Athena, and having become by Heracles the mother of a son, she concealed him in the temple of the goddess. In consequence of this profanation of the sanctuary, the country was visited by a scarcity; and when Aleus was informed by an oracle that the temple of Athena was profaned by something unholy, he searched and found the child in it, and ordered him to be exposed on mount Parthenion, where he was suckled by a stag (e'haos), whence the boy derived the name of Telephus. Auge was surrendered to Nauplius, who was to kill her, but he gave her to Teuthras, king of the Mysians, who made her his wife. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 4, iii. 9. ~ 1.) The same story is related with some modifications by Pausanias (viii. 4. ~ 6, 48. ~ 5), Diodorus (iv. 33), Hyginus (Fab. 99), and Tzetzes (ad Lycoph. 206). Respecting her subsequent meeting with her son Telephus, see TELEPHUS. Her tomb was shewn in the time of Pausanias (viii. 4. ~ 6) at Pergamus in Mysia. Auge was represented by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi. (x. 28. ~ 4.) Another mythical personage of this name, one of the Horae, occurs in Hyginus. (Fab. 183.) [L. S.] AU'GEAS or AUGEIAS (Avyeas or Av'iyas), a son of Phorbas and Hermione, and king of the Epeians in Elis. According to some accounts he was a son of Eleios or Helios or Poseidon. (Paus. v. 1. ~ 7; Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 5; Schol. ad Apollon. i. 172.) His mother, too, is not the same in all traditions, for some call her Iphiboe or Naupidame. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 41; Hygin. Fab. 14.) He is mentioned among the Argonauts, but he is more celebrated in ancient story on account of his connexion with Heracles, one of whose AUGURINUS. 419 labours, imposed upon him by Eurystheus, was to clear in one day the stables of Augeas, who kept in them a large number of oxen. Heracles was to have the tenth part of the oxen as his reward, but when the hero had accomplished his task by leading the rivers Alpheus and Peneus through the stables, Augeas refused to keep his promise. Heracles, therefore, made war upon him, which terminated in his death and that of his sons, with the exception of one, Phyleus, whom H-eracles placed on the throne of his father. (Apollod. 1. c.; ii. 7. ~ 2; Diod. iv. 13, 33; Theocrit. Idyll. 25.) Another tradition preserved in Pausanias (v. 3. ~ 4, 4. ~ 1) represents Augeas as dying a natural death at an advanced age, and as receiving heroic honours from Oxylus. [L. S.] AU'GEAS or AU'GIAS (Audyas or Adylas), an Athenian poet of the middle comedy. Suidas (s. v.) and Eudocia (p. 69) mention the following plays of his: A'ypoIKos, Ais, Ka'r7?povUacUos, and Ilop<pipa. He appears likewise to have written epic poems, and to have borrowed from Antimachus of Teos. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 425. [C.P.M.] AUGURI'NUS, the name of families in the Genucia and Minucia gentes. The word is evidently derived from augur. I. Genucii Augurini. They must originally have been patricians, as we find consuls of this family long before the consulship was open to the plebeians. But here a difficulty arises. Livy calls (v. 13, 18) Cn. Genucius, who was consular tribune in B. c. 399 and again in 396, a plebeian, and we learn from the Capitoline Fasti that his surname was Augurinus. Now if Livy and the Capitoline Fasti are both right, the Genucii Augurini must have gone over to the plebeians, as the Minucii Augurini did. It is possible, however, that Augurinus in the Capitoline Fasti may be a mistake for Aventinensis, which we know was a plebeian family of the same gens. [AVENTINENSIS.] 1. T. GENUCIUS L. F. L. N. AUGURINUS, consul B. c. 451, abdicated his office and was made a member of the first decemvirate. (Liv. iii. 33; Dionys. x. 54, 56; Zonar. vii. 18.) He was not included in the second. In the contests in 445 respecting the admission of the plebs to the consulship, which ended in the institution of the consular tribunate, Augurinus recommended the patricians to make some concessions. (Dionys. xi. 60.) 2. M. GENUCIUS L. F. L. N. AUGURINUs, brother of the preceding (Dionys. xi. 60), consul n c. 445, in which year the consular tribunate was instituted, and the lex Canuleia carried, establishing connubium between the patres and plebs. (Liv. iv. 1, &c.; Dionys. xi. 52, 58; Diod. xii. 31; Zonar. vii. 19; Varr. L. L. v. 150, ed. MUller.) 3. CN. GENUCIUS M. F. M. N. AUGURINUS, consular tribune B. c. 399, and again in 396, in the latter of which years he was cut off by an ambuscade in the war with the Faliscans and Capenates. (Liv. v. 13, 18; Diod. xiv. 54, 90.) II. Minucii Augurini. They were originally patricians, but a part of the family at least passed over to the plebeians in B. c. 439. [See below, No. 5.] 1. M. MINUCIUS AUGURINUS, consul B. c. 497, in which year the temple of Saturn was dedicated and the Saturnalia instituted. (Liv. ii. 21; Dionys. vi. 1.) He was consul again in 492, when there was a great famine at Rome. He took an active 2E2
Page 420 420 AUGURINUS. part in the defence of Coriolanus, who was brought to trial in this year, but was unable to obtain his acquittal. (Liv. ii. 34; Dionys. vii. 20, 27-32, 38, 60, 61.) In the victorious approach of Corio]anus to Rome at the head of the Volscian army, Augurinus was one of the embassy sent to intercede with him on behalf of the city. (Dionys. viii. 22, 23.) 2. P. MINucous AUGURINUS, consul B. c. 492, was chiefly engaged in his consulship in obtaining a supply of corn from different countries, on account of the famine at Rome. (Liv. ii. 34; Dionys. vii. 1; Oros. ii. 5.) 3. L. MINucIUS P. F. M. N. ESQUILINUS AuGURINUS, consul B. c. 458, carried on the war against the Aequians, but through fear shut himself up in his camp on the Algidus, and allowed the enemy to surround him. He was delivered from his danger by the dictator L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, who compelled him, however, to resign his consulship. In the Fasti Capitolini we have one of the inversions which are so common in Roman history: in the Fasti, Augurinus is represented as consul suffectus in place of one whose name is lost, instead of being himself succeeded by another. (Liv. iii. 25-29; Dionys. x. 22; Dion Cass. Frag. xxxiv. 27, p. 140, ed. Reimar; Val. Max. ii. 7. ~ 7, v. 2. ~ 2; Flor. i. 11; Zonar. vii. 17; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. ii. n. 604.) 4. Q. MINucIus P. F. M. N. ESQUILINUS AuGURINUS, brother of No. 3, consul B. c. 457, had the conduct of the war against the Sabines, but could not do more than ravage their lands, as they shut themselves up in their walled towns. (Liv. iii. 30; Dionys. x. 26, 30.) 5. L. MINUCiUS AUGURINUS, was appointed praefect of the corn-market (praefectus annonae) in B. c- 439, in order to regulate the price of corn and obtain a supply from abroad, as the people were suffering from grievous famine. Sp. Maelius, who distinguished himself by his liberal supplies of corn to the people, was accused by the patricians of aiming at the sovereignty; and Augurinus is said to have disclosed his treasonable designs to the senate. The ferment occasioned by the assassination of Maelius was appeased by Augurinus, who is said to have gone over to the plebs from the patricians, and to have been chosen by the tribunes one of their body. It is stated, indeed, that he was elected an eleventh tribune, as the number of their body was full; but this seems incredible. That he passed over to the plebs, however, is confirmed by the fact, that we find subsequently members of his family tribunes of the plebs. Augurinus also lowered the price of corn in three market days, fixing as the maximum an as for a modius. The people, in their gratitude, presented him with an ox having its horns gilt, and erected a statue to his honour outside the Porta AUGUSTINUS. preceding coin of the Minucia gens. The obverse represents the head of Pallas winged: the reverse a column surmounted by a statue, which is not clearly delineated in the annexed cut, with ears of corn springing up from its base. The inscription is c. MINVCI. C. F. AVGVRINI., with ROMA at the top. (Eckhel, v. p. 254.) 6. Ti. MINUClus AUGURINUS, consul B. c. 305, the last year of the Samnite war, was said in some annals to have received a mortal wound in battle. (Liv. ix. 44; Diod. xx. 81.) 7. M. MINUCIus (AUGURINUS), tribune of the plebs, B. c. 216, introduced the bill for the creation of the triumviri mensarii. (Liv. xxiii. 21.) 8. C. MINUCius AUGURINUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 187, proposed the imposition of a fine upon L. Scipio Asiaticus, and demanded that Scipio should give security (praedes). As Scipio, however, refused to do so, Augurinus ordered him to be seized and carried to prison, but was unable to carry his command into effect in consequence of the intercession of his colleague, Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the father of Tib. and C. Gracchi. (Gell. vii. 19.) A different account of this affair is given in Livy. (xxxviii. 55--60.) 9. TI. MINUCIUS (AUGURINUS) MOLLICULUS, was praetor peregrinus B. c. 180, and died of the pestilence which visited Rome in that year. (Liv. xl. 35, 37.) AUGURI'NUS, SE'NTIUS, a poet in the time of the younger Pliny, who wrote short poems, such as epigrams, idylls, &c., which he called pocmatin, and which were in the style of Catullus and Calvus. He was an intimate friend of the younger Pliny, whom he praised in his verses; and Pliny in return represented Augurinus as one of the first of poets. One of his poems in praise of Pliny is preserved in a letter of the latter. (Plin. Ep. iv. 27, ix. 8.) AUGUSTI'NUS, AURE'LIUS, ST., the most illustrious of the Latin fathers, was born on the 13th of November, A. D. 354, at Tagaste, an inland town in Numidia, identified by D'Anville with the modern Tajelt. His father, Patricius, who died about seventeen years after the birth of Augustin, was originally a heathen, but embraced Christianity late in life. Though poor, he belonged to the curiales of Tagaste. (August. Conf. ii. 3.) He is described by his son as a benevolent but hottempered man, comparatively careless of the morals of his offspring, but anxious for his improvement in learning, as the means of future success in life. Monnica,* the mother of Augustin, was a Christian of a singularly devout and gentle spirit, who exerted herself to the utmost in training up her son in the practice of piety; but his disposition, complexionally ardent and headstrong, seemed to bid defiance to her efforts. He has given, in his Confessions, a vivid picture of his boyish follies and vices,-his love of play, his hatred of learning, his disobedience to his parents, and his acts of deceit and theft. It would indeed be absurd to infer from this recital that he was a prodigy of youthful wickedness, such faults being unhappily too common at that early age. None, however, but a very shallow moralist will treat these singular disclosures with ridicule, or Trigemina, for which every body subscribed an ounce of brass. (Liv. iv. 12-16; Plin. H. N. xviii. 4, xxxiv. 11; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. ii. p. 423, &c.) This circumstance is commemorated in the "* For the orthography of this name, see BTihr, Geschiclte der Rimischen Literatur, Supplement, vol. ii. p. 225. and note p. 228.
Page 421 AUGUSTINUS. deny that they open a very important chapter in the history of human nature. When Augustin was still very young, he fell into a dangerous disorder, which induced him to wish for baptism; but on his recovery, the rite was delayed. He tells us that he was exceedingly delighted, from his childhood, with the fabulous stories of the Latin poets; but the difficulty of learning Greek inspired him with a great disgust for that language. He was sent, during his boyhood, to be educated at the neighbouring town of Madaura, and afterwards removed to Carthage in order to prosecute the study of rhetoric. Here he fell into vicious practices; and before he was eighteen, his concubine bore him a son, whom he named Adeodatus. Hle applied, however, with characteristic ardour, to the study of the great masters of rhetoric and philosophy. In particular, he describes in strong terms the beneficial effect produced upon him by reading the Hortensius of Cicero. Soon after this, he embraced the Manichaean heresy,-a wild and visionary system, repugnant alike to sound reason and to Scripture, but not without strong fascinations for an ardent and imaginative mind undisciplined in the lessons of practical religion. To this pernicious doctrine he adhered for nine years, during which he unhappily seduced others into the adoption of the same errors. After teaching grammar for some time at his native place, he returned to Carthage, having lost a friend whose death affected him very deeply. At Carthage he became a teacher of rhetoric, and in his twenty-seventh year published his first work, entitled, " de apto et pulchro," which he dedicated to Hierius, a Roman orator, known to him only by his high reputation. Of the fate of this work the author seems to have been singularly careless; for when he wrote his Confessions, he had lost sight of it altogether, and says he does not remember whether it was in two or three books. We agree with Lord Jeffery (Encycl. Brit. art. Beauty) in lamenting the disappearance of this treatise, which was probably defective enough in strict scientific analysis, but could not fail to abound in ingenious disquisition and vigorous eloquence. About this time Augustin began to distrust the baseless creed of the Manichaeans, and the more so that he found no satisfaction from the reasonings of their most celebrated teacher, Faustus, with whom he frequently conversed. In the year 383, he went, against the wishes of his mother, to Rome, intending to exercise his profession as a teacher of rhetoric there. For this step, he assigns as his reason that the students in Rome behaved with greater decorum than those of Carthage, where the schools were often scenes of gross and irrepressible disorder. At Rome he had a dangerous illness, from which however he soon recovered; and after-teaching rhetoric for a few months, he left the imperial city, in disgust at the fraudulent conduct of some of his students, and went to Milan, designing to pursue his profession in that city. At that time Ambrose was bishop of Milan, and his conversation and preaching made a good impression upon Augustin. He was not, however, converted to Christianity at once, but fell, for a time, into a state of general uncertainty and scepticism. The great mystery of all, the origin of evil, especially perplexed and tormented him. By degrees his mind acquired a healthier tone, and AUGUSTINUS.. 421 the reading of some of the Platonic philosophers (not in the original Greek, but in a Latin version) disposed him still more favourably towards the Christian system. From these he turned, with a delight unfelt before, to the Holy Scriptures, in the perusal of which his earlier doubts and difficulties gave way before the self-evidencing light of divine truth. He was greatly benefited by the religious conversations which he held with Simplician, a Christian presbyter, who had formerly instructed Ambrose himself in theology. After deep consideration, and many struggles of feeling (of which he has given an interesting record in the eighth and ninth books of his Confessions), he resolved on making a public profession of Christianity, and was baptized by Ambrose at Milan on the 25th of April, A. D. 387. His fellow-townsman and intimate friend, Alypius, and his natural son, Adeodatus, of whose extraordinary genius he speaks with fond enthusiasm, were baptized on the same occasion. His mother Monnica, who had followed him to Milan, rejoiced over this happy event as the completion of all her desires on earth. She did not long survive it; for shortly after his conversion, Augustin set out with her to return to Africa, and at Ostia, on the banks of the Tiber, his mother died, after an illness of a few days, in the fifty-sixth year of her age. Her son has given, in the ninth book of his Confessions (cc. 8-11) a brief but deeply interesting account of this excellent woman. Augustin remained at Rome some time after his mother's death, and composed his treatises de Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae et de Moribus Manichiaeorusm, de Quantitate Animnae, and de Libero Arbitrio. The latter, however, was not finished until some years after. In the latter part of the year 388, Augustin returned by way of Carthage to Tagaste. He sold the small remains of his paternal property, and gave the proceeds to the poor; and passed the next three years in seclusion, devoting himself to religious exercises, At this period of his life he wrote his treatises do Genesi contra Manichaeos, de Musica, de MAagistro, (addressed to his son Adeodatus), and de Vera Religione. The reputation of these works and of their author's personal excellence seems to have been speedily diffused, for in the year 391, Augustin, against his own wishes, was ordained a priest by Valerius, then bishop of Hippo. On this, he spent some time in retirement, in order to qualify himself by the special study of the Bible for the work of preaching. When he entered on this public duty, he discharged it with great acceptance and success. He did not, however, abandon his labours as an author, but wrote his tractate de Utilitate credendi, inscribed to his friend Honoratus, and another entitled de duzabus Animabus contra MAanicliaeos. He also published an account of his disputation with Fortunatus, a distinguished teacher of the Manichaean doctrine. In the year 393, he was appointed, though still only a presbyter, to deliver a discourse upon the creed before the council of Hippo. This discourse, which is still extant, was. published at the solicitation of his friends. In the year 395, Valerius exerted himself to ob. tain Augustin as his colleague in the episcopal charge; and though Augustin at first urged his unwillingness with great sincerity, his scruples were overcome, and he was ordained bishop of Hippo. He performed the duties of his new office with zealous fidelity, and yet found time amidst
Page 422 422 AUGUSTINUS. them all for the composition of many of his ablest and most interesting works. His history, from the time of his elevation to the see of Hippo, is so closely implicated with the Donatistic and Pelagian controversies, that it would be impracticable to pursue its details within our prescribed limits. For a full and accurate account of the part which he took in these memorable contentions, the reader is referred to the life of Augustin contained in the eleventh volume of the Benedictine edition of his works, and to the thirteenth volume of Tillemont's " Memoires pour servir l'PHistoire Ecclesiastique," -a quarto of 1075 pages devoted entirely to the life and writings of this eminent father. Of those of his numerous works which we have not already noticed, we mention the three following, as especially interesting and important: His Confessions, in thirteen books, were written in the year 397. They are addressed to the Almighty, and contain an account of Augustin's life down to the time when he was deprived of his mother by death. The last three books are occupied with an allegorical explanation of the Mosaic account of the creation. His autobiography is written with great genius and feeling; and though the interspersed addresses to the Deity break the order of the narrative, and extend over a large portion of the work, they are too fine in themselves, and too characteristic of the author, to allow us to complain of their length and frequency. The celebrated treatise, de Civitate Dei, commenced about the year 413, was not finished before A. D. 426. Its object and structure cannot be better exhibited than in the author's own words, taken from the 47th chapter of the second book of his Retractationes: "Interea Roma Gothorum irruptione, agentium sub rege Alarico, atque impetu magnae cladis eversa est: cujus eversionem deorum falsorum multorumque cultores, quos usitato nomine Paganos vocamus, in Christianam religionem referre conantes, solito acerbius et amarius Deum verum blasphemare coeperunt. Unde ego exardescens zelo domus Dei, adversus eorum blasphemias vel errores, libros de Civilate Dei scribere institui. Quod opus per aliquot ann6s me tenuit, eo quod alia multa intercurrebant, quae differre non oporteret, et me prius ad solvendum occupabant. Hoc autem de Civitate Dei grande opus tandem viginti duobus libris est terminatum. Quorum quinque primi eos refellunt, qui res humanas ita prosperari volunt, ut ad hoc multorum deorum cultum, quos Pagani colere consuerunt, necessarium esse arbitrentur; et quia prohibetur, mala ista exoriri atque abundare contendunt. Sequentes autem quinque adversus eos loquuntur, qui fatentur haec mala, nec defuisse unquam, nec defutura mortalibus; et ea nunc magna, nunc parva, locis, temporibus, personisque, variari: sed deorum multorum cultum, quo eis sacrificatur, propter vitam post mortem futuram, esse utilem disputant. His ergo decem libris duae istae vanae opiniones Christianae religionis adversariae refelluntur. Sed ne quisquam nos aliena tantum redarguisse, non autem nostra asseruisse, reprehenderet, id agit pars altera operis hujus, quae duodecim libris continetur. Quamquam, ubi opus est, et in prioribus decem quae nostra sunt asseramus, et in duodecim posterioribus redarguamus adversa. Duodecim ergo librorum sequentium, primi quatuor continent exortum duarum Civitatum, quarum est una Dei, altera hujus mundi. Secundi quatuor excursum earum sive procursum. Tertii vero, qui et postremi, debitos fines. Ita omnes AUGUSTINUS. viginti et duo libri cum sint de utraque Civitate conscripti, titulum tamen a meliore acceperunt, ut de Civitate Dei potius vocarentur." The learning displayed in this remarkable work is extensive rather than profound; its contents are too miscellaneous and desultory, and its reasonings are often more ingenious than satisfactory. Yet, after every due abatement has been made, it will maintain its reputation as one of the most extraordinary productions of human intellect and industry. The Retractationes of Augustin, written in the year 428, deserve notice as evincing the singular candour of the author. It consists of a review of all his own productions; and besides explanations and qualifications of much that he had written, it not unfrequently presents acknowledgments of downright errors and mistakes. It is one of the noblest sacrifices ever laid upon the altar of truth by a majestic intellect acting in obedience to the purest conscientiousness. The life of Augustin closed amidst scenes of violence and blood. The Vandals under the ferocious Genseric invaded the north of Africa, A. D. 429, and in the following year laid siege to Hippo. Full of grief for the sufferings which he witnessed and the dangers he foreboded, the aged bishop prayed that God would grant his people a deliverance from these dreadful calamities, or else supply them with the fortitude to endure their woes: foi himself he besought a speedy liberation from the flesh. His prayer was granted; and in the third month of the siege, on the 28th of August, 430, Augustin breathed his last, in the seventy-sixth year of his age. The character of this eminent man is admitted on all hands to have been marked by conspicuous excellence after his profession of the Christian faith. The only faults of which he can be accused are an occasional excess of severity in his controversial writings, and a ready acquiescence in the persecution of the Donatists. His intellect was in a very high degree vigorous, acute, and comprehensive; and he possessed to the last a fund of ingenuous sensibility, which gives an indescribable charm to most of his compositions. His style is full of life and force, but deficient both in purity and in elegance. His learning seems to have been principally confined to the Latin authors; of Greek he knew but little, and of Hebrew nothing. His theological opinions varied considerably even after he became a Christian; and it was during the later period of his life that he adopted those peculiar tenets with regard to grace, predestination, and free-will, which in modern times have been called Augustinian. His influence in his own and in every succeeding age has been immense. Even in the Roman Catholic Church his authority is professedly held in high esteem; although his later theological system has in reality been proscribed by every party in that communion, except the learned, philosophic, and devout fraternity of the Jansenists. The early Reformers drank deeply into the spirit of his speculative theology; and many even of those who recoil most shrinkingly from his doctrine of predestination, have done ample justice to his surpassing energy of intellect, and to the warmth and purity of his religious feelings. The earliest edition of the collected works of Augustin is that of the celebrated Amerbach, which appeared in nine volumes folio, at Basle, 1506, and was reprinted at Paris in 1515. This edition did
Page 423 AUGUSTINUS. not, however, contain the Epistolae, the Sermones, and the Enarrationes in Psalmos, which had been previously published by Amerbach. In 1529, the works of Augustin were again published at Basle, from the press of Frobenius, and under the editorship of Erasmus, in ten volumes folio. This edition, though by no means faultless, was a considerable improvement upon that of Amerbach. It was reprinted at Paris in 1531-32; at Venice, with some improvements, in 1552, and again in 1570; at Lyons in 1561-63, and again in 1571. It was also issued from the press of Frobenius at Basle, with various alterations, in 1543, in 1556, in 1569, and in 1570. In 1577 the valuable edition of Augustin prepared by the learned divines of Louvain, was published at Antwerp, by Christopher Plantin, in ten volumes folio. It far surpasses in critical exactness all the preceding editions; and though, on the whole, inferior to that of the Benedictines, it is still held in high estimation. No fewer than sixteen of the "Theologi Lovanienses" were employed in preparing it for publication. It has been very frequently reprinted: at Geneva in 1596; at Cologne in 1616; at Lyons in 1664; at Paris in 1586, in 1603, in 1609, in 1614, in 1626, in 1635, and in 1652. The Benedictine edition of the works of Augustin, in eleven volumes folio, was published at Paris in 1679-1700. It was severely handled by Father Simon; but its superiority to all the former editions of Augustin is generally acknowledged. The first volume contains, besides the Retractations and the Confessions, the greater part of the works written by Augustin before his elevation to the episcopal dignity. The second comprises his letters. The third and fourth include his exegetical writings, the fourth being entirely filled up with his Commentary on the Psalms. The fifth volume contains the sermons of Augustin. The sixth embraces his Opera Moralia. The seventh consists of the treatise de Civitate Dei. The eighth comprehends his principal works against the Manichaeans, and those against the Arians. The ninth comprises his controversial writings against the Donatists. The tenth consists of his treatises on the Pelagian controversy. Each of these volumes contains an appendix consisting of works falsely attributed to Augustin, &c. The eleventh volume is occupied with the life of Augustin, for the preparation of which Tillemont lent the sheets of his unpublished volume upon this father. This valuable edition was reprinted at Paris, in eleven thick imperial octavo volumes, 1836-39. The edition of Le Clere (who calls himself Joannes Phereponus) appeared (professedly at Antwerp, but in reality) at Amsterdam, in 1700-1703. It is a republication of the Benedictine edition, with notes by Le Clerc, and some other supplementary matter; besides an additional volume containing the poem of Prosper de Ingratis, the Commentary of Pelagius on the Epistles of Paul, and some modern productions referring to the life and writings of Augustin. Of the numerous editions of the separate works of Augustin the following are all that we have space to enumerate:-De Civitate Dei: editio princeps, e monasterio Sublacensi, 1467, fol.; Moguntiae per Petr. Schoeffer, cum commentariis Thomae Valois et Nic. Triveth, 1473, fol., reprinted at Basle in 1479 and again in 1515; commentariis ]ihustratum studio et labore Jo. Lud. Vivis, Basileae, 1522, 1555, 1570, fol.; cum commentariis Leon. AUGUSTULUS. 423 Coquael et Jo. Lud. Vivis, Paris, 1613, 1636, fol., Lips. 1825, 2 vols. 8vo. Confessiones: editio princeps, Mediolani, 1475, 4to.; Lovanii, 1563, 12mo. and again 1573, 8vo.; Antverp. 1567, 1568, 1740, 8vo.; Lugd. Batav. 1675, 12mo. apud Elzevir.; Paris, 1776, 12mo. (an edition highly commended); Berol. 1823, ed. A. Neander; Lips. (Tauchnitz), 1837, ed. C. H. Bruder; Oxon. (Parker), 1840, ed. E. B. Pusey. De Fide et Operibus: editio princeps, Coloniae, 4to. 1473 ed. Jo. Hennichio, Francof. ad M. et Rintelii, 1652, 8vo. De Doctrina Christiana: Helmstad. 1629, 8vo. ed. Georgius Calixtus, reprinted at Helmstadt in quarto, 1655; Lips. 1769, 8vo. ed. J. C. B. Teegius, cum praef. J. F. Burscheri. De Spiritu et Litera: Lips. 1767, 1780, 8vo. ed. J. C. B. Teegius; Regimont. 1824, 8vo. cum praef. H. Olshausen. De Conjugiis A dulterinis: Jenae, 1698, 4to. cum notis Jurisconsulti celeberrimi (Joannis Schilter) quibus dogma Ecclesiae de matrimonii dissolutione illustratur. The principal sources of information respecting the life of Augustin are his own Confessions, Retractations, and Epistles, and his biography written by his pupil Possidius, bishop of Calama. Among the best modern works on this subject are those of Tillemont and the Benedictine editors already mentioned; Laurentii Berti " De rebus gestis Sancti Augustini," &c. Venice, 1746, 4to.; Schrbckh, "Kirchengeschichte," vol. xv.; Neander, " Geschichte der Christlichen Religion und Kirche," vol. ii.; BNihr, "Geschichte der RSmischen Literatur," Supplement, vol. ii. For the editions of the works of Augustin, see Cas. Oudin. " Commentarius de Scriptoribus Ecclesiae Antiquis," vol. i. pp. 931 -993, and C. T. G. Schbnemann's " Bibliotheca Histor.-Literaria Patrum Latinorum," vol. ii. pp. 33-363. On the Pelagian controversy, see (besides Tillemont) G. J. Vossii " Historia de Controversiis quas Pelagius ejusque reliquiae moverunt," Opp. vol. vi.; C. W. F. Walch's "Ketzerhistorie," vol. iv. und v.; G. F. Wiggers' " Versuch einer pragmat. Darstellung des Augustinismus und Pelagianismus," Berlin, 1821. [J. M. M.] AUGU'STULUS, RO'MULUS, the last Roman emperor of the West, was the son of Orestes, who seized the government of the empire after having driven out the emperor Julius Nepos. Orestes, probably of Gothic origin, married a daughter of the comes Romulus at Petovio or Petavio, in the south-western part of Pannonia; their son was called Romulus Augustus, but the Greeks altered Romulus into MwflaAXAos, and the Romans, despising the youth of the emperor, changed Augustus into Augustulus. Orestes, who declined assuming the purple, had his youthful son proclaimed emperor in A. D. 475, but still retained the real sovereignty in his own hands. As early as 476, the power of Orestes was overthrown by Odoacer, who defeated his rival at Pavia and put him to death; Paulus, the brother of Orestes, was slain at Ravenna. Romulus Augustulus was allowed to live on account of, his youth, beauty, and innocence, but was exiled by the victor to the villa of Lucullus, on the promontory of Misenum in Campania, which was then a fortified castle. There he lived upon a yearly allowance of six thousand pieces of gold: his ultimate fate is unknown. The series of Roman emperors who had governed the state from the battle of Actium, B. c. 31. during a period of five hundred and seven years,
Page 424 424 AUGUSTUS. AUGUSTUS. closes with the deposition of the son of Orestes; uncle, but was obliged to remain behind on account and, strangely enough, the last emperor combined of illness, but soon joined him with a few comnthe names of the first king and the first emperor of panions. During his whole life-time Augustus, Rome. [ORESTES, ODOACER.] (Amm. Marc. with one exception, was unfortunate at sea, and Excerpta, pp. 662, 663, ed. Paris, 1681; Cassiod. this his first attempt nearly cost him his life, for Chronicon, ad Zenonem; Jornand. de Regnorum the vessel in which he sailed was wrecked on the Successione, p. 59, de Reb. Goth.. pp. 128, 129, ed, coast of Spain. Whether he arrived in Caesar's Lindenbrog; Procop. de Bell. Goth. i. 1, ii. 6; camp in time to take part in the battle of Cedrenus, p. 350, ed. Paris; Theophanes, p. 102, Munda or not is a disputed point, though the ed. Paris; Evagrius, ii. 16.) [W. P.] former seems to be more probable. (Suet. Aug. AUGUSTUS, the first emperor of the Roman 94; Dion Cass. xliii. 41.) Caesar became more empire, was born on the 23rd of September of the and more attached to his nephew, for he seems to year B. c. 63, in the consulship of M. Tullius have perceived in him the elements of everything Cicero and C. Antonius. He was the son of C. that would render him a worthy successor to himOctavius by Atia, a daughter of Julia, the sister of self: he constantly kept him about his person; and C. Julius Caesar, who is said to have been de- while he was yet in Spain he is said to have made scended from the ancient Latin hero Atys. His his will and to have adopted Augustus as his son, real name was, like that of his father, C. Octavius, though without informing him of it. In the but for the sake of brevity, and in order to avoid autumn of B. c. 45, Caesar returned to Rome with confusion, we shall call him Augustus, though this his nephew; and soon afterwards, in accordance was only an hereditary surname which was given with the wish of his uncle, the senate raised the him afterwards by the senate and the people to gens Octavia, to which Augustus belonged, to the express their veneration for him, whence the Greek rank of a patrician gens. About the same time writers translate it by leaaTro's. Various wonderful Augustus was betrothed to Servilia, the daughter signs, announcing his future greatness, were subse- of P. Servilius Isauricus, but the engagement apquently believed to have preceded or accompanied pears afterwards to have been broken off. his birth. (Suet. A ug. 94; Dion Cass. xlv. 1, &c.) The extraordinary distinctions and favours which Augustus lost his father at the age of fouor years, had thus been conferred upon Augustus at such an whereupon his mother married L. Marcius Philip- early age, must have excited his pride and ambipus, and at the age of twelve (according to Nicolaus tion, of which one remarkable example is recorded. Damascenus, De Vit. Aug. 3, three years earlier) In the very year of his return from Spain he was he delivered the funeral eulogium on his grand- presumptuous enough to ask for the office of mother, Julia. After the death of his father his magister equitum to the dictator, his uncle. Caeeducation was conducted with great care in the sar, however, refused to grant it, and gave it to house of his grandmother, Julia, and at her death M. Lepidus instead, probably because he thought he returned to his mother, who, as well as his his nephew not yet fit for such an office. He step-father, henceforth watched over his education wished that Augustus should accompany him on with the utmost vigilance. His talents and beauty, the expedition which he contemplated against the and above all his relationship to C. Julius Caesar, Getae and Parthians; and, in order that the drew upon him the attention of the most distin- young man might acquire a more thorough pracguished Romans of the time, and it seems that J. tical training in military affairs, he sent him to Caesar himself, who had no male issue, watched Apollonia in Illyricum, where some legions were over the education of the promising youth with no stationed, and whither Caesar himself intended to less interest than his parents. In his sixteenth follow him. It has often been supposed that Caeyear (N. Danmascenus erroneously says in his sar sent his nephew to Apollonia for the purpose fifteenth) he received the toga virilis, and in the of finishing his intellectual education; but although same year was made a member of the college of this was not neglected during his stay in that city, pontiffs, in the place of L. Domitius, who had been yet it was not the object for which ihe was sent killed after the battle of Pharsalia. (N. Damasc. thither, for Apollonia offered no advantages for the 1. c. 4; Vell. Pat. ii. 59; Suet. Aug. 94; Dion purpose, as may be inferred from the fact, that Cass. xlv. 2.) From this time his uncle, C. Julius Augmustus took his instructors-the rhetorician Caesar, devoted as much of his time as his own Apollodorus of Pergamus and the mathematician busy life allowed him to the practical education of Theogenes, with him from Rome. When Caesar his nephew, and trained him for the duties of the had again to appoint the magistrates ill B. c. 44, public career he was soon to enter upon. Dion he remembered the desire of his nephew, and conCassius relates that at this time Caesar also brought ferred upon him, while he was at Apollonia, the about his elevation to the rank of a patrician, but office of magister equitum, on which he was to it is a well attested fact that this did not take enter in the autumn of B. c. 43. But things place till three years later. In B. c. 47, when turned out far differently. Augustus had scarcely Caesar went to Africa to put down the Pompeian been at Apollonia six months, when he was surparty in that country, Augustus wished to accom- prised by the news of his uncle's murder, in pany him but was kept back, because his mother March, B. c. 44. Short as his residence at this thought that his delicate constitution would be un- place had been, it was yet of great influence upon able to bear the fatigues connected with such an his future life: his military exercises seem to have expedition. On his return Caesar distinguished strengthened his naturally delicate constitution, him, nevertheless, with mnilitarv honours, and in his and the attentions and flatteries which were paid triumph allowed Augustus to ride on horseback to the nephew of Caesar by the most distinguished behind his triumphal car. In the year following persons connected with the legions in Illyricum, (e. c. 45), when Caesar went to Spain against the sons stimulated his ambition and love of dominion, and of Pompey, Augustus, who had then completed his thus explain as well as excuse many of the acts of seventeouth yeair, was to have accompanied his which lie was afterwards guilthy. It was at Apol
Page 425 AUGUSTUS. AUGUSTUS.' 425 lonia, also, that Augustus formed his intimate Mutina, for which the soldiers saluted him as friendship with Q. Saividienus Rufus and M. Vip- imperator. The fall of the two consuls threw the sanius Agrippa. command of their armies into his hands. Antony When the news of Caesar's murder reached the was humbled and obliged to flee across the Alps. troops in Illyricum, they immediately offered to Various reports were spread in the meantime of follow Augustus to Italy and avenge his uncle's disputes between D. Brutus and Augustus, and it death; but fear and ignorance of the real state of was even said that the death of the two consuls affairs at Rome made him hesitate for a while. At was the work of the latter. The Roman arislast he resolved to go to Italy as a private person, tocracy, on whose behalf Augustus had acted, now accompanied only by Agrippa and a few other determined to prevent him from acquiring all friends. In the beginning of April he landed at further power. They entrusted D. Brutus with Lupiae, near Brundusium, and here he heard of the command of the consular armies to prosecute his adoption into the gens Julia and of his being the war against Antony, and made other regulathe heir of Caesar. At Brundusium, whither he tions which were intended to prevent Augustus next proceeded, he was saluted by the soldiers as gaining any further popularity with the soldiers. He Caesar, which name he henceforth assumed, for his remained inactive, and seemed ready to obey the legitimate name now was C. Julius Caesar Octa- commands of the senate. Antony had in the vianus. After having visited his stepfather in the meantime become reconciled with the governors in neighbourhood of Naples, he arrived at Rome, ap- Gaul and Spain through the mediation of Lepidus, parently about the beginning of May. Here he and was now at the head of a powerful army. demanded nothing but the private property which In these circumstances Augustus resolved to seek Caesar had left him, but declared that he was re- a power which might assist him in gaining over Ansolved to avenge the murder of his benefactor, tony, or enable him to oppose him more effectually The state of parties at Rome was most perplexing; if necessary. This power was the consulship. lie and one cannot but admire the extraordinary tact was very popular with the soldiers, and they were and prudence which Augustus displayed, and the by promises of various kinds induced to demand skill with which a youth of barely twenty contrived the consulship for him. The senate was terrified, to blind the most experienced statesmen in Rome, and granted the request, though, soon after, the and eventually to carry all his designs into effect, arrival of troops from Africa emboldened them It was not the faction of the conspirators that again to declare against him. But Augustus had placed difficulties in his way, but one of Caesar's won the favour of these troops: he encamped on own party, M. Antony, who had in his possession the campus Martius, and in the month of August the money and papers of Caesar, and refused to the people elected him consul together with Q. give them up. Augustus declared before the prae- Pedius. His adoption into the gens Julia was now tor, in the usual manner, that he accepted of the sanctioned by the curies; the sums due to the pooinheritance, and promised to give to the people the ple, according to the will of Julius Caesar, were portion of his uncle's property which he had be- paid, the murderers of the dictator outlawed, and queathed them in his will. Antony endeavoured Augustus appointed to carry the sentence into by all means to prevent Augustus from obtaining effect. He first marched into the north, professedly his objects; but the conduct of Augustus gained against Antony, but had scarcely entered Etruria, the favour of both the senate and the people, when the senate, on the proposal of Q. Pedius, [ANTONIUS, p. 215, b.] Augustus had to con- repealed the sentence of outlawry against Antony tend against Dec. Brutus, who was in possession and Lepidus, who were just descending from the of Cisalpine Gaul, as well as against Antony; but Alps with an army of 17 legions. D. Brutus took to get rid of one enemy at least, the sword was to flight, and was afterwards murdered at Aquileia drawn against the latter, the more dangerous of at the command of Antony. On their arrival at the two. While Antony was collecting troops for Bononia, Antony and Lepidus were met by Authe war against D. Brutus, two of the legions gustus, who became reconciled with them. It was which came from Macedonia, the legio Martia agreed by the three, that Augustus should lay and the fifth, went over to Augustus; and to pre- down his consulship, and that the empire should vent the remaining troops following the example, be divided among them under the title of triumviri Antony hastened with them to the north of Italy. rei publicae constituendae, and that this arrangeCicero, who had at first looked upon Augustus ment should last for the next five years. Lepidus with contempt, now began to regard him as the obtained Spain, Antony Gaul, and Augustus Africa, only man capable of delivering the republic from Sardinia, and Sicily. Antony and Augustus were its troubles; and Augustus in return courted to prosecute the war against the murderers of Cicero. On the 10th of December, Cicero, in his Caesar. The first objects of the triumvirs were to third Philippic, proposed that Augustus should be destroy their enemies and the republican party; entrusted with the command of the army against they began their proscriptions even before they Antony, and on the first of January, B. c. 43, he arrived at Rome; their enemies were murdered repeated the same proposal in his fifth Philippic. and their property confiscated, and Augustus was The senate now granted more than had been no less cruel than Antony. Two thousand equites asked: Augustus obtained the command of the and three hundred senators are said to have been army with the title and insignia of a praetor, the put to death during this proscription: the lands of right of voting in the senate with the consulars, whole townships were taken from their owners and of holding the consulship ten years before he and distributed among the veteran soldiers. Nunmattained the legitimate age. He was accordingly bers of Roman citizens took to flight, and found a sent by the senate, with the two consuls of the refuge with Sex. Pompeius in Sicily. Augustus year, C. Vibius Pansa and A. Iirtius, to compel first directed his arms against the latter, because Antony to raise the siege of Mutina. Augustus dis- Pompeius had it in his power to cut off all protinguiished himself by his defence of the camp near visions from Rome. The army assembled at Rihc
Page 426 426 AUGUSTUS. gium; but an attempt to cross over to Sicily was thwarted by a naval victory which Pompeius gained over Q. Salvidienus Rufus in the very sight of Augustus. Soon after this, Augustus and Antony sailed across the Ionian sea to Greece, as Brutus and Cassius were leaving Asia for the west. Augustus was obliged to remain at Dyrrhachium on account of illness, but as soon as he had recovered a little, he hastened to Philippi in the autumn of B. C. 42. The battle of Philippi was gained by the two triumvirs: Brutus and Cassius in despair put an end to their lives, and their followers surrendered to the conquerors, with the exception of those who placed their hopes in Sext. Pompeius. After this successful war, in which the victory was mainly owing to Antony, though subsequently Augustus claimed all the merit for himself, the triumvirs made a new division of the provinces. Lepidus obtained Africa, and Augustus returned to Italy to reward his veterans with the lands he had promised them. All Italy was in fear and trembling, as every one anticipated the repetition of the horrors of a proscription. His enemies, especially Fulvia, the wife of Antony, and some other of the friends of the latter, increased these apprehensions by false reports in order to excite the people against him; for Augustus was detained for some time at Brundusium by a fresh attack of illness. But he pacified the minds of the people by a letter which he wrote to the senate. These circumstances not only prevented for the present his undertaking anything fresh against Sext. Pompeius, but occasioned a new and unexpected war. On his arrival at Rome, Augustus found that Fulvia had been spreading these rumours with the view of drawing away her husband from the arms of Cleopatra, and that L. Antonius, the brother of the triumvir, was used by her as an instrument to gain her objects. Augustus did all he could to avoid a rupture, but in vain. L. Antonius assembled an army at Praeneste, with which he threw himself into the fortified town of Perusia, where he was blockaded by Augustus with three armies, so that a fearful famine arose in the place. This happened towards the end of B. c. 41. After several attempts to break through the blockading armies, L. Antonius was obliged to surrender. The citizens of Perusia obtained pardon from Augustus, but the senators were put to death, and from three to four hundred noble Perusines were butchered on the 15th of March, B. c. 40, at the altar of Caesar. Fulvia fled to Greece, and Tiberius Nero, with his wife Livia, to Pompeius in Sicily and thence to Antony, who blamed the authors of the war, probably for no other reason but because it had been unsuccessful. Antony, however, sailed with his fleet to Brundusium, and preparations for war were made on both sides, but the news of the death of Fulvia in Greece accelerated a peace, which was concluded at Brundusium, between the two triumvirs. A new division of the provinces was again made: Augustus obtained all the parts of the empire west of the town of Scodra in Illyricum, and Antony the eastern provinces, while Italy was to belong to them in common. Antony also formed an engagement with the noble-minded Octavia, the sister of Augustus and widow of C. Marcellus, in order to confirm the new friendship. 'The marriage was celebrated at Rome. Sext. Pompeius, who had bad no share in these transactions, continued to AUGUSTUS. cut off the provisions of Rome, which was suffering greatly from scarcity: scenes of violence and outrage at Rome shewed the exasperation of the people. Augustus could not hope to satisfy the Romans unless their most urgent wants were satisfied by sufficient supplies of food, and this could not be effected in any other way but by a reconciliation with Pompeius. Augustus had an interview with him on the coast of Misenum, in B. c. 39, at which Pompeius received the proconsulship and the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, together with the province of Achaia. In return for these concessions he was to provide Italy with corn. In order to convince the Romans of the sincerity of his intentions, Augustus betrothed M. Marcellus, the son of Octavia and stepson of Antony, who was present on this occasion, to a daughter of Pompeius. Peace seemed now to be restored everywhere. Antony returned to the East, where his generals had been successful, and Augustus too received favourable news from his lieutenants in Spain and Gaul. Augustus, however, was anxious for an opportunity of a war, by which he might deprive Sext. Pompeius of the provinces which had been ceded to him at Misenum. A pretext was soon found in the fact, that Pompeius allowed piracy to go on in the Mediterranean. Augustus solicited the aid of the two other triumvirs, but they did not support him; and Antony was in reality glad to see Augustus engaged in a struggle in which he was sure to suffer. The fleet of Augustus suffered greatly from storms and the activity of Demochares, the admiral of Pompeius; but the latter did not follow up the advantages he had gained, and Augustus thus obtained time to repair his ships, and send Maecenas to Antony to invite him again to take part in the war. Antony hereupon sailed to Tarentum, in the beginning of the year 37, with 300 ships; but, on his arrival there, Augustus had changed his mind, and declined the assistance. This conduct exasperated Antony; but his wife, Octavia, acted as mediator; the two triumvirs met between Tarentum and Metapontum, and the urgent necessity of the times compelled them to lay aside their mutual mistrust. Augustus promised an army to Antony for his Parthian war, while Antony sent 120 ships to increase the fleet of Augustus, and both agreed to prolong their office of triumvirs for five years longer. While Antony hastened to Syria, Octavia remained with her brother. Soon after this, M. Vipsanius Agrippa received the command of the fleet of Augustus, and in July of the year 36, Sicily was attacked on all sides; but storms compelled the fleet of Augustus to return, and Lepidus alone succeeded in landing at Lilybaeum. Pompeius remained in his usual inactivity; in a sea-fight off Mylae he lost thirty ships, and Augustus landed at Tauromenium. Agrippa at last, in a decisive naval battle, put an end to the contest, and Pompeius fled to Asia. Lepidus, who had on all occasions been treated with neglect, now wanted to take Sicily for himself; but Augustus easily gained over his troops, and Lepidus himself submitted. He was sent to Rome by Augustus, and resided there for the remainder of his life as pontifex maximus. The forces which Augustus had under his command now amounted, according to Appian, to forty-five legions, independent of the light-armed troops and the cavalry, and to 600 ships. Augustus rewarded
Page 427 AUGUSTUS. his soldiers with garlands and money, and promised still further rewards; but the veterans insisted upon their dismission, and upon receiving (at once) the lands and all the sums that had been promised them. Augustus quelled the rebellion in its commencement by severity combined with liberality: he dismissed the veterans who had fought at Mutina and Philippi, and ordered them to quit Sicily immediately, that their disposition might not spread further among the soldiers. The latter were satisfied with the promises of Augustus, which he fulfilled at the expense of Sicily, and lands were assigned to the veterans in Campania. Augustus now sent back the ships of Antony, and took possession of Africa. The Roman senate hastened to honour the conqueror in the most extravagant manner; and when he approached the city, which Maecenas had governed during his absence, the senate and people flocked out to meet him. Augustus addressed the senate in a very modest manner, and declined some of the distinctions which were offered him. He celebrated his ovation on the 13th of November, B. c. 36. The abundant supply of provisions which was now brought to Rome satisfied the wants and wishes of the people; and as this happy state of things was the result of his victory, his interests coincided with those of the people, whose burdens were also lessened in various ways. By the conquest of two of his rivals, Augustus had now acquired strength enough to enter upon the contest with the third. He first endeavoured, however, as much as was in his power, to remedy the confusion and demoralisation in which Italy had been involved in consequence of the civil wars, and he pretended only to wait for the arrival of his colleague in order to withdraw with him into private life, as the peace of the republic was now restored. This pretended self-denial did not remain unrewarded, for the people elected him pontifex maximus, though Lepidus, who held this office, was yet alive; and the senate decreed, that he should inhabit a public building, that his person should be inviolable, and that he should sit by the side of the tribunes. Augustus took every opportunity of praising and supporting his absent colleague, Antony, and by this stratagem the Romans gradually became convinced, that if new disputes should break out between them, the fault could not possibly lie with Augustus. But matters did not yet come to this: the most urgent thing was to keep his troops engaged, and to acquire funds for paying them. After suppressing a mutiny among the insolent veterans, he prepared for a campaign against some tribes on the' north-eastern coast of the Adriatic, of which the Romans had never become complete masters, and which from time to time refused to pay their tribute. Augustus marched along the coast, without meeting with much resistance, until he came near the country of the Japydes: their capital Metulum was strongly fortified and garrisoned; but the perseverance of Augustus and the courage of his troops compelled the garrison to surrender, and the place was changed into a heap of ashes by the brave Japydes themselves (B. c. 35). As the season of the year was not yet much advanced, Augustus undertook a campaign against the Pannonians in Segestica. After several engagements during their march through the country, the Romans appeared before the town of Segesta, which, after a siege of thirty days, sued for pardon. Au AUGUSTUS. 427 gustus, to suit his own purpose, imposed only a fine upon the inhabitants, and leaving his legate Fufius Geminus behind with a garrison of twenty-five cohorts, he returned to Rome. Octavia had in the meantime been repudiated by Antony; and at the request of Augustus the senate declared Octavia and Livia inviolable, and granted them the right of conducting their own affairs without any male assistance-an apparent reparation for the insult offered to Octavia by her husband, but in reality a means of keeping the recollection of it alive. Augustus intended next to make an expedition against Britain, but the news of fresh revolts in the countries from which he had just returned, altered his plan. His generals soon restored peace, but he himself went to Dalmatia, where Agrippa had the command. Several towns were taken, and neither life nor property was spared. Augustus penetrated as far as Setovia, where he was wounded in his knee. After his recovery, he gave the command to Statilius Taurus, and returned to Rome to undertake the consulship for the year B. c. 33, which Le entered upon on the 1st of January together with L. Volcatius Tullus, and laid down on the same day, under the pretext of the Dalmatian war, though his presence there was no longer necessary, since Statilius Taurus had already completed the defeat of the Dalmatians. Out of the spoils made in this war Augustus erected a portico called, after his sister, Octavia. During this year, Agrippa was aedile, and did all he could to gain popularity for his friend Augustus and himself, and Augustus also made several very useful regulations. Meantime the arbitrary and arrogant proceedings of Antony in the East were sufficient of themselves to point him out to the Romans as an enemy of the republic, but Augustus did not neglect to direct attention secretly to his follies. Letters now passed between the two triumvirs full of mutual criminations; and Antony already purchased from Artavasdes cavalry for the impending war against his colleague. The rupture between the two triumvirs was mainly brought about by the jealousy and ambition of Cleopatra. During the year B. c. 32, while Cleopatra kept Antony in a perpetual state of intoxication, Augustus had time to convince the Romans that the heavy sacrifices he demanded of them were to be made on their own behalf only, as Italy had to fear everything from Antony. War was now declared against Cleopatra, for Antony was looked upon only as her infatuated slave. In B. c. 31, Augustus was consul for thie third time with M. Valerius Messalla. Rome was in a state of great excitement and alarm, and all classes had to make extraordinary exertions. An attempt of Augustus to attack his enemy during the winterwas frustrated by storms; but, in the spring, his fleet, under the command of the able Agrippa, spread over the whole of the eastern part of the Adriatic, and Augustus himself with his legions landed in Epeirus. Antony and Cleopatra took their station near the promontory of Actium in Acarnania. Their fleet had no able rowers, and everything depended upon the courage of the soldiers and the size of their ships. Some persons ventured to doubt the safety of entering upon a sea-fight, but Cleopatra's opinion prevailed, and the battle of Actium was fought in September, 31. As soon as the queen observed that victory was not certain on her side, she took to flight, and Antony soon followed her. His fleet fought in vain
Page 428 428 AUGUSTUS. to the last, and, after a long hesitation, the land forces surrendered. The danger which had threatened to bring Rome under the dominion of an eastern queen was thus removed, the ambition of Augustus was satisfied, and his generosity met with general admiration. After the battle of Actium, he proceeded slowly through Greece and a part of western Asia, where he entered on his fourth consulship for the year B. c. 30, and passed the winter at Samos. The confidence of his army in him grew with his success, but the veterans again shewed symptoms of discontent, and demanded the fulfilment of the promises made to them. Soon after, they broke out into open rebellion, and Augustus hastened from Samos to remedy the evil in person. It was with great difficulty that he escaped the storms and arrived at Brundusium. Here he was met by the Roman senators, equites, and a great number of the people, which emboldened him to ask for their assistance to pay his soldiers. His requests were readily complied with, and he was enabled to fulfil his engagements towards the veterans, and assigned lands to them in various parts of the empire. Without going to Rome, he soon after sailed to Corinth, Rhodes, Syria, and Egypt. Cleopatra negotiated with Augustus to betray Antony; but when she found that Augustus only wanted to spare her that she might adorn his triumph, she put an end to her life. [ANToNIus, No. 12.] Egypt was made a Roman province, and the booty which Augustus obtained was so immense, that he could easily satisfy the demands of his army. At Rome the senate and people rivalled each other in devising new honours and distinctions for Augustus, who was now alone at the head of the Roman world. In Samos he entered upon his fifth consulship for the year B. c. 29. The senate sanctioned all his acts, and conferred upon him many extraordinary rights and privileges. The temple of Janus was closed, as peace was restored throughout the empire. In August of the same year, Augustus returned to Rome, and celebrated his threefold triumph over the Pannonians and Dalmatians, Antony and Egypt; and he obtained the title of imperator for ever. After these solemnities were over, Augustus undertook the consulship for the year 28 together with his friend Agrippa. He was determined from the first not to lay down the power which his own successes and the circumstances of the times had placed in his hands, although he occasionally pretended that he would resign it. He first directed his attention to the restoration of order in all parts of the government; and, as he was invested with the censorship, he began by clearing the senate of all unworthy members; he ejected two hundred senators, and also raised the senatorial census; but where a worthy senator's property did not come up to the new standard, he very liberally made it up out of his own means. He raised many plebeian families to the rank of patricians; and as he had a predilection for ancient, especially religious, institutions, he restored several temples which had fallen into decay, and also built new ones. The keeping of the aerarium was transferred from the quaestors to the praetors and ex-praetors. After having introduced these and many other useful changes, he proposed in the senate to lay down hiss powers, but allowed himself to be prevailed upon to remain at the head of affairs for ten years AUGUSTUS. longer. This plan was afterwards repeated several times, and he apparently allowed himself to be always persuaded to retain his power either for ten or five years longer. He next made a division of the provinces, leaving the quiet and peaceful ones to the senate, and retaining for himself those which required the presence of an army. The administration of the former was given every year by the senate to proconsuls, while Augustus placed the others under legati Caesaris, sometimes also called propraetores, whom he appointed at any time he pleased. He declined all honours and distinctions which were calculated to remind the Romans of kingly power; he preferred allowing the republican forms to continue, in order that he might imperceptibly concentrate in his own person all the powers which had hitherto been separated. He accepted, however, the name of Augustus, which was offered to him on the proposal of L. Munatius Plancus. In B. c. 23 he entered upon his eleventh consulship, but laid it down immediately afterwards; and, after having also declined the dictatorship, which was offered him by the senate, he accepted the imperium proconsulare and the tribunitia potestas for life, by which his inviolability was legally established, while by the imperium proconsulare he became the highest authority in all the Roman provinces. When in B. c. 12 Lepidus, the pontifex maximus, died, Augustus, on whom the title of chief pontiff had been conferred on a former occasion, entered upon the office itself. Thus he became the high priest of the state, and obtained the highest influence over all the other colleges of priests. Although he had thus united in his own person all the great offices of state, yet he was too prudent to assume exclusively the titles of all of them, or to shew to the Romans that lie was the sole master. Other persons were accordingly allowed to hold the consulship, praetorship, and other public offices; but these offices were in reality mere forms and titles, like the new offices which he created to reward his friends and partisans. Augustus assumed nothing of the outward appearance of a monarch: he retained the simple mode of living of an ordinary citizen, continued his familiar intimacy with his friends, and appeared in public without any pomp or pageantry; a kingly court, in our sense of the word, did not exist at all in the reign of Augustus. His relation to the senate was at first rather undefined: in B. c. 28 he had been made princeps senatus, but in the beginning of the year 24 lie was exempted by the senate from all the laws of the state. During the latter years of his life, Augustus seldom attended the meetings of the senate, but formed a sort of privy council, consisting of twenty senators, with whom he discussed the most important political matters. Augustus had no ministers, in our sense of the word; but on state matters, which he did not choose to be discussed in public, he consulted his personal friends, C. Cilnius Maecenas, M. Vipsanius Agrippa, M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, and Asinius Pollio, all of whom contributed, each in his way, to increase the splendour of the capital and the welfare of the empire. The people retained their republican privileges, though they were mere forms: they still met in their assemblies, and elected consuls and other magistrates; but only such persons were elected as had been proposed or recommended by the emperor. The almost uninterrupted festivities, games, and
Page 429 AUGUSTUS. distributions of corn, and the like, made the people forget the substance of their republican freedom; and they were ready to serve him who fed them most liberally: the population of the city was then little better than a mob. It was a necessary consequence of the dominion acquired by force of arms, that standing armies (castra stativa) were kept on the frontiers of the empire, as on the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates, which in many instances became the foundations of flourishing towns. The veterans were distributed into a number of colonies. For the protection of his own person, Augustus established ten praetorian cohorts, consisting of one thousand men each, which were placed under the command of two equites with the title of praefecti praetorio. For the purpose of maintaining order and security in the city, he instituted a sort of police, under the name of cohortes urbanae, which were under the command of the praefectus urbi. The fleets were stationed at Ravenna, Misenum, and in various ports of the provinces. In the division of the provinces which Augustus had made in B. c. 27, especial regulations were made to secure strict justice in their administration; in consequence of which many, especially those which were not oppressed by armies, enjoyed a period of great prosperity. Egypt was governed in a manner different from that of all other provinces. The division of the provinces was necessarily followed by a change in the administration of the finances, which were in a bad condition, partly in consequence of the civil wars, and partly through all the domain lands in Italy having been assigned to the veterans. The system of taxation was revised, and the taxes increased. The aerarium, out of which the senate defrayed the public expenses, "was separated from the fiscus, the funds of the emperor, out of which he paid his armies. Augustus enacted several laws to improve the moral condition of the Romans, and to secure the public peace and safety. Thus he made several regulations to prevent the recurrence of scarcity and famine, promoted industry, and constructed roads and other works of public utility. The large sums of money which were put into circulation revived commerce and industry, from which the eastern provinces especially and Egypt derived great advantages. Although Augustus, who must have been startled and frightened by the murder of Caesar, treated the Romans with the utmost caution and mildness, and endeavoured to keep out of sight every thing that might shew him in the light of a sovereign, yet several conspiracies against his life reminded him that there were still persons of a republican spirit. It will be sufficient here to mention the names of the leaders of these conspiracies,-M. Lepidus, L. Murena, Fannius Caepio, and Cornelius Cinna, who are treated of in separate articles. After this brief sketch of the internal affairs of the Roman empire during the reign of Augustus, it only remains to give some account of the wars in which he himself took part. Most of them were conducted by his friends and relations, and need not be noticed here. On the whole, we may remark, that the wars of the reign of Augustus were not wars of aggression, but chiefly undertaken to secure the Roman dominion and to protect the riontiers, which were now more exposed than be AUGUSTUS. 429 fore to the hostile inroads of barbarians. In B. c. 27, Augustus sent M. Crassus to check the incursions of the Dacians, Bastarnians, and Moesians on the Danube; and, in the same year, he himself went to Gaul and Spain, and began the conquest of the warlike Cantabri and Asturii,;whose subjugation, however, was not completed till B. c. 19 by Agrippa. During this campaign Augustus founded several towns for his veterans, such as Augusta Emerita and Caesar Augusta. In B. c. 21 Augustus travelled through Sicily and Greece, and spent the winter following at Samos. After this, he went to Syria at the invitation of Tiridates, who had been expelled from his kingdom of Parthia. The ruling king, Phraates, for fear of the Romans, sent back the standards and prisoners which had been taken from Crassus and Antony. Towards the end of the year 20, Augustus returned to Samos, to spend the approaching winter there. Here ambassadors from India appeared before him, with presents from their king, Pandion, to confirm the friendship which had been sought on a former occasion. In the autumn of B. c. 19, he returned to Rome, where new honours and distinctions were conferred upon him. His vanity was so much gratified at these bloodless victories which he had obtained in Syria and Samos, that he struck medals to commemorate them, and afterwards dedicated the standards which he had received from Phraates in the new temple of Mars Ultor. In B. c. 18, the imperium of Augustus was prolonged for five years, and about the same time he increased the number of senators to 600. The wars in Armenia, in the Alps, and on the Lower Rhine, were conducted by his generals with varying success. In B. c. 16 the Romans suffered a defeat on the Lower Rhine by some German tribes; and Augustus, who thought the danger greater than it really was, went himself to Gaul, and spent two years there, to regulate the government of that province, and to make the necessary preparations for defending it against the Germans. In B. c. 13 he returned to Rome, leaving the protection of the frontier on the Rhine to his step-son, Drusus Nero. In B. c. 9 he again went to Gaul, where he received German ambassadors, who sued for peace; but he treacherously detained them, and distributed them in the towns of Gaul, where they put an end to their lives in despair. Towards the end of this year, he returned to Rome with Tiberius and Drusus. From this time forward, Augustus does not appear to have again taken any active part in the wars that were carried on. Those in Germany were the most formidable, and lasted longer than the reign of Augustus. In A. D. 13, Augustus, who had then reached his 75th year, again undertook the government of the empire for ten years longer; but he threw some part of the burden upon his adopted son and successor, Tiberius, by making him his colleague. In the year following, A. D. 14, Tiberius was to undertake a campaign in Illvricum, and Augustus, though he was bowed down by old age, by domestic misfortunes and cares of every kind, accompanied him as far as Naples. On his return, he was taken ill at Nola, and died there on the 29th of August, A. D. 14, at the age of 76. When he felt his end approaching, he is said to have asked his friends who were present whether he had not acted his part well. He died very gently in the arms of his wife, Livia, who kept the event secret, until Tibe
Page 430 430 AUGUSTUS. rius had returned to Nola, where he was immediately saluted as the successor of Augustus. The body of the emperor was carried by the decuriones of Nola to Bovillae, where it was received by the Roman equites and conveyed to Rome. The solemn apotheosis took place in the Campus Martius, and his ashes were deposited in the mausoleum which he himself had built. As regards the domestic life of Augustus, he was one of those unhappy men whom fortune surrounds with all her outward splendour, and who can yet partake but little of the general happiness which they establish or promote. His domestic misfortunes must have embittered all his enjoyments. Augustus was a man of great caution and moderation-two qualities by which he maintained his power over the Roman world; but in his matrimonial relations and as a father he was not happy, chiefly through his own fault. He was first married, though only nominally, to Clodia, a daughter of Clodius and Fulvia. His second wife, Scribonia, was a relation of Sext. Pompeius: she bore him his only daughter, Julia. After he had divorced Scribonia, he married Livia Drusilla, who was carried away from her husband, Tiberius Nero, in a state of pregnancy. She brought Augustus two step-sons, Tiberius Nero and Nero Claudius Drusus. She secured the love and attachment of her husband to the last moments of his life. Augustus had at first fixed on M. Marcellus as his successor, AUGUSTUS. the son of his sister Octavia, who was married to his daughter, Julia. Agrippa, jealous of Augustus' partiality for him, left Rome, and did not return till Marcellus had died in the flower of his life. Julia was now compelled by her father to marry the aged Agrippa, and her sons, Caius and Lucius Caesar, were raised to the dignity of principes juventutis. At the death of Agrippa, in B. c. 12, Tiberius was obliged to divorce his wife, Vipsania, and, contrary to his own will, to marry Julia. Dissatisfied with her conduct and the elevation of her sons, he went, in B. c. 6, to Rhodes, where he spent eight years, to avoid living with Julia. Augustus, who became at last disgusted with her conduct, sent her in B. c. 2 into exile in the island of Pandataria, near the coast of Campania, whither she was followed by her mother, Scribonia. The children of Julia, Julia the Younger and Agrippa Postumus, were likewise banished. The grief of Augustus was increased by the deaths of his friend Maecenas, in B. c. 8, and of his two grandsons, Caius and Lucius Caesar, who are said to have fallen victims to the ambitious designs of Livia, who wished to make room for her own son, Tiberius, whom the deluded emperor was persuaded to adopt and to make his colleague and successor. Tiberius, in return, was obliged to adopt Drusus Germanicus, the son of his late brother, Drusus. A more complete view of the family of Augustus is given in the annexed stemma. STEMMA OF AUGUSTUS AND HIS FAMILY. 1. Ancharia. Octavia, the elder. C. Octavius, praetor in B. c. 61, married to 2. Atia, daughter of M. Atius Balbus and Julia, a sister of C. Julius Caesar. 1. Octavia, the younger. 2. C. Octavius (C. JULIUS CAESAR OcTAvIANUS AUGUSTUS), married to 1. Clodia. 2. Scribonia. 3. Livia. Julia, married to 1. M. Marcellus. 2. M. Vipsanius Agrippa. 3. TIBERIUS, emperor. No issue. No issue. 1. C. Caesar, married to Livia, 2. L. Caesar, betrothed 3. Julia, married 4. the sister of Germanicus. to Aemilia Lepida. to L. Aemilius Died A. D. 4. Died A. D. 2. Paullus. 1. M. Aemilius Lepidus, married to Drusilla, daughter of Germanicus. 2. Aemilia Lepida, married to 1. Ap. Junius Silanus. 2. Drusus. Agrippina, married to Germanicus. 5. Agrippa Postumus. Put to death A. D. 14. 1. L. Silanus. 2. M. Silanus. 3. Junia Calvina. 1. Nero, married to Julia, dau. of Drusus, the son of Tiberius. (Tac. Ann. vi. 27.) 2. Drusus, married to Aemilia Lepida. (Tac. Ann. vi. 40.) 3. CALIGULA, 4. Agrippina, 5. Drusilla, married emperor. married to to 1. L. Cassius, Cn. Domi- and 2. M. Aemil. tius. Lepidus. NERO, emperor. 6. Livia or Livilla,marriecd to 1. M. Vicinius, 2. Quintilius Varus. (?)
Page 431 AVIANUS. Our space does not allow us here to enter into a critical examination of the character of Augustus: what he did is recorded in history, and public opinion in his own time praised him for it as an excellent prince and statesman; the investigation of the hidden motives of his actions is such a delicate subject, that both ancient and modern writers have advanced the most opposite opinions, and both supported by strong arguments. The main difficulty lies in the question, whether his government was the fruit of his honest intentions and wishes, or whether it was merely a means of satisfying his' own ambition and love of dominion; in other words, whether he was a straightforward and honest man, or a most consummate hypocrite. Thus much is certain, that his reign was a period of happiness for Italy and the provinces, and that it removed the causes of future civil wars. Previous to the victory of Actium his character is less a matter of doubt, and there we find sufficient proofs of his cruelty, selfishness, and faithlessness towards his friends. He has sometimes been charged with cowardice, but, so far as military courage is concerned, the charge is unfounded. (The principal ancient sources concerning the life and reign of Augustus are: Sueton. Augustus; Nicolaus Darnase. De Vita Augusti; Dion Cass. xlv.-lvi.; Tacitus, Annal. i.; Cicero's Epistles and Philippics; Vell. Pat. ii. 59-124; Plut. Antonius. Besides the numerous modern works on the History of Rome, we refer especially to A. Weichert, Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti Scriptorum Reliquiae, Fasc. i., Grimae, 1841, 4to., which contains an excellent account of the youth of Augustus and his education; Drumann, Geschichte Roms, vol. iv. pp. 245-302, who treats of his history down to the battle of Actium; Loebell, Ueber das Principat des Augustus, in Raumer's Historisches Taschenbuch, 5ter, Jahrgang, 1834; Karl Hoeck, Rimische Geschichte vom Vefiudl der Republik biS zur Vollendung der Mlonarchie udner Constantin, i. 1. pp. 214-421.) [L. S.] E RIV AT 27.) AVIA'NUS, FLA'VIUS, the author of a collection of forty-two Aesopic fables in Latin elegiac verse, dedicated to a certain Theodosius, who is addressed as a man of great learning and highly cultivated mind. The designation of this writer appears under a number of different shapes in different MSS., such as Avianus, Anianus, Abidnus, Abienus, and Avienus, from which last form he was by many of the earlier historians of Roman literature, such as Vossius and Funccius, identified with the geographical poet, Rufus Festus Avienus. [AVIENUS.] But, independent of the circumstance that no fact except this resemblance of name can be adduced in support of such an opinion, the ar AVIANUS. 431 gument derived from the style of these compositions must, to every reader of taste and discrimination, appear conclusive. Nothing can be imagined more unlike the vigorous, bold, spirited, and highly embellished rotundity which characterizes the Descriptio Orbis and the Aratea than the feeble, hesitating, dull meagreness of the fabulist. Making all allowances for numerous corruptions in the text, we can scarcely regard these pieces in any other light than as the early effusions of some unpractised youth, who patched very unskilfully expressions borrowed from the purer classics, especially Virgil, upon the rude dialect of an unlettered age. Cannegieter, in his erudite but most tedious dissertation, has toiled unsuccessfully to prove that Avianus flourished under the Antonines. Wernsdorf, again, places him towards the end of the fourth century, adopting the views of those who believe that the Theodosius of the dedication may be Aurelius Macrobius Ambrosius Theodosius, the grammarian, and adding the conjecture, that the Flavianus of the Saturnalia may have been corrupted by transcribers into Fl. Avianus. These are mere guesses, and may be taken for what they are worth. Judging from the language, and we have nothing else whatever to guide us, we should feel inclined to place him a hundred years later. Avianus was first printed independently by Jac. de Breda, at Deventer in Holland, in the year 1494, 4to., Gothic characters, under the title " Apologus Aviani civis Romani adolescentulis ad mores et Latinum sermonem capessendos utilissimus;" but the editio princeps is appended to the fables of Aesop which appeared about 1480. The earlier editions contain only twenty-seven fables; the whole forty-two were first published by Rigaltius, along with Aesop and other opuscula (16mo. Lugd. 1570). The most complete edition is that of Cannegieter, 8vo. Amstel. 1731, which was followed by those of Nodell, 8vo. Amstel. 1787, and of C. H. Tzschucke, 12mo. Lips. 1790. " The fables of Avian translated into Englyshe" are to be found at the end of " The Subtyl Historyes and Fables of Esope, translated out of Frenshe into Englysshe, by William Caxton at Westmynstre. In the yere of our lorde M cccc lxxxiii., &c. Enprynted by the same the xxvj daye ofMarclhetheyere of our lord l ccc Ilxxxiij, And the fyrst yere of the regne of kyng Rychard the thyrde," folio. This book was reprinted by Pynson. We have a translation into Italian by Giov. Gris. Trombelli, 8vo. Venez. 1735; and into German by H. Fr. Kerler, in his Rb'mi. Fabeldichter, Stuttgard, 1838. (Vossius, de Poetis Latt. p. 56; Funccius, de Vegeta L. L. Seneclute, cap. iii. ~ Ivi.; Barth. Adversar. xix. 24, xxvii. 3, xxxix. 7 and 13, xlvi. 4, 7, 16; Wernsdorf, Poett. Latt. Minn. vol. v. pars. ii. p. 663, who effectually destroys the leading argument of Cannegieter that Avianus must be intermediate between Phaedrus and Titianus, upon which idea the hypothesis that he lived under the Antonines rests.) [W.R.] AVIA'NUS EVANDER. [EVANDER.] AVIA'NUS FLACCUS. [FLACCUS.] AVIA'NUS HAMMO'NIUS. [HAMMONIUS.] AVIA'NUS, LAETUS, the name prefixed to an epigram in bad Latin, comprised in three elegiac distichs, on the famous work of Martianus Capella. The subject proves that it cannot be earlier than the end of the fifth century. (Burmann, Antholog. Add. i. p. 738, or Ep. n. 553, ed. Meyer.; Barth. Adversar. xviii. 21.) [W. R.]
Page 432 432 AVIENUS. AVIA'NUS PHILO'XENUS. [PHILOXEN s.] AVI'DIUS CA'SSIUS. [CASSIUS.] AVI'DIUS FLACCUS. [FLACCUS.] C. AVIE'NUS, tribune of the soldiers of the tenth legion, was ignominiously dismissed from the army, on account of misconduct in the African war, B. c. 46. (Hirt. B. Afr. 46.) AVIE'N US, RUFUS FESTUS. The following poems are ascribed to an author bearing this name:1. Deseriptio Orbis Terrae, or, as it is variously entitled in different editions and MSS., Metaphrasis Perigeseos Dionysii-Situs Orbis-Ambitus Orbisin 1394 hexameter lines, derived directly from the 7repi 'yqreis of Dionysius, and containing a succinct account of the most remarkable objects in the physical and political geography of the known world. It adheres too closely in some places, and departs too widely in others, from the text of the Alexandrian, to be called with propriety a translation, or even a paraphrase, and still less does it deserve to be regarded as an independent work, but approaches more nearly to our modern idea of a new edition compressed in certain passages, enlarged in others, and altered throughout. These changes can hardly be considered as improvements, for not unfrequently the anxiety of the writer to expand and embellish his original has made him wander into extravagance and error, while on the other hand the fear of becoming prolix and tedious has led to injudicious curtailments, and induced him to omit the names of nations and districts which ought not to have been passed over. Nor does he attempt to correct the mistakes of his predecessor, nor to take advantage of those stores of knowledge which must have been available at the period when he lived; but the blunders and follies of the old Greek poets, who were profoundly ignorant of all the regions to the West and North of their own country, are implicitly followed, and many things set down which every well-informed man under the empire must have known to be absurd. There is, however, a considerable energy and liveliness of style, which animates the inherent dulness of the undertaking and carries the reader lightly on, while much ingenuity is displayed in varying the expression of constantly-recurring ideas. 2. Ora Maritima, a fragment in 703 Iambic trimeters. The plan comprehended a full delineation of the shores of the Mediterranean, together with those of the Euxine and sea of Asov, and a portion of the Atlantic without the pillars of Hercules; but we know not if this design was ever fully carried out, for the portion which has oeen preserved is confined almost entirely to the coast stretching from Marseilles to Cadiz. The author professes to have commenced the essay in order to satisfy the intelligent inquiries of a youth named Probus, to whom it is addressed, with regard to the geography of the Pontus and the Maeotic Gulf; but if intended for the purposes of instruction, it is impossible to imagine any task executed in a less satisfactory manner. There is an absence of all order and arrangement. Instead of advancing steadily in a given direction, we are carried backwards and forwards, transported abruptly from one spot to another at a great distance, and brought again and again to the same point without completing any circuit, besides being AVIENUS. distracted with discussions on localities and objects totally foreign to the matter in hand. Moreover, the different nations and districts are distinguished by their ancient and forgotten names, instead of those by which they were actually known at the time when this guide-book was composed, and all the old and exploded fantasies of half mythical geography revived and gravely propounded. We are led almost irresistibly to the conclusion, that Avienus, possessing no practical or scientific acquaintance with his subject, had read a number of conflicting accounts of the countries in question, written in former times by persons who were as ignorant as himself, and had combined and pieced them together in the hope of elaborating a consistent whole,-neglecting with strange perversity the numerous sources of accurate information opened up by the wars so long waged and the dominion so long exercised by his countrymen in those regions. 3. Aratea Phaenomena, and Aratea Prognostica, both in Hexameter verse, the first containing 1325, the second 552 lines. They bear exactly the same relation to the well known works of Aratus as the Descriptio Orbis Terrae does to that of Dionysius. The general arrangement of the Greek original is followed throughout, and several passages are translated more closely than in the versions of Cicero and Germanicus, but on the other hand many of the mythical legends are expanded, new tales are introduced, and extracts from the works of celebrated astroonomers, scraps of Pythagorean philosophy, and fragments of Aegyptian superstition, are combined and worked up with the materials of the old fabric. The result is much more successful than in the two efforts previously examined. Here there was more room for the imagination to disport itself unencumbered with dry details and stubborn facts, and accordingly the interest is well sustained and the flowing and spirited style of the poet appears to great advantage. 4. Three short fugitive pieces, the first addressed to a friend, Flavianus 11Mrmecizs, V. (., requesting a gift of some pomegraiiates from his estates in Africa, in order to remove an attack of bile and indigestion; the second, De Cantu Sirenum, or Sirenum Allegoria, on the allurements of the daughters of Achelous and the device by which Ulysses escaped their wiles; the third, Ad Amicos de Agro, enumerating the various occupations which by turns occupied the time and engaged the attention of the writer each day when living in country retirement. We must remark, that while we can scarcely entertain a doubt that the two Geographical Essays are from the same pen, especially since in the second (1. 71) we find a direct reference to the first, we have no external evidence connecting them with the others, except the fact, that the same name is prefixed in all MSS. to the whole, with the exception of the 2nd and 3rd epigrams. But, on the other hand, the style, manner, and phraseology of the Aratean poems correspond so exactly with what we observe in the rest, that scholars in general have acquiesced in the arrangement which assigns the whole to one person. They evidently belong to an epoch when Latin literature, although fast verging to old age, was still fresh and hale, and far from being paralyzed by infirmities;-we still perceive with pleasure a
Page 433 AVIENUS. force and freedom of expression in strong contrast with the inflated feebleness and uneasy stiffness which marked the last period of decay. Assuming that the astronomical Avienus is the same with the geographical Avienus, we can at once determine approximately the age to which he belongs; for Jerome, in his commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to Titus, mentions that the quotation by the Apostle, in the xvii. chapter of the Acts, Tov yadp iceal 'yvos eo-I', is to be found in the Phaenomena of Aratus, " quem Cicero iii Latinum sermonem transtulit, et Germanicus Caesar, et nuper Avienus." Now Jerome died in 420; therefore, allowing all fair latitude to the somewhat indefinite nuper, we may with tolerable certainty place Avienus in the latter half of the fourth century, under Valens, the Valentinians, Gratian, and Theodosius, or even somewhat earlier, under Constantine and Julian. Our next step leads us upon ground much less firm, but we may venture yet a little further. An inscription, discovered originally, we are told, in the church of St. Nicholas, of the Furbishers, at Rome, and afterwards deposited in the Villa Caesarina, has been published by Fabretti and others, and will be found in Burmann's Anthologia. (i. 79, or Ep.n. 278, ed. Meyer.) It bears as a title R. FESTUS V. C. DE SE AD DEAM NORTIAM, and begins in the first person, Festus Musoni soboles prolesque Avieni, after which follows an announcement on the part of this individual, that he was born at Vulsinii, that he dwelt at Rome, tnat he had twice been elevated to the office of proconsul, that he was the happy husband of a lady named Placida, the proud father of a numerous offspring, and the author of many poems (carmina multa serens); then follows a sort of epitaph in four lines, inscribed by Placidus, apparently the son of the above personage, to the sacred memory of his sire. Wernsdorf and others have at once pronounced without hesitation, that the Festus who here calls himself descendant of Musonius and son of Avienus, for such is undoubtedly the true meaning of the words, must be the same with our Rufus Festus Avienus. The proof adduced, when carefully sifted, amounts to this:1. It is probable that the ancestor here referred to may be C. Musonius Rufus, the celebrated Stoic and intimate friend of Apollonius of Tyana. He was exiled by Nero, patronized by Vespasian, and is frequently mentioned by the writers who treat of this period. This idea receives confirmation from the circumstance that Tacitus and Philostratus both represent Musonius as a Tuscan, and Suidas expressly asserts that he was a native of Vulsinii. We thus fully establish an identity of name between the writer of the inscription and our Avienus, and can explain satisfactorily how the appellation Rufus came into the family. 2. From two laws in the Codex of Justinian (see Gothofred, Prosopogr. Cod. Tlseod.), it appears that a certain Festus was proconsul of Africa in the years 366 and 367, which agrees with the age we have assigned to our Avienus from St. Jerome, and an inscription is extant (Boeckh, Inscr. Graec. i. p. 436) commemorating the gratitude of the Athenians towards 'PodScpos qoCrmos, proconsul of Greece. Now the editor of Dionysius and Aratus must have been a Greek scholar, and we gather from some lines in the Descriptio that he had repeatedly visited Delphi in person; thus he may be this very 'Pov'Qros siie'ros, and the two proconsular AVIENUS. 433 appointments are in this way determined. 3. The words " carmina multa serens" point out a similarity of taste and occupation. 4. Lastly, in the epitaph by Placidus we detect an expression, " Jupiter aethram (Pandit, Feste tibi)," which seems to allude directly to the second line of the Phaenomena, " excelsum reserat Jupiter aethram," although this may be merely an accidental resemblance. It will be seen that the evidence requires a good deal of hypothetical patching to enable it to hang together at all, and by no means justifies the undoubting confidence of Wernsdorf; but, at the same time, we can scarcely refuse to acknowledge that the coincidences are remarkable. We need scarcely notice the opinion of some early critics, that Avienus was a Spaniard, since it avowedly rests upon the consideration, that the fragment of the Ora Maritima which has been preserved is devoted chiefly to the coast of Spain, and contains quotations from the works of Himilco and the Carthaginian annalists with regard to that country and the shores of the Atlantic. To refute such arguments would be almost as idle as to invent them. Nor need we treat with greater respect the assertion that he was a Christian. Not a line can be quoted which would appear to any reasonable man favourable to such a notion; but, on the contrary, wherever he speaks of the Pagan gods we find that he expresses in very unequivocal language a marked reverence for their worship. There is little to be said either for or against the idea, that he is the young Avienus introduced by Macrobius in the Saturnalia as talking with Symmachus. So far as dates are concerned there is no anachronism involved, but the name was very common, and we have no clue to guide us to any conclusion. Servius, in his commentary on Virgil (x. 388), speaks of an Avienus who had turned the whole of Virgil and Livy into Iambics (qui totum Virgilium et Livium iambis scripsit), and refers to him again (x. 272) as the person " qui iambis scripsit Virgilii fabulas." We cannot doubt that Livy the historian must be indicated here, for he was by so much the most celebrated of all authors bearing that appellation, that a grammarian like Servius would scarcely have failed to add a distinguishing epithet had any other Livy been meant. There is no difficulty in believing the operation to have been performed upon Virgil, for we know that such conversions were common exercises during the decline of literature, and Suidas tells us in particular of a certain Marianus, in the reign of the emperor Anastasius, who turned the dactylics of Theocritus, Apollonius, Callimachus, and others, into iambic measures. Lastly, all scholars now admit that there are no grounds for supposing, that the prose treatise "Breviarium de Victoriis ac Provinciis Populi Romani ad Valentinianum Augustum," ascribed to a Sextus Rufus or Rufus Festus, and the topographical compendium " Sexti Rufi de Regionibus Urbis Romae," belong to Avienus, as was at one time maintained; while the poem "De Urbibus Hispaniae Mediterraneis," quoted as his work by several Spaniards, is now known to be a forgery, executed in all probability by a certain Hieronymus Roranus, a Jesuit of Toledo, who was notorious for such frauds. The Editio Princeps of Avienus was printed at Venice in Roman characters, by Antonius de 2F
Page 434 434 AVITUS. AVITUS. Strata, under the care of Victor Pisanus, in 4to., and bears the date of 25th October (8 Kal. Nov.), 1488. It contains the Descriptio Orbis Terrae, the Ora l/aritima, the Aratea, and the epigram addressed to Flavianuss Myirmecius; besides which we find in the same volume the translation of Aratus by Cicero and Germanicus, and the verses of Q. Serenus Samonicus on the cure of diseases. The most useful edition is to be found in the second part of the fifth volume of the Poetae Latini Minores of Wernsdorf, which, however, does not include the Aratea, Wernsdorf not having lived to complete his work. But this last piece also, which was carefully edited by Buhle and placed at the end of his Aratus, is given in the French reprint of Wernsdorf (1825), which forms a portion of the collection of Latin classics published at Paris by Lemaire. [W. R.] AVI'OLA, the name of a family of the Acilia gens, which is not mentioned till the very end of the republic. 1. M'. ACILus AVIOLA, consul suffectus in B.C. 33, from the 1st of July, is probably the same Aviola who is said to have come to life again on the funeral pile, when it was supposed that he was dead, but to have been nevertheless burnt to death, "because 'the flames could not be extinguished. (Plin. H. N. vii. 52. s. 53; Val. Max. i. 8. ~ 12.) 2. ACILIus AVIOLA, legate of Gallia Lugdunensis under Tiberius, put down an outbreak of the Andecavi and Turonii, in A. D. 21. (Tac. Ann. iii. 41.) 3. M'. AcILIs AVIOLA, consul in the last year of the reign of Claudius, A. D. 54. (Tac. Ann. xii. 64; Suet. Claud. 45.) AVITIA'NUS, son of Julius Ausonius and Aemilia Aeonia, was a young man of great promise, who was being brought up to follow his father's profession as a physician, but died at an early age, in the fourth century after Christ. He was a younger brother of the poet Ausonius, who in one of his poems (Parent. xiii.) laments his premature death, and gives the above particulars of his life. [W. A. G.] AVI'TUS, A'LCIMUS ECDI'CIUS(orECDI'DIUS), son of Isicius, archbishop of Vienne, was born about the middle of the 5th century. From his earliest years he is said to have devoted himself to literature, and to have given promise of that erudition which subsequently gained for him, among his countrymen at least, the reputation of being the most profound and eloquent scholar of his age. After bestowing an ample inheritance on the poor, he retired into the monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul, close to the walls of his native city, and remained in the seclusion of the cloister until the death of his father (in A. D. 490), whom he succeeded in the archiepiscopal dignity. His fame as a pious and charitable priest and a powerful controversialist now rose very high. He took part in the celebrated conference at Lyons between the Arians and the Catholic bishops, held in the presence of the Burgundian king, where, as we are told, he silenced the heretics and brought back many waverers to the bosom of the church. Gundebald himself is said to have yielded to his arguments, although from political motives he refused to recant his errors openly; and all agree, that after his death his son Sigismund publicly declared his adherence to the true faith. Avitus, at the request of his royal admirers, published treatises in confutation of the Nestorians, Eutychians, Sa bellians, and Pelagians, and was peculiarly successful in gaining over a number of Jews who had settled in his diocese. By pope Hormisda he was appointed vicar apostolic in Gaul, in the year 517 presided at the council of Epaune (concilium Epaonense), died on the 5th of February, 523, was buried in the monastery of St. Peter and St. Paul, where he had passed so many years of his early life, and in the fulness of time received the honours of canonization. The works of Avitus are 1. Sacrorum Poematum libri quinque, dedicated to his brother, Apollinaris, bishop of Valentia, a renowned worker of miracles. This collection consists of five distinct pieces, all in hexameter verse, extending to upwards of 2500 lines, De Initio Mundi, De Peccato Originali, De Sententia Dei, De Diluvio M1Iundi, De Transitu Maris Rubri. 2. De consolatoria Castitatis Laude, in 666 hexameters, addressed to his sister Fuscina, a nun. These productions display much imagination and great fluency; the plan of the different portions is well conceived and skilfully executed, and both in versification and expression they deserve the moderate praise of being much better than could have been expected, belonging as they do to what Funccius has quaintly termed the " Iners ac decrepita senectus" of the Latin language. Barthius is of opinion that we are prevented from estimating them fairly, in consequence of the numerous depravations and interpolations which he believes them to have suffered from the monks in ages still more barbarous. Besides his effusions in verse, Avitus is known to have published nine books of epistles, and a great number of homilies; but of these the following only are extant: 3. Eighty-seven letters to and from various persons of distinction in church and state. 4. A homily "De Festo Rogationum et prima ejus Institutione." 5. Eight fragments of homilies. 6. Fragments of opuscula. These remains shew that he was well versed in scripture and in theology, and that he possessed some knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, and they contain curious and valuable information on various points of ecclesiastical history, discipline, and doctrine. The poems were first printed at Strasburg in 1507 from a MS. in the possession of Beroaldus, and are given in the Corpus Poetarum Latinorum of Maittaire and similar compilations. The whole works of Avitus were published collectively with notes by Pere Sirmond, at Paris, -1643, 8vo., in the second volume of his Opuscula of the fathers and other ecclesiastical writers, and also in the works of Sirmond published by Pere la Baume, Paris, 1690, fol., and reprinted at Venice, 1729, fol. Since that period, a new homily has been discovered, and is included in the fifth vol. of the Thesaur. Anecdot. by Dom. Martenne. [W. R.] AVI'TUS, A'LPHIUS. The Latin poet quoted under this name is believed to have flourished during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. Many suppose him to be the same person with Alfius Flavus-the precocious pupil of Cestius and contemporary with Seneca, who while yet a boy was so famed for his eloquence, that crowds flocked to listen to his orations (Senec. Controv. i. )-and with Flavius Alfius, referred to by Pliny (1. N. ix. 8), as an authority for a story about dolphins. Hence
Page 435 AVITUS. Vossius conjectures, that his designation at full length and properly arranged may have been Flavus Alfius Avitus. All this is very ingenious and very uncertain. We know from Terentianus Maurus (1. 2448), that Alphius Avitus composed a work upon Illustrious Men, in iambic dimeters, extending to several books; and eight lines are cited by Priscian from the second book, forming a part of the legend of the Faliscan schoolmaster who betrayed his pupils to Camillus; besides which, three lines more from the first book are contained in some MSS. of the same grammarian. (Priscian, vol. i. pp. 410, 553, vol. ii. p. 131, ed. Krehl, or pp. 823, 947, 1136, ed. Putsch.) These fragments are given in the Anitlologia Latina of Burmann, ii. p. 267, and Add. ii. p. 730, or Ep. n. 125, ed. Meyer. There is also an " Alpheus philologus," from whom Priscian adduces five words (vol. i. p. 370, ed. Kr., or p. 792, ed. Putsch), and an Alfius whose work on the Trojan war is mentioned by Festus, s.. v. Mamertini. (Wernsdorf, Poett. Latt. Minn. vol. iii. p. xxxi., vol. iv. pars ii. p. 826.) [W. R.] AVI'TUS, GALLO'NIUS, was legate over the provinces of Thrace under Aurelian, and a letter addressed to him by that emperor is quoted by Vopiscus in the life of Bonosus. Some critics have supposed, that he was the author of an " allocutio sponsalis," in five hexameters, preserved among the " fragmenta epithalamiorum veterum," and that the little poem itself was one of the hundred nuptial lays which were composed and recited when Gallienus celebrated the marriages of his nephews. (Pollio, Gall. 11.) Wernsdorf, however, considers that the lines belong to Alcimus Aviius Alethius. [ALETHIUS.] (Wernsdorf, Poett. Lat. Alinn. vol. iv. pars ii. p. 501; Burmann, Antholog. iii. 259, or Ep. n. 259, ed. Meyer.) [W. R.] AV1'TUS, JU'LIUS, the husband of Julia Maesa, brother-in-law of Julia Domna and Septimius Severus, uncle by marriage of Caracalla, father of Julia Soemias and Julia Mamaea, and maternal grandfather of Elagabalus and Alexander Severus. Hie was of consular rank, and, as we gather from the fragments of Dion Cassius, governed in succession Asia, Mesopotamia, and Cyprus. From him Elagabalus inherited the name of Avitus-an appellation by which ancient historians frequently distinguish that emperor. (Dion Cass. lxxxviii. 30, lxxix. 16; Herodian, v. 3. ~ 2; see also the genealogical table under CARACALLA.) [W. R.] AVI'TUS, M. MAECI'LIUS, emperor of the West, was descended from a noble family in Auvergne, and spent the first thirty years of his life in the pursuits of literature, field-sports, jurisprudence, and arms. The first public office to which he was promoted was the praetorian praefecture of Gaul, and whilst in retirement in his villa near Clermont, he was appointed master of the armies of Gaul. During this period, he twice went as ambassador to the Visigothic court, first in A. D. 450 to Theodoric I., to secure his alliance on the invasion of Attila; secondly in A. D. 456, to Theodoric II., on which last occasion, having received thle news of the death of Maximus, and of the sack of Rome by the Vandals, he was, by the assistance of the Visigoths, raised to the vacant throne; but, after a year's weak and insolent reign, was deposed by Ricimer, and returned to private life as bishop of Placentia. But the senate having pronounced the sentence of death upon him, he fled to the sanctuary of his patron saint, Julian, at Brivas in Au AURELIA. 435 vergne, and there died, or at least was buried. (A. D. 456.) His private life is chiefly known from the Panegyric of his son-in-law, Sidonius Apollinarus; his public life from Gregor. Turon. ii. 11, and Idatius, Chronicon. [A. P. S.] The annexed coin of Avitus has on the obverse the head of Avitus crowned with a diadem of pearls, and the inscription D. M. AVITUS PERP. F. AUG., and on the reverse the emperor wearing the paludamentum, and standing with one foot upon a barbarian; in the right hand he holds the cross, and in the left a small figure of Victory. AULANIUS EVANDER. [EVANDER.] AULESTES, a Tyrrhenian ally of Aeneas in Italy, is called a son of Tiberis and the nymph Manto, and brother of Ocnus. He was slain by Messapus, and was regarded as the founder of Perusia. (Virg. Aen. x. 207, xii. 290.) [L. S.] AU'LIA GENS, probably plebeian. Persons of this name rarely occur, though one member of the gens, Q. Aulius Cerretanus, obtained the consulship twice in the Samnite war, in B. c. 323 and 319. The name is derived from the praenomen Aulus, as Sextius from Sextus, Marcius from Marcus, and Quintius from Quintus. The only cognomen belonging to this gens is CERRETANUS. AULIS (Avils), a daughter of Ogygus and Thebe, from whom the Boeotian town of Aulis was believed to have derived its name. (Paus. ix. 19. ~ 5.) Other traditions called her a daughter of Euonymus, the son of Cephissus. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Avdis.) She was one of the goddesses who watched over oaths under the name of srpacimcai. [ALALCOMENIA.] [L. S.] M'. AU'LIUS, praefect of the allies, was killed in the battle in which Marcellus was defeated by Hannibal, B. c. 208. (Liv. xxvii. 26, 27.) AULO'NIUS (AmiAcimos), a surname of Asclepius, derived from a temple he had in Aulon, a valley in Messenia. (Paus. iv. 36. ~ 5.) [L. S.] - AURA (Avpa), a daughter of Lelas and Periboea, was one of the swift-footed companions of Artemis. She was beloved by Dionysus, but fled from him, until Aphrodite, at the request of Dionysus, inspired her with love for the god. She accordingly became by him the mother of twins, but at the moment of their birth she was seized with madness, tore one of her children to pieces, and then threw herself into the sea. (Nonnus, Dionys. 260.) Aura also occurs as the name of a race-horse and of one of Actaeon's dogs. (Paus. vi. 13. ~ 5; Hygin. Fab. 181.) [L. S.] AURE'LIA, the wife of C. Julius Caesar, by whom she became the mother of C. Julius Caesar, the dictator, and of two daughters. It is doubtful who her parents were: Drumann (Gesch. Roms, iii. p. 128) conjectures, that she was the daughter of M. Aurelius Cotta and Rutilia (comp. Cic. ad Att. xii. 20), and that C. M. and L. Cottae, who were consuls in u. c. 75, 74, and 65 respectively, 2 F2
Page 436 436 AURELIANUS. were her brothers. She carefully watched over the education of her children (Dial. de Orat. 28; comp. Dion Cass. xliv. 38), and always took a lively interest in the success of her son. She appears to have constantly lived with him; and Caesar on his part treated her with great affection and respect. Thus, it is said, that on the day when he was elected Pontifex Maximus, B. c. 63, he told his mother, as she kissed him upon his leaving his house in the morning to proceed to the comitia, that he would not return home except as Pontifex Maximus. (Suet. Caes. 13.) It was Aurelia who detected Clodius in the house of her son during the celebration of the mysteries of the Bona Dea in B. c. 62. (Plut. Caes. 9, 10; Suet. Caes. 74.) She died in B. c. 54, while her son was in Gaul. (Suet. Caes. 26.) AURE'LIA FADILLA. [ANTONINUS,p. 211.] AURE'LIA GENS, plebeian, of which the family names, under the republic, are COTTA, ORESTES, and ScAURUS. On coins we find the cognomens Cotta and Scaurus, and perhaps Rufus (Eckhel, v. p. 147), the last of which is not mentioned by historians. The first member of the gens who obtained the consulship was C. Aurelius Cotta in B. c. 252, from which time the Aurelii become distinguished in history down to the end of the republic. Under the early emperors, we find an Aurelian family of the name of Fulvus, from which the Roman emperor Antoninus was descended, whose name originally was T. Aurelius Fulvus. [See pp. 210, 211.] AURE'LIA MESSALI'NA. [ALBINUS, p. 93, b.] AURE'LIA ORESTILLA, a beautiful but profligate woman, whom Catiline married. As Aurelia at first objected to marry him, because he had a grown-up son by a former marriage, Catiline is said to have killed his own offspring in order to remove this impediment to their union. (Sall. Cat. 15, 35; Appian, B. C. ii. 2; comp. Cic. ad Fam. ix. 22.) Her daughter was betrothed to the younger Cornificius in B. c. 49. (Caelius, ap. Cic. ad Fam. viii. 7.) AURELIA'NUS, named twice by Dion Cassius (Ixxviii. 12, 19), is supposed to be the conspirator against Caracalla, who appears in the text of Spartianus as Reanus or Retianus. The soldiers demanded him from Macrinus, who at first resisted their importunities, but at length yielded him up to their fury. [W. R.] AURELIA'NUS. On coins, this emperor is uniformly styled L. Domitius Aurelianus, but in some fasti and inscriptions he appears as Valerius or Valerianus Aurelianus, the name Valerius being confirmed by a letter addressed to him by his predecessor, Claudius. (Vopisc. c. 17.) He was of such humble origin, that nothing certain is known of his family, nor of the time or place of his nativity. According to the account commonly received, he was born about the year A. D. 212, at Sirmium in Pannonia, or, as others assert, in Dacia, or in Moesia. His father is said to have been a farm servant on the property of Aurelius, a senator, his mother to have officiated as priestess of Sol in the village where she dwelt. It is certain that her son, in after-life, regarded that deity as his tutelary god, and erected for his worship at Rome a magnificent temple, decorated with a profusion of the most costly ornaments. In early youth, Aurelian was remarkable for vivacity of disposition, for bodily strength, and for an enthusiastic love of all AURELIANUS. military exercises. After entering upon the career of arms, he seems to have served in every grade and in every quarter of the world, and became so renowned for promptness in the use of weapons, and for individual prowess, that his comrades distinguished him as " Hand-on-sword" (Aurelianus manu adferrum). In a war against the Sarmatians, he was believed to have slain forty-eight of the enemy in one day, and nearly a thousand in the course of a single campaign. When tribune of the sixth legion in Gaul, he repelled a predatory incursion of the Franks, who had crossed the Rhine near Mayence, and now for the first time appear in history. His fame as a soldier, an officer, and a general, gradually rose so high, that Valerian compared him to the Corvini and Scipios of the olden time, and, declaring that no reward was adequate to his merits, bestowed on him the titles of Liberator of Illyria and Restorer of Gaul. Having been appointed lieutenant to Ulpius Crinitus, captaingeneral of Illyria and Thrace, he expelled the Goths from these provinces; and so important was this service deemed, that Valerian, in a solemn assembly held at Byzantium, publicly returned thanks to Aurelian for having averted the dangers by which the state was menaced, and after presenting him with a multitude of military decorations, proclaimed him consul elect. At the same time, he was adopted by Ulpius Crinitus, declared his heir, and probably received his daughter in marriage. He is marked in the Fasti as consul suffectus on the 22nd of May, 257. We hear nothing of Aurelian during the reign of the indolent and feeble Gallienus; but great successes were achieved by him under Claudius, by whom he was appointed to the command previously held by his adopted father, and was entrusted with the defence of the frontier against the Goths, and nominated commander-in-chief of the cavalry of the empire. Upon the death of Claudius, which took place at Sirmium in 270, Aurelian was at once hailed as his successor by the legions. Quintillus, the brother of Claudius, at the same time asserted his own claims at Aquileia; but, being abandoned by his soldiers, put himself to death within less than three weeks from the time when he assumed the purple. The reign of Aurelian, which lasted for about four years and a half, from the end of August, 270, until the middle of March, 275, presents a succession of brilliant exploits, which restored for a while their ancient lustre to the arms of Rome. As soon as his authority had been formally recognised in the metropolis, he directed his first efforts against a numerous host of Goths and Vandals, who, led by two kings and many powerful chiefs, had crossed the Danube, and were ravaging Pannonia. These, after sustaining a decisive defeat, were forced to submit, and were permitted to retire upon leaving the sons of the two kings, and other noble youths, as hostages, and furnishing a contingent of two thousand auxiliaries. A great victory was next gained over the Alemanni and other German tribes, which was followed by a serious reverse. For, while the emperor was employing every exertion to cut off their retreat, he failed to watch them in front. The barbarians, taking advantage of this oversight, pressed boldly forwards, outstripped their heavyarmed pursuers, and bursting into Italy wasted all
Page 437 AURELIANUS. Cisalpine Gaul. When at length overtaken near Placentia, they avoided a battle and sought shelter in a thick forest. Issuing from thence under cloud of night, they attacked and dispersed the Romans with great slaughter, and, advancing into Umbria, threatened the dissolution of the empire. Aurelian, however, having rallied his army, defeated the invaders near Fano, and in two subsequent engagements. During the panic caused by the first alarm of this inroad, a formidable sedition had arisen in the city. Aurelian, upon his return from the pursuit, giving way to his natural violence of temper, executed bloody vengeance upon the authors of the plot, and upon all to whom the slightest suspicion attached. Numbers suffered death, and many noble senators were sacrificed upon the most frivolous charges. Ammianus distinctly asserts, that the wealthiest were selected as victims, in order that their confiscated fortunes might replenish an exhausted treasury. Aurelian next turned his arms against the farfamed Zenobia [ZENOBIA], queen of Palmyra, the widow of Odenathus [ODENATHUS], who had been permitted by Gallienus to participate in the title of Augustus, and had extended his sway over a large portion of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt. The Romans on their march vanquished various barbarous tribes on the Thracian border, who opposed their progress. Passing over the Bosporus, they continued their triumphant course through Bithynia, which yielded without resistance, stormed Tyana, which had closed its gates at their approach, and at length encountered the forces of Zenobia on the banks of the Orontes, not far from Antioch. The Palmyrenians,being driven from their position, retreated to Emesa, where they were a second time overpowered in a bloody battle and forced to retire upon their capital. Aurelian pursued them across the desert, which he passed in safety, although harassed by the constant attacks of the Bedouins, and proceeded at once to invest Palmyra, which surrendered after a long and obstinate defence, the queen herself having been previously captured in an attempt to effect her escape to Persia. A profound sensation was produced by these events, and embassies poured in from all the most powerful nations beyond the Euphrates, bearing gifts and seeking friendship. The affairs of these regions having been fully arranged, the emperor set out on his return to Italy. At Byzantium he was overtaken by the intelligence that the inhabitants of Palmyra had revolted, had murdered the governor and Roman garrison, and proclaimed a relation of Zenobia Augustus. He immediately turned back, marched direct to Palmyra, which he entered unopposed, massacred the whole population, and razed the city to the ground, leaving orders, however, to restore the temple of the Sun, which had been pillaged by the soldiers. While yet in Mesopotamia, it became known that Egypt had risen in rebellion, and acknowledged a certain Firmus as their prince. Aurelian instantly hurried to Alexandria, put to death the usurper, and then returned to Rome. But Aurelian's labours were not yet over. All the provinces of the East, Greece, Italy, Illyria, and Thrace, now owned his sway; but Gaul, Britain, and Spain were still in the hands of Tetricus [TETRICUS], who had been declared emperor a short time before the death of Gallienus, and had been left AURELIANUS. 437 in undisturbed possession by Claudius, who was fully occupied in resisting the Germans and Goths on the Upper and Lower Danube. Tetricus, however, finding that disaffection prevailed among his legions, is said to have privately entered into negotiations with Aurelian. A battle was fought near Chalons, during the heat of which Tetricus surrendered himself, and his soldiers, being then left without a commander, were cut to pieces. Thus the Roman empire, which had been dismembered for more than thirteen years, was now once more restored to its former integrity. In honour of the long series of victories by which this result had been obtained, a magnificent triumph was celebrated at Rome, such as had never been witnessed since the days of Pompey and Julius Caesar. Among the long procession of captives which defiled along the Sacred Way, three might be seen, who engrossed the attention of all-Zenobia, Tetricus, and his sona queen, an Augustus, and a Caesar. For a brief period, the emperor was enabled to devote his attention to domestic improvements and reforms. Several laws were passed to restrain profusion and luxury. The poor were relieved by a liberal distribution of the necessaries of life; quays were erected along the river, and many works of public utility commenced. The most important of all was the erection of a new line of strongly fortified walls, embracing a much more ample circuit than the old ones, which had long since fallen into ruin; but this vast plan was not completed until the reign of Probus. About this time, a formidable disturbance arose among the persons entrusted with the management of the mint, who had been detected in extensive frauds, and, to escape the punishment of their crimes, had incited to insurrection a great multitude. So fierce was the outbreak, that seven thousand soldiers are said to have been slain in a fight upon the Coelian hill; but the riot, which almost deserves the name of a civil war, was at length suppressed. After a short residence in the city, Aurelian repaired to Gaul, and then visited in succession the provinces on the Danube, checking by his presence the threatened aggressions of the restless tribes who were ever ready to renew their attacks. He at this time carried into effect a measure which, although offensive to the vanity of his countrymen, was dictated by the wisest policy. Dacia, which had been first conquered by Trajan, but for a long series of years had been the seat of constant war, was entirely abandoned, and the garrisons transported to the south bank of the Danube, which was henceforward, as in the time of Augustus, considered the boundary of the empire. A large force was now collected in Thrace in preparation for an expedition against the Persians. But the career of the warlike prince was drawing to a close. A certain Mnestheus, his freedman and private secretary, had betrayed his trust, and, conscious of guilt, contrived by means of forged documents to organise a conspiracy among some of the chief leaders of the army. While Aurelian was on the march between Heracleia and Byzantium, he was suddenly assailed, and fell by the hands of an officer of high rank, named Mucapor. The treachery of Mnestheus was discovered when it was too late. He was seized and condemned to be cast to wild beasts. It will be seen from the above sketch that Aurelian was a soldier of fortune; that he possessed
Page 438 433 AURELIANUS. military talents of the highest order; and that to these alone he was indebted for his elevation. One of his most conspicuous virtues as a commander was the rigid discipline which he enforced among legions long accustomed to unbounded license. His rigour, however, was free from caprice, and tempered by stern and inflexible justice; for we find that his soldiers submitted to his rule without a murmur while he was still in a private station, raised him to the throne, served him with fidelity during the period of his dominion, and after his death displayed the most enthusiastic devotion to his memory. His great faults as a statesman were the harshness of his disposition, and the impetuous violence of his passions, which frequently betrayed him into acts of sanguinary cruelty. Diocletian was wont to say, that Aurelian was better fitted to command an army than to govern a state. The wife of Aurelian, we learn from coins and inscriptions, was Ulpia Severina, and, as was remarked above, is supposed to have been the daughter of his adopted father, Ulpius Crinitus. He had a daughter whose descendants were living at Rome when Vopiscus wrote. (c. 42.) It is worthy of observation, that this humble Pannonian peasant was the first of the Roman princes who openly assumed the regal diadem; and now for the first time we read upon medals struck during the lifetime of an emperor the arrogant and impious titles of Lord and God (Deo et Domino nostro Aureliano Aug.). Our chief authorities for the life of Aurelian are an elaborate biography by Vopiscus, founded, as he himself informs us, upon Greek memoirs, and especially upon certain journals kept by the order of the emperor, and deposited in the Ulpian library. We find also some important information in the other writers of the Augustan history, in the minor historians, and in the works of Dexippus and Zosimus. But the chronology is involved in inextricable confusion. Coins, which are usually our surest guides, here afford no aid. Thus we cannot decide whether the expedition against Zenobia preceded or followed the submission of Tetricus; the invasion of the Goths and Vandals, described above as the first event after his accession, is by Tillemont divided into two distinct inroads, one before and the other after the Alemannic war; so also the evacuation of Dacia is placed by Gibbon among the earliest acts of his reign, and represented as having exercised a material influence upon the treaty concluded with the Goths, while others refer it to the very close of his life. Although these and all the other events may be regarded as certain, the time when they occurred, and consequently their relation to each other, are altogether doubtful. [W. R.] COIN OF AURELIANUS. AURELIA'NUS, CAE'LIUS or COE'LIUS, a very celebrated Latin physician, respecting whose age and country there is considerable uncertainty. Some writers place him as early as the first century of the Christian aera, while others endeavour to AURELIANUS. prove that he was at least a century later. This opinion is founded principally upon the circumstance of his not mentioning, or being mentioned by, Galen, indicating that they were contemporaries or rivals. Numidia has been generally assigned as his native country, but perhaps without any direct evidence; it may, however, be concluded, from the imperfection of his style and the incorrectness of some of the terms which he employs, that he was not a native either of Greece or Italy. But whatever doubts may attach to his personal history, and whatever faults of style may exist in his writings, they afford us much valuable information respecting the state of medical science. He was a professed and zealous member of the sect of the Methodici, and it is principally from his work that we are able to obtain a correct view of the principles and practice of this sect. In his descriptions of the phaenomena of disease, he displays considerable accuracy of observation and diagnostic sagacity; and he describes some disorders which are not to be met with in any other ancient author. He gives us a very ample and minute detail of the practice which was adopted both by himself and his contemporaries; and it must be acknowledged that on these points his remarks display a competent knowledge of his subject, united to a clear and comprehensive judgment. He divides diseases into the two great classes of acute and chronic, nearly corresponding to diseases of constriction and of relaxation, and upon these supposed states he founds his primary indications; but with respect to the intimate nature of these states of the system, as well as of all hidden or recondite causes generally, he thinks it unnecessary to inquire, provided we can recognise their existence, and can discover the means of removing them. Hence his writings are less theoretical and more decidedly practical than those of any other author of antiquity; and they consequently contributed more to the advancement of the knowledge and actual treatment of disease than any that had preceded them. They contributed in an especial manner to perfect the knowledge of therapeutics, by ascertaining with precision the proper indications of cure, with the means best adapted for fulfilling them. The great defect of Caelius Aurelianus (a defect which was inherent in the sect to which he belonged), was that of placing too much dependence upon the twofold division of diseases, and not sufficiently attending to the minute shades by which they gradually run into each other; which is the more remarkable in one who shews so much attention to the phaenomena of disease, and who for the most part allows himself to be so little warped by preconceived hypotheses. This view of the subject leads him not unfrequently to reject active and decisive remedies, when he could not reconcile their operation to his supposed indications; so that, although his practice is seldom what can be styled bad, it is occasionally defective. His work consists of three books On Acute Diseases, "Celerum Passionum," (or "De Morbis Acutis,") and five books On Chronic Diseases, " Tardarum Passionum" (or " De Morbis Chronicis"). The books On Chronic Diseases were first published in folio, Basil. 1529; those On Acute Diseases in 8vo. Paris, 1533. The first edition of the whole work was that published at Lyons in 8vo. 1566; perhaps the best is that by Amman, Amstel. 1709, 4to., which was several times reprinted. The last
Page 439 AURELIUS. edition of the whole work is that by Haller, Lausan, 1774, 8vo. 2 vols. A new edition was begun at Paris by Delattre, 1826, 8vo., but only one volume was published. Some academical dissertations on Caelius Aurelianus were published by C. G. KiIhn, which are reprinted in his Opuscula Academica Medica et Philologica, Lips. 1827, 1828, 8vo. vol. ii. p. 1, &c. For further information respecting Caelius Aurelianus, see Haller's Biblioth. Medic. Pract. vol. i.; Sprengel's Hist de la Mid. vol. ii.; Bostock's Hist. of Med.; and Choulant's Handbuch der Bilcherkunde fur die Aeltere Medicin, Leipzig, 8vo. 1841, from which two latter works the preceding account has been taken. [W. A. G.] AURELIA'NUS FESTI'VUS. [FESTIVUS.] AURE'LIUS, one of the names of several AURELIUS. 439 Roman emperors, of whom an account is given under ANTONINUS, AURELIUS, CARACALLA, CARINUS, CARUS, CLAUDmUS, COMMODUS, MAXENTIUS, MAXIMIANUS, NUMERIANUS, PROBUS, QUINTILLus, RoULUS, SEVERUS, VERUS. M. AURE'LIUS ANTONI'NUS, commonly distinguished by the epithet of " the philosopher," was born at Rome, on the Coelian hill, on the 20th of April, A. D. 121. From his paternal ancestors, who for three generations had held high offices of state and claimed descent from Numa, he inherited the name of M. Annius Verus, while from his great-grandfather on the mother's side he received the appellation of Catilius Severus. The principal members and connexions of the family are represented in the following table: Annius Verus, of praetorian rank, a native of the municipium of Succubo in Spain. Annius Verus, consul for a third time A. D. 126, and praef. urb. Married Rupilia Faustina, daughter of Rupilius Bonus, a consular. Annius Annius Verus. Married Annia Galeria Libo, Domitia Calvilla, named Faustina Augusta, Consul, also Lucilla, and died wife of Antoninus A. D. 128. while praetor. Pius Augustus. Annia M. Annius Verus, Annia Faustina Cornificia, postea Augusta, wife of younger M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS Marcus Aurelius than M. AUGUSTUS. Married Antoninus AuAurelius. his first cousin, Annia gustus. Faustina. I Maternal Descent. L. Catilius Severus, consul A. D. 120, and praef. urb. Catilia. (Not named), married, it would seem, L. Calvisius Tullus, consul a second time 109. 1 Domitia Calvilla. Married Annius Verus. M. Annius Verus, postea M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS AUo. Annius Verus Caesar, bornl 163, died 170. Antoninus Geminus, twin brother of Commodus, died when 4 years old. L. Aurelius Commodus Augustus, born 31 August, A. D. 161. Married Brutia Crispina, daughter of Brutius Praesens. Annia Lucilla Augusta, wife of L. Aurelius Verus Augustus, the colleague of M. Aurelius. Her second husband was Claudius Pompeianus, a Roman knight, of Syrian extraction. Vibia Aurelia Sabina. Domitia Fadilla. Faustina. N.B. M. Aurelius and Faustina seem to have had several children in addition to the above. Three daughters were still alive after the death of Commodus (Lamprid. Commod. 18; Herodian. i. 12), and one of these was put to death by Caracalla in 212. We find in an inscription the names of his sons, T. Aurelius Antoninus, and T. Aelius Aurelius, both of whom were, it is probable, older than Commodus, and died young. (See Tillemont.) The father of young Marcus having died while Pius, both he and L. Ceionius Commodus, son of praetor, the boy was adopted by his grandfather, Aelius Caesar, were adopted by Antoninus Pius, Annius Verus, and from a very early period enjoyed immediately after the latter had been himself the favour of Hadrian, who bestowed on him the adopted by Hadrian. He was now styled M. honours of the equestrian order when only six Aelius Aurelius Verus Caesar, and was immediately years old, admitted him as a member of the frater- chosen to fill the office of quaestor for the following nity of the Salian priests at the age of eight, and year. The proposed union with the daughtei of as a tribute to the sincerity and truthfulness of his Aelius Caesar was set aside, on account, it was disposition, was wont in playful affection to ad- alleged, of disparity in age, and Faustina, the dress him not as Verus but Verissimus. At the age daughter of Pius, who had been previously desof fifteen he received the manly gown, and was be- tined by Hadrian for young Ceionius Commodus, trothed to the daughter of Aelius Caesar, the heir- was fixed upon as the future wife of Marcus Aureapparent to the throne. But not long after (138), lius. Their nuptials, however, were not celebrated in consequence of the sudden death of his intended until after a lapse of seven years. (145.) In 140 father-in-law, still more brilliant prospects were he was raised to the consulship, and in 147, after suddenly opened up to the youth. For, according the birth of a daughter by Faustina, was permitted to the arrangement explained under ANTONINus to share the tribunate, and was invested with va
Page 440 440 AURELIUS. rious other honours and privileges befitting his station. From this time forward he was the constant companion and adviser of the monarch, and the most perfect confidence subsisted between the son and his adopted father until the death of the latter, which happened on the 7th of March, 161. The first act of the new ruler was the admission of Ceionius Commodus to a full participation in the sovereign power, and these emperors henceforward bore respectively the names of M. Aurelius Antoninus and L. Aurelius Verus. When the double adoption by Antoninus Pius took place, it was settled that the son of Aelius Caesar should be considered as the younger brother. Thus, on the coins struck before the death of Pius, M. Aurelius alone bears the appellation of Caesar, to him alone Pius committed the empire with his dying breath, and to him alone did the senate formally offer the vacant throne. Hence his conduct towards L. Verus was purely an act of grace. But the alliance promised to prove advantageous both to the parties themselves, and also to the general interests of the state. Marcus was weak in constitution, and took more delight in philosophy and literary pursuits than in politics and war, while Lucius, young, active, and skilled in all manly exercises, was likely to be better fitted for the toils of a military life. His aptitude for such a career was soon put to the proof. The war, which had been long threatening the east, at length burst forth. Verus, after being betrothed to Lucilla, the daughter of his colleague, was despatched in all haste to the Parthian frontier towards the end of 161, while M. Aurelius remained in the city to watch an irruption of the Catti into the Rhenish provinces and a threatened insurrection in Britain. Vologeses III., who had been induced to abandon a meditated attack upon Armenia by the remonstrances of Antoninus Pius, thinking that a fitting season had now arrived for the execution of his long-cherished schemes, had destroyed a whole Roman legion quartered at Elegeia, and advancing at the head of a great army, had spread devastation throughout Syria. Lucius having collected his troops, proceeded to Antioch, where he determined to remain, and entrusted the command of his army to Cassius and others of his generals. Cassius compelled the Parthians to retreat, invaded Mesopotamia, plundered and burnt Seleuceia, razed to the ground the royal palace at Ctesiphon, and penetrated as far as Babylon; while Statius Priscus, who was sent into Armenia, stormed Artaxata, and, rescuing the country from the usurper, reinstated the lawful but dethroned monarch Soaemus. Vologeses was thus constrained to conclude an ignominious peace, in virtue of which Mesopotamia was ceded to the Romans. These events took place in 162 and the three following years. In 166, Lucius returned home, and the two emperors celebrated jointly a magnificent triumph, assuming the titles of Armeniacus, Parthicus 1Maximus, and Medicus. But although this campaign had terminated so gloriously, little praise was due to the commanderin-chief. Twice he was unwillingly prevailed upon to advance as far as the Euphrates, and he made a journey to Ephesus (in 164) to meet his bride on her arrival from Italy; but with these exceptions he passed his winters at Laodiceia, and the rest of his time at Daphne or at Antioch, abandoning himself to gaming, drunkenness, and dissolute pleasures of every kind, All the achievements of AURELIUS. the war were performed by his legates, and all the general arrangements conducted by M. Aurelius at Rome. A still heavier danger was now impending, which threatened to crush Italy itself. A combination had been formed among the numerous tribes, dwelling along the whole extent of the northern limits of the empire, from the sources of the Danube to the Illyrian border, including the Marcomanni, the Alani, the Jazyges, the Quadi, the Sarmatae, and many others. In addition to the danger from without, the city was hard pressed by numerous calamities from within. Inundations had destroyed many buildings and much property, among which were vast granaries with their contents, the poor were starving in consequence of the deficiency thus caused in the supplies of corn, and numbers were perishing by a fearful pestilence, said to have been brought from the east by the troops of Verus. So great was the panic, that it was resolved that both emperors should go forth to encounter the foe. Previous to their departure, in order to restore confidence to the populace, priests were summoned from all quarters, a multitude of expiatory sacrifices were performed, many of them according to strange and foreign rites, and victims were offered to the gods with the most unsparing profusion. The contest which had now commenced with the northern nations was continued with varying success during the whole life of M. Aurelius, whose head-quarters were generally fixed in Pannonia; but the details preserved by the historians who treat of this period are so confused and so utterly destitute of all chronological arrangement, that it becomes impossible to draw up anything like a regular and well-connected narrative of the progress of the struggle. Medals are our only sure guide, and the information afforded by these is necessarily meagre and imperfect. It would appear that the barbarians, overawed by the extensive preparations of the Romans and by the presence of the two Augusti, submitted for a time and sued for peace, and that the brothers returned to Rome in the course of 168. They set out again, however, in 169, but before they reached the army, L. Verus was seized with apoplexy, and expired at Aetinum, in the territory of Veneti. Marcus hastened back to Rome, paid the last honours to the memory of his colleague, and returned to Germany towards the close of the year. He now prosecuted the war against the Marcomanni with great vigour, although from the ravages caused by the plague among the troops, he was forced to enrol gladiators, slaves, and exiles, and, from the exhausted state of the public treasury, was compelled to raise money by selling the precious jewels and furniture of the imperial palace. In consequence of the success which attended these extraordinary efforts, the legends Germanicus and Germania Subacta now appear upon the coins, while Parthicus, Armeniacus, and Medicus are dropped, as having more especially appertained to L. Verus. Among the numerous engagements which took place at this epoch, a battle fought on the frozen Danube has been very graphically described by Dion Cassius (lxxii. 7); but by far the most celebrated and important was the victory gained over the Quadi in 174, which having been attended by certain circumstances believed to be supernatural, gave rise to the famous controversy among the historians of Christianity upon what is commonly termed the Miracle
Page 441 AURELIUS. of the Thundering Legion. Those who may desire to investigate this question will find the subject fully discussed in the correspondence between King and Moyle. (Moyle's Works, vol. ii. Lond. 1726.) There is an excellent summary of the whole argument in Lardner's "Jewish and Heathen Testimonies" (chap. xv.), and many useful remarks are to be found in Milman's History of Christianity (chap. vii.), and in the Bishop of Lincoln's "Illustrations, &c. from Tertullian" (p. 105). An attempt has been made recently to restore the credit of the supposed miracle, in the essay by Mr. Newman, prefixed to a portion of Fleury's " Ecclesiastical History," published at Oxford in 1842. Whatever opinion we may form upon the subject of debate, we may feel certain of the fact, that the Romans were rescued from a very critical situation by a sudden storm, and gained an important victory over their opponents. That they attributed their preservation to the direct interposition of heaven is proved by the testimonies of the ancient historians, and also by the sculptures of the Antonine column, where a figure supposed to represent Jupiter Pluvius is seen sending down streams of water from his arms and head, which the Roman soldiers below catch in the hollow of their shields. This success, and the circumstances by which it was accompanied, seem to have struck terror into the surrounding nations, who now tendered submission or claimed protection. But the fruits were in a great measure lost, for the emperor was prevented from following up the advantage gained, in consequence of the alarm caused by unexpected disturbances which had broken out in the East, and had quickly assumed a very formidable aspect. Faustina had long watched with anxiety the declining health of her husband, and anticipating his speedy death, was filled with alarm lest, from the youth and incapacity of her son Commodus, the empire might pass away into other hands. She blad, therefore, opened a correspondence with Avidius Cassius, who had gained great fame in the Parthian war commemorated above, who had subsequently suppressed a serious insurrection in Egypt, and had acted as supreme governor of the Eastern provinces after the departure of Lucius Verus. Her object was to persuade him to hold himself in readiness to aid her projects, and she offered him her hand and the throne as his rewards. While Cassius was meditating upon these proposals, he suddenly received intelligence that Marcus was dead, and forthwith, without waiting for a confirmation of the news, caused himself to be proclaimed his successor. The falseness of the rumour soon became known, but deeming that his offence was beyond forgiveness, he determined to prosecute the enterprise; within a short period he made himself master of all Asia within Mount Taurus, and resolved to maintain his pretensions by force. A report of these transactions was forthwith transmitted to Rome by M.Verus, the legate commanding in Cappadocia. Aurelius, who was still in Pannonia, summoned his son to his presence in all haste, and bestowed on him the manly gown, intending to set out instantly for the seat of war. But in the midst of active preparations for a campaign Cassius was assassinated by two of his own officers, after having enjoyed a nominal sovereignty for three months and six days. His son soon after shared the same fate. The conduct of Marcus throughout AURELIUS. 441 the whole of this rebellion can scarcely fail to excite the warmest admiration. In the mournful address delivered to his soldiers, he bitterly deplores that he should be forced to engage in a contest so revolting to his feelings as civil strife. His chief dread was that Cassius, from shame or remorse, might put an end to his own life, or fall by the hand of some loyal subject-his fondest wish, that he might have an opportunity of granting a free pardon. Nor did this forgiving temper exhaust itself in words. When the head of the traitor was laid at his feet, he rejected with horror the bloody offering, and refused to admit the murderers to his presence. On repairing to the East, where his presence was thought necessary to restore tranquillity and order, he displayed the greatest lenity towards those provinces which had acknowledged the usurper, and towards those senators and persons of distinction who were proved to have favoured his designs. Not one individual suffered death; few were punished in any shape, except such as had been guilty of other crimes; and finally, to establish perfect confidence in all, he ordered the papers of Cassius to be destroyed without suffering them to be read. During this expedition, Faustina, who had accompanied her husband, died in a village among the defiles of Taurus. According to some, her end was caused by an attack of gout; according to others, it was hastened by her own act, in order to escape the punishment which she feared would inevitably follow the discovery of her negotiations with Cassius. Her guilt in this matter is spoken of by Dion without any expression of doubt; is mentioned by Capitolinus as a report only, and positively denied by Vulcatius; but the arguments employed by the latter are of no weight. After visiting Egypt, the emperor set out for Italy, touched at Athens on his homeward journey, reached Brundusium towards the end of the year 176, and celebrated a triumph along with Commodus, now consul elect, on the 23rd of December. Scarcely was this ceremony concluded, when fresh tumults arose upon the Danube, where the presence of the emperor was once more required. Accordingly, after concluding somewhat earlier than he had intended the nuptials of Commodus and Crispina, he quitted Rome along with his son, in the month of August (177), and hastened to Germany. During the two following years his operations were attended with the most prosperous results. The Marcomanni, the Hermanduri, the Sarmatae, and the Quadi, were repeatedly routed, their confederacy was broken up, and everything seemed to promise that they would at length be effectually crushed. But the shattered constitution of Marcus now sunk beneath the pressure of mental and bodily fatigue. He died in Pannonia, either at Vindobona (Vienna) or at Sirmium, on the 17th of March, 180, in the 59th year of his age and the 20th of his reign. A strong suspicion prevailed that his death had been accelerated by the machinations of his son, who was accused of having tampered with the physicians, and persuaded them to administer poison. The leading feature in the character of M. Aurelius was his devotion to philosophy and literature. When only twelve years old he adopted the dress and practised the austerities of the Stoics, whose doctrines were imparted to him by the most celebrated teachers of the day-Diognotus, Apollonius, and Junius Rusticus. He studied the principles
Page 442 442 AURELIUS. of composition and oratory under Herodes Atticus and Cornelius Fronto, and by his close and unremitting application laid the foundation of the bad health by which he was so much oppressed in after life. While yet Caesar he was addressed by Justin Martyr (Apolog. i. init.) as Verissimus " the philosopher," an epithet by which he has been commonly distinguished from that period down to the present day, although no such title was ever publicly or formally conferred. Even after his elevation to the purple, he felt neither reluctance nor shame in resorting to the school of Sextus of Chaeroneia, the descendant of Plutarch, and in listening to the extemporaneous declamations of Hermogenes. From his earliest youth he lived upon terms of the most affectionate familiarity with his instructors, as we may gather from his correspondence with Fronto [FRONTO]; the most worthy were, through his influence, promoted to the highest dignities; after their death he placed their images in the chapel of his lares, and was wont to strew flowers and offer sacrifices on their graves. Nor was his liberality confined to his own preceptors, for learned men in every quarter of the world enjoyed substantial proofs of his bounty. Philosophy was the great object of his zeal, but the other branches of a polite education were by no means neglected; music, poetry, and painting, were cultivated in turn, and the severer sciences of mathematics and law engaged no small portion of his attention. In jurisprudence especially, he laboured throughout life with great activity, and his Constitutions are believed to have filled many volumes. These are now all lost, but they are constantly quoted with great respect by later writers. (See Westenberg, Dissertationes ad Constitutiones MlI. Aurelii Imperatoris, Lug. Bat. 1736.) With the exception of a few letters contained in the recently discovered remains of Fronto, the only production of Marcus which has been preserved is a volume composed in Greek, and entitled Mcp;cou 'AvrT'ivovu Tol anroPpda'ropos rw1v d ls EauVToJ pIsAla tI'. It is a sort of common-place book, in which were registered from time to time the thoughts and feelings of the author upon moral and religious topics, together with striking maxims extracted from the works of those who had been most eminent for wisdom and virtue. There is no attempt at order or arrangement, but the contents are valuable, in so far as they illustrate the system of self-examination enjoined by the discipline of the Stoics, and present a genuine picture of the doubts and difficulties and struggles of a speculative and reflecting mind. The education and pursuits of M. Aurelius exercised the happiest influence upon a temper and disposition naturally calm and benevolent. He succeeded in acquiring the boasted composure and self-command of the disciples of the Porch, without imbibing the harshness which they were wont to exhibit. He was firm without being obstinate; he steadfastly maintained his own principles without manifesting any overweening contempt for the opinions of those who differed from himself; his justice was tempered with gentleness and mercy; his gravity was devoid of gloom. In public life, he sought to demonstrate practically the truth of the Platonic maxim, ever on his lips, that those states only could be truly happy which were governed by philosophers, or in which the kings and rulers were guided by the tenets of pure philosophy. In gene AURELIUS. ral policy, both at home and abroad, he steadily followed in the path of his predecessor, whose counsels he had shared for more than twenty years. The same praise, therefore, which belongs to the elder may fairly be imparted to the younger Antonine; and this is perhaps the most emphatic panegyric we could pronounce. No monarch was ever more widely or more deeply beloved. The people believed, that he had been sent down by the gods, for a time, to bless mankind, and had now returned to the heaven from which he descended. So universal was this conviction among persons of every age and calling, that his apotheosis was not, as in other cases, viewed in the light of a mere empty form. Every one, whose means permitted, procured a statue of the emperor. More than a century after his decease, these images were to be found in many mansions among the household gods, and persons were wont to declare, that. he had appeared to them in dreams and visions, and revealed events which afterwards came to pass. The great, perhaps the only, indelible stain upon his memory is the severity with which he treated the Christians; and his conduct in this respect was the more remarkable, because it was not only completely at variance with his own general principles, but was also in direct opposition to the wise and liberal policy pursued by Hadrian and Pius. The numerous apologies published during his reign would alone serve to point out that the church was surrounded by difficulties and dangers; but the charge of positive persecution is fully established by the martyrdom of Justin at Rome, of the venerable Polycarp, with many others, at Smyrna (167) in the early part of his reign, and by the horrible atrocities perpetrated at Vienne and Lyons several years afterwards. (177.) It would be but a poor defence to allege, that these excesses were committed without the knowledge of a prince who on all other occasions watched with such care over the rights of his subjects in the most remote provinces. But, in so far as the proceedings in Gaul are concerned, we have clear evidence that they received his direct sanction; for when the Roman governor applied for instructions, an answer was returned, that all who confessed themselves to be Christians should suffer death. It is probable that his better feelings were in this instance overpowered by the violence of evil counsellors; for had he followed the dictates of his own nature, he would have been contented to moralise upon and lament over what he viewed as ignorant and obstinate adherence to a vain superstition. (See Med. xi. 3.) But this calm contempt by no means satisfied the active hate of the crowd of real and pretended Stoics, whom his patronage had attracted. Many of these were bigots of the worst class, and cherished sentiments of the most malignant animosity towards the professors of the new religion. Accustomed to regard all other sects with self-satisfied disdain, they could ill brook the freedom with which their follies and fallacies were now attacked and exposed; they regarded with jealous rage a code of morals and a spotless purity of life far superior to aught they had ever practised, or taught, or imagined; and least of all could they forgive the complete overthrow of their own exclusive pretensions to mental fortitude and calm endurance of bodily suffering. Althougli no other serious charge has been preferred against M. Aurelius, for the rumour that he
Page 443 AURELIUS. poisoned L. Verus never seems to have obtained or deserved the slightest credit, we may perhaps by a close scrutiny detect a few weaknesses. The deep sorrow expressed upon the death of Faustina, and the eagerness with which he sought to heap honours on the memory of a wicked woman and a faithless wife, who rivalled Messalina, in shameless and promiscuous profligacy, if sincere, betoken a degree of carelessness and blindness almost incredible; if feigned, a strange combination of apathy and dissimulation. Nor can we altogether forgive his want of discernment or of resolution in not discovering or restraining the evil propensities of his son, whose education he is said to have conducted with the most zealous care. Making every allowance for the innate depravity of the youth, we can scarcely conceive that if he hadhbeen trained with iudicious firmness, and his evil passions combated and controlled before they became fully developed, he would ever have proved such a prodigy of heartless cruelty and brutal sensuality. Our chief authorities for this period of history are the life of M. Aurelius by Capitolinus, a mass of ill-selected and badly arranged materials, and the 71st book of Dion Cassius, a collection of awkwardly patched fragments. Some facts may be extracted from the minor Roman historians, and from Aristeides (Orat. ix.), Herodian, Joannes Antiochenus, and Zonaras. The editio princeps of the Meditations was published by Xylander (Tigur. 1558, 8vo.), and republished with improvements by the same scholar ten years afterwards. (Basil. 1568, 8vo,) The next in order was superintended by Merick Casaubon (Lond. 1643, 8vo.), followed by the edition of Gataker (Cantab. 1652, 4to.), reprinted at London (1697) with additional notes from the French of And. Dacier, and his life of M. Aurelius translated into Latin by Stanhope. This last edition must, upon the whole, be still considered as the most useful and ample. A new recension of the text, accompanied by a commentary, was commenced by Schulz, at the beginning of the present century (Slesvic. 1802, 8vo.), but the work is still imperfect, one volume only having appeared. There are numerous translations into most of the European languages. In English, the best, though indifferent, is that published at Glasgow in 1749 and 1764; in French, that of Madame Dacier (Paris, 1691); in German, that of Schulz. (Sleswick, 1799.) For further information with regard to the instructors of this emperor and his various literary compositions, see Fabric. Bibl. GraCec. vol. v. p. 500. [W. R.] f 'S oo COIN OF AURELIUS. AURE'LIUS, a physician who must have lived in or before the second century after Christ, as one of his prescriptions is quoted by Galen. (De Compos. Mlcdicam. sec. Loc. v. 5. vol. xii. p. 892.) He AUREOLUS. 443 is probably the same person who is mentioned in Cramer's An4ecd. Gr. Paris, vol. i. p. 394. [W.A.G.] AURE'LIUS ARCA'DIUS CHA'RISIUS. [CHARISIUS.] AURE'LIUS AUGUSTI'NUS. [AUGUSTINUS.] AURE'LIUS CORNE'LIUS CEL$US. [CELSUS.] AURE'LIUS OLY'MPIUS NEMESIA'NUS. [NEMESIANUS.] AURE'LIUS OPI'LIUS. [OPILIUs.] AURE'LIUS PHILIPPUS. [PHILIPrus.] AURE'LIUS PRUDE'NTIUS. [PRUDENTIUS.] AURE'LIUS SY'MMACHUS.[SYMMACHUS.] AURE'LIUS VICTOR. [VICTOR.] AURE'OLUS. After the defeat and captivity of Valerian, the legions in the different provinces, while they agreed in scorning the feeble rule of Gallienus, could by no means unite their suffrages in favour of any one aspirant to the purple; but each army hastened to bestow the title of Augustus upon its favourite general. Hence arose within the short space of eight years (A. 1. 260-267) no less than nineteen usurpers in the various dependencies of Rome, whose contests threatened speedily to produce the complete dissolution of the empire. The biographies of these adventurers, most of whom were of very humble origin, have been compiled by Trebellius Pollio, who has collected the whole under the fanciful designation of the Thirty Tyrants. But the analogy thus indicated will not bear examination. No parallel can be established between those pretenders who sprung up suddenly in diverse quarters of the world, without concert or sympathy, each struggling to obtain supreme dominion for himself, and that cabal which united under Critias and Theramenes with the common purpose of crushing the liberties of Athens. Nor does even the number correspond, for the Augustan historian is obliged to press in women and children and many doubtful names, in order to complete his tale. Of the whole nineteen, one only, Odenathus the Palmyrene, in gratitude for his successful valour against Sapor, was recognised by Gallienus as a colleague. It has been remarked, that not one lived in peace or died a natural death. Among the last of the number was Aureolus, a Dacian by birth, by occupation originally a shepherd. His merits as a soldier were discovered by Valerian, who gave him high military rank; and he subsequently did good service in the wars waged against Ingenuus, Macrianus, and Postumus. He was at length induced to revolt, was proclaimed emperor by the legions of Illyria in the year 267, and made himself master of Northern Italy. Gallienus, having been recalled by this alarm from a campaign against the Goths, encountered and defeated his rebellious general, and shut him up in Milan; but, while prosecuting the siege with vigour, was assassinated. This catastrophe, however, did not long delay the fate of the usurper, who was the nearest enemy and consequently the first object of attack to his rival, the new emperor Claudius. Their pretensions were decided by a battle fought between Milan and Bergamo, in which Aureolus was slain; and the modern town of Pontirolo is said to represent under a corrupt form the name of the bridge (Pons Aureoli) thrown over the Adda at the spot where the victory was won. The records preserved of this period are full of cionfusion and contradic
Page 444 444 AUSONIUS. tion. In what has been said above we have followed the accounts of Aurelius Victor and Zonaras in preference to that of Pollio, who places the usurpation of Aureolus early in 261; but on this supposition the relations which are known to have subsisted afterwards between Gallienus and Aureolus become quite unintelligible. [W. R.] AU'RIA. [AURIUs, No. 4.] AU'RIUS, the name of a family at Larinum, frequently mentioned in Cicero's oration for Cluentius. 1. M. AuRIus, the son of Dinaea, was taken prisoner at Asculum in the Italian war. He fell into the hands of Q. Sergius, who confined him in his ergastulum, where he was murdered by an emissary of Oppianicus, his brother-in-law. (cc. 7,8.) 2. NUM. Ajnaus, also the son of Dinaea, died before his brother, M. Aurius. (c. 7.) 3. A. AaRIUS MELINUS, a relation of the two preceding, threatened to prosecute Oppianicus, on account of the murder of M. Aurius. Oppianicus thereupon fled from Larinum, but was restored by Sulla, and obtained the proscription and death of M. Aurius Melinus and his son, Caius. (c. 8.) Melinus had married Cluentia, the daughter of Sassia; but as his mother-in-law fell in love with him, he divorced Cluentia and married Sassia. (cc. 5, 9, 26.) 4. AURIA, the wife of the brother of Oppianicus, was killed by the latter. (c. 11.) AURO'RA. [Eos.] AURUNCULEIA GENS, plebeian, of which COTTA is the only family-name mentioned: for those who have no cognomen, see AURUNCULEIUS. None of the members of this gens ever obtained the consulship: the first who obtained the praetorship was C. Aurunculeius, in B. c. 209. AURUNCULEIUS. 1. C. AURUNCULEIUS, praetor B. c. 209, had the province of Sardinia. (Liv. xxvii. 6, 7.) 2. C. AURUNCULEIUS, tribune of the soldiers of the third legion in B. c. 207. (Liv. xxvii. 41.) 3. L. AURUNCULEIUS, praetor urbanus B. C. 190. He was one of the ten commissioners sent to arrange the affairs of Asia at the conclusion of the war with Antiochus the Great, B. c. 188. (Liv. xxxvi. 45, xxxvii. 2, 55.) 4. C. AURUNCULEIUS, one of the three Roman ambassadors sent into Asia, B. c. 155, to prevent Prusias from making war upon Attalus. (Polyb. xxxiii. 1.) AURUNCUS, POST. COMI'NIUS, consul B. c. 501, in which year a dictator was first appointed on account of the conspiracy of the Latin states against Rome. (Liv. ii. 18; Dionys. v. 50; Zonar. vii. 13.) According to some accounts, he is said to have dedicated the temple of Saturn, in 497, in accordance with a decree of the senate. (Dionys. vi. 1.) Auruncus was consul again, in 493, and entered upon his office during the secession of the plebs, who had occupied the Aventine. He carried on war successfully against the Volscians, and took several of their towns. It was during this campaign that C. Marcius first distinguished himself at Corioli, whence he obtained the surname of Coriolanus. (Liv. ii. 33; Dionys. vi. 49, 91, 94; Cic. de Rep. ii. 33, pro Balb. 23; Plut. Coriol. 8.) It was probably on account of Coriolanus having served under him that Auruncus is represented as one of the ambassadors sent to Coriolanus when the latter was marching against Rome. (Dionys. viii. 22.) AUSONIUS. AUSON (Aioawv), a son of Odysseus either by Calypso or Circe. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 44, 696; Schol. ad Apollon. iv. 553; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 171; Suidas, s. v. AMhroaoiw.) The country of the Auruncans was believed to have derived from him the name of Ausonia. Dionysius (i. 72), in enumerating the sons of Odysseus by Circe, does not mention Auson. Liparus, from whom the name of the island of Lipara was derived, is called a son of Auson. (Steph. Byz. s. v. AvTrdpa.) [L. S.] AUSO'NIUS, who in the oldest MSS. is entitled DECIMUs MAGNUS AUSONIus, although the first two names are found neither in his own poems, nor in the epistle addressed to him by Symmachus, nor in the works of any ancient author, was born at Bourdeaux in the early part of the fourth century. His father, Julius Ausonius, who followed the profession of medicine, appears to have been a person of high consideration, since he was at one period invested with the honorary title of praefect of Illyricum; but there is no ground for the assertion of Scaliger, frequently repeated even in the most recent works, that he acted as physician in ordinary to the emperor Valentinian. If we can trust the picture of the parent drawn by the hand of the son, he must have been a very wonder of genius, wisdom, and virtue. (Idyll. ii. passim; Parental. i. 9, &c.) The maternal grandfather of our poet, Caecilius Argicius Arborius, being skilled in judicial astrology, erected a scheme of the nativity of young Ausonius, and the horoscope was found to promise high fame and advancement. (Parental. iv. 17, &c.) The prediction was, in all probability, in some degree the cause of its own accomplishment. The whole of his kindred took a deep interest in the boy whose career was to prove so brilliant. His infant years were sedulously watched by his grandmother, Aemilia Corinthia Maura, wife to Caecilius Arborius, and by his maternal aunts, Aemilia Hilaria and Aemilia Dryadia, the former of whom was a holy woman, devoted to God and chastity. (Parental. vi. and xxv.) He received the first rudiments of the Greek and Latin languages from the most distinguished masters of his native town, and his education was completed under the superintendence of Aemilius Magnus Arborius, his mother's brother, who taught rhetoric publicly at Toulouse, and who is named as the author of an elegy still extant, Ad Nympheam nimis cultame. (Profess. viii. 12, &c., x. 16, iii. 1, i. 11; Parental. iii. 12, &c.; Wernsdorf, Poet. Lat. Minores, vol. iii. p. 217.) Upon his return to Bourdeaux he practised for a while at the bar; but at the age of thirty began to give instructions as a grammarian, and not long after was promoted to be professor of rhetoric. The duties of this office were discharged by him for many years, and with such high reputation that he was summoned to court in order that he might act as the tutor of Gratian, son of the emperor Valentinian. ( Praef ad Syagr. 15, &c.) Judging from the honours which were now rapidly showered down upon him, he must have acquitted himself in his important charge to the entire satisfaction of all concerned. He received the title of count (comes) and the post of quaestor from Valentinian, after whose death lie was appointed by his pupil praefectus of Latium, of Libya, and of Gaul, and at length, in the year 379, was elevated to the consulship, thus verifying to the letter, as Bayle has observed, the apophthegmn of Juvenal:
Page 445 AUSONIUS. AUSONIUS. 445 " Si fortuna volet fies de rhetore consul." The letter of Gratian, conferring the dignity, and the grateful reply of Ausonius, are both extant. After the death of Gratian he retired from public life, and ended his days in a country retreat at no great distance from his native city (Epist. xxiv.), without losing, however, his court favour, for we have direct evidence that he was patronised by Theodosius. (Praefatiuncula, i.) The precise dates of the birth and of the death of Ausonius are alike unknown. That he was born about the beginning of the fourth century, as stated above, is evident from the fact, that he speaks of himself as far advanced in years when invested with the consulship (Grat. Act.), and he was certainly alive in 388, since he refers to the victory of Theodosius over Maximus, and the death of the " Rutupian robber." (Clar. Urb. vii.) Judging from the fond terms in which Ausonius speaks of his relations, the kindly feeling which appears to have been maintained between himself and several of his pupils, and the warm gratitude expressed by him towards his benefactors, we should be led to conclude that he was gentle, warm-hearted, and affectionate; but it is so very easy to be amiable upon paper, that we have perhaps no right to form any decided opinion upon his character. His religious faith has been the subject of keen controversy, but there seems to be little difficulty in determining the question. From his cradle he was surrounded by Christian relatives, he was selected by a Christian emperor to guide the studies of his Christian son, and he openly professes Christianity in several of his poems. It is objected- 1. That his friend and quondam disciple, Pontius Paullinus, the famous bishop of Nola, frequently upbraids him on account of his aversion to the pure faith. 2. That several of his pieces are grossly impure. 3. That his works contain frequent allusions to Pagan mythology, without any distinct declaration of disbelief. 4. That he was the intimate friend of Symmachus, who was notorious for his hostility to Christianity. 5. That the compositions in which he professes Christianity are spurious. To which arguments we may briefly reply, that the first falls to the ground, because the assertion, on which it rests, is entirely false; that if we admit the validity of the second and third, we might demonstrate half the poets who have lived since the revival of letters to be infidels; that the fourth proves nothing, and that the fifth, the rest being set aside, amounts to a petitio principli, since it is supported by no independent evidence external or internal. His poetical powers have been variously estimated. While some refuse to allow him any merit whatever, others contend that had he lived in the age of Augustus, he would have successfully disputed the palm with the brightest luminaries of that epoch. Without stopping to consider what he might have become under a totally different combination of circumstances, a sort of discussion which can never lead to any satisfactory result, we may pronounce with some confidence, that of all the higher attributes of a poet Ausonius possesses not one. Considerable neatness of expression may be discerned in several of his epigrams, many of which are evidently translations from the Greek; we have a very favourable specimen of his descriptive powers in the Mosella, perhaps the most pleasing of all his pieces; and some of his epistles, especially that to Paullinus (xxiv.) are by no means deficient in grace and dignity. But even in his happiest efforts we discover a total want of taste both in matter and manner, a disposition to introduce on all occasions, without judgment, the thoughts and language of preceding writers, while no praise except that of misapplied ingenuity can be conceded to the great bulk of his minor effusions, which are for the most part sad trash. His style is frequently harsh, and in latinity and versification he is far inferior to Claudian. His extant works are1. Epigrammatum Liber, a collection of 150 epigrams. 2. Ephemeris, containing an account of the business and proceedings of a day. 3. Parentalia, a series of short poems addressed to friends and relations on their decease. From these Vinet has extracted a very complete catalogue of the kindred of Ausonius, and constructed a genealogical tree. 4. Professores, notices of the Professors of Bourdeaux, or of those who being natives of Bourdeaux gave instructions elsewhere. 5. Epitaphia Heroum, epitaphs on the heroes who fell in the Trojan war and a few others. 6. A metrical catalogue of the first twelve Caesars, the period during which each reigned, and the manner of his death. 7. Tetrasticha, on the Caesars from Julius to Elagabalus. 8. Clarae Urbes, the praises of fourteen illustrious cities. 9. Ludus Septem Sapientum, the doctrines of the seven sages expounded by each in his own person. 10. Idyllia, a collection of twenty poems on different subjects, to several of which dedications in prose are prefixed. The most remarkable are, Epicedion in patrem Julium Antonium; Ausonii Villula; Cupido cruci afixzus; lMosella; and the too celebrated Cento Nuptialis. 11. Eclogarium, short poems connected with the Calendar and with some matters of domestic computation. 12. Epistolae, twenty-five letters, some in verse, some in prose, some partly in verse and partly in prose, addressed to various friends. 13. Gratiarum Actio pro Consulatu, in prose, addressed to the emperor Gratian. 14. Periochae, short arguments to each book of the Iliad and Odyssey. 15. Tres Praifatiunculae, one of them addressed to the emperor Theodosius. The Editio Princeps of Ausonius appeared at Venice in folio, without a printer's name, in a volume bearing the date 1472, and containing Probae Centones, the eclogues of Calpurnius, in addition to which some copies have the Epistle on the death of Drusus and some opuscula of Publius Gregorius Tifernus. It is extremely scarce. The first edition, in which Ausonius is found separately, is that edited by J. A. Ferrarius, fol. Mediolan. 1490, printed by Ulderic Scinzenzeller. The first edition, in which the whole of the extant works are collected in a complete form, is that of Tadaeus Ugoletus, printed by his brother Angelus, at Parma, 4to. 1499. The first edition, which exhibits a tolerable text, is that of Phil. Junta, 8vo. Florent. 1517; and the best edition is the Variorum of Tollius, 8vo. Amstel. 1671. [W. R.] AUSO'NIUS, JULIUS, an eminent physician, who, however, is chiefly known by his being the father of the poet of the same name, from whose works almost all the events of his life are to be learned. He was a native of Cossio Vasatum (the modern Bazas), but removed to Burdigala (Bourdeaux). He married Aemilia Aeonia, with whom he lived thirty-six years, and by whom he had four
Page 446 446 AUTOLEON. children, two sons, Decius Magnus Ausonius and Avitianus, and two daughters, Aemilia Melania and Julia Dryadia. He was appointed praefect of Illyricum by the emperor Valentinian. (A. D. 364-375.) He died at the age either of eighty-eight (Auson. Parent. i. 4) or ninety (Id. Epiced. v. 61), after having enjoyed perfect health both of body and mind. If he at all resembled the description given of him by his son, he must have been a most remarkable man, as almost every intellectual and moral excellence is attributed to him. He wrote some medical works, which are not now extant. (Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 96, ed. vet.; Scaliger, Vita Auson.; Ausonius, Parent. i. and Epiced.) [W. A. G.] AUTA'RITUS (Ardpciros), the leader of the Gallic mercenaries in the Carthaginian army in Africa, took an active part in the rebellion against Carthage at the end of the first Punic war. He at length fell into the power of Hamilcar, and was crucified, B. c. 238. (Polyb. i. 77, 79, 80, 85, 86.) AUTE'SION (Advreaiwv), a son of Tisamenus, grandson of Thersander, and great-grandson of Polyneices. He is called the father of Theras and Argeia, by the latter of whom Aristodemus became the father of Eurysthenes and Procles. He was a native of Thebes, where he had succeeded his father as king, but at the command of an oracle he went to Peloponnesus and joined the Dorians. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 2; Paus. iii. 15. ~ 4, 3. ~ 3, ix. 5. ~ 8; Herod. iv. 147,- vi. 52; Strab. viii. p. 347.) [L. S.] AU'TOCLES (AdroscA^s). 1. Son of Tolmaeus, was one of the Athenian commanders in the successful expedition against Cythera, B. c. 424 (Thuc. iv. 53); and, together with his two colleagues, Nicias and Nicostratus, he ratified, on the part of Athens, the truce which in B. c. 423 was concluded for one year with Sparta. (Thuc. iv. 119.) 2. Son of Strombichides, was one of the Athenian envoys empowered to negotiate peace with Sparta in B. c. 371. (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. ~ 2; comp. Diod. xv. 38.) Xenophon (Hell. vi. 3. ~ 7, &c.) reports a somewhat injudicious speech of his, which was delivered on this occasion before the congress at Sparta, and which by no means confirms the character, ascribed to him in the same passage, of a skilful orator. It was perhaps this same Autocles who, in B. c. 362, was appointed to the command in Thrace, and was brought to trial for having caused, by his inactivity there, the triumph of Cotys over the rebel Miltocythes. (Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 655, c. Polycl. p. 1207.) Aristotle (Rhlet. ii. 23. ~ 12) refers to a passage in a speech of Autocles against Mixidemides, as illustrating one of his rhetorical Troes. [E. E.] AUTO'CRATES (Advocpcar'ns), an Athenian, a poet of the old comedy. One of his plays, the TvuAtraVo-rai, is mentioned by Suidas and Aelian. ( V. H. xii. 9.) He also wrote several tragedies. (Suidas, s. v. AUvoiKpdirTs.) The Autocrates whose 'AXatcd is quoted by Athenaeus (ix. p. 395 and xi. p. 460) seems to have been a different person. [C. P. M.] AUTOLA'US (AdrdtAaos), a son of Areas, who found and brought up the infant Asclepius when exposed in Thelpusa. (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 2, 25. ~ 6.) [L. S.] AUTO'LEON (AVohroAe'c), an ancient hero of Croton in southern Italy, concerning whom the following story is related:-It was customary with AUTOLYCUS. the Opuntian Locrians, whenever they drew up their army in battle array, to leave one place in the lines open for their national hero Ajax. [AJAX.] Once in a battle between the Locrians and Crotoniats in Italy, Autoleon wanted to penetrate into this vacant place, hoping thus to conquer the Locrians. But the shade of Ajax appeared and inflicted on Autoleon a wound from which he suffered severely. The oracle advised him to conciliate the shade of Ajax by offering sacrifices to him in the island of Leuce. This was was done accordingly, and Autoleon was cured. While in the island of Leuce, Autoleon also saw Helen, who gave him a commission to Stesichorus. This poet had censured Helen in one of his poems, and had become blind in consequence. Helen now sent him the message, that if he would recant, his sight should be restored to him. Stesichorus composed a poem in praise of Helen, and recovered his sight. (Conon, Narra. 18.) Pausanias (iii. 19. ~ 11) relates precisely the same story of one Leonymus. [L. S.] AUTO'LYCUS (Adro'Xvcos). 1. A son of Hermes or Daedalion by Chione, Philonis, or Telauge. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16; Hygin. Fab. 201; Eustath. ad iHom. p. 804.) He was the husband of Neaera (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 3), or according to Homer (Od. xix. 394, &c.), of Amphithea, by whom he became the father of Anticleia, the mother of Odysseus and Aesimus. He had his residence on mount Parnassus, and was renowned among men for his cunning and oaths. (Comp. Hygin. 1. c.; Ov. Met. xi. 311.) Once when he came to Ithaca as a guest, the nurse placed his newly-born grandson Odysseus on his knees, and he gave the child the name Odysseus. Afterwards, when Odysseus was staying with him, he was wounded by a boar during the chase on Parnassus, and it was by the scar of this wound that Odysseus was subsequently recognized by his aged nurse, when he returned from Troy. (Paus. x. 8. ~ 4; Ov. Met. xi. 295, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 200.) Polymede, the mother of Jason, was, according to Apollodorus, a daughter of this Autolycus, and the same writer (ii. 4. ~ 9) not only describes him as the teacher of Heracles in the art of wrestling, but mentions him among the Argonauts; the latter of which statements arose undoubtedly from a confusion of this Autolycus with the Thessalian of the same name. Autolycus is very famous in ancient story as a successful robber, who had even the power of metamorphosing both the stolen goods and himself. (Hom. II. x. 267; Hygin. Fab. 201; Apollod. ii. 6. ~ 2; Strab. ix. p. 439; Eustath. ad [Hosrn. p. 408; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 79.) 2. A Thessalian, son of Deimachus, who together with his brothers Deileon and Phlogius joined Heracles in his expedition against the Amazons. But after having gone astray the two brothers dwelt at Sinope, until they joined the expedition of the Argonauts. (Apollon. Rhod. ii. 955, &c.; Valer. Flacc. v. 115.) He was subsequently regarded as the founder of Sinope, where he was worshipped as a god and had an oracle. After the conquest of Sinope by the Romans, his statue was carried from thence by Lucullus to' Rome. (Strab. xii. p. 546.) It must be noticed, that Hyginus (Fab. 14) calls him a son of Phrixus and Chalciope, and a brother of Phronius, Demoleon, and Phlogius. [L. S.] AUTO'LYCUS (A'-ruAvicos), a young Athenian of singular beauty, the object of the affection of
Page 447 AUTOLYCUS. Callias. It is in honour of a victory gained by him in the pentathlum at the Great Panathenaea that Callias gives the banquet described by Xenophon. (Comp. Athen. v. p. 187.) [C.P. M.] AUTO'LYCUS (AirdXvicos). 1. An Areiopagite, who was accused by the orator Lycurgus on account of removing his wife and children from Athens after the battle of Chaeroneia, B. c. 338, and was condemned by the judges. The speech of Lycurgus against Autolycus was extant in the time of Harpocration, but has not come down to us. (Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 177, ed. Reiske; Harpocrat. s. vv. Aro'Avicos, -gpia; Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 843, c. d.) 2. The son of Agathocles, and the brother of Lysimachus, was appointed one of the body-guard of king Philip Arrhidaeus, B. c. 321. (Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 72, a. 14, ed. Bekker.) AUTO'LYCUS ('AU-roA;cos), a mathematician, who is said to have been a native of Pitane in Acolis, and the first instructor of the philosopher Arcesilaus. (Diog. Laert. iv. 29.) From this, it would follow, that he lived about the middle of the fourth century B. c., and was contemporary with Aristotle. We know nothing more of his history. He wrote two astronomical treatises, which are still extant, and are the most ancient existing specimens of the Greek mathematics. The first is on ihe Motion of the Sphere (wrp i KivovtvYr]s eqeaupas). It contains twelve propositions concerning a sphere which with its principal circles is supposed to revolve uniformly about a fixed diameter, whilst a fixed great circle (the horizon) always divides it into two hemispheres (the visible and invisible). Most of them are still explicitly or implicitly included amongst the elements of astronomy, and they are such as would naturally result from the first systematic application of geometrical reasoning to the apparent motion of the heavens. This treatise may be considered as introductory to the second, which is on the risings and settings of the fixed stars, Trepl brTrohOv al vberwy, in two books. Autolycus first defines the true risings and settings, and then the apparent. The former happen when the sun and a star are actually in the horizon together; and they cannot be observed, because the sun's light makes the star invisible. The latter happen when the star is in the horizon, and the sun just so far below it that the star is visible, and there are in general four such phaenomena in the year in the case of any particular star; namely, its first visible rising in the morning, its last visible rising in the evening, its first visible setting in the morning, and last visible setting in the evening. In a favourable climate, the precise day of each of these occurrences might be observed, and such observations must have constituted the chief business of practical astronomy in its infancy; they were, moreover, of some real use. because these phaenomena afforded a means of defining the seasons of the year. A star when rising or setting is visible according to its brilliance, if the sun be from 10 to 18 degrees below the horizon. Autolycus supposes 15 degrees, but reckons them along the ecliptic instead of a vertical circle; and he proceeds to establish certain general propositions concerning the intervals between these apparent risings and settings, taking account of the star's position with respect to the ecliptic and equator. It was impossible, without trigonometry, to determine beforehand the absolute time at which any one of them AUTONOE. 447 would happen; but one having been observed, the rest might be roughly predicted, for the same star, by the help of these propositions. The demon.. strations, and even the enunciations, are in some cases not easily understood without a globe'; but the figures used by Autolycus are simple. There is nothing in either treatise to shew that he had the least conception of spherical trigonometry. There seems to be no complete edition of the Greek text of Autolycus. There are three Greek manuscripts of each treatise in the Bodleian and Savilian libraries at Oxford. The propositions without the demonstrations were printed in Greek and Latin by Dasypodius in his " Sphaericae Doctrinae Propositiones," Argent. 1572. Both the works were translated into Latin from a Greek MS. by Jos. Auria, Rom. 1587 and 1588; and a translation of the first by Maurolycus, from an Arabic version, is given, without the name of Autolycus, at p. 243 of the "Universae Geometriae, etc. Synopsis" of Mersennus, Paris, 1645. A full account of the works of Autolycus may be found in Delambre's Hist. de l'Astronomie Ancienne. Brucker quotes an essay by Carpzovius, de Autolyco Pitaneo Diatribe, Lips. 1744. See also Schaubach, Geschichte der Griechischen Astronomie, p. 338; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 89. [W. F. D.] AUTO'MATE (Au'oTsa'r?), one of the Danaids, who, according to Apollodorus (ii. 1. ~ 5) and others, killed Busiris, who was betrothed to her; whereas, according to Pausanias (vii. 1. ~ 3), she was married to Architeles, the son of Achaeus, who emigrated from Phthiotis in Thessaly to Argos with Archander, [L. S.] AUTOMA'TIA (Al3roeaT'la) a surname of Tyche or Fortuna, which seems to characterize her as the goddess who manages things according to her own will, without any regard to the merit of man. Under this name Timoleon built to the goddess a sanctuary in his house. (Plut. De Sui Laude, p. 542, e.; Nepos, Timol. 4.) [L. S.] AUTO'MEDON (AVTro0dW'c), a son of Diores, was, according to Homer, the charioteer and companion of Achilles, whereas Hyginus (Fab. 97) makes him sail by himself with ten ships against Troy. According to Virgil (Aen. ii. 476), he fought bravely by the side of Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. (Hom. II. ix. 209, xvi. 148, 219, xvii. 429, &c., xix. 392, xxiv. 474.) [L. S.] AUTO'MEDON (AVU-o/dEw), of Cyzicus, a Greek epigrammatic poet, twelve of whose epigrams are contained in the Greek Anthology. (v. 129, x. 23, xi. 29, 46, 50, 319, 324-326, 346, 361, xii. 34.) He must have lived in the first century of the Christian era, as one of his poems is addressed to Nicetes, a distinguished orator in the reign of Nerva. One of the epigrams usually attributed to Theocritus (Anth. Graec. vii. 534; No. 9, in Kiessling's edition of Theocritus, p.778) has in the manuscript the inscription Avroe/Eovros AlrwhoD: if this is correct there must have been an Aetolian poet of the name of Automedon. AUTOMEDU'SA. [ALcATHOUS.] AUTO'NOE (Advovorn), a daughter of Cadmus and Harmonia, was the wife of Aristaeus, by whom she became the mother of Polydorus. (Hesiod. Theog. 977; Pans. x. 17. ~ 3.) According to Apollodorus (iii. 4. ~ 2, &c.), Polydorus was a brother of AutonoUi, and Actaeon was her son. (Comp. Diod. iv. 81.) Autonoe together with her
Page 448 448 AUXESIA. sister Agave tore Pentheus to pieces in their Bacchic fury. (Hygin. Fab. 184.) At last grief and sadness at the lamentable fate of the house of her father induced her to quit Thebes, and she went to Erineia in the territory of Megara, where her tomb was shewn as late as the time of Pausanias. (i. 44. ~ 8.) There are five other mythical personages of this name. (Hesiod. Theog. 258; Apollod. i. 2. ~ 7, ii. 1. ~ 5, 7. ~ 8; Paus. viii. 9. ~ 2; Hornm. Od. xviii. 182.) [L. S.] AUTOPHRADATES (AsiroPpaidrais), a Persian, who distinguished himself as a general in the reign of Artaxerxes III. and Dareius Codomannus. In the reign of the former he made Artabazus, the revolted satrap of Lydia and lonia, his prisoner, but afterwards set him free. (Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 671.) [ARTABAZUS, No. 4.] After the death of the Persian admiral, Memnon, in B. c. 333, Autophradates and Pharnabazus undertook the command of the fleet, and reduced Mytilene, the siege of which had been begun by Memnon. Pharnabazus now sailed with his prisoners to Lycia, and Autophradates attacked the other islands of the Aegaean, which espoused the cause of Alexander the Great. But Pharnabazus soon after joined Autophradates again, and both sailed against Tenedos, which was induced by fear to surrender to the Persians. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 1.) During these expeditions Autophradates also laid siege to the town of Atarneus in Mysia, but without success. (Aristot. Polit. ii. 4. ~ 10.) Among the Persian satraps who appeared before Alexander at Zadracarta, Arrian (Anab. iii. 23) mentions an Autophradates, satrap of the Tapuri, whom Alexander left in the possession of the satrapy. But this satrap is undoubtedly a different person from the Autophradates who commanded the Persian fleet in the Aegean. [L. S.] AUTRO'NIA GENS, of which the only familyname mentioned is PAETUS. Persons of this gens first came into notice in the last century of the republic: the first member of it who obtained the consulship was P. Autronius Paetus, in B. c. 65. AUXE'SIA (A~g7la), the goddess who grants growth and prosperity to the fields, a surname of Persephone. According to a Troezenian legend, there came once during an insurrection at Troezen two Cretan maidens, Auxesia and Damia, who was probably Demeter, and who, in our editions of Pausanias, is called Lamia (perhaps only an incorrect reading for Damia). During the tumult, the two maidens were stoned to death, whereupon the Troezenians paid divine honours to them, and instituted the festival of the Lithobolia. (Paus. ii. 32. ~ 3.) According to an Epidaurian and Aeginetan tradition, the country of Epidaurus was visited by a season of scarcity, and the Delphic oracle advised the Epidaurians to erect statues of Auxesia and Damia, which were to be made of olive-wood. The Epidaurians therefore asked permission of the Athenians to cut down an Attic olive-tree. The request was granted, on condition that the Epidaurians should every year offer up sacrifices to Athena Agraulos and Erechtheus. When the condition was complied with, the country of Epidaurus again bore fruit as before. Now when about B. C. 540 Aegina separated itself from Epidaurus, which had till then been regarded as its metropolis, the Aeginetans, who had had their sacra in common with the Epidaurians, took away the two statues of Auxesia and Damia, and AXIONICUS. erected them in a part of their own island called Oea, where they offered sacrifices and celebr.' mysteries. When the Epidaurians, in conseq'e of this, ceased to perform the sacrifices at Ats, and the Athenians heard of the statues being c. ried to Aegina, they demanded their surrender of the Aeginetans. The islanders refused, and the Athenians threw ropes round the sacred statues, to drag them away by force. But thunder and earthquakes ensued, and the Athenians engaged in the work were seized with madness, in which they killed one another. Only one of them escaped to carry back to Athens the sad tidings. The Aeginetans added to this legend, that the statues, while the Athenians were dragging them down, fell upon their knees, and that they remained in this attitude ever after. (Herod. v. 82-86; Paus. ii. 30. ~ 5; Hom. Hymn. in Cer. 122; comp. Miiller, Dor. ii. 10. ~ 4, note f., iv. 6. ~ 11, Aeginet. p. 171.) [L. S.] AUXO (Amio). 1. [HORAE.] 2. An ancient Attic divinity, who was worshipped, according to Pausanias (ix. 35. ~ 1), together with Hegemone, under the name of Charites. [CHARITES.] [L. S.] A'XIA GENS, plebeian, of which very little is known, as there are only two or three persons of this name mentioned by ancient writers. There is a coin of this gens bearing on the obverse the cognomen Naso, and on the reverse the inscription L. Axsius L. F. (Eckhel, v. p. 148); Axsius being instead of Axius, in the same way as we find Maxsumus for Maxumus and Aleasandrea for Alexandrea. We do not know who this L. Axsius Naso was; as the Axii mentioned by ancient writers have no cognomen. [Axius.] AXI'EROS ('Abeipos), a daughter of Cadmilus, and one of the three Samothracian Cabeiri. According to the Paris-Scholia on Apollonius (i. 915 -921), she was the same as Demeter. The two other Cabeiri were Axiocersa (Persephone), and Axiocersus (Hades). [CABEIRI.] [L. S.] AXILLA, the name of a family of the Servilia gens, which is merely another form of AHALA. Axilla is a diminutive of Ala. (Comp. Cic. Orat. 45.) We have only one person of this name mentioned, namely, C. SERVILIUS Q. F. C. N. (STRUCTUS) AXILLA, consular tribune in B. c. 419 and again in 418, in the latter of which he was magister equitum to the dictator Q. Servilius Priscus Fidenas. This is the account of the Fasti Capitolini; but Livy calls the consular tribune in B. c. 418 only C. Servilius, and says that he was the son of the dictator Q. Servilius Priscus Fidenas. He also tells us that some annals related, that the magister equitum was the son of the dictator, while others called him Servilius Ahala (Axilla). (Liv. iv. 45, 46.) AXION ('A4Ianv). 1. A son of Phegeus of Psophis, and brother of Temenus and Arsinoi or Alphesiboea. (Paus. viii. 24. ~ 4.) Apollodorus (iii. 7. ~ 5) calls the two sons of Phegeus, Agenor and Pronous. [AGENOR, No.5, ALCMAEON, ACARNAN.] 2. A son of Priam, who was slain by Eurypylus, the son of Euaemon. (Hygin. Fab. 90; Paus. x. 27.) [L. S.] AXIONI'CUS ('Auio'vicos), an Athenian poet of the middle comedy. Some unimportant fragments of the following plays have been preserved by Athenaeus: the Tv3Ppro s or Tv3vCWKis (iv. p. 166, vi. p. 244);?i'evpnriSts (iv. p. 175, viii. p.
Page 449 AZESIA. 342); i'ivva (x. p. 442); XaAhIrcL 6s (vi. p. 239, 7 '"3.;95.) [C. P. M.] ( -XIOPISTUS ('At(io-r-tros), a Locrian or h ronian, was the author of a poem entitled,.v(v Kal tr'vFCar, which was commonly ascribed n to Epicharmus. (Athen. xiv. p. 648, d. e.) a AXIOPOENOS ('Atio'voivos), the avenger, a 1 surname of Athena. Under this name Heracles I built a temple to the goddess at Sparta, after he I had chastised Hippocoon and his sons for the mur- g der of Oeonus. (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 4.) [L. S.] s AXIOTHEA. [PROMETHEUS.] t AXIO'THEA ('AWioO~a). 1. Wife of Nicocles, king of Paphos. When Nicocles, by the command of Ptolemy Lagi, killed himself, Axiothea slew her t daughters with her own hand, to prevent their falling into the hands of their enemies, and then, together with her sisters-in-law, killed herself. (Diod. xx. 21; Polyaen. Strateg. viii. 48.) 2. A native of Plilius, who came to Athens, and putting on male attire, was for some time a hearer of Plato, and afterwards of Speusippus. (Diog. r Lafert. iii. 46, iv. 2; Clem. Alex. Stromat. iv. p. s 523; Themistius, Orat. iv.) [C. P. M.] A'XIUS ("A(tos), a Paeonian river-god, who s begotby Periboea a son, Pelegon, the father of As- i teropaeus. (Hom. II. xxi. 141, with the note of s Eustath.; ASTEROPAEUS.) [L. S.] A'XIUS. 1. L. Axrus, a Roman knight, mentioned by Varro. (R. R. iii. 7.) 2. Q. Axius, an intimate friend of Cicero and Varro, the latter of whom has introduced him as I one of the speakers in the third book of his de Re l Rustica. (Comp. Cic. ad Att. iii. 15, iv. 15.) Suetonius quotes (Caes. 9) from one of Cicero's letters i to Axius, and Gellius speaks (vii. 3) of a letter which Tiro, the freedman of Cicero, wrote to Axius, the friend of his patron. Axius was a man of wealth, and was accustomed to lend money, if at least the Axius to whom Cicero talked of applying in B. c. 61 (ad Att. i. 12), is the same as the above. In B. c. 49, however, we find that Axius was in Cicero's debt. (ad Att. x. 11, 13, 15.) AXUR. [ANXUR.] AZAN ('Acdv), a s'on of Areas and the nymph Erato, was the brother of Apheidas and Elatus, and father of Cleitor. The part of Arcadia which he received from his father was called, after him, Azania. After his death, funeral games, which were believed to have been the first in Greece, were celebrated in his honour. (Paus. viii. 4. ~~ 2, 3, v. 1. ~ 6; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'A mavre.) [L. S.] AZANI'TES ('AeavijT7s), a physician whose medical formulae appear to have enjoyed some celebrity, as they are quoted with approbation by Galen (de Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. v. 2. vol. xiii. p. 784), Oribasius (Synops. iii. p. 43), AEtius (Tetrab. iv. Serm. ii. 34. p. 705, and Tetrab. iv. Serm. iii. 21. p. 772), Paulus Aegineta (iv. 55, p. 530, vii. 19, p. 686), and others. As Galen is the earliest writer by whom he is mentioned, he must have lived some time in or before the second century after Christ. [W. A. G.] AZEMILCUS ('Aý4rhIcos), king of Tyre, was serving in the Persian fleet under Autophradates at the time when Alexander arrived at Tyre, B. c.,332. He was in the city when it was taken, but his life was spared by Alexander. (Arrian, ii. 15, 24.) AZE'SIA ('A soPra), a surname of Demeter and Persephone, which is derived either from cidaiverlv BABYS. 449 ous iKaprov's, to dry fruits, or from qrer, to seek. Zenob. iv. 20; Suid. s. v.; Hesych. s. v.; Spanteim, ad Callim. p. 740.) [L. S.] AZEUS ('AEris), a son of Clymenus of Orchonenos, was a brother of Erginus, Stratius, Arrhon, and Pyleus, father of Actor and grandfather of Astyoche. (Hom. II. ii. 513; Paus. ix. 37. ~ 2.) He went with his brothers, under the command of Erginus, the eldest, against Thebes, to take venieance for the murder of his father, who had been slain by the Thebans at a festival of the Onchesian Poseidon. [ERGINUS, CLYMENUS.] [L. S.] AZO'RUS ("A3wpos), according to Hesychius s. v.), the helmsman of the ship Argo, who is said to have built the Pelagonian town of Azoros. Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] B. BA'BILUS, an astrologer at Rome, in the reign of Nero (Suet. Ner. c. 36), is perhaps the same as Barbillus. [BARBILLUS.] BA/BRIUS (Bdptos), or BA'BRIAS (Baeptas), sometimes also called GA'BRIAS (raepias), who s not a different person from Babrius, as Bentley supposed, a Greek poet, who after the example of Socrates turned the Aesopean fables into verse. The emperor Julian (Ep. 90) is the first writer who mentions Babrius; but as some of Babrius's verses are quoted by Apollonius in his Homeric Lexicon (s. v. ear8e), though without mentioning his name, lie lived in all probability before the time of Augustus. [APOLLONIUS, No. 5.] This is in accordance with the account of Avianus, who speaks (Prasef) of Babrius before Phaedrus. The work of Babrius, which was in Choliambic verses [see p. 47, b.], was called MvOoi and MvOiaygfor, and was comprised in ten books according to Suidas (s. v. Bdcptos), or two volumes (volumina) according to Avianus. His version, which is one of no ordinary merit, seems to have been the basis of all the Aesopean fables which have come down to us in various forms. Later writers of Aesopean fables, such as Maximus Planudes, probably turned the poems of Babrius into prose, but they did it in so clumsy a manner, that many choliambic verses may still be traced in their fables, as Bentley has shewn in his dissertation on Aesop's fables. [AESOPUs, p. 48, a.] Bentley was the first writer who called the attention of the learned to this fact, which was proved still more clearly by Tyrwhitt in his dissertation " De Babrio, Fabularum Aesopearum Scriptore," Lond. 1776, reprinted at Erlangen, 1785, ed. Harles. To this treatise Tyrwlitt added the fragments of Babrius, which were but few in number and chiefly taken from Suidas; but several of his complete poems have been discovered in a Florentine and Vatican MS., and were first published by de Furia under the title of " Fabulae Aesopicae, quales ante Planudem ferebantur," Flor. 1809. They have also been edited by J.Gl. Schneider, " Aesopi Fabulae, cum Fabulis Babrii," Vratisl. 1812; by Berger, Baepiov VOCOwv XwALaeSIKWcv 8i~ALa rpLa, &c., Monach. 1816; and by Knoch, " Babrii Fabulae et Fabularum Fragmenta," Halis Sax. 1835. BABU'LLIUS. [BACILLUS.] BABYS (B&dvs). 1. The same according to Iellanicus (ap. Atlen. xv. p. 680, a.) as the Egyptinn Typhon. [TYPHON.] 2 o
Page 450 450 BACCHIADAE. 2. The father of Pherecydes. (Strab. x. p. 487; Diog. Lahrt. i. 116. [PHERECYDES.] 3. A flute-player, who gave occasion to the proverb against bad flute-players, " He plays worse than Babys." (Athen. xiv. p. 624, b.; comp. Zenob. iv. 81.) BACCHEIDAS (BaKXEISas), of Sicyon, a dancer and teacher of music, in honour of whom there is an ancient epigram of four lines preserved by Athenaeus. (xiv. p. 629, a.) BACCHEIUS or BACCHI'US, of Miletus, the author of a work on agriculture (Var. R. R. i. 1), who is referred to by Pliny as one of the sources of his Natural History. (Elenchus, lib. viii. x. xiv. xv. xvii. xviii.) BACCHEIUS (BaKcXELos), surnamed Senior (6 -yepw), the author of a short musical treatise in the form of a catechism, called eho'aywy-r "rEXyvrs JLoviTails. We know nothing of his history. Fabricius (Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 260, &c.) gives a list of persons of the same name, and conjectures that he may have been the Baccheius mentioned by M. Aurelius Antoninus (de Rebus suis, i. 6) as his first instructor. The treatise consists of brief and clear explanations of the principal subjects belonging to Harmonics and Rhythm. Baccheius reckons seven modes (pp. 12, 18), corresponding to the seven species of octave anciently called by the same names. Hence Meibomius (praef. in Arist. Quint.) supposes that he lived after Ptolemy, who adopts the same system, and before Manuel Bryennius, in whose time an eighth (the Hypermixolydian) had been added. But the former supposition does not seem to rest on satisfactory grounds. The Greek text of Baccheius was first edited by Marinus Mersennus, in his Commentary on the first six chapters of Genesis. (Paris, 1623, fol., p. 1887.) It was also printed in a separate form, with a Latin version, by Frederic Morelli, Paris, 1623, 8vo., and lastly by Meibomius, in the Antiquae Musicae Auctores Septem, Amst. 1652. An anonymous Greek epigram, in which Baccheius is mentioned, is printed by Meibomius in his preface, from the same manuscript which contained the text; also by Fabricius. (1. c.) [W. F. D.] BACCHEIUS (BaKXL?os), one of the earliest commentators on the writings of Hippocrates, was a native of Tanagra in Boeotia. (Erot. Gloss. Hippoer. p. 8.) He was a follower of Herophilus (Gal. Comment. in Hippocr. "Aphor." vii. 70. vol. xviii. pt. i. p. 187), and a contemporary of Philinus, and must therefore have lived in the third century n. c. Of his writings (which were both valuable and interesting) nothing remains but a few fragments preserved by Erotianus and Galen, by whom he is frequently mentioned. (Erot. Gloss. Hippocr. pp. 8, 32, 38, &c.; Gal. Comment. in Hippocr. "Epid. VI." i. prooem. vol. xvii. pt. i. p. 794; Comment. in Hippocr. " de Med. Offic." i. prooem. vol. xviii. p. ii. p. 631.) [W. A. G.] BACCHFIADAE (BamXclat), a Heracleid clan, derived their name from Bacchis, who was king of Corinth from 926 to 891 B. c., and retained the supreme rule in that state, first under a monarchical form of government, and next as a close oligarchy, till their deposition by Cypselus, about B. c. 657. Diodorus (Fragm. 6), in his list of the Heracleid kings, seems to imply that Bacchis was a lineal descendent from Aletes, who in B. c. 1074 deposed the Sisyphidae and made himself master of Corinth BACCHYLIDES. (Wess. ad Diod. 1. c.; Pind. Olymp. xiii. 17; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. vii. 155; Paus. ii. 4; Mill. Dor. i. 5. ~ 9); while from Pausanias (1. c.) it would rather appear, that Bacchis was the founder of a new, though still a Heracleid, dynasty. In his line the throne continued till, in B. c. 748, Telestes was murdered by Arieus and Perantas, who were themselves Bacchiads, and were perhaps merely the instruments of a general conspiracy of the clan to gain for their body a larger share of power than they enjoyed under the regal constitution. (Diod. and Paus. 1I. cc.) From Diodorus, it would seem that a year, during which Automenes was king, elapsed before the actual establishment of oligarchy. According to the same author, this form of government, with annual prytanes elected from and by the Bacchiadae, lasted for ninety years (747-657); nor does it appear on what grounds a period of 200 years is assigned to it by Strabo. (Strab. viii. p. 378; Miill. Dor. Append. ix. note x.) It was indeed of too narrow and exclusive a kind to be of any very long duration; the members of the ruling clan intermarried only with one another (Herod. v. 92); and their downfall was moreover hastened by their excessive luxury (Ael. V. H. i. 19), as well as by their insolence and oppression, of which the atrocious outrage that drove Archias from Corinth, and led to the founding of Syracuse and Corcyra, is probably no very unfair specimen. (Diod. Erc. de Virt. et. Vit. 228; Plut. Amat p. 772, e.; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1212.) On their deposition by Cypselus, with the help of the lower orders (Herod. v. 92; Aristot. Polit. v. 10, 12, ed. Bekk.), they were for the most part driven into banishment, and are said to have taken refuge in different parts of Greece, and even Italy. (Plut. Lisand. c. 1; Liv. i. 34; comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. i. p. 366, &c.) Some of them, however, appear to have still remained at Corinth, if we may consider as a Bacchiad the Heracleid Phallus, who led the colony to Epidamnus in B. c. 627. (Thuc. i. 24.) As men of the greatest distinction among the Bacchiadae, may be mentioned Philolaus, the legislator of Thebes, about B. c. 728 (Aristot. Polit. ii. 12, ed. Bekk.), and Eumelus, the cyclic poet (Paus. ii. 1, 3, iv. 33; Athen. i. p. 22, c.; Schol. ad Pind. Olymp. xiii. 30; Mill. Hist. of Greek Lit. c. x. ~ 2.) Strabo tells us also (vii. p. 326), that the Lyncestian kings claimed descent from the Bacchiadae. [E. E.] BA'CCHIDES (BaKX/iScs), an eunuch of Mithridates. After the defeat of the latter by Lucullus, Mithridates in despair sent Bacchides to put his wives and sisters to death, B. c. 71. (Plut. Lucull. 18, &c.) Appian (Mith. 82) calls the eunuch Bacchus. The Bacchides, who was the governor of Sinope, at the time when this town was besieged by Lucullus, is probably the same as the above. (Strab. xii. p. 546.) BACCHUS. [DioNYsus.] BACCHY'LIDES (BaXvAi&Ss). 1. One of the great lyric poets of Greece, was a native of lulis in the island of Ceos, and the nephew as well as fellow-townsman of Simonides. (Strab. x. p. 426; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'louAis.) His father is variously called Medon (Suidas, s. v. BascXvuAtq), Meilon (Epigr. in novem Lyr. ap. Bockh, Schol. Pind. p. 8), or Meidylus (Etym. M. p. 582. 20): his paternal grandfather was the athlete Bacchylides. We know nothing of his life, except that he lived at the court of Hiero in Syracuse,
Page 451 BACCIIY LIS. together with Simonides and Pindar. (Aclian, V. I/. iv. 15.) Eusebius makes him flourish in B. c. 450; but as Hiero died B. c. 467, and Bacchylides obtained great fame at his court, his poetical reputation must have been established as early as u. c. 470. The Scholiast on Pindar frequently states (ad 01. ii. 154, 155, ad Pyth. ii, 131, 161, 166, 167, 171) that Bacchylides and Pindar were jealous of and opposed to one another; but whether this was the fact, or the story is to be attributed to the love of scandal which distinguishes the later Greek grammarians, it is impossible to determine. The poems of Bacchylides were numerous and of various kinds. They consisted of Epinici (songs, like Pindar's, in honour of the victors in the public games), Hymns, Paeans, Dithyrambs, Prosodia, Hyporchemata, Erotica, and Paroenia or Drinking-songs: but all of these have perished with the exception of a few fragments. It is, therefore, difficult to form an independent opinion of their poetical value; but as far as we can judge from what has come down to us, Bacchylides was distinguished, like Simonides, for the elegance and finish of his compositions. He was inferior to Pindar in strength and energy, as Longinus remarks (c. 33); and in his lamentations over the inexorable character of fate, and the necessity of submitting to death, he reminds one of the Ionic elegy. Like his predecessors in Lyric poetry, he wrote in the Doric dialect, but frequently introduces Attic forms, so that the dialect of his poems very much resembles that of the choruses in the Attic tragedies. Besides his lyrical poems there are two epigrams in the Greek Anthology attributed to Bacchylides, one in the Doric and the other in the Ionic dialect, and there seems no reason to doubt their genuineness. The fragments of Bacchylides have been published by Neue, " Bacchylidis Cei Fragmenta," Berol. 1823, and by Bergk, " Po'tae Lyrici Graeci," p. 820, &c. 2. Of Opus, a poet, whom Plato, the comic poet (about B. c. 400), attacked in his play entitled the Sophists. (Suidas, s. v. o0<ptrmjis.) BA'CCHYLUS (written BatcXymAos, by Eusebius, but given with only one I by Jerome, Ruffinus, Sophronius, and Nicephorus), bishop of Corinth, flourished in the latter half of the second century, under Commodus and Severus. He is recorded by Eusebius and Jerome as having written on the question, so early and so long disputed, as to the proper time of keeping Easter. From the language of Eusebius, Valesius is disposed to infer that this was not a Synodical letter, but one which the author wrote in his own individual capacity. But Jerome says expressly, that Bacchylus wrote " de Pascha ex omnium qui in Achaia erant episcoporum persona." And in the ancient Greek Synodicon, published by Paphus at Strasburg in 1601, and inserted in both editions of Fabricius's Bibliotheca Graeca, not only is this council registered as having been held at Corinth by Bacchylides, archbishop of that place, and eighteen bishops with him, but the celebration of Easter is mentioned as the subject of their deliberations. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 364.) Notwithstanding the slight change of the name, and the designation of Bacchylides as archbishop of Corinth, there can be no reasonable doubt that he is the same with the bishop mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome. (Euseb. Iist. Eccl. v. 22, 23; BACIIARIUS. 451 Jerome, de Viris Illustr. c. 44, and the note of E. S. Cyprian.) [J. M. M.] BACHIA'RIUS, a Latin ecclesiastical writer, respecting whom we possess little authentic information. The following account of him is given by Gennadius, de Viris Illustribius, c. 24: "Bachiarius, vir Christianae philosophiae, nudus et expeditus vacare Deo disponens, etiam peregrinationem propter conservandam vitae integritatem elegit. Edidisse dicitur grata opuscula: sed ego ex illis unum tantum de fide libellun legi, in quo satisfacit Pontifici urbis, adversus querulos et infamatores peregrinationis suae, et indicat, se non timore hominmn, sed Dei, peregrinationem suscepisse, et exiens de terra sua cohaeres fieret Abrahamae patriarchae." To this brief account some additions of doubtful authority have been made by later writers. Bishop Bale calls him Bachiarius HMaccaeus, says that he was a native of Great Britain, and a disciple of St. Patrick, and assigns the cruel oppressions under which his country was then groaning as the cause of his voluntary expatriation. Joannes Pitseus (John Pits), the Roman Catholic chronicler, follows the account of Bale. Aubertus Miraeus (Aubert Lemire) says that Bachiarius was an Irishman, a disciple of St. Patrick, and contemporary with St. Augustin. These statements rest on no sufficient evidence; for Bale, the source of them all, is an inaccurate and injudicious writer.* Schinemann denies that there is any proof, that Bachiarius was a native either of Great Britain or Ireland; and, from the contents of the treatise de Fide, infers, that the author's country was at the time extensively infested with heresy, from the imputation of which he deemed it necessary to clear himself. Schenemann concurs with Muratori in thinking that this could not be the Pelagian doctrine, to which there is no reference throughout the treatise; and adopts the conclusion of Francis Florius, that the author's country was Spain, and the heresy which he was solicitous to disavow that of the Priscillianists. This notion agrees very well with the contents of the work de Fide; but as it is not supported, so far as we are aware, by any positive evidence, we are rather surprised to see it coolly assumed by Neander (Gesch. der Christ. Religion, &c. ii. 3, p. 1485) as indubitably true. The only surviving works of Bachiarius are the treatise "de Fide," mentioned above, and a letter to a certain Januarius, respecting the re-admission of a monk into the church, who had been excommunicated for seducing a nun. The " Objurgatio in Evagrium," inaccurately ascribed to Jerome, and the " Libri Duo de Deitate et Incarnatione Verbi ad Januarium," improperly classed among the works of Augustin, are regarded by Florius as the productions of Bachiarius. This, though not intrinsically improbable, wants the confirmation of direct external proof. Possenin, Bale, and Pits attribute other works to Bachiarius, but upon no sufficient grounds. The " Epistola ad Januarium de recipiendis Lapsis," or " De Reparatione Lapsi," was first published in the lMonumenta S. Patrum Orthodoxographa of John James Grynaeus, Basle, 1569. It was included in the Paris editions of de la "M "The infinite fables and absurdities which this author (Bale) hath without judgment stuft himself withal." Selden, Notes on Drayton's IPol-Olbions Song Nine. 20G2
Page 452 452 BACIS. Bigne's Bibliotheca Patrzum, 1575, vol. i. 1589, vol. iii. 1654, vol. iii.; in the Cologne edition, 1618, vol. v.; and in the Lyon's edition, 1677, vol. vi. The treatise " de Fide" was first published in the second volume of Muratori's Anecdo/a, Milan, 1697, where the text is given from a manuscript of great antiquity, and is accompanied by valuable, prolegomena and notes. In 1748, both works were ably edited at Rome by Franciscus Florius, who, besides other illustrative matter, adds two learned dissertations, the first " de Haeresi Priscilliana," the second " de Scriptis et Doctrina Bachiarii." This edition is reprinted in the ninth volume of Gallandi's Bifliotlieca Patrumu. The works of Bachiarius are also included in the fifteenth volume of Le Espana &Sgrada of Henry Florez, a voluminous collection in thirty-four volumes quarto, Madrid, 1747-84. From the scanty remains of this author it is hardly possible to form a very exact judgment of his character, learning, and abilities. So far as may be collected from the above-named treatises, he appears to have possessed an understanding somewhat above mediocrity, and well exercised in the current theological erudition of the Latin church during the fifth century. His spirit and temper seem to have been singularly amiable. [J. M. M.] L. BACILLUS, praetor B. c. 45, to whom Caesar would not assign a province, but gave a sum of money instead. Bacillus felt the indignity so much, that he put an end to his life by voluntary starvation. (Dion Cass. x1iii. 47.) It is conjectured that Babullius, whose death Cicero mentions in this. year (ad Att. xiii. 48), may be the same as the above. BACIS (Bdarcs), seems to have been originally only a common noun derived from J3deEWv, to speak, and to have signified any prophet or speaker. In later times, however, Bacis was regarded as a proper noun, and the ancients distinguish several seers of this name. 1. The Boeotian, the most celebrated of them, was believed to have lived and given his oracles at Heleon in Boeotia, being inspired by the nymphs of the Corycian cave. His oracles were held in high esteem, and, from the specimens we still possess in Herodotus and Pausanias, we see that, like the Delphic oracles, they were composed in hexameter verse. (Paus. iv. 27. ~ 2, ix. 17. ~ 4, x. 12. ~ 6, 14. ~ 3, 32. ~ 6; Herod. viii. 20, 77, ix. 43; Aristoph. Pae, 1009 with the Schol., Equit.123, Av. 907.) From these passages it seems evident, that in Boeotia Bacis was regarded as an ancient prophet, of whose oracles there existed a collection made either by himself or by others, similar to the Sibylline books at Rome; and, in fact, Cicero (des Divin. i. 18), Aelian ( V. H. xii. 25), Tzetzes (ad Lycophi. 1278), and other writers, mention this Bacis always as a being of the same class with the Sibyls. 2. The Arcadian, is mentioned by Clemens of Alexandria as the only one besides the Boeotian. (Strom. i. p. 333.) According to Suidas, he belonged to the town of Caphya, and was also called Cydas and Aletes. (Comp. Tzetzes, ad Lycophl. I.e.) 3. The Athenian, is mentioned along with the two others'by Aelian, Suidas, Tzetzes, and the Scholiast on Aristophanes. (Pax, 1009; comp. Perizon. ad Aelian, V. H. xii. 25.) [L. S.] BACIS or PACIS, is only another name for the Egyptian Onuphis, the sacred bull, who was BAEBIUS. worshipped at Hermonthis in Upper Egypt, just as Apis was at Memphis. In size Bacis was required to excel all other bulls, his hair to be bristly, and his colour to change every day. (Macrob. Sat. i. 21; Aelian, Hist. An. xii. 11.) [L. S.] BA'DIUS, a Campanian, challenged his hospcs, T. Quinctius Crispinus, to single combat when the Romans were besieging Capua, B. c. 212. Crispinus at first refused, on account of the friendship subsisting between him and Badius, but was at length induced by his fellow-soldiers to accept the challenge. In the combat which ensued, he wounded Badius, who fled to his own party. (Liv. xxv. 18; Val. Max. v. 1. ~ 3.) BADRES (BdLap-s), or BARES (Bdprs), a Persian, of the tribe of the Pasargadae, was appointed to the command of the naval portion of the force which Aryandes, governor of Egypt, sent against the Barcaeans on the pretext of avenging the murder of Arcesilaus III. [BATTIADAE.] After the capture of Barca (about 512 B. c.), the Persians were allowed to pass through Cyrene, and Badres was anxious to take the city; but through the refusal of Amasis, who commanded the land force, the opportunity was lost. (Herod. iv. 167, 203.) This is perhaps the same Badres whom Herodotus mentions as commanding a portion of the Persian army in the expedition of Xerxes against Greece. (Herod. vii. 77.) [E. E.] BAE'BIA GENS, plebeian, of which the cognomens are DIVEs, HERENNIUs (? see Liv. xxii. 34), SULCA, TAMPHILUS: the last is the only surname which appears on coins, where it is written Tasmpi/ls. (Eckhel, v. p. 149.) The first member of the gens who obtained the consulship was Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, in B. c. 182. For those whose cognomen is not mentioned, see BAEBIUS. BAE'BIUS. I. L. BAEBIUS, one of the ambassadors sent by Scipio to Carthage, B. c. 202. He was afterwards left by Scipio in command of the camp. (Liv. xxx. 25; Polyb. xv. 1, 4.) 2. Q. BAEDIUs, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 200, endeavoured to persuade the people not to engage in tihe war against Philip of Macedon. (Liv. xxxi. 6.) 3. M. BAEBIUS, one of the three commissioners sent into Macedonia, B. c. 186, to investigate the charges brought by the Maronitae and others against Philip of Macedon. (Polyb. xxxiii. 6.) 4. L. BAEBIUs, one of the three commissioners sent into Macedonia, B. c. 168, to inspect the state of affairs there, before Aemilius Paullus invaded the country. (Liv. xliv. 18.) 5. A. BAEBIUS, caused the members of the Aetolian senate to be killed in B. c. 167, and was in consequence afterwards condemned at Rome. Livy calls him praeses, a term which is applied in later times by the jurists to a governor of a province. Whether, however, Baebius had the government of Aetolia, or only of the town in which the murder was perpetrated, is uncertain. (Liv. xlv. 28, 31.) 6. C. BAEBIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 111, was bribed by Jugurtha when the latter came to Rome. When Mummius commanded Jugurtha to give answers to certain questions, Baebius bade him be silent, and thus quashed the investigation. (Sall. Jug. 33, 34.) 7. C. BAEBIUS was appointed by L. Caesar (called Sext. Caesar by Appian), B. c. 89, as his successor in the command in the social war. (Appian, B. C. i. 48.)
Page 453 BAGAEUS. 8. M. BAEBus was put to death by Marius and Cinna when they entered Rome in B. C. 87. Instead of being killed by any weapon, Baebius was literally torn to pieces by the hands of his enemies. (Appian, B. C. i. 72; Florus, iii. 21; Lucan, ii. 119.) 9. M. BAEBIUS, a brave man, slain by order of L. Piso in Macedonia, B. c. 57. (Cic. in Pis. 36.) 10. A. BAEBIUS, a Roman eques of Asta in Spain, deserted the Pompeian party in the Spanish war, and went over to Caesar, B. c. 45. (Bell. lIisp. 26.) 11. BAEBIUS, a Roman senator, served under Vatinius in Illyria. On the murder of Caesar, B. c. 44, the Illyrians rose against Vatinius, and cut off Baebius and five cohorts which he commanded. (Appian, Illyr. 13.) BAE'BIUS MACRI'NUS. [MACRINUS.] BAE'BIUS MARCELLI'NUS. [MARCELLINUS.] BAETON (Bacovw), was employed by Alexander the Great in measuring distances in his marches, whence he is called 6 'AedvSpouv 38qaT-rTiJs. He wrote a work upon the subject entitled oraxOpeol rs 'AAeUdvSpov sroperas. (Athen. x. p. 422, b.; Plin..N. vi. 17. s. 21, 19. s. 22, vii. 2; Solin.55.) BAE'TYLUS (BcirvX0os), is in reality the name of a peculiar kind of conical shaped stones, which were erected as symbols of gods in remarkable places, and were from time to time anointed with oil, wine, or blood. The custom of setting up such stones originated, in all probability, in meteors being erected in the places where they had fallen down. (Phot. Cod. 242.) Eusebius (Praep. Evang. i. 10) says, that Baetyli were believed to be stones endowed with souls and created by Uranus. Hence Baetylus, when personified, is called a son of Uranus and Ge, and a brother of Ilus and Cronos. Traces of the veneration paid to such stones are found among the Hebrews and Phoenicians, no less than among the Greeks. Photius (1. c.) says, that Asclepiades ascended mount Libanon, in the neighbourhood of Heliopolis in Syria, and saw many Baetyli there, concerning which he related the most wonderful tales. (Comp. Lucian, Alex. 30; Theophrast. Charact. 16; Clem. Alex. Strom. vii. p. 713.) In Grecian mythology, the stone which was given to Uranus, to swallow instead of the infant Zeus, was called Baetylus (Hesych. s. v.); and a little above the temple of Delphi, on the left, there was a stone which was anointed with oil every day, and on solemn occasions covered with raw wool: tradition said, that this stone was the same which Uranus had swallowed. (Paus. ix. 24. ~ 5; comp. vii. 22. ~ 3; Tac. Hist. ii. 3.) [L. S.] BAEUS (Baeos), the helmsman of Odysseus, who is said to have died during the stay of the latter in Sicily. Mount Baea in the island of Cephallenia, and several islands and towns, but especially Baiae in Campania, in the bay of which he was believed to have been buried, are supposed to have derived their names from him. (Lycophr. 694, with Tzetz. note; Steph. Byz. s. v. Bala; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1967.) [L. S.] BAGAEUS (Ba-ycos). 1. A Persian nobleman, to whom was allotted the dangerous office of conveying the order of Dareius Hystaspis for the execution of Oroetes, the powerful and rebellious satrap of Lydia, about 520 B. c. On his arrival at Sardis, Bagaeus first ascertained the disposition of the satrap's guards by the delivery to them of BAGOAS. 453 several minor firmans from the king; and, when he saw that they received these with much reverence, he gave the order for the death of Oroetes, which was unhesitatingly obeyed. (Herod. iii. 128.) 2. Or Bancaeus (BayKa^cs), a half-brother of the satrap Pharnabazus, is mentioned by Xenophon as one of the commanders of a body of Persian cavalry, which, in a skirmish near Dascylium, defeated the cavalry of Agesilaus, in the first year of his invasion of Asia, B. c. 396. (Xen. Hell. iii. 4. ~ 13; Plut. Agesil. 9.) [E. E.] BAGI'STANES (Ba-ytucrIS), a distinguished Babylonian, deserted Bessus and the conspirators, when Alexander was in pursuit of them and Dareius, B. c. 330, and informed Alexander of the danger of the Persian king. (Arrian, iii. 21; Curt. v. 13.) BAGO'AS(Baycks). 1. Aneunuch, highlytrusted and favoured by Artaxerxes III. (Ochus), is said to have been by birth an Egyptian, and seems to have fully merited the character assigned him by Diodorus, of a bold, bad man (TroAp.p cal srapavolpiAl 8taepIpcv). In the successful expedition of Ochus against Egypt, B. c. 350,* Bagoas was associated by the king with Mentor, the Rhodian, in the command of a third part of the Greek mercenaries. (Diod. xvi. 47.) Being sent to take possession of Pelusium, which had surrendered to the Theban Lacrates, he incurred the censure of Ochus by permitting his soldiers to plunder the Greek garrison of the town, in defiance of the terms of capitulation. (Diod. xvi. 49.) In the same war, the Egyptian part of the garrison at Bubastus having made terms with Bagoas for themselves, and admitted him within the gates, the Greek garrison, privately instigated by his colleague Mentor, attacked and slaughtered his men and took him prisoner. Mentor accordingly had the credit of releasing him and receiving the submission of Bubastus; and henceforth an alliance was formed between them for their mutual interest, which was ever strictly preserved, and conduced to the power of both,Mentor enjoying the satrapy of the western provinces, while Bagoas directed affairs at his pleasure in the centre of the empire,-and the king was reduced to a cipher. (Diod. xvi. 50.) The cruelties of Ochus having excited general detestation, Bagoas at length removed him by poison, B. c. 338, fearing perhaps lest the effects of the odium in which he was held might extend to himself, and certainly not from the motive absurdly assigned by Aelian, viz. the desire of avenging the insult offered by Ochus, so many years before, to the religion of Egypt. To the murder of the king he joined that of all his sons except Arses, the youngest, whom he placed upon the throne; but, seeing reason to apprehend danger from him, he put him also to death in the third year of his reign, B. c. 336. He next conferred the crown on Codomannus (a greatgrandson of Dareius II.), who having discovered, soon after his accession, a plot of Bagoas to poison him, obliged the traitor to drink the potion himself. (Diod. xvii. 5; Ael. V. 11. vi. 8; Strab. xv. p. 736; Arr. Anab. ii. p. 41, e.; Curt. vi. 3. ~ 12.) [E. E.] 2. A favourite eunuch of Alexander the Great who first belonged to Dareius and afterwards fell into the hands of Alexander. He was a youth of * This date is from Diodorus; but see Thirlwvall's Greece, vol. vi. p. 142, note 2,
Page 454 454 BALBINUS. remarkable beauty. Alexander was passionately fond of him, and is said to have kissed him publicly in the theatre on one occasion. (Curt. vi. 5, x. 1; Plut. Alex. 67; Athen. xiii. p. 603, b.) 3. A general of Tigranes or Mithridates, who together with Mithraus expelled Ariobarzanes from Cappadocia in B. c. 92. (Appian, Mithr. 10; comp. Justin, xxxviii. 3.) The name Bagoas frequently occurs in Persian history. According to Pliny (H. N. xiii. 9), it was the Persian word for an eunuch; and it is sometimes used by Latin writers as synonymous with an eunuch. (Comp. Quintil. v. 12; Ov. Am. ii. 2. 1.) BAGO'PHANES, the commander of the citadel at Babylon, who surrendered it and all the royal treasures to Alexander after the battle of Guagamela, B. c. 331. (Curt. v. 1.) BA'LACRUS (BdAaKpos). 1. The son of Nicanor, one of Alexander's body-guard, was appointed satrap of Cilicia after the battle of Issus,. c.' 33. (Arrian, ii. 12.) He fell in battle against the Pisidians in the life-time of Alexander. (Diod. xviii. 22.) It was probably this Balacrus who married Phila, the daughter of Antipater, and subsequently the wife of Craterus. (Phot. p. 111. b. 3, ed. Bekker.) 2. The son of Amyntas, obtained the command of the allies in Alexander's army, when Antigonus was appointed satrap of Phrygia, B. c. 334. After the occupation of Egypt, B. c. 331, he was one of the generals left behind in that country with a part of the army. (Arrian, i. 30, iii. 5; Curt. viii. 11.) 3. The commander of the javelin-throwers (dicov'ri-ral) in the army of Alexander the Great. (Arrian, iii. 12, iv. 4, 24.) BA'LAGRUS (BchaAypos), a Greek writer of uncertain date, wrote a work on Macedonia (MaKESovLKa) in two books at least. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. "AyoeAos, "OAXG7Aos, Avppdixov.) BA'LANUS, a Gaulish prince beyond the Alps, who sent ambassadors offering to assist the Romans in their Macedonian war, B. c. 169. (Liv. xliv. 14.) BALAS. [ALEXANDER BALAS, p. 114.] BALBI'LIUS, who was in Spain, B. c. 44 (Cic. ad Ait. xv. 13), is conjectured by Mongault to be only a diminutive of Cornelius Balbus, the younger, a friend of Cicero's, but this is very improbable. C. BALBILLUS, governor of Egypt in the reign of Nero, A. D. 55 (Tac. Ann. xiii. 22), and a man of great learning, wrote a work respecting Aegypt and his journeys in that country. (Senec. Qeaest. Nat. iv. 2; Plin. H. N. xix. prioem.) BALBI'NUS, was proscribed by the triumvirs in B. c. 43, but restored with Sex. Pompeius in B. c. 39, and subsequently advanced to the consulship. (Appian, iv. 50.) No other author but Appian, and none of the Fasti, mention a consul of this name; but as we learn from Appian that Balbinus was consul in the year in which the conspiracy of the younger Aemilius Lepidus was detected by Maecenas, that is B. c. 30, it is conjectured that Balbinus may be the cognomen of L. Saenius, who was consul suffectus in that year. BALBI'NUS. When intelligence reached Rome that the elder Gordian and his son had both perished in Africa, and that the savage Maximin, thirsting for vengeance, was advancingtowards Italy at the head of a powerful army, the senate resolved BALBINUS. upon electing two rulers with equal power, one of whom should remain in the city to direct the civil administration, while the other should march against Maximin. The choice fell upon Decimus Caelius Balbinus and Marcus Clodius Pupienus Maximus, both consulars well stricken in years, the one a sagacious statesman, the other a bold soldier and an able general. Balbinus, who was of noble birth, and traced his descent from Cornelius Balbus of Cadiz, the friend of Pompey, Cicero, and Caesar, had governed in succession the most important among the peaceful provinces of the empire. He was celebrated as one of the best orators and poets of the age, and had gained the esteem and love of all ranks. Maximus, on the other hand, was of lowly origin, the son, according to some, of a blacksmith, according to others, of a coaclnnaker. He had acquired great renown as an imperial legate by his victories over the Sarmatians in Illyria and the Germans on the Rhine, had been eventually appointed prefect of the city, and had discharged the duties of that office with a remarkable firmness and strictness. The populace, still clinging with affection to the family of Gordian, and dreading the severity of Maximus, refused for a while to ratify the decision of the senate, and a serious tumult arose, which was not quelled until the grandson of Gordian, a boy of fourteen, was presented to the crowd and proclaimed Caesar. While Pupienus was hastening to encounter Maximin, now under the walls of Aquileia, a formidable strife broke out at Rome between the citizens and the praetorians. The camp of the praetorians was closely invested, and they were reduced to great distress in consequence of the supply of water being cut off, but in retaliation they made desperate sallies, in which whole regions of the town were burned or reduced to ruins. These disorders were repressed for a time by the glad tidings of the destruction of Maximin, and all parties joined in welcoming with the most lively demonstrations of joy the united armies and their triumphant chief. But the calm was of short duration. The hatred existing between the praetorians and the populace had been only smothered for a while, not extinguished; the soldiers of all ranks openly lamented that they had lost a prince chosen by themselves, and were obliged to submit to those nominated by the civil power. A conspiracy was soon organized by the guards. On a day when public attention was engrossed by the exhibition of the Capitoline games, a strong band of soldiers forced their way into the palace, seized the two emperors, stripped them of their royal robes, dragged them through the streets, and finally put them to death. The chronology of this brief reign is involved in much difficulty, and different historians have contracted or extended it to periods varying from twenty-two days to two years. The statements of ancient writers are so irreconcileable, that we have no sure resource except medals; but, by studying carefully the evidence which these afford, we may repose with considerable confidence on the conclusion of Eckhel, that the accession of Balbinus and Maximus took place about the end of April, A. D. 238, and their death before the beginning of August in the same year. We ought to notice here a remarkable innovation which was introduced in consequence of the circumstances attending the election of these princes,
Page 455 BALBUS. Up to this period, although several individuals had enjoyed at the same time the appellation of Augustus, it had been held as an inviolable maxim of the constitution, that the office of chief pontiff did not admit of division, and could be vacated by death only. But the senate, in this case, anxious to preserve perfect equality between the two emperors, departed from a rule scrupulously observed from the earliest ages, and invested both with the office and appellation of Pontifex Maximus. The precedent thus established was afterwards generally followed; colleagues in the empire became generally, as a matter of course, colleagues in the chief priesthood; and when pretenders to the purple arose at the same time in different parts of the world, they all assumed the title among their other designations. [W. R.] no", COIN OF BALBINUJS. BALBUS, a family-name in several gentes. It was originally a surname given to some one who had an impediment in his speech. I. Acilii Balbi, plebeians. 1. M'. AcILIus L. F. K. N. BALBUS, consul B. c. 150. (Cic. de Senect. 5, ad Aft. xii. 5; Plin. H. N. vii. 36.) 2. M'. ACILIUS M. F. L. N. BALBUS, consul B. c. 114. (Obsequ. 97; Plin. H. N. ii. 29, 56. s. 57.) It is doubtful to which of the Acilii Balbi the annexed coin is to be referred. The obverse has the inscription BA(L)Bvs, with the head of Pallas, before which is X. and beneath RoMcA, the whole within a laurel garland. On the reverse we have MV. ACtLI, with Jupiter and Victory in a quadriga. II. T. Ampius Balbus, plebeian, tribune of the plebs B. c. 63, proposed, in conjunction with his colleague T. Labienus, that Pompey, who was then absent from Rome, should, on account of his Asiatic victories, be allowed to wear a laurel-crown and all the insignia of a triumph in the Circensian games, and also a laurel crown and the praetexta in the scenic games. (Vell. Pat. ii. 40.) He failed in his first attempt to obtain the aedileship, although he was supported by Pompey (Schol. Bob. pro Plane. p. 257, ed. Orelli); but he appears to have been praetor in B. c. 59, as we find that he was governor of Cilicia in the following year. (Comp. Cic. ad Fam. i. 3.) On the breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 49, he sided with the Pompeian party, and took an active part in the levy of troops at Capua. (Ad Att. viii. 11, b.) He no doubt left Italy with the rest of his party, for we find him in the next year endeavouring to obtain BALBUTS. 455 money by plundering the temple of Diana in Ephesus, which he was prevented from doing only by the arrival of Caesar. (Caes. B. C. iii. 105.) Balbus was one of those who was banished by Caesar; but he afterwards obtained his pardon through the intercession of his friend Cicero (comp. Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 70), who wrote him a letter on the occasion, B. c. 46. (Ad Fam. vi. 12.) Balbus appears to have written some work on the history of his times; for Suetonius (Caes. 77) quotes some remarks of Caesar's from a work of T. Ampius. Balbus was also mentioned in the fourth book of Varro "De Vita Populi Romani." (Varr. Fragm. p. 249, ed. Bip.) III. Q. Antonius Balbus, plebeian, is supposed to be the same as Q. Antonius who was praetor in Sicily in B. c. 82 and was killed by L. Philippus, the legate of Sulla. (Liv. Epit. 86.) The annexed coin was struck either by, or in honour of, this Balbus. The obverse represents the head of Jupiter; the reverse is Q. A(N)To. BA(L)B. PR. with Victory in a quadriga. IV. M. Alius Balbus, plebeian, of Aricia, married Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar, who bore him a daughter, Atia, the mother of Augustus Caesar. [ATIA.] He was praetor in B. c. 62, and obtained the government of Sardinia, as we learn from the annexed coin (copied from the Thiesaur. Morell.), of which the reverse is AIus BALBUS PR., with the head of Balbus; and the obverse, SARD. PATER, with the head of Sardus, the father or mythical ancestor of the island. In B. c. 59, Balbus was appointed one of the vigintiviri under the Julian law for the division of the land in Campania; and, as Pompey was a member of the same board, Balbus, who was not a person of any importance, was called by Cicero in joke Pompey's colleague. (Suet. Oct. 4, Pil. iii. 6, ad Att. ii. 4.) V. Corneii BaWlb, plebeians. The Cornelii Balbi were, properly speaking, no part of the Cornelia gens. The first of this name was not a Roman; he was a native of Gades; and his original name probably bore some resemblance in sound to the Latin Balbus. The reason why he assumed the name of Cornelius is mentioned below. [No. 1.] 1. L. CORNELIUS BALBUS, sometimes called Major to distinguish him from his nephew [No. 3], was a native of Gades, and descended from an illustrious family in that town. Gades, being one of the federate cities, supported the Romans in their
Page 456 456 BALBUS. war against Sertorius in Spain, and Balbus thus had an opportunity of distinguishing himself. He served under the Roman generals, Q. Metellus Pius, C. Memmius, and Pompey, and was present at the battles of Turia and Sucro. He distinguished himself so much throughout the war, that Pompey conferred the Roman citizenship upon him, his brother, and his brother's sons; and this act of Pompey's was ratified by the law of the consuls, Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Gellius, B. c. 72. (Cic. pro Balb. 8.) It was probably in honour of these consuls that Balbus took the gentile name of the one and the praenomen of the other; though some modern writers suppose that he derived his name from L. Cornelius, consul in B. c. 199, who was the hospes of the inhabitants of Gades. (Pro Balb. 18.) At the conclusion of the war with Sertorius, B. c. 72, Balbus removed to Rome. He obtained admission into the Crustuminian tribe by accusing a member of this tribe of bribery, and thus gaining the place which the guilty party forfeited on conviction. Balbus had doubtless brought with him considerable wealth from Gades, and supported by the powerful interest of Pompey, whose friendship he assiduously cultivated, he soon became a man of great influence and importance. One of Pompey's intimate friends, the Greek Theophanes of Mytilene, adopted him; and Pompey himself shewed him marks of favour, which not a little offended the Roman nobles, who were indignant that a man of Gades should be preferred to them. Among other presents which Pompey made him, we read of a grant of land for the purpose of pleasure-grounds. But Balbus was too prudent to confine himself to only one patron; he early paid court to Caesar, and seems to have entirely ingratiated himself into his favour during Pompey's absence in Asia in prosecution of the Mithridatic war. From this time, he became one of Caesar's most intimate friends, and accompanied him to Spain in B. c. 61, in the capacity of praefectus fabrum, when Caesar went into that province after his praetorship. Soon after his return to Rome, the first triumvirate was formed, B. c. 60; and though he was ostensibly the friend both of Pompey and Caesar, he seems to have attached himself more closely to the interests of the latter than of the former. On Caesar's departure to Gaul in B. c. 58, Balbus again received the appointment of praefectus fabrum, and from this time to the breaking out of the civil war, he passed his time alternately in Gaul and at Rome, but principally at the latter. He was the manager and steward of Caesar's private property in the city, and a great part of the Gallic booty passed through his hands. But his increasing wealth and influence raised him many enemies among the nobles, who were still more anxious to ruin him, as he was the favourite of the triumvirs. They accordingly induced an inhabitant of Gades to accuse him of having illegally assumed the rights and privileges of a Roman citizen. The cause came on for trial probably in B. c. 55; and as there was yet no breach between Pompey and Caesar, Balbus was defended by Pompey and Crassus, and also by Cicero, who undertook the defence at Pompey's request, and whose speech on the occasion has come down to us. Balbus was acquitted, and justly, as is shewn in the article Foederatae Civitates in the Dict. of Ant. In the civil war, in u. c. 49, Balbus remained at BALBUS. Rome, and endeavoured to some extent to keep up the semblance of neutrality. Thus he looked after the pecuniary affairs of his friend, the consul Cornelius Lentulus, who was one of Pompey's partizans; but his neutrality was scarcely disguised. It is true that he did not appear against Pompey in the field, but all his exertions were employed to promote Caesar's interests. He was especially anxious to gain over Cicero, with whom he had corresponded before the breaking out of the civil war. Knowing the weak side of Cicero, he had first requested him to act the mediator between Caesar and Pompey, and afterwards pressed him to come to Rome, which would have been tantamount to a declaration in Caesar's favour. Cicero, after a good deal of hesitation, eventually left Italy, but returned after the battle of Pharsalia (B. c. 48), when he re-opened his correspondence with Balbus, and requested him to use his good offices to obtain Caesar's pardon for him. During all this time, Balbus, in conjunction with Oppius, had the entire management of Caesar's affairs at Rome; and we see, from Cicero's letters, that Balbus was now regarded as one of the chief men in the state. He seems, however, to have used his good fortune with moderation, and never to have been deserted by the prudence which had always been one of his chief characteristics. We are therefore disposed to reject the tale, which is related only by Suetonius (Caes. 78) and Plutarch (Caes. 60), that Balbus prevented Caesar from rising to receive the senate on his return from the Spanish war, in B. c. 45. On the murder of Caesar in March, 44, Balbus was placed in a somewhat critical position. He retired from the city, and spent two months in the country, and was one of the first who hastened to meet young Octavianus at Neapolis. During this time, he frequently saw Cicero, who believed that his professions to Octavianus were hollow, and that he was in reality the friend of Antony. In this, however, Cicero was mistaken; Balbus, whose good fortune it always was to attach himself to the winning party, accompanied Octavianus to Rome, and was subsequently advanced by him to the highest offices in the state. It is uncertain in what year he was praetor; but his propraetorship is commemorated in the annexed coin of Octavianus (copied from the Thesaur. lforell.), which contains on the obverse C. CAESAR. IIIviR. R. P. C. with the head of Octavianus, and on the reverse BALBUS PRO PR. He obtained the consulship in B. c. 40, the first instance, according to Pliny (H. N. vii. 43. s. 44), in which this honour had been conferred upon one who was not born a Roman citizen. The year of his death is unknown. In his will he left every Roman citizen twenty denarii apiece (Dion Cass. xlviii. 32), which would seem to shew that he had no children, and that consequently the emperor Balbinus could not be, as ie pretended, a lineal descendant from him. Balbus was the author of a diary (Epidemeris)
Page 457 BALIBUS. which has hot come down to us, of the most remarkable occurrences in his own and Caesar's life. (Sidon. Apoll. Ep. ix. 14; Suet. Caes. 81; Capitolin. Balbin. 2.) He took care that Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic war should be continued; and we accordingly find the eighth book dedicated to him. There does not, however, appear to be sufficient grounds for the conjecture of some modern writers, that Balbus was the author of the History of the Spanish war. In the collection of Cicero's letters we find four from Balbus. (Ad Alt. viii. 15, ix. 6, 13.) 2. P. CORNELIUS BALBUS, brother of the preceding, received the Roman franchise at the same time as his brother; but appears to have died soon afterwards, either in Gades or Rome. 3. L. CORNELIUS BALBUS, P. F., son of the preceding [No. 2], and frequently called Minor, to distinguish him from his uncle [No. 1], was born at Gades, and received the Roman franchise along with his father and uncle. On the breaking out of the civil war (B. c. 49) he served under Caesar, and was sent by him to the consul L. Cornelius Lentulus, who was an old friend of his uncle's, to persuade him to return to Rome. Balbus undertook the same dangerous commission in the following year, and paid Lentulus a visit in the Pompeian camp at Dyrrhachium, but he was not successful either time. Balbus served under Caesar in the Alexandrian and Spanish wars, during which time he kept up a correspondence with Cicero, with whom he had become acquainted through his uncle. In return for his services in these wars, Caesar made him pontiff; and it is therefore probably this Cornelius Balbus who wrote a work on the Roman sacra, of which the eighteenth book is quoted by Macrobius. (Saturn. iii. 6.) In B. c. 44 and 43, Balbus was quaestor of the propraetor Asinius Pollio in Further Spain; and while there, he added to his native town Gades a suburb, which was called the new city, and built a dock-yard; and the place received in consequence the name of Didyma or double-city. (Strab. iii. p. 169.) But his general conduct in Spain was of a most arbitrary and tyrannical kind; and at length, after plundering the provincials and amassing large treasures, he left Spain in B. c. 43, without even paying the soldiers, and crossed over to Bogud in Africa. From that time, we hear nothing of Balbus for upwards of twenty years. We then find him governor of Africa, with the title of proconsul, although he had been neither praetor nor consul. While in Africa, he obtained a victory over the Garamantes, and enjoyed a triumph in consequence in March, B. c. 19, the first instance of this honour having been conferred upon one who was not born a Roman citizen. (Plin. H. N. v. 5; Veil. Pat. ii. 51; Strab. iii. p. 169.) Balbus, like his uncle, had amiassed a large fortune; and, as Augustus was anxious to adorn Rome with public buildings, Balbus erected at his own expense a theatre in the city, which was remarkable on account of its containing four pillars of onyx. It was dedicated in B. c. 13, with festive games, on the return of Augustus to Rome; and as a compliment to Balbus for having built it, his opinion was asked first in the senate by Tiberius, who was consul in that year. (Dion Cass. liv. 25; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 7. s. 12.) After this we hear nothing further of Balbus. He may have been the Cornelius Balbus whom L. Valerius made his heir, although he. had BALBUS. 457 involved Valerius in many law-suits, and had at last brought a capital charge against him. (Val. Max. vii. 8. ~ 7.) (For further information respecting the Cornelii Balbi, see Orelli's Onomasticon Tullianum and Drumann's Rom, vol. ii. p. 594, &c.) VI. Domitius Balbus, a wealthy man of praetorian rank, whose will was forged in A. D. 61. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 40.) VII. Laelii Balbi. 1. D. LAELIUS D. F. D. N. BALBUS, one of the quindecemviri who superintended the celebration of the saecular games in B. c. 17 (Fast. Capitol.), and consul in B. c. 6. (Dion Cass. Iv. 9.) 2. LAELIUS BALBus, accused Acutia, formerly the wife of P. Vitellius, of treason (majestas), but was unable to obtain the usual reward after her condemnation, in consequence of the intercession of the tribune Junius Otho. He was condemned in A. D. 37 as one of the paramours of Albucilla, deprived of his senatorial rank, and banished to an island: his condemnation gave general satisfaction, as he had been ever ready to accuse the innocent. (Tac. Ann. vi. 47, 48.) VIII. Lucilii Balbi. 1. L. LUCILIUS BALBUS, the jurist. See below. 2. Q. LucIIus BALBus, probably the brother of the preceding, a Stoic philosopher, and a pupil of Panaetius, had made such progress in the Stoic philosophy, that he appeared to Cicero comparable to the best Greek philosophers. (De Nat. Dcor. i. 6.) He is introduced by Cicero in his dialogue " On the Nature of the Gods" as the expositor of the opinions of the Stoics on that subject, and his arguments are represented as of considerable weight. (De Nat. Deor. iii. 40, de Divin. i. 5.) He was also the exponent of the Stoic opinions in Cicero's "Hortensius." (F7ragm. p. 484, ed. Orelli.) IX. L. Naevius Balbus, plebeian, one of the quinqueviri appointed in B. c. 171 to settle the dispute between the Pisani and Lunenses respecting the boundaries of their lands. (Liv. xlv. 13.) The annexed coin of the Naevia gens belongs to this family. The obverse represents a head of Venus, the reverse is C. NAE. BA(A)B. vith Victory in a chariot. -,., X. Nonius Balbus, plebeian, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 32, put his veto upon the decree which the senate would have passed against Octavianus at the instigation of the consul C. Sosius, a partizan of Antony. (Dion Cass. L. 2.) XI. Octavius Balbus. See below. XII. Thorii Balbi, plebeians. 1. C. THaoRus BALBUS, of Lanuvium, is said by Cicero to have lived in such a manner, that there was not a single pleasure, however refined and rare, which he did not enjoy. (De Fin. ii. 20.) He must not be confounded, as he has been by Pighius, with L. Turius who is mentioned in Cicero's Brutus (c. 67). The annexed coin of L. Thorius Balbus contains on the obverse the head of Juno Sospita, whose worship was of great anti
Page 458 458 BALBUS. quity at Lanuvium, with the letters I. S. M. R. (that is, Junonis Sospitae mnanae reginae); and on the reverse L. THORIVS BAABVS, with a bull rushing forward. Eckhel (v. p. 324, &c.) thinks that the bull has an allusion to the name of Thorius, which the Romans might regard as the same as the Greek rospios, impetuous. 2. SP. THORTUS BALBUS, tribune of the plebs about B. c. 111, was a popular speaker, and introduced in his tribuneship an agrarian law, of which considerable fragments have been discovered on bronze tablets, and of which an account is given in the Dict. of Ant. s.v. Thoria Lex. (Cic. Brut. 36, de Orat. ii. 70; Appian, B. C. i. 27.) BA'LBUS, JU'NIUS, a consular, husband of Metia Faustina, the daughter of the elder Gordian. (Capitolin. c. 4.) According to some historians, the third Gordian, who succeeded Balbinus and Pupienus Maximus, was the issue of this marriage, while others maintain that he was the son of Gordian the second. [GoRDIANUS.] [W. R.] BALBUS, L. LUCI'LIUS, a Roman jurist, one of the pupils of Q. Mucius Scaevola, and one of the legal instructors of the eminent lawyer and distinguished friend of Cicero, Servius Sulpicius Rufus. He was probably the father of Lucilius, the companion of Appius Pulcher in Cilicia (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 4), and the brother of Q. Lucilius Balbus, the Stoic philosopher. [BALBus, No. VIII.] Cicero (de Orat. iii. 21) speaks of the duo Balbi as Stoics. By Heineccius (Hist. Jur. Rom. ~ 149) and others the jurist Lucius has been confounded with Quintus the Stoic philosopher. The jurist was occasionally quoted in the works of Sulpicius; and, in the time of Pomponius, his writings did not exist in a separate form, or, at least, were in the hands of few. (Dig. i. tit. 2. s. 42.) He was a man of much learning. In giving advice and pleading causes his manner was slow and deliberate. (Cic. Brut. 42, pro Quint. 16, 17.) [J. T. G.] BALBUS, L. (qu. P.) OCTA'VIUS, a Roman, contemporary with Cicero. He was remarkable for his skill in law, and for his attention to the duties of justice, morality, and religion. (Cic. pro Cluent. 38.) For these reasons he bore a high character as a judex in public as well as private trials. There is a passage in Cicero (in Ver. ii. 12) in relation to L. Octavius Balbus, which has been misinterpreted and corrupted by commentators and critics ignorant of the Roman forms of pleading. Cicero accuses Verres of having directed an issue of fact in such an improper form, that even L. Octavius, if he had been appointed to try it, would have been obliged to adjudge the defendant in the cause either to give up an estate of his own to the plaintiff, or to pay pecuniary damages. The perfect acquaintance with Roman law, and the knowledge of his duty which Balbus possessed, would have compelled him to pass an unjust sentence. To understand the compliment, it is necessary to BALDUINUS. remark, that in the time of Cicero a judex in a private cause was appointed for the occasion merely, and that his functions rather resembled those of a modern English juryman than those of a judge. It was his duty to try a given question, and according to his finding on that question, to pronounce the sentence of condemnation or acquittal contained in the formula directed to him by the praetor. It was not his duty but the praetor's to determine whether the question was material, and whether the sentence was made to depend upon it in a manner consistent with justice. In the ordinary form of Roman action for the recovery of a thing, as in the English action of detinue, the judgment for the plaintiff was not directly that the thing should be restored, but the defendant was condemned, unless it were restored, to pay damages. The remainder of the chapter has been equally misinterpreted and corrupted. It accuses Verres of so shaping the formula of trial, that the judex was obliged to treat a Roman as a Sicilian, or a Sicilian as a Roman. The death of Octavius Balbus is related by Valerius Maximus (v. 7. ~ 3) as a memorable example of paternal affection. Proscribed by the triumvirs Augustus, Antony, and Lepidus, u. c. 42, he had already made his escape from his house, when a false report reached his ears that the soldiers were massacring his son. Thereupon he returned to his house, and was consoled, by witnessing his son's safety, for the violent death to which he thus offered himself. The praenomen of Balbus is doubtful. In Cic. pro Cluent. 38 most of the MSS. have P.; in Cic. in Verr. ii. 12 the common reading is L. [J. T. G.] BALDUI'NUS I. (BahXovdvos), BALDWIN, the first Latin emperor of Constantinople, was the son of Baldwin, count of Hainaut, and Marguerite, countess of Flanders. He was born at Valenciennes in 1171, and after the death of his parents inherited both the counties of Hainaut and Flanders. He was one of the most powerful among those warlike barons who took the cross in 1200, and arrived at Venice in 1202, whence they intended to sail to the Holy Land. They changed their plan at the supplication of prince Alexis Angelus, the son of the emperor Isaac II. Angelus, who was gone to Venice for the purpose of persuading the crusaders to attack Constantinople and release Isaac, who had been deposed, blinded, and imprisoned by his brother Alexis Angelus, who reigned as Alexis III. from the year 1195. The crusaders listened to the promises of young Alexis, who was chiefly supported by Baldwin of Flanders, as he is generally called; and they left Venice with a powerful fleet, commanded by the doge of Venice, Dandolo, who was also commander-in-chief of the whole expedition. The various incidents and the final result of this bold undertaking are given under ALEXIS III., IV., and V. The usurper Alexis III. was driven out by the crusaders; prince Alexis and his father Isaac succeeded him on the throne; both perished by the usurper Alexis V. Ducas Murzuphlus; and Murzuphlus in his turn was driven out and put to death by the crusaders in 1204. During this remarkable war Baldwin distinguished himself by his military skill as well as by his personal character, and the crusaders having resolved to choose one of their own body emperor of the East, their choice fell upon Baldwin. Baldwin was accordingly crowned emperor at
Page 459 BALDUINUS. Constantinople, on the 9th of May, 1204. But he received only avery small part of the empire, namely Constantinople and the greater part of Thrace; the Venetians obtained a much greater part, consisting chiefly of the islands and some parts of Epeirus; Boniface, marquis of Monteferrato, received Thessalonica, that is Macedonia, as a kingdom; and the rest of the empire, in Asia as well as in Europe, was divided among the French, Flemish, and Venetian chiefs of the expedition. The speedy ruin of the new Latin empire in the East was not doubtful under such divisions; it was hastened by the successful enterprises of Alexis Comnenus at Trebizond, of Theodore Lascaris at Nicaea, and by the partial revolts of the Greek subjects of the conquerors. Calo-Ioannes, king of Bulgaria, supported the revolters, who succeeded in making themselves masters of Adrianople. Baldwin laid siege to this town; but he was attacked by Caloloannes, entirely defeated on the 14th of April, 1205, and taken prisoner. He died in captivity about a year afterwards. Many fables have been invented with regard to the nature of his death: Nicetas (Urbs Capta, 16) says, that Calo-Ioannes ordered the limbs of his imperial prisoner to be cut off, and the mutilated body to be thrown into a field, where it remained three days before life left it. But from the accounts of the Latin writers, whose statements have been carefully examined by Gibbon and other eminent modern historians, we must conclude, that although Baldwin died in captivity, he was neither tortured nor put to death by his victor. The successor of Baldwin I. was his brother Henry I. (Nicetas, Alexis Isaacius Anyelus Fr. iii. 9, Alexis Ducas lMurzuphlus, i. 1, Urbs Capta, 1-17; Acropolita, 8, 12; Nicephorus Gregor. ii. 3, &c.; Villehardouin, De la Conqueste de Constantinoble, ed. Paulin Paris, Paris, 1838.) [W. P.] BALDUI'NUS II. (BaAXovrvos), the last Latin emperor of the east, was descended from the noble family of Courtenay, and was the son of Peter I. of Courtenay, emperor of Constantinople, and the empress Yolanda, countess of Flanders. He was born in 1217, and succeeded his brother, Robert, in 1228, but, on account of his youth, was put under the guardianship of John of Brienne, count De la Marche and king of Jerusalem. The empire was in a dangerous position, being attacked in the south by Vatatzes, the Greek emperor of Nicaea, and in the north by Asan, king of Bulgaria, who in 1234 concluded an alliance with Vatatzes and laid siege to Constantinople by sea and land. Until then the regent had done very little for his ward and the realm, but when the enemy appeared under the walls of the capital the danger roused him to energy, and he compelled the besiegers to withdraw after having sustained severe losses. John of Brienne died soon afterwards. In 1337 Vatatzes and Asan once more laid siege to Constantinople, which was defended by Geoffroy de Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, while the emperor made a mendicant visit to Europe. Begging for assistance, he appeared successively at the courts of France, England, and Italy, and was exposed to humiliations of every description; he left his son Philip at Venice as a security for a debt. At last he succeeded in gaining the friendship of Louis IX., king of France, of the emperor Frederic II., and of Pope Gregory IX., among whom Louis IX. was the most useful to him. The French king gave BALSAMO. 4-59 the unhappy emperor a large sum of money and other assistance, in return for which Baldwin permitted the king to keep several most holy relics. With the assistance of the Latins, Baldwin obtained some advantages over Vatatzes, and in 1243 concluded an alliance with the Turks Seljuks; but notwithstanding this, he was again compelled to seek assistance among the western princes. lHe was present at the council of Lyon in 1245, and returned to Greece after obtaining some feeble assistance, which was of no avail against the forces of Michael Palaeologus, who had made himself master of the Nicaean empire. On the night of the 15th of July, 1261, Constantinople was taken by surprise by Alexis Caesar Strategopulus, one of the generals of Michael Palaeologus. Baldwin fled to Italy. In 1270 he nearly persuaded Charles, king of Naples, to fit out a new expedition against Michael Palaeologus, and Louis IX. of France promised to second him in the undertaking; but the death of Louis in Tunis deterred the Latin princes from any new expedition against the East. Baldwin II. died in 1275, leaving a son, Philip of Courtenay, by his wife Maria, the daughter of John of Brienne. The Latin empire in the East had lasted fifty-seven years. (Acropolita, 14, 27, 37, 78, 85, &c.; Pachymeres, MichaelPalaeologus, iii. 31, &c., iv. 29; Nicephorus Gregor. iv. 4, &c., viii. 2, &c.) [W. P.] BALEA'RICUS, an agnomen of Q. Caecilius Metellus, consul B, c. 123. [METELLUS.] BALISTA, one of the thirty tyrants of Trebellius Pollio. [AUREOLUS.] He was prefect of the praetorians under Valerian, whom he accompanied to the East. After the defeat and capture of that emperor, when the Persians had penetrated into Cilicia, a body of Roman troops rallied and placed themselves under the command of Balista. Led by him, they raised the siege of Pompeiopolis, cut off numbers of the enemy who were straggling in disorderly confidence over the face of the country, and retook a vast quantity of plunder. His career after the destruction of Macrianus, whom he had urged to rebel against Gallienus, is very obscure. According to one account, he retired to an estate near Daphne; according to another, he assumed the purple, and maintained a precarious dominion over a portion of Syria and the adjacent provinces for three years. This assertion is however based on no good foundation, resting as it does on the authority of certain medals now universally recognised as spurious, and on the hesitating testimony of Trebellius Pollio, who acknowledges that, even at the time when he wrote, the statements regarding this matter were doubtful and contradictory. Neither the time nor manner of Balista's death can be ascertained with certainty, but it is believed to have happened about 264, and to have been contrived by Odenathus. (Trebell. Pollio, Trig. Tyrann. xvii., Gallien. 2, &c.; see MACRIANUS, ODENATHUS, QUIETUs.) [W. R.] BALLO'NYMUS. [ABDOLONIMUS.] BA'LSAMO, THEODO'RUS, a celebrated Greek canonist, born at Constantinople, where, under Manuel Comnenus, he filled the offices of Mcsagnae Ecclesiae (S. Sophiae) Diaconus, Nomophllax, and Chartophylax. Under Isaac Angelus he was elevated to the dignity of patriarch of Antioch, about 1185; but, on account of the invasion of the Latins, he was never able to ascend the patriarchal throne, and all the business of the patri
Page 460 460 BALSAMO. archate was conducted at Constantinople. He died about 1204. Of the works of this author there is no complete edition: they are scattered among various collections. Under the auspices of the emperor Manuel Comnenus and of Michael Anchialus, the patriarch of Constantinople, he composed commentaries or scholia upon the Syntagma and the Nomocanon of Photius. These scholia seem, from external evidence, (though there is some difference of opinion among critics as to the exact date of their composition,) to have been begun as early as 1166, and not to have been completed before 1192. They are of much use in illustrating the bearing of the imperial law of Rome upon the canon law of the Greek Church. The historical accuracy of Balsamo has been questioned. In the preface of his commentary upon Photius, he refers the last revision of the Basilica to Constantinus Porphyrogenitus; whereas Attaliata, Blastares, Harmenopulus, and other authorities, concur in ascribing that honour to Leo the Wise. The Syntagma of Photius (which is a collection of canons at large), and the Nomocanon (which is a systematic abstract), are parts of a single plan; but, with the scholia of Balsamo, they have been usually edited separately. The scholia on the Nomocanon are best given in Justelli et Voelli Bibliotheca Juris Canonici. (Paris, 1661, vol. ii. p. 789, &c.) The Syntagma, without the Nomocanon, is printed with the scholia of Balsamo and Zonaras subjoined to the text in the Synodicon of Bishop Beveridge. In this edition much use is made of an ancient Bodleian MS., which supplies the lacunae of the foriner printed edition of Paris, 1620. A further collation of Beveridge's text with three MSS. is given in Wolfii Anecdoia Graeca Sacra et ProJimna, vol. iv. p. 113. The scholia of Balsamo, unlike those of Zonaras, treat not so much of the sense of words as of practical questions, and the mode of reconciling apparent contradictions. The text of Justinian's collections is carefully compared by Balsamo with the Basilica, and the portions of the former which are not incorporated in the latter are regarded by him as having no validity in ecclesiastical matters. Other genuine works of Balsamo are extant. His book MeAETcV Kail arosKpitrecuv, and his answers to the questions of Marcus, patriarch of Alexandria, are given by Leunclavius. (Jus. Gr. Rom. vol. i.) The former work is also to be found in Cotelerius, Eccl. Gr. Monum. Several works have been erroneously attributed to Balsamo. Of these the most important is a (ireek collection of Ecclesiastical Constitutions, in three books, compiled chiefly from the Digest, Code, and Novells of Justinian. It is inserted, with the Latin translation of Leunclavius, in Justelli et Voelli Bibl. Jur. Can. vol. ii. F. A. Biener, however, in his history of the Authenticae (Diss. i. p. 16), proved that this collection was older than Balsamo; and in his history of the Novells (p. 179), he referred it to the time of the emperor Heraclius. (A. D. 610-641.) Heimbach (Anecdota, vol. i. pp. xliv.-xlvii) maintains, in opposition to Biener, that the collection was made soon after the time of Justin II. (565-8), and that four Novells of Heraclius, appended to the work, are the addition of a later compiler. There is extant an arrangement of Justinian's Novells according to their contents, which was composed. as Biener has shewn, by Athanasius Scholasticus, BARBATA. though a small portion of it had been previously printed under the name of Balsam3. (Hugo, Rom. R. R. 14.) The Glossa ordinariac of the Basilica, which was formed in the 12th century from more ancient scholia, is, without sufficient reason, attributed to Balsamo by Assemani. (Bibl. Jur. Orient, ii. p. 386.) Tigerstrim, in his Aeussere Geschichte des Roam. Rechts (Berlin, 1841, p. 331), speaks of a TIpdoeipov, or legal manual, of Antiochus Balsamo, as extant in MS.; but he does not say where, nor does he cite any authority for the fact. As Tigerstrom is often inaccurate, we suspect that Antiochus is put by mistake for Theodorus, and that the Procheiron auctum is referred to, of which an account is given by C. E. Zacharid, Historiae Juris Graeco-Ronzmani DaEineatio, ~ 48. The commencement of this Procheiron was published, by way of specimen, by Zacharid in the Prolegomena to his edition of the Procheiron of the emperor Basilius. (Heidelb. 1837.) The Procheiron Auctum is supposed by Biener (in Savigny's Journal, vol. viii. p. 276) to have been rather later than Balsamo, from whose works it borrows, as also from the works of Joannes Citrius, who outlived Balsamo. (Beveridge, Preface to the Synodicon, ~~ 14-21; Bach, Hist. Jar. Rosm. ed. Stockmann, p. 684; IHeimbach, de Basil. Orig. pp. 130, 132; Biener, Gesch. der Navo. pp. 210-218; Witte, in Rhein. Mus. fiir Jurisp. iii. p. 37, n.; Walter, Kirchenrecht, Bonn, 1842, ~ 77.) [J.T. G.] T. BALVE'NTIUS, a centurion of the first century (primi pili), who was severely wounded in the attack made by Ambiorix upon Q. Titurius Sabinus, B. c. 54. (Caes. B. G. v. 35.) M. BAMBA'LIO, a man of no account, the father-in-law of M. Antonius, the triumvir, who received the nickname of Bambalio on account of a hesitancy in his speech. His full name was M. Fulvius Bambalio, and his daughter was Fulvia: he must not be confounded with Q. Fadius, whose daughter Fadia was Antony's first wife. (Cic. Phil. ii. 36, iii. 6.) L. BA'NTIUS, of Nola, served in the Roman army at the battle of Cannae, B. c. 216, in which he was dangerously wounded and fell into the hands of Hannibal. Having been kindly treated by Hannibal, and sent home laden with gifts, he was anxious to surrender Nola to the Carthaginians, but was gained over to the Romans by the prudent conduct of Marcellus, who had the command of Nola. (Liv. xxiii. 15; Plut. Marcell. 10, &c.) BA'PHIUS, a Greek commentator on the Basilica (cited Basilica, vol. vii. p. 787, ed. Fabrot). His date and history are uncertain, but he probably lived in the 10th or 11th century. Suarez (Notitia Basilicorum, ~ 39) thinks, that Baphius is not strictly a proper name, but an. appellative epithet given to an annotator on the Rubrics of the Basilica. This opinion is rejected by Bach. (Hist. Jur. Rom. 676, n. i.) Tigerstrom (Aeuss. Ron. Rechtsgesch. p. 330) erroneously calls him Salomon Baphius. The names should be separated by a comma, for Salomon is a distinct scholiast (cited Basilica, vol. iii. p. 361). [J. T. G.] BARBA, CA'SSIUS, a friend of J. Caesar, who gave Cicero guards for his villa, when Caesar paid him a visit in B. c. 44. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 52; comp. Phil. xiii. 2.) BARBA'TA, the bearded, a surname of Venus (Aphrodite) among the Romans. (Serv. ad Aen.
Page 461 BA1BATUS. ii. 632.) Macrobius (Sat. iii. 8) also mentions a statue of Venus in Cyprus, representing the goddess with a beard, in female attire, but resembling in her whole figure that of a man. (Comp. Suidas, sv.v. 'AppoShr; Hesych. s. v. 'Appo6&ros.) The idea of Venus thus being a mixture of the male and female nature, seems to belong to a very late period of antiquity. (Voss, Myithol. Briefe, ii. p. 282, &c.) [L. S.] BARBA'TIO, commander of the household troops under the Caesar Gallus, arrested his master, by command of Constantius, at Petovium in Noricum, and thence, after stripping him of the ensigns of his dignity, conducted him to Pola in Istria, A. n. 354. In return for his services, he was promoted, upon the death of Silvanus, to the rank of general of the infantry (peditum magister), and was sent with an army of 25,000 or 30,000 men to cooperate with Julian in the campaign against the Alemanni in 356; but he treacherously deserted him, either through envy of Julian, or in accordance with the secret instructions of the emperor. In 358, he defeated the Juthungi, who had invaded Rhaetia; and, in the following year, he was beheaded by command of Constantius, in consequence of an imprudent letter which his wife had written him, and which the emperor thought indicated treasonable designs on his part. (Amm. Marc. xiv. 11, xvi. 11, xvii. 6, xviii. 3; Liban. Orat. x. p. 273.) M. BARBA'TIUS, a friend of J. Caesar, and afterwards quaestor of Antony in B. c. 40. (Cic. Phil. xiii. 2; Appian, B. C. v. 31.) His name occurs on a coin of Antony: the obverse of which is M. ANT. ITM. AVG. 111VIR. R. P. C., M. BARBAT. Q. P., where there can be little doubt that M. BRB AT. signifies M. Barbatius, and not Barbatus, as Ursinus and others have conjectured, who make it a surname of the Valeria gens. The letters Q. P. probably signify Quaestor Propractore. (Comp. Eckhel, v. p. 334.) This M. Barbatius appears to be the same as the Barbarius Philippus mentioned by Ulpian (Dig. 1. tit. 14. s. 3), where Barbarius is only a false reading for Barbatius, and also the same as the Barbius Philippicus, spoken of by Suidas. (s. v.) We learn from Ulpian and Suidas that M. Barbatius was a runaway slave, who ingratiated himself into the favour of Antony, and through his influence obtained the praetorship under the triumvirs. While discharging the duties of his office in the forum he was recognized, we are told, by his old master, but privately purchased his freedom by a large sum of money. (Comp. Garaton. ad Cic. Phil. xiii. 2.) BARBA'TUS, the name of a family of the Horatia gens. Barbatus was also a surname of P. Cornelius Scipio, consul in B. c. 328 [Scipio], of the Quinctii Capitolini [CAPITOLINUs], and of M. Valerius Messalla, consul in B. c. 12. [MESSALLA.] I. M. IIoRATIUS M. F. M. N. BARBATUS, was one of the most violent opponents of the second decemvirs, when they resolved to continue their power beyond their year of office. In the tumult which followed the death of Virginia, Valerius Poplicola and Horatius Barbatus put themselves at the head of the popular movement; and when the plebeians seceded to the Sacred Hill, Valerius and Horatius were sent to them by the senate, as the only acceptable deputies, to negotiate the terms of peace. The right of appeal and the tribunes BARBULA. 461 were restored to the plebs, and a full indemnity granted to all engaged in the secession. The decemvirate was also abolished, and the two friends of the plebs, Valerius and Horatius, were elected consuls, B. c. 449. The liberties of the plebs were still further confirmed in their consulship by the passing of the celebrated Valeriae IHoratiae Leges. [POPLICOLA.] Horatius gained a great victory over the Sabines, which inspired them with such dread of Rome, that they did not take up arms again for the next hundred and fifty years. The senate out of spite refused Horatius a triumph, but he celebrated one without their consent, by command of the populus. (Liv. iii. 39, &c., 49, 50, 53, 55, 61-63; Dionys. xi. 5, 22, 38, 45, 48; Cic. de Rep. ii. 31; Died. xii. 26; Zonar. vii. 18.) 2. L. HORATIUS BARBATUS, consular tribune, B. c. 425. (Liv. iv. 35.) BARBILLUS (BadpgtAXos), an astrologer at Rome in the reign of Vespasian. (Dion Cass. lxvi. 9.) He was retained and consulted by the emperor, though all of his profession were forbidden the city. He obtained the establishment of the games at Ephesus, which received their name from him, and are mentioned in the Arundelian Marbles, p. 71, and discussed in a note in Reimar's edition of Dion Cass. vol. ii. p. 1084. [A. G.] BARBUCALLUS, JOANNES ('Iwdcvvns BapCovied'Xos), the author of eleven epigrams in the Greek Anthology. From internal evidence his date is fixed by Jacobs about A. D. 551. The Scholiast derives his name from Barbucale, a city of Spain within the Ebro mentioned by Polybius and Stephanus. The name of the city as actually given by Polybius (iii. 14), Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v.), and Livy (xxi. 5), is Arbucale ('Apgovuxda?) or Arbocala, probably the modern Albucella. [P. S.] BA'RBULA, the name of a family of the patrician Aemilia gens. 1. Q. AEMILIUS Q. F. L. N. BARBULA, consul in B. C. 317, in which year a treaty was made with the Apulian Teates, Nerulum taken by Barbula, and Apulia entirely subdued. (Liv. ix. 20, 21; Died. xix. 17.) Barbula was consul again in 311, and had the conduct of the war against the Etruscans, with whom he fought an indecisive battle according to Livy. (ix. 30-32; Died. xx. 3.) The Fasti, however, assign him a triumph over the Etruscans, but this Niebuhr (Rom. Hist. iii. p. 278) thinks to have been an invention of the family, more especially as the next campaign against the Etruscans was not opened as if the Romans had been previously conquerors. 2. L. AEMILIUS Q. F. Q. N. IBARBULA, son of No. 1, was consul in B. c. 281. The Tarentines had rejected with the vilest insult the terms of peace which had been offered by Postumius, the Roman ambassador; but as the republic had both the Etruscans and Samnites to contend with, it was unwilling to come to a rupture with the Tarentines, and accordingly sent the consul Barbula towards Tarentum with instructions to offer the same terms of peace as Postumius had, but if they were again rejected to make war against the city. The Tarentines, however, adhered to their former resolution; but as they were unable to defend themselves against the Romans, they invited Pyrrhus to their assistance. As soon as Barbula became acquainted with their determination, he prosecuted the war with the utmost vigour, beat
Page 462 462 BARBULA. the Tarentines in the open field, and took several of their towns. Alarmed at his progress, and trusting to his clemency, as he had treated the prisoners kindly and dismissed some without ransom, the Tarentines appointed Agis, a friend of the Romans, general with unlimited powers. But the arrival of Cineas, the chief minister of Pyrrhus, almost immediately afterwards, caused this appointment to be annulled; and as soon as Milo landed with part of the king's forces, he marched against Barbula and attacked the army as it was passing along a narrow road by the sea-coast. By the side of the road were precipitous mountains, and the Tarentine fleet lay at anchor ready to discharge missiles at the Roman army as it marched by. The army would probably have been destroyed, had not Barbula covered his troops by placing the Tarentine prisoners in such a manner that they would have become the first object of the enemy's artillery. Barbula thus led his army by in safety, as the Tarentines would not injure their own countrymen. Barbula continued in southern Italy after the expiration of his consulship as proconsul. He gained victories over the Samnites and Sallentines, as we learn from the Fasti, which record his triumph over these people, as well as over the Etruscans, in Quinctilis of 280. (Zonar. viii. 2; Oros. iv. 1; Appian, Sacmn. p. 58, &c., ed. Schw.; Dionys. Exc. p. 2342, &c., ed. Reiske; Frontin. Strat. i. 4. ~ 1, where Aemilius Paullus is a mistake.) 3. M. AEIIfLIUS L. F. Q. N. BARBULA, son of No. 2, was consul in n. c. 230, and had in conjunction with his colleague the conduct of the war against the Ligurians. (Zonar. viii. 19.) Zonaras says (1. c.), that when the Carthiaginians heard of the Ligurian war, they resolved to march against Rome, but that they relinquished their design when the consuls came into their country, and received the Romans as friends. This is evidently a blunder, and must in all probability be referred to the Gauls, who, as we learn from Polybius (ii. 21), were in a state of great ferment about this time owing to the lex Flaminia, which had been passed about two years previously, B. c. 232, for "the division of the Picentian land. 4. BARBULA purchased Marcus, the legate of Brutus, who had been proscribed by the triumvirs in B. c. 43, and who pretended that he was a slave in order to escape death. Barbula took Marcus with him to Rome, where he was recognized at the citygates by one of Barbula's friends. Barbula, by means of Agrippa, obtained the pardon of Marcus from Octavianus. Marcus afterwards became one of the friends of Octavianus, and commanded part of his forces at the battle of Actium, B. c. 31. Here he had an opportunity of returning the kindness of his former master. Barbula had served under Antony, and after the defeat of the latter fell into the hands of the conquerors. He, too, pretended to be a slave, and was purchased by Marcus, who procured his pardon from Augustus, and both of them subsequently obtained the consulship at the same time. Such is the statement of Appian (B. C. iv. 49), who does not give us either the gentile or family name of Marcus, nor does he tell us whether Barbula belonged to the Aemilia gens. The Fasti do not contain any consul of the name of Barbula, but he and his friends may have been consuls suffecti, the names of all of whom are not preserved. BARDESANES. BARCA, the surname of the great Hatmilcar, the father of Hanibal. [HAMILCAR.] It is probably the same as the Hebrew Barak, which signifies lightning. Niebuhr (Rom. Hist. iii. p. 609) says, that Barca must not be regarded as the name of a house, but merely as a surname of Hamilcar: but, however this may be, we find that the family to which he belonged was distinguished subsequently as the " Barcine family," and the war and democratical party as the " Barcine party." (Liv. xxi. 2, 9, xxiii. 13, xxviii. 12, xxx. 7, 42.) BARDANES. [ARsAcEs XXI., p. 358.] BARDESANES, a Syrian writer, whose history is involved in partial obscurity, owing to the perplexed and somewhat contradictory notices of him that are furnished by ancient authorities. He was born at Edessa in Mesopotamia, and flourished in the latter half of the second century, and perhaps in the beginning of the third. The Edessene Chronicle (Assemani, Dibl. Orient. i. 389) fixes the year of his birth to A. D. 154; and Epiphanius (Haer. 56) mentions, that he lived in favour with Abgar Bar Manu, who reigned at Edessa from A. D. 152 to A. D. 187. It is difficult to decide whether he was originally educated in the principles of the famous Gnostic teacher Valentinus (as Eusebius seems to intimate), or whether (as Epiphanius implies) he was brought up in the Christian faith and afterwards embraced the Valentinian heresy. It is clear, however, that he eventually abandoned the doctrines of Valentinus and founded a school of his own. For an account of the leading principles of his theology see Mosheim, de Rebus Christian. ante Constantinnum M. pp. 395-397, or C. W. F. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, vol. i. pp. 415-422. Bardesanes wrote much against various sects of heretics, especially against the school of Marcion. His talents are reported to have been of an elevated order, and Jerome, referring to those of his works which had been translated out of Syriac into Greek, observes, " Si autem tanta vis est et fulgor in interpretatione, quantam putamus in sermone proprio." He elsewhere mentions that the writings of Bardesanes were held in high repute among the philosophers. Eusebius, in his Praeparatio Evangelica (vi. 10), has preserved a fragment of the dialogue on Fate by this writer, and it undoubtedly displays abilities of no ordinary stamp. This fragment is published by Grabe, in his Spicilegium SS. Patrum, vol. i. pp. 289-299; and by Orelli, in the collection entitled A lexandri, Ammonii, Plotini,Bardesanis, ic., de Fato, quae supersunt, Turici, 1824. Grabe there shews that the writer of the Recognitiones, falsely ascribed to Clemens Romanus, has committed plagiarism by wholesale upon Bardesanes. It appears from this fragment that the charge of fatalism, preferred against Bardesanes by Augustin, is entirely groundless. It is acutely conjectured by Colberg (de Orig. et Progress. Haeres. p. 140), that Augustin knew this work of Bardesanes only by its title, and hastily concluded that it contained a defence of fatalism. Eusebius says that this work was inscribed to Antoninus, and Jerome declares that this was the emperor Marcus Aurelius; but it was most probably Antoninus Verus, who, in his expedition against the Parthians, was at Edessa in the year 165. Eusebius mentions that Bardesanes wrote several works concerning the persecution of the Christians. The majority of the learned suppose that this was
Page 463 BARDYLIS. the persecution under Marcus Antoninus. We learn from Ephrem the Syrian that Bardesanes composed, in his native tongue, no fewer than one hundred and fifty Psalms elegantly versified. On this subject see Hahn, Bardesanes Gnosticus Syrorum primus Hymnologus, Lips. 1819. Bardesanes had a son, Harmonius (incorrectly called Hammonius by Lumper), whom Sozomen styles a man of learning, and specially skilled in music. (Ilist. Eccles. iii. 16; comp. Theodoret, Hist. Eccles. iv. 29.) He was devoted to his father's opinions, and, by adapting popular melodies to the words in which they were conveyed, he did harm to the cause of orthodoxy. To counteract this mischief, Ephrem set new and evangelical words to the tunes of Harmonius, which, in this improved adaptation, long continued in vogue. In the writings of Porphyry (de Abstinentia, iv. 17, and also in his fragment de Styge), a Bardesanes Babylonius is mentioned, whom Vossius (de Hist. Grace. iv. 17). Strunz (Hist. Bardesanis et Bardesanistarum), Heeren (Stobaei Eclog. P. i.), and Harles (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 247) represent as altogether a different person from Bardesanes of Edessa. Dodwell (Diss. ad Irenaeum, iv. 35) identifies the Babylonian Bardesanes with the Syrian Gnostic, and maintains that he flourished, not under Marcus Antoninus, but Elagabalus; and in this last position Grabe concurs. (Spicil. i. 317.) Lardner conceives that the historical and chronological difficulties may be satisfactorily adjusted by the hypothesis that the same individual who had acquired an early reputation in the reign of Marcus Aurelius was still living, in the full blaze of his celebrity, under Elagabalus. His reasoning on the question is very sound; yet an attentive consideration of the ancient authorities disposes us to agree with Vossius and Heeren. The Bardesanes mentioned by Porphyry wrote concerning the Indian Gymnosophists. (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 30; Jerome, de Viris Illustr. c. 33; Sozomen, Theodoret, and the Edessene Chronicle. The chief modern authorities are the works of Cave, Tillemont, and Remi Ceillier; Beausobre, Histoire de Manicheie, dc., vol. ii. p. 128; Ittig, Append. Diss. de Haeresiarcl. sect. ii. 6. ~ 85; Buddeus, Diss. de haeres. Valentin. ~ xviii.; Lardner, Credibility of the Gospel History, part ii. ch. 28, ~ 12; Burton's Lectures upon Ecclesiastical History, Lect. xx. vol. ii. pp. 182-185; Neander, Gesch. der Christ. Religion, c. I. i. p. 112, ii. pp. 532, 647, 743; and Grabe, Mosheim, Walch, and Hahn, 11. c.) [J. M. M.] BARDYLIS or BARDYLLIS (BapSvAts, Bdap6AAs), the Illyrian chieftain, is said to have been originally a collier,-next, the leader of a band of freebooters, in which capacity he was famous for his equity in the distribution of plunder,-and ultimately to have raised himself to the supreme power in Illyria. (Wesseling, ad Diod. xvi. 4, and the authorities there referred to.) He supported Argaeus against Amyntas II. in his struggle for the throne of Macedonia [see p. 154, b.]; and from Diodorus (xvi. 2) it appears that Amyntas, after his restoration to his kingdom, was obliged to purchase peace of Bardylis by tribute, and to deliver up as a hostage his ycungest son, Philip, who, according to this account (which seems far from the truth), was committed by the Illyrians to the custody of the Thebans. (Died. xvi. 2; comp. Wesseling, ad loc.; Diod. xv. 67; BARNABAS. 463 Plut. Pelop. 26; Just. vii. 5.) The incursions of Bardylis into Macedonia we find continued in the reign of Perdiccas III., who fell in a battle against him in B. c. 360. (Diod. xvi. 2.) When Philip, in the ensuing year, was preparing to invade Illyria, Bardylis, who was now 90 years old, having proposed terms of peace which Philip rejected, led forth his troops to meet the enemy, and was defeated and probably slain in the battle which ensued. Plutarch mentions a daughter of his, called Bircenna, who was married to Pyrrhus of Epeirus. (Diod. xvi. 4; Just. vii. 6; Lucian, AMacrob. 10; Plut. Pyrr. 9.) [E. E.] BA'REA SORAN US, must not be confounded with Q. Marcius Barea, who was consul suffectus in A. D. 26. The gentile name of Barea Soranus seems to have been Servilius, as Servilia was the name of his daughter. Soranus was consul suffectus in A. D. 52 under Claudius, and afterwards proconsul of Asia. By his justice and zeal in the administration of the province he incurred the hatred of Nero, and was accordingly accused by Ostorius Sabinus, a Roman knight, in A. D. 66. The charges brought against him were his intimacy with Rubellius Plautus [PLAUTUS], and the design of gaining over the province of Asia for the purpose of a revolution. His daughter Servilia was also accused for having given money to the Magi, whom she had consulted respecting her father's danger: she was under twenty years of age, and was the wife of Annius Pollio, who had been banished by Nero. Both Soranus and his daughter were condemned to death, and were allowed to choose the mode of their execution. The chief witness against father and daughter was P. Egnatius Celer, a Stoic philosopher, formerly a client and also the teacher of Soranus; to whose act of villany Juvenal alludes (iii. 116), " Stoicus occidit Baream, delator amicum, Discipulumque senex." Egnatius received great rewards from Nero, but was afterwards accused by Musonius Rufus under Vespasian, and condemned to death. (Tac. Ann. xii. 53, xvi. 21, 23, 30-33, Hist. iv. 10, 40; Dion Cass. lxii. 26; Schol. ad Juv. i. 33, vi. 551.) BARES. [BARDES.] BA'RGASUS (Bdpyaoeos), a son of Heracles and Barge, from whom the town of Bargasa in Caria derived its name. He had been expelled by Lamus, the son of Omphale. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Bdpyaea.) [L. S.] BA'RGYLUS (BdpyvAos), a friend of Bellerophon, who was killed by Pegasus, and in commemoration of whom Bellerophon gave to a town in Caria the name of Bargyla. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Ba'pyua.) [L. S.] BA'RNABAS (Bapvudas), one of the early inspired teachers of Christianity, was originally named Joseph, and received the apellation Barnabas from the apostles. To the few details in his life supplied by the New Testament various additions have been made; none of which are certainly true, while many of them are evidently false. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, and others, affirm, that Barnabas was one of the seventy disciples sent forth by our Lord himself to preach the gospel. Baronius and some others have maintained, that Barnabas not only preached the gospel in Italy, but founded the church in Milan, of which they say he was the first bishop. That this opinion rests on no suffi
Page 464 464 BARNABAS. cient evidence is ably shewn by the candid Tillemont. (Miemoires, &c. vol. i. p. 657, &c.) Some other fabulous stories concerning Barnabas are related by Alexander, a monk of Cyprus, whose age is doubtful; by Theodorus Lector; and in the Clementina, the Recognitions of Clemens, and the spurious Passio Barnabae in Cypro, forged in the name of Mark. Tertullian, in his treatise " de Pudicitia," ascribes the Epistle to the Hebrews to Barnabas; but this opinion, though probably shared by some of his contemporaries, is destitute of all probability. A gospel ascribed to Barnabas is held in great reverence among the Turks, and has been translated into Italian, Spanish, and English. It seems to be the production of a Gnostic, disfigured by the interpolations of some Mohammedan writer. (Fabric. Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti, Pars Tertia, pp. 373-394; White's Bampton Lectures.) Respecting the epistle attributed to Barnabas great diversity of opinion has prevailed from the date of its publication by Hugh Menard, in 1645, down to the present day. The external evidence is decidedly in favour of its genuineness; for the epistle is ascribed to Barnabas, the coadjutor of Paul, no fewer than seven times by Clemens Alexandrinus, and twice by Origen. Eusebius and Jerome, however, though they held the epistle to be a genuine production of Barnabas, yet did not admit it into the canon. When we come to examine the contents of the epistle, we are at a loss to conceive how any serious believer in divine revelation could ever think of ascribing a work full of such gross absurdities and blunders to a teacher endowed with the gifts of the Spirit. It is not improbable that the author's name was Barnabas, and that the Alexandrian fathers, finding its contents so accordant with their system of allegorical interpretation, came very gladly to the precipitate conclusion that it was composed by the associate of Paul. This epistle is found in several Greek manuscripts appended to Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians. An old Latin translation of the epistle of Barnabas was found in the abbey of Corbey; and, on comparing it with the Greek manuscripts, it was discovered that they all of them want the first four chapters and part of the fifth. The Latin translation, on the other hand, is destitute of the last four chapters contained in the Greek codices. An edition of this epistle was prepared by Usher, and printed at Oxford; but it perished, with the exception of a few pages, in the great fire at Oxford in 1644. The following are the principal editions: in 1645, 4to. at Paris; this edition was prepared by Menard, and brought out after his death by Luke d'Acherry; in 1646, by Isaac Vossius, appended to his edition of the epistles of Ignatius; in 1655, 4to. at Helmstadt, edited by Mader; in 1672, with valuable notes by the editor, in Cotelerius's edition of the Apostolic Fathers: it is included in both of Le Clerc's republications of this work; in 1.680, Isaac Vossius's edition was republished; in 1685, 12mo. at Oxford, an edition superintended -by Bishop Fell, and containing the few surviving fragments of Usher's notes; in the same year, in the Varia Sacra of Stephen Le Moyne; the first volume containing long prolegomena, and the second prolix but very learned annotations to this epistle; in 1746, 8vo. in Russel's edition of the Apostolic Fathers; in 1788, in the first volume of Gallandi's Bibliotheca Patrum; in 1839, 8vo. by H-efcle, in BARSUM AS. his first, and, in 1842, in his second edition of the Patres Apostolici. In English we have one translation of this epistle by Archbishop Wake, originally published in 1693 and often reprinted. Among the German translations of it, the best are by Rissler, in the first volume of his Bibliothek der Kirclenviiter, and by Hefele, in his Das Sendsclreiben des Apostels Barnabas aifs Neue untersucht, ilbersetzt, und erkliirt, Tfibingen, 1840. [J. M. M.] BARRUS, T. BETU'CIUS, of Asculum, a town in Picenum, is described by Cicero (Brut. 46), as the most eloquent of all orators out of Rome. In Cicero's time several of his orations delivered at Asculum were extant, and also one against Caepio, which was spoken at Rome. This Caepio was Q. Servilius Caepio, who perished in the social war, B. c. 90. [CAEPIO.] BARSANU'PHIUS (Bapaavovipos), a monk of Gaza, about 548 A. D., was the author of some works on aceticism, which are preserved in MS. in the imperial library at Vienna and the royal library at Paris. (Cave, Hist. Lit. sub. ann.) [P.S.] BARSINE (Bapoivrl). 1. Daughter of Artabazus, the satrap of Bithynia, and wife of Memnon the Rhodian. In B. c. 334, the year of Alexander's invasion of Asia, she and her children were sent by Memnon to Dareius III. as hostages for his fidelity; and in the ensuing year, when Damascus was betrayed to the Macedonians, she fell into the hands of Alexander, by whom she became the mother of a son named Hercules. On Alexander's death, B.c. 323, a claim to the throne on this boy's behalf was unsuccessfully urged by Nearchus. From a comparison of the accounts of Diodorus and Justin, it appears that he was brought up at Pergamus under his mother's care, and that she shared his fate when (B. c. 309) Polysperchon was induced by Cassander to murder him. (Plut. Alex. 21, Eum. 1; Diod. xvii. 23, xx. 20, 28; Curt. iii. 13. ~ 14, x. 6. ~ 10; Just. xi. 10, xiii. 2, xv."2; Paus. ix. 7.) Plutarch (Ezm. 1. e.) mentions a sister* of hers, of the same name, whom Alexander gave in marriage to Eumenes at the grand nuptials at Susa in B. c. 324; but see Arrian, Aenab. vii. p. 148, e. 2. Known also by the name of Stateira, was the elder daughter of Dareius III., and became the bride of Alexander at Susa, B,. c. 324. Within a year after Alexander's death she was treacherously murdered by Roxana, acting in concert with the regent Perdiccas, through fear of Barsine's giving birth to a son whose claims might interfere with those of her own. (Plut. Alex. 70, 77; Arr. Anab. vii. p. 148, d.; Diod. xvii. 107.) Justin (xi. 10) seems to confound this Barsine with the one mentioned above. [E. E.] BARSUMAS or BARSAUMAS, bishop of Nisibis (435-485 A. D.), was one of the most eminent leaders of the Nestorians. His efforts gained for Nestorianism in Persia numerous adherents, and the patronage of the king, Pherozes, who, at the instigation of Barsumas, expelled from his kingdom the opponents of the Nestorians, and allowed the latter to erect Seleuceia and Ctesiphon into a patriarchal see. He was the author of some polemical works, which are lost. HIe must not be confounded with Barsumas, an abbot, who was condemned for Eutychianism by the council of * Perhaps a half-sister, a daughter of Artabazus by the sister of Memnon and Mentor.
Page 465 BASILEIDES. "Chalcedon, and afterwards spread the tenets of Eutyches through Syria and Armenia, about A. D. 460. (Asseman, Bibliotht. Orient. ii. pp. 1-10, and preliminary Dissertation, iii. pt. 1. p. 66.) [P.S.] BARTHOLOMAEUS (Bap0ohoXaeos), one of the twelve apostles of our Lord. Eusebius (IH. E. v. 10) informs us, that when Pantaenus visited the Indians, he found in their possession a Hebrew Gospel of Matthew, which their fathers had received from Bartholomew. The story is confirmed by Jerome, who relates that this Hebrew Gospel was brought to Alexandria by Pantaenus. It is not very easy to determine who these Indians were; but Mosheim and Neander, who identify them with the inhabitants of Arabia Felix, are probably in the right. The time, place, and manner of the death of Bartholomew are altogether uncertain. There was an apocryphal gospel falsely attributed to him, which is condemned by Pope Gelasius in his decree de Libris Apocryphis. (Tillemont, M1emoires, oc. vol. i. pp. 387-389, 642 -645. Ed. sec.; Mosheim, de Rebus Christianorum, Jc. p. 205, &c.; Neander, Allygmeine Geschliclte, c. i. p. 113.) [J. M. M.] BARSAENTES (Bape-rYrose), or BARZAENTUS (Bapdevros), satrap of the Arachoti and Drangae, was present at the battle of Guagamela, a. c. 331, and after the defeat of the Persian army conspired with Bessus against Dareius. He was one of those who mortally wounded the Persian king, when Alexander was in pursuit of him; and after this he fled to India, where, however, he was seized by the inhabitants and delivered up to Alexander, who put him to death. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 8, 21, 25; Diod. xvii. 74; Curt. vi. 6, viii. 13.) BARYAXES (Bapvans), a Mede, who assumed the sovereignty during Alexander's absence in India, but was seized by Atropates, the satrap of Media, and put to death by Alexander, B. c. 325. (Arrian, Anab. vi. 29.) BARZANES (Bapadivns). 1. One of the early kings of Armenia according to Diodorus (ii. 1), who makes him a tributary of the Assyrian Ninus. 2. Appointed satrap of the Parthyaei by Bessus, B. C. 330, afterwards fell into the power of Alexander. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 7.) BAS (Bas), king of Bithynia, reigned fifty years, from B. c. 376 to 326, and died at the age of 71. He succeeded his father Boteiras, and was himself succeeded by his own son Zipoetes. He defeated Calantus, the general of Alexander, and maintained the independence of Bithynia. (Memnon, c. 20, ed. Orelli.) BASILEI'DES (Bao-h-tejs). 1. A Greek grammarian, who wrote a work on the Dialect of Homer (rEpl A4ws 'OqptKucfs), of which an epitome was made by Cratinus. Both works are lost. (Etymol. Mag. s.v. ApiT'hos.) 2. Of Scythopolis, a Stoic philosopher mentioned by Eusebius (Chron. Arm. p. 384, ed. Zohrab and Mai) and Syncellus (p. 351, b.) as flourishing under Antoninus Pius, and as the teacher of Verus Caesar. 3. An Epicurean philosopher, the successor of Dionysius. (Diog. Laert. x. 25.) 4. Of Alexandria, was one of the earliest and most eminent leaders of the Gnostics. The time when he lived is not ascertained with certainty, but it was probably about 120 A. D. He professed to have received from Glaucias, a disciple of St. Peter, the BASILIDES. 465 esoteric doctrine of that apostle. (Clem. Alex. Strom. vii. p. 765, ed. Potter.) No other Christian writer makes any mention of Glaucias. Basileides was the disciple of Menander and the fellow-disciple of Saturninus. He is said to have spent some time at Antioch with Saturninus, when the latter was commencing his heretical teaching, and then to have proceeded to Persia, where he sowed the seeds of Gnosticism, which ripened under Manes. Thence he returned to Egypt, and publicly taught his heretical doctrines at Alexandria. He appears to have lived till after the accession of Antoninus Pius in 138 A. D. IHe made additions to the doctrines of Menander and Saturninus. A complete account of his system of theology and cosmogony is given by Mosheim (Eccles. Hiist. bk. i. pt. ii. c. 5. ~~ 11-13, and de Reb. Christ. ante Constant. pp. 342-361), Lardner (History of Heretics, bk. ii. c. 2), and Walch. (Hist. der Ketzer. i. 281-309.) Basileides was the author of Commentaries on the Gospel, in twenty-four books, fragments of which are preserved in Grabe, Spiciley, ii. p. 39. Origen, Ambrose, and Jerome mention a " gospel of Basileides," which may perhaps mean nothing more than his Commentaries. 5. Bishop of the Libyan Pentapolis, was a contemporary and friend of Dionysius of Alexandria, to whom he wrote letters " on the time of our Lord's resurrection, and at what hour of that day the antepaschal fast should cease." The letters of Basileides are lost, but the answers of Dionysius remain. Cave says, that Basileides seems to have been an Egyptian by birth, and he places him at the year 256 A. D. (Hist. Litt. sub. ann.) [P. S.] BASILIA'NUS, prefect of Egypt at the assassination of Caracalla and the elevation of Macrinus, by whom he was nominated to the command of the praetorians. Before setting out to assume his office, he put to death certain messengers despatched by Elagabalus to publish his claims and proclaim his accession; but soon after, upon hearing of the success of the pretender and the overthrow of his patron, he fled to Italy, where he was betrayed by a friend, seized, and sent off to the new emperor, at that time wintering in Nicomedeia. Upon his arrival, he was slain by the orders of the prince, A. D. 213. (Dion Cass. lxxviii. 35.) [W. R.] BASILICA. [PRAXILLA.] BASI'LACAS. [NICEaPHORUS BASILICAS.] BASI'LICUS (Baot-iM ds), a rhetorician and sophist of Nicomedeia. As we know that he was one of the teachers of Apsines of Gadara, he must have lived about A. D. 200. He was the author of several rhetorical works, among which are specified one wErpl rLay d rv XE Ae(wv o xTlsdrToe, a second repl prlTopicrjo s wapaariccvis, a third srepl dci-Koicjws, and a fourth 7repl pTEra-ot'-Ewos. (Suidas, s. uv. Baohuodis and 'Aýs/ivs; Eudoc. p. 93.) [L. S.] BASI'LIDES. 1. A priest, who predicted success to Vespasian as he was sacrificing on mount Carmel. (Tac. Hist. ii. 71.) 2. An Egyptian of high rank, who is related to have appeared miraculously to Vespasian in the temple of Jupiter Serapis at Alexandria. (Tac. Hist. iv. 82; Sueton. Vesp. 7.) Suetonius calls him a freedman; but the reading is probably corrupt. BASI'LIDES, a jurist, contemporary with Justinian, and one of a commission of ten employed by the emperor to compile the first code, which was afterwards suppressed, and gave place to thie 2a
Page 466 466 BASILISCTJS. Codex repetitae praelectionis. In the first and second prefaces to the code the names of the commissioners are mentioned in the following order:Joannes, Leontius, Phocas, Basileides, Thomas, Tribonianus, Constantinus, Theophilus, Dioscurus, Praesentinus. From the same sources it appears that before 528, Basileides had been praefectus praetorio of the East, and invested with the dignity of patricius, and that in 529 he was PP. of Illyricum. [J. T. G ] BASILI'NA, the mother of Julian the apostate, being the second wife of Julius Constantius, brother of Constantine the Great. She is believed to have been the daughter of Anicius Julianus, consul in A. D. 322, and afterwards prefect of the city. Her marriage took place at Constantinople, and she died in 331, a few months after the birth of her only son. From this princess the city of Basilinopolis in Bithynia received its name. (Ammian. Marcellin. xxv. 3; Liban. Orat. xii. p. 262; Not. eccl. Hierocl. p. 692.) See the genealogical table prefixed to the article CONSTANTINUS MAGNUS. [W.R.] BA'SILIS (BaenALs), a Greek writer of uncertain date, the author of a work on India ('Ivaucd), of which the second book is quoted by Athenaeus. (ix. p. 390, b.) He also seems to have written on Aethiopia, as he gave an account of the size of the country. (Plin. IT. N. vi. 29. s. 35.) He is mentioned by Agatharchides among the writers on the east. (Ap. Phot. p. 454, b. 34, ed. Bekker, who calls him Basileus.) BASILI'SCUS (BaathI'O-os), usurper of the throne of Constantinople, was the brother of the empress Verina, the wife of Leo I., who conferred upon his brother-in-law the dignities of patrician and "dux " or commander-in-chief in Thrace. In this country Basiliscus made a successful campaign against the Bulgarians in A. D. 463. In 468, he was appointed commander-in-chief of the famous expedition against Carthage, then the residence of Genseric, king of the Vandals-one of the greatest military undertakings which is recorded in the annals of history. The plan was concerted between Leo I. Anthemius, emperor of the West, and Marcellinus, who enjoyed independence in Illyricum. Basiliscus was ordered to sail direct to Carthage, and his operations were preceded by those of Marcellinus, who attacked and took Sardinia, while a third army, commanded by Heraclius of Edessa, landed on the Libyan coast east of Carthage, and made rapid progress. It appears that the combined forces met in Sicily, whence the three fleets started at different periods. The number of ships and troops under the command of Basiliscus, and the expenses of the expedition have been differently calculated by different historians. Both were enormous; but while we must reject the account of Nicephorus Gregoras, who speaks of one hundred thousand ships, as either an error of the copyists or a gross exaggeration, everything makes us believe that Cedrenus is correct in saying that the fleet that attacked Carthage consisted of eleven hundred and thirteen ships, having each one hundred men on board. Sardinia and Libya were already conquered by Marcellinus and Heraclius when Basiliscus cast anchor off the Promontorium Mercurii, now cape Bon, opposite Sicily. Genseric, terrified, or feigning to be so, spoke of submission, and requested Basiliscus to allow him five days in order to draw up the conditions of a peace which promised to be one of the most glorious for the BASILISCUS. Roman arms. During the negotiations, Genseric assembled his ships, and suddenly attacked the Roman fleet, which was unprepared for a general engagement. Basiliscus fled in the heat of the battle; his lieutenant, Joannes, one of the most distinguished warriors of his time, when overpowered by the Vandals, refused the pardon that was promised him, and with his heavy armour leaped overboard, and drowned himself in the sea. One half of the Roman ships was burnt, sunk, or taken, the other half followed the fugitive Basiliscus. The whole expedition had failed. After his arrival at Constantinople, Basiliscus hid himself in the church of St. Sophia, in order to escape the wrath of the people and the revenge of the emperor, but he obtained his pardon by the mediation of Verina, and he was punished merely with banishment to Heraclea in Thrace. Basiliscus is generally represented as a good general, though easily deceived by stratagems; and it may therefore be possible that he had suffered himself to be surprised by Genseric. The historians generally speak ambiguously, saying that he was either a dupe or a traitor; and there is much ground to believe that he had concerted a plan with Aspar to ruin Leo by causing the failure of the expedition. This opinion gains further strength by the fact, that Basiliscus aspired to the imperial dignity, which, however, he was unable to obtain during the vigorous government of Leo. No sooner had Leo died (474), than Basiliscus and Verina, Leo's widow, conspired against his feeble successor, Zeno, who was driven out and deposed in the following year. It seems that Verina intended to put her lover, Priscus, on the throne; but Basiliscus had too much authority in the army, and succeeded in being proclaimed emperor. (October or November, 475.) His reign was short. He conferred the title of Augusta upon his wife, Zenonida; he created his son, Marcus, Caesar, and afterwards Augustus; and he patronised the Eutychians in spite of the decisions of the council of Chalcedon. During his reign a dreadful conflagration destroyed a considerable part of Constantinople, and amongst other buildings the great library with 120,000 volumes. His rapacity and the want of union among his adherents caused his ruin, which was accelerated by the activity of Zeno, his wife, the empress Ariadne, and generally all their adherents. Illus, the general despatched by Basiliscus against Zeno, who had assembled some forces in Cilicia and Isauria, had no sooner heard that the Greeks were dissatisfied with the usurper, than he and his army joined the party of Zeno; and his successor, Armatius or Harmatus, the nephew of Basiliscus, either followed the example of Illus, or at least allowed Zeno to march unmolested upon Constantinople. Basiliscus was surprised in his palace, and Zeno sent him and his family to Cappadocia, where they were imprisoned in a stronghold, the name of which was perhaps Cucusus. Food having been refused them, Basiliscus, his wife, and children perished by hunger and cold in the winter of 477-478, several months after his fall, which took place in June or July, 477. (Zonaras, xiv. 1, 2; Procop. De Bell. Vand. i. 6, 7; Theophanes, pp. 97-107, ed. Paris; Cedrenus, pp. 349-50, ed. Paris. Jornandes, de Regn. Succ. pp. 58, 59, ed. Lindenbrog, says, that Carthage was in an untenable position, and that Basiliscus was bribed by Genseric.) [W. P.]
Page 467 BASILIUS. BASILIUS (BaohA(os. and Bao-Aios), commonly called BASIL. 1. Bishop of ANCYRA (A. D. 336 -360), originally a physician, was one of the chief leaders of the Semi-Arian party, and the founder of a sect of Arians which was named after him. He was held in high esteem by the emperor Constantius, and is praised for his piety and learning by Socrates and Sozomen. He was engaged in perpetual controversies both with the orthodox and with the ultra Arians. His chief opponent was Acacius, through whose influence Basil was deposed by the synod of Constantinople (A. D. 360), and banished to Illyricum. He wrote against his predecessor Marcellus, and a work on Virginity. His works are lost. (Hieron. de Vir. Illust. 89; Epiphan. Haeres. Ixxiii. 1; Socrates, H. E. ii. 30, 42; Sozomen, H. E. ii. 43.) 2. Bishop of CAESAREIA in Cappadocia, commonly called Basil the Great, was born A. D. 329, of a noble Christian family which had long been settled at Caesareia, and some members of which had suffered in the Maximinian persecution. His father, also named Basil, was an eminent advocate and teacher of rhetoric at Caesareia: his mother's name was Emmelia. He was brought up in the principles of the Christian faith partly by his parents, but chiefly by his grandmother, Macrina, who resided at Neocaesareia in Pontus, and had been a hearer of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of that city. His education was continued at Caesareia in Cappadocia, and then at Constantinople. Here, according to some accounts, or, according to others, at Antioch, he studied under Libanius. The statements of ancient writers on this matter are confused; but we learn from a correspondence between Libanius and Basil, that they were acquainted when Basil was a young man. The genuineness of these letters has been doubted by Garnier, but on insufficient grounds. From Constantinople he proceeded to Athens, where he studied for four years (351-355 A. D.), chiefly under the sophists Himerius and Proaeresius. Among his fellow-students were the emperor Julian and Gregory Nazianzen. The latter, who was also a native of Cappadocia, and had been Basil's schoolfellow, now became, and remained throughout life, his most intimate friend. It is said, that he persuaded Basil to remain at Athens when the latter was about to leave the place in disgust, and that the attachment and piety of the two friends became the talk of all the city. Basil's success in study was so great, that even before he reached Athens his fame had preceded him; and in the schools of that city he was surpassed by no one, if we may believe his friend Gregory, in rhetoric, philosophy, and science. At the end of 355, he returned to Caesareia in Cappadocia, where he began to plead causes with great success. He soon, however, abandoned his profession, in order to devote himself to a religious life, having been urged to this course by the persuasions and example of his sister Macrina. The more he studied the Bible the more did he become convinced of the excellence of a life of poverty and seclusion from the world. About the year 357, he made a journey through Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, in order to become acquainted with the monastic life as practised in those countries. On his return from this journey (358), he retired to a mountain on the banks of the river Iris, near Neocaesareia, and there lived as a recluse for thirteen years. On the opposite BASILIUS. 467 bank of the river was a small estate belonging to his family, where his mother and sister, with some chosen companions, lived in religious seclusion from the world. Basil assembled round him a company of monks, and was soon joined by his friend Gregory. Their time was spent in manual labour, in the religious exercises of singing, prayer, and watching, and more especially in the study of the Scriptures, with the comments of Christian writers. Their favourite writer appears to have been Origen, from whose works they collected a body of extracts under the title of Pilocalia (qphoKaiMa). Basil also composed a code of regulations for the monastic life. He wrote many letters of advice and consolation, and made journeys through Pontus for the purpose of extending monasticism, which owed its establishment in central Asia mainly to his exertions. In the year 359, Basil was associated with his namesake of Ancyra and Eustathius of Sebaste in an embassy to Constantinople, in order to gain the emperor's confirmation of the decrees of the synod of Seleuceia, by which the Homoiousians had condemned the Anomoians; but he took only a silent part in the embassy. He had before this time, but how long we do not know, been appointed reader in the church at Caesareia by the bishop Dianius, and he had also received deacon's orders from Meletius, bishop of Antioch. In the following year (360) Basil withdrew from Caesareia and returned to his monastery, because Dianius had subscribed the Arian confession of the synod of Ariminum. Here (361) he received a letter from the emperor Julian, containing an invitation to court, which Basil refused on account of the emperor's apostacy. Other letters followed; and it is probable that Basil would have suffered martyrdom had it not been for Julian's sudden death. In the following year (362), Dianius, on his death bed, recalled Basil to Caesareia, and hiis successor Eusebius ordained him as a presbyter; but shortly afterwards (364), Eusebius deposed him, for some unknown reason. Basil retired once more to the wilderness, accompanied by Gregory Nazianzen. Encouraged by this division, the Arians, who had acquired new strength from the accession of Valens, commenced an attack on the church at Caesareia. Basil had been their chief opponent there, having written a work against Eunomius; and now his loss was so severely felt, that Eusebius, availing himself of the mediation of Gregory Nazianzen, recalled Basil to Caesareia, and, being himself but little of a theologian, entrusted to him almost the entire management of ecclesiastical affairs. (365.) Basil's learning and eloquence, his zeal for the Catholic faith, and, above all, his conduct in a famine which happened in Cappadocia (367, 368), when he devoted his whole fortune to relieve the sufferers, gained him such general popularity, that upon the death of Eusebius, in the year 370, he was chosen in his place bishop of Caesareia. In virtue of this office, he became also metropolitan of Caesareia and exarch of Pontus. He still retained his monastic habit and his ascetic mode of life. The chief features of his administration were his care for the poor, for whom he built houses at Caesareia and the other cities in his province; his restoration of church discipline; his strictness in examining candidates for orders; his efforts for church union both in the East and West; his defence of his authority against Anthimus of Tyana, whose see was raised 2 r 2
Page 468 468 BASILIUS. to a second metropolis of Cappadocia by Valens; and his defence of orthodoxy against the powerful Arian and Semi-Arian bishops in his neighbourhood, and against Modestus, the prefect of Cappadocia, and the emperor Valens himself. He died on the 1st of January, 379 A. D., worn out by his ascetic life, and was buried at Caesareia. His epitaph by Gregory Nazianzen is still extant. The following are his chief works: 1. Els -r)v d ea'uepov, Nine Homilies on the Six Days' Work. 2. XVII. Homilies on the Psalms. 3. XXXI. Homilies on various subjects. 4. Two Books on Baptism. 5. On true Virginity. 6. Commentary (p1Veaeia or fs-y'o'ots) on the first XVI. chapters of Isaiah. 7. 'AvcYejyTuicos Trov dCroAOyrTcoTUo 1 roT OOJvo3 EOOS E',votos, An Answer to the Apology of the Arian Eunomius. 8. THpI roO dlyio rvevg/Jaros, a Treatise on the Holy Spirit, addressed to Eunomius: its genuineness is doubted by Gamier. 9. 'AoCrTruCd,a ascetic writings. Under this title are included his work on Christian Morals (OOucad), his monastic rules, and several other treatises and sermons. 10. Letters. 11. A Liturgy. His minor works and those falsely ascribed to him are enumerated by Fabricius and Cave. The first complete edition of Basil's works was published at Basel in 1551; the most complete is that by Gamier, 3 vols. fol. Paris, 1721-1730. (Gregor. Nazian. Orat. in Laud. Basilii 11/.; Gregor. Nyss. Vit. S. J/Macrinae; Gamier, Vita S. Basilii; Socrates, H. E. iv. 26; Sozomen, H. E. vi. 17; Rufinus, H. E. xi. 9; Suidas, s. v. BacriAELoc.) 3. Of CILICIA (d KiAM), was the author of a history of the Church, of which Photius gives a short account (Cod. 42), a work against John of Scythopolis (Phot. Cod. 107), and one against Archelaus, bishop of Colonia in Armenia. (Suidas, s. v.) He lived under the emperor Anastasius, "was presbyter at Antioch about 497 A. D., and afterwards bishop of Irenopolis in Cilicia. 4. Bishop of SELEUCEIA in Isauria from 448 till after 458, distinguished himself by taking alternately both sides in the Eutychian controversy. His works are published with those of Gregory Thaumaturgus, in the Paris edition of 1622. He must not be confounded with Basil, the friend of Chrysostom, as is done by Photius. (Cod. 168, p. 116, ed. Bekker.) [P. S.] BASI'LIUS I., MA'CEDO (Bao-ieitos MaKfeiwG), emperor of the East, one of the most extraordinary characters recorded in history, ascended the throne after a series of almost incredible adventures. He was probably born in A. D. 826, and is said to have been the descendant of a prince of the house of the Arsacidae, who fled to Greece, and was invested with large estates in Thrace by the emperor Leo I. Thrax. (451-474.) There were probably two Arsacidae who settled in Thrace, Chlienes and Artabanus. The father of Basil, however, was a small landowner, the family having gradually lost their riches; but his mother is said to have been a descendant of Constantine the Great. At an early age, Basil was made prisoner by a party of Bulgarians, and carried into their country, where he was educated as a slave. He was ransomed several years afterwards, arrived at Constantinople a destitute lad, and was found asleep on the steps of the church of St. Diomede. His naked beauty attracted the attention of a monk, on whose recommendation he was presented to Theophilus, surnamed the Little, a cousin of the emperor Theo BASILIUS. philus (829-842), who, a diminutive man himself, liked to be surrounded by tall and handsome footmen. Such was Basil, who, having accompanied his master to Greece, was adopted by a rich widow at Patras. Her wealth enabled him to purchase large estates in Macedonia, whence he derived his surname Macedo, unless it be true that it was given him on account of his pretended descent, on his mother's side, either from Alexander the Great or his father, Philip of Macedonia, which however seems to be little better than a fable. He continued to attend the little Theophilus, and after the accession of Michael III. in 842, attracted the attention of this emperor by vanquishing in single combat a giant Bulgarian, who was reputed to be the first pugilist of his time. In 854 Michael appointed him his chief chamberlain; and the ambition of Basil became so conspicuous, that the courtiers used to say that he was the lion who would devour them all. Basil was married to one Maria, by whom he had a son, Constantine; but, in order to make his fortune, he repudiated his wife, and married Eudoxia Ingerina, the concubine of the emperor, who took in exchange Thecla, the sister of Basil. The marriage was celebrated in December, 865; and in September, 866, Ingerina became the mother of Leo, afterwards emperor. The influence of Basil increased daily, and he was daring enough to form a conspiracy against the emperor's uncle, Bardus, upon whom the dignity of Caesar had been conferred, and who was assassinated in the presence of Michael. A short time afterwards, Basil was created Augustus, and the administration of the empire devolved upon him, Michael being unable to conduct it on account of his drunkenness and other vices. The emperor became nevertheless jealous of his associate, and resolved upon his ruin; but he was prevented from carrying his plan into execution by the bold energy of Basil, by whose contrivance Michael was murdered after a debauch on the 24th of September, 867. Basil, who succeeded him on the throne, was no general, but a bold, active man, whose intelligence was of a superior kind, though his character was stained with many a vice, which he had learned during the time of his slavery among the barbarians and of his courtiership at Constantinople. The famous patriarch Photius having caused those religious troubles for which his name is so conspicuous in ecclesiastical and political history, Basil instantly removed him from the see of Constantinople, and put Ignatius in his place. He likewise ordered a campaign to be undertaken against the warlike sect of the Paulicians, whom his generals brought to obedience. A still greater danger arose from the Arabs, who, during the reign of the incompetent Michael III., had made great progress in Asia and Europe. Basil, who knew how to choose good generals, forced the Arabs to renounce the siege of Ragusa. In 872, he accompanied his Asiatic army, which crossed the Euphrates and defeated the Arabs in many engagements, especially in Cilicia in 875. In 877 the patriarch Ignatius died, and Photius succeeded in resuming his former dignity, under circumstances the narrative of which belongs to the life of PHOTIus. The success which the Greek arms had obtained against the Arabs, encouraged Basil to form the plan of driving them out of Italy, the southern part of which, as well as Sicily and Syracuse, they had
Page 469 BASILIUS. gradual1 y conquered during the ninth century. They had also laid siege to Chalcis; but there they were defeated with great loss, and the Greeks burnt the greater part of their fleet off Creta. After these successes, Basil sent an army to Italy, which was commanded by Procopius and his lieutenant Leo. Procopius defeated the Arabs wherever he met them; but his glory excited the jealousy of Leo, who abandoned Procopius in the heat of a general action. Procopius was killed while endeavouring to rouse the spirit of his soldiers, who hesitated when they beheld the defection of Leo. Notwithstanding these unfavourable occurrences, the Greeks carried the day. Basil immediately recalled Leo, who was mutilated and sent into exile. The new commander-in-chief of the Greek army in Italy was Stephanus Maxentius, an incompetent general, who was soon superseded in lis command by Nicephorus Phocas, the grandfather of Nicephorus Phocas who became emperor in 963. This happened in 885; and in one campaign Nicephorus Phocas expelled the Arabs from the continent of Italy, and forced them to content themselves with Sicily. About 879, Basil lost his eldest son, Constantine. His second son, Leo, who succeeded Basil as Leo VI. Philosophus, was for some time the favourite of his father, till one Santabaren succeeded in kindling jealousy between the emperor and his son. Leo was in danger of being put to death for crimes which he had never committed, when Basil discovered that he had been abused by a traitor. Santabaren was punished (885), and the good understanding between Basil and Leo was no more troubled. In the month of February, 886, Basil was wounded by a stag while hunting, and died in consequence of his wounds on the 1st of March of the same year. Basil was one of the greatest emperors of the East; he was admired and respected by his subjects and the nations of Europe. The weak government of Michael III. had been universally despised, and the empire under him was on the brink of ruin, through external enemies and internal troubles. Basil left it to his son in a flourishing state, with a well organised administration, and increased by considerable conquests. As a legislator, Basil is known for having begun a new collection of the laws of the Eastern empire, the BaeaAutcal Aiardas-, "Constitutiones Basilicae," or simply "Basilica," which were finished by his son Leo, and afterwvards augmented by Constantine Porphyrogeneta. The bibliographical history of this code belongs to the history of LEO VI. Philosophus. (See Diet. of Ant. s. v. Basilica.) The reign of Basil is likewise distinguished by the propagation of the Christian religion in Bulgaria, a most important event for the future history of the East. Basil is the author of a small work, entitled Kespa'Aama reapaivesrirac (o'. rpis reOV Eavro vi sl A-o'ra (Eyxhortationum Capita LXVI. ad Leoncis filiuam), which he dedicated to, and destined for, his son Leo. It contains sixty-six short chapters, each treating of a moral, religious, social, or political principle, especially such as concern the duties of a sovereign. Each chapter has a superscription, such as, Isep1 arateivoe'ses, which is the first; respl T-Lpijs 'lepsWsv; fniept 8vcasomsYrjS; lEpl c ipxiIs; Ilept Ad'yov 'eAEiov, &c., and nept dray.rv.'ews ypixCwv, whichn is the last. The first edition of this work was published, with a Latin translation, BASILIUS. 469 by F. Morellus, at Paris, 1584, 4to.; a second edition was published by Damke, with the translation of Morellus, Basel, 1633, 8vo.; the edition of Dransfeld, Gattingen, 1674, 8vo., is valued for the editor's excellent Latin translation; and another edition, with the translation of Morellus corrected by the editor, is contained in the first volume (pp. 143-156) of Bandurius, " Imperium Orientale," Paris, 1729. (Preface to the Erxhortationes, in Bandurius cited above; Zonar. xvi.; Cedren. pp. 556-592, ed. Paris; Leo Grammat. pp. 458-474, ed. Paris; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. viii. pp. 42, 43.) [W. P.] BASPLIUS II. (Bao-iAstos), emperor of the East, was the elder son of Romanus IT., of the Macedonian dynasty, and was born in A. n. 958; he had a younger brother, Constantine, and two sisters, Anna and Theophano or Theophania. Romanus ordered that, after his death, which took place in 963, his infant sons should reign together, under the guardianship of their mother, Theophano or Theophlania; but she married Nicephorus Phocas, the conqueror of Creta, and raised him to the throne, which he occupied till 969, when he was murdered by Joannes Zimisces, who succeeded to his place. Towards the end of 975, Zimisces received poison in Cilicia, and died in Constantinople in the month of January, 976. After his death, Basil and Constantine ascended the throne; but Constantine, with the exception of some military expeditions, in which he distinguished himself, led a luxurious life in his palace in Constantinople, and the care of the government devolved upon Basil, who, after having spent his youth in luxuries and extravagances of every description, shewed himself worthy of his ancestor, Basil I., and was one of the greatest emperors that ruled over the Roman empire in the East. The reign of Basil II. was an almost uninterrupted series of civil troubles and wars, in which, however, the imperial arms obtained extraordinary success. The emperor generally commanded his armies in person, and became renowned as one of the greatest generals of his time. No sooner was he seated on the throne, than his authority was shaken by a revolt of Sclerus, who, after bringing the emperor to the brink of ruin, was at last defeated by the imperial general, Phocas, and obliged to take refuge among the Arabs. Otho II., emperor of Germany, who had married Theophania, the sister of Basil, claimed Calabria and Apulia, which belonged to the Greeks, but had been promised as a dower with Theophlania. Basil, unable to send sufficient forces to Italy, excited the Arabs of Sicily against Otho, who, after obtaining great successes, lost an engagement with the Arabs, and on his flight was taken prisoner by a Greek galley, but nevertheless escaped, and was making preparations for a new expedition, when he was poisoned. (982.) In consequence of his death, Basil was enabled to consolidate his authority in Southern Italy. In different wars with Al-masin, the khalif of Baghdad, and the Arabs of Sicily, who were the scourge of the sea-towns of Southern Italy, the Greeks made some valuable conquests, although they were no adequate reward either for the expenses incurred or sacrifices made in these expeditions. Basil's greatest glory was the destruction of the kingdom of Bulgaria, which, as Gibbon says, was the most important triumphs of the Roman arms since the time of Belisarias. Basil opened
Page 470 470 BASILIUS. the war, which lasted, with a few interruptions, till 1018, with a successful campaign in 987; and, during the following years, he made conquest after conquest in the south-western part of that kingdom, to which Epeirus and a considerable part of Macedonia belonged. In 996, however, Samuel, the king of the Bulgarians, overran all Macedonia, laid siege to Thessalonica, conquered Thessaly, and penetrated into the Peloponnesus. Having marched back into Thessaly, in order to meet with the Greeks, who advanced in his rear, he was routed on the banks of the Sperchius, and hardly escaped death or captivity; his army was destroyed. In 999, the lieutenant of Basil, Nicephorus Xiphias, took the towns of Pliscova and Parasthlava in Bulgaria Proper. But as early as 1002, Samuel again invaded Thrace and took Adrianople. He was, however, driven back; and during the twelve following years the war seems to have been carried on with but little energy by either party. It broke out again in 1014, and was signalized by an extraordinary success of the Greeks, who were commanded by their emperor and Nicephorus Xiphias. The Bulgarians were routed at Zetunium. Being incumbered on his march by a band of 15,000 prisoners, Basil gave the cruel order to put their eyes out, sparing one in a hundred, who was to lead one hundred of his blind companions to their native country. When Samuel beheld his unhappy warriors, thus mutilated and filling his camp with their cries, he fell senseless on the ground, and died two days afterwards. Bulgaria was not entirely subdued till 1017 and 1018, when it was degraded into a Greek thema, and governed by dukes. This conquest continued a province of the Eastern empire till the reign of Isaac Angelus. (1185-1195.) Among the other events by which the reign of Basil was signalised, the most remarkable were, a new revolt of Sclerus in 987, who was made prisoner by Phocas, but persuaded his victor to make common cause with him against the emperor, which Phocas did, whereupon they were both attacked by Basil, who killed Phocas in a battle, and granted a full pardon to the cunning Sclerus; the cession of Southern Iberia to the Greeks by its king David in 991; a glorious expedition against the Arabs in Syria and Phoenicia; a successful campaign of Basil in 1022 against the king of Northern Iberia, who was supported by the Arabs; and a dangerous mutiny of Sclerus and Phocas, the son of Nicephorus Phocas mentioned above, who rebelled during the absence of Basil in Iberia, but who were speedily brought to obedience. Notwithstanding his advanced age, Basil meditated the conquest of Sicily from the Arabs, and had almost terminated his preparations, when he died in the month of December, 1025, without leaving issue. His successor was his brother and co-regent; Constantine IX., who died in 1028. It is said, and it cannot be doubted, that Basil, in order to expiate the sins of his youth, promised to become a monk, that he bore the frock of a monk under his imperial dress, and that he took a vow of abstinence. He was of course much praised by the clergy; but he impoverished his subjects by his continual wars, which could not be carried on without heavy taxes; he was besides very rapacious in accumulating treasures for himself; and it is said that he left the enormous sum of 200,000 pounds of gold, or nearly eight million pounds sterling. Zonaras (vol. ii. p. 225) BASSAREUS. multiplies the sum by changing pounds into talentsa but this is either an enormous exaggeration, or the error of a copyist. Basil, though great as a general, was an unlettered, ignorant man, and during his long reign the arts and literature yielded to the power of the sword. (Cedren. p. 645, &c. ed. Paris; Glycas, p. 305, &c. ed. Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 197, &c. ed. Paris; Theophan. p. 458, &c. ed. Paris.) [W. P.] BA'SILUS, the name of a family of the Minucia gens. Persons of this name occur only in the first century B. c. It is frequently written Basilius, but the best MSS. have Basilus, which is also shewn to be the correct form by the line of Lucan (iv. 416), " Et Basilum videre ducem," &c. 1. (MINUCIUS) BASILUS, a tribune of the soldiers, served under Sulla in Greece in his campaign against Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, B. c. 86. (Appian, Mithr. 50.) 2. M. MINucIus BASILUS. (Cic. pro Cluent. 38.) 3. MINUCIUS BASILUS, of whom we know nothing, except that his tomb was on the Appian way, and was a spot infamous for robberies. (Cic. ad Att. vii. 9; Ascon. in Milon, p. 50, ed. Orelli.) 4. L. MINUCIUS BASILUS, the uncle of M. Satrius, the son of his sister, whom he adopted in his will. (Cic. de Off. iii. 18.) 5. L. MINUCIUS BAsILUs, whose original name was M. Satrius, took the name of his uncle, by whom he was adopted. [No. 4.] He served under Caesar in Gaul, and is mentioned in the war against Ambiorix, B. c. 54, and again in 52, at the end of which campaign he was stationed among the Remi for the winter with the command of two legions. (Caes. B. G. vi. 29, 30, vii. 92.) He probably continued in Gaul till the breaking out of the civil war in 49, in which he commanded part of Caesar's fleet. (Flor. iv. 2. ~ 32; Lucan, iv. 416.) He was one of Caesar's assassins in B. c. 44, although, like Brutus and others, he was a personal friend of the dictator. In the following year he was himself murdered by his own slaves, because he had punished some of them in a barbarous manner. (Appian, B. C. ii. 113, iii. 98; Oros. vi. 18.) There is a letter of Cicero's to Basilus, congratulating him on the murder of Caesar. (Cic. ad Famr. vi. 15.) 6. (MINucIUs) BASILUS, is attacked by Cicero in the second Philippic (c. 41) as a friend of Antony. He would therefore seem to be a different person from No. 5. BA'SSAREUS (Baoeoapeds), a surname of Dionysus (Hor. Carm. i. 18. 11; Macrob. Sat. i. 18), which, according to the explanations of the Greeks, is derived from aa'3odpa or pao''apis, the long robe which the god himself and the Maenads used to wear in Thrace, and whence the Maenads themselves are often called bassarae or bassarides. The name of this garment again seems to be connected with, or rather the same as, paoaaapis, a fox (Hesych. s. v. Saoeodpat), probably because it was originally made of fox-skins. Others derive the name Bassareus from a Hebrew word, according to which its meaning would be the same as the Greek TrpaTpd y7?s, that is, the precursor of the vintage. On some of the vases discovered in southern Italy Dionysus is represented in a long garment which is commonly considered to be the Thracian hassara, [L. S.]
Page 471 BASSUS. BASSIA'NA, one of the names of Julia Soemias. SIIASSIANUS, No. 2; SOEMIAS.] BASSIA'NUS. 1. A Roman of distinction selected by Constantine the Great as the husband of his sister Anastasia, and destined for the rank of Caesar and the government of Italy, although probably never actually invested with these dignities. For, while negotiations were pending with Licinius respecting the ratification of this arrangement, it was discovered that the last-named prince had been secretly tampering with Bassianus, and had persuaded him to form a treasonable plot against his brother-in-law and benefactor. Constantine promptly executed vengeance on the traitor, and the discovery of the perfidy meditated by his colleague led to a war, the result of which is recounted elsewhere. [ConsTANTINUS.] The whole history of this intrigue, so interesting and important on account of the momentous consequences to which it eventually led, is extremely obscure, and depends almost exclusively upon the anonymous fragment appended by Valesius to his edition of Ammianus Marcellinus. 2. A Phoenician of humble extraction, who nevertheless numbered among his lineal descendants, in the three generations which followed immediately after him, four emperors and four Augustae, - Caracalla, Geta, Elagabalus, Alexander Severus, Julia Domna, Julia Maesa, Julia Soemias, and Julia Mamaea, besides having an emperor (Sept. Severus) for his son-in-law. From him Caracalla, Elagabalus, and Alexander Severus all bore the name of Bassianus; and we find his grand-daughter Julia Soemias entitled Bassiana in a remarkable bilinguiar inscription discovered at Velitrae and published with a dissertation at Rome in 1765. (Aurelius Victor, pit. c. 21, has preserved his name; and from an expression used by Dion Cassius, lxxviii. 24, with regard to Julia Domna, we infer his station in life. See also the genealogical table prefixed to the article CARACALLA.) [W. R.] BASSUS. We find consuls of this name under Valerian for the years A. D. 258 and 259. One of these is probably the Pomponius Bassus who under Claudius came forward as a national sacrifice, because the Sibvlline books had declared that the Goths could not be vanquished unless the chief senator of Rome should devote his life for his country; but the emperor would not allow him to execute this design, generously insisting, that the person pointed out by the Fates must be himself. The whole story, however, is very problematical. (Aurel. Vict. Epit. c. 34; comp. Julian, Caes. p. 11, and Tillemont on Claudius II.) [W. R.] BASSUS. 1. Is named by Ovid as having formed one of the select circle of his poetical associates, and as celebrated for his iambic lays, " Ponticus heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambo," but is not noticed by Quintilian nor by any other Roman writer, unless he be the Bassus familiarly addressed by Propertius. (Eleg. i. 4.) Hence is is probable that friendship may have exaggerated his fame and merits. Osann argues from a passage in Apuleius the grammarian (De Ortlograph. ~ 43), that Battus, and not Bassus, is the true reading in the above line from the Tristia, but his reasonings have been successfully combated by Weichert. (De L. Vario Poeta, Excurs. ii. De Bassis quibusdam, &,c.) 2. A dramatic poet, contemporary with Martial, BASSUS. 471 and the subject of a witty epigram, in which he is recommended to abandon such themes as Medea, Thyestes, Niobe, and the fate of Troy, and to devote his compositions to Phaethon or Deucalion, i. e. to fire or water. (Martial. v. 53.) The name occurs frequently in other epigrams by the same author, but the persons spoken of are utterly unknown. [W. R.] BASSUS, occurs several times in the ancient authors as the name of a medical writer, sometimes without any praenomen, sometimes called Julius and sometimes Tullius. It is not possible to say exactly whether all these passages refer to more than two individuals, as it is conjectured that Julius and Tullius are the same person: it is, however, certain that the Julius Bassus said by Pliny (Ind. to H.N. xx.) to have written a Greek work, must have lived before the person to whom Galen dedicates his work De Libris Propriis, and whom he calls KpdTrseTos Badeos. (Vol. xix. p. 8.) Bassus Tullius is said by Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Acut. iii. 16. p. 233) to have been the friend of Niger, who may perhaps have been the Sextius Niger mentioned by Pliny. (Ind. to II. N xx.) He is mentioned by Dioscorides (De Mat. M1led. i. praef.) and St. Epiphanius (Adv. Haer. i. 1. ~ 3) among the writers on botany; and several of his medical formulae are preserved by Abtius, Marcellus, Joannes Actuarius, and others. (Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 101, ed. vet.; C. G. Kilhn, Addit. ad Elench. Medic. a Fabr.,c. ExPibh. fasc. iv. p. 1, &c.) [W. A. G.1 BASSUS, A'NNIUS, commander of a legion under Antonius Primus, A. D. 70. (Tac. Hist. iii. 50.) BASSUS, AUFI'DIUS, an orator and historian, who lived under Augustus and Tiberius. He drew up an account of the Roman wars in Germany, and also wrote a work upon Roman history of a more general character, which was continued, in thirty-one books, by the elder Pliny. No fragment of his compositions has been preserved. (Dialog. de Orat. 23; Quintil. x. 1, 102, &c.; Senec. Suasor. 6, Ep. xxx., which perhaps refers to a son of this individual; Plin. f. N. Praef., Ep. iii. 5, 9. ed. Titze.) It will be clearly perceived, upon comparing the two passages last referred to, that Pliny wrote a continuation of the general history of Bassus, and not of his history of the German wars, as Bdhr and others have asserted. His praenomen is uncertain. Orelli (ad Dialog. de Orat. c. 23) rejects Titus, and shews from Priscian (lib. viii. p. 371, ed. Krehl), that Publius is more likely to be correct. [W. R.] BASSUS, BETILIE'NUS, occurs on a coin, from which we learn that he was a triumvir monetalis in the reign of Augustus. (Eckhel, v. p. 150.) Seneca speaks (de Ira, iii. 18) of a Betilienus Bassus who was put to death in the reign of Caligula; and it is supposed that he may be the same as the Betillinus Cassius, who, Dion Cassius says (lix. 25), was executed by command of Caligula, A. D. 40. BASSUS, Q. CAECI'LIUS, a Roman knight, and probably quaestor in B. c. 59 (Cic. ad Att. ii. 9), espoused Pompey's party in the civil war, and after the loss of the battle of Pharsalia (48) fled to Tyre. Here he remained concealed for some time; but being joined by several of his party, he endeavoured to gain over some of the soldiers of Sex. Julius Caesar, who was at that time governor of Syria. In this attempt he was successful; but his designs
Page 472 472 BASSUS. were discovered by Sextus, who, however, forgave him on his alleging that he wanted to collect troops in order to assist MIithridates of Pergamus. Soon afterwards, however, Bassus spread a report that Caesar had been defeated and killed in Africa, and that he himself had been appointed governor of Syria. He forthwith seized upon Tyre, and marched against Sextus; but being defeated by the latter, he corrupted the soldiers of his opponent, who was accordingly put to death by his own troops. On the death of Sextus, his whole army went over to Bassus, with the exception of some troops which were wintering in Apameia and which fled to Cilicia. Bassus followed them, but was unable to gain them over to his side. On his return he took the title of praetor, B. c. 46, and settled down in the strongly fortified town of Apameia, where he maintained himself for three years. He was first besieged by C. Antistius Vetus, who was, however, compelled to retire with loss, as the Arabian Alchaudonius and the Parthians came to the assistance of Bassus. It was one of the charges brought against Cicero's client, De'toraus, that he had intended to send forces to Bassus. After the retreat of Antistius, Statius Murcus was sent against Bassus with three legions, but he too received a repulse, and was obliged to call to his assistance Marcius Crispus, the governor of Bithynia, who brought three legions more. With these six legions Murcus and Crispus kept Bassus besieged in Apameia till the arrival of Cassius in Syria in the year after Caesar's death, B. c. 43. The troops of Bassus, as well as those of Murcus and Crispus, immediately went over to Cassius, and Bassus, who was unwilling to join Cassius, was dismissed uninjured. (Dion Cass. xlvii. 26 -28; Appian, B. C. iii. 77, 78, iv. 58, 59; Cie. pro Deit. 8, 9, ad Att. xiv. 9, xv. 13, ad Fam. xi. 1, Philip. xi. 13, ad Fam. xii. 11, 12; Liv. Epit. 114, 121; Veil. Pat. ii. 69; Strab. xvi. p. 752; Joseph. Ant. xiv. 11, B. J. i. 10. ~ 10.) Appian gives (1. c.) a different account of the origin of the revolt in Syria under Bassus. According to Appian's statement, Bassus was appointed by Caesar commander of the legion under the governor Sex. Julius. But as Sextus gave himself up to pleasure and carried the legion about with him everywhere, Bassus represented to him the impropriety of his conduct, but his reproofs were received with contempt; and shortly afterwards Sextus ordered him to be dragged into his presence, because he did not immediately come when he was ordered. Hereupon the soldiers rose against Sextus, who was killed in the tumult. Fearing the anger of Caesar, the soldiers resolved to rebel, and compelled Bassus to join them. BASSUS, CAESIUS. 1. A Roman lyric poet, who flourished about the middle of the first century. Quintilian (x. 1. ~ 95) observes, "At Lyricorum idem Horatius fere solus legi dignus.... Si quemdam adjicere velis, is erit Caesius Bassus, quemn nuper vidimus: sed eum longe praecedunt ingenia viventium." Two lines only of his compositions have been preserved, one of these, a dactylic hexameter from the second book of his Lyrics, is to be found in Priscian (x. p. 897, ed. Putsch); the other is quoted by Diomedes (iii. p. 513, ed. Putsch.) as an example of Molossian verse. The sixth satire of Persius is evidently addressed to this Bassus; and the old scholiast informs us, that he was destrayed along with his villa in A. D. 79 by the erup BASSUS. tion of Vesuvius which overwhelmed Herculanemni and Pompeii. He must not be confounded with 2. Caesius Bassus, a Roman Grammarian of uncertain date, the author of a short tract entitled "Ars Caesii Bassi de Metris," which is given inthe " Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui" of Putschius (Hanov. 1605), pp. 2663-2671. [W.R.] BASSUS, CASSIA'NUS, surnamed Scholasticus, was in all probability the compiler of the Geoponica (FTecorovic), or work on Agriculture, which is usually ascribed to the emperor Constantine Porphyrogeneta. (A.. D. 911-959.) Cassianus Bassus appears to have compiled it by the command of this emperor, who has thus obtained the honour of the work Of Bassus we know nothing, save that he lived at Constantinople, and was born at Maratonymum, probably a place in Bithynia. (Geopon. v. 6, comp. v. 36.) The work itself, which is still extant, consists of twenty books, and is compiled from various authors, whose names are always given, and of whom the following is an alphabetical list:-SEx. JULIus AFRiCANUS; ANATOLICUS of Berytus [p. 161, b.]; APPULEIUS; ARATUS of Soli; ARISTOTELES, the philosopher; DAMOGERON; DEMOCRITUS; DIDYMUS of Alexandria; CAssivs DIONsIUS of Utica; DIOPHANEs of Nicaea; FLORENTINUS; FRONTO; HIEROCLES, governor of Bithynia under Diocletian; HIPPOCRATES, of Cos, a veterinary surgeon, at the time of Constantine the Great; LEONTINUS or LEONTIUS; NESTOR, a poet in the time of Alexander Severus; PAMPHIL US of Alexandria; PARAMUS; PELAGONIUs; PTOLEMAEUS of Alexandria; the brothers Q UINTILIUS (Gordianus and Maximus); TARENTINUS; THEOMNESTUS; VARRno; ZOROASTER. Cassianus Bassus has contributed only two short extracts of his own, namely, cc. 5 and 36 of the fifth book. The various subjects treated of in the Geoponica will best appear from the contents of the different books, which are as follow: 1. Of the atmosphere and the rising and setting of the stars. 2. Of general matters appertaining to agriculture, and of the different kinds of corn. 3. Of the various agricultural duties suitable to each month. 4 and 5. Of the cultivation of the vine. 6-8. Of the making of wine. 9. Of the cultivation of the olive and the making of oil. 10-12. Of horticulture. 13. Of the animals and insects injurious to plants. 14. Of pigeons and other birds. 15. Of natural sympathies and antipathies, and of the management of bees. 16. Of horses, asses, and camels. 17. Of the breeding of cattle. 18. Of the breeding of sheep. 19. Of dogs, hares, deer, pigs, and of salting meat. 20. Of fishes. The Geoponica was first published at Venice in 1538, 8vo., in a Latin translation made by Janus Cornarius. The Greek text appeared in the following year, 1539, 8vo., at Basel, edited by J. Alex. Brassicanus from a manuscript in the imperial library in Vienna. The next edition was published at Cambridge, 1704, 8vo., edited by Needham, and the last at Leipzig, 1781, 4 vols. 8vo., edited by Niclas. BASSUS, CESE'LLIUS, a Roman knight, and a Carthaginian by birth, on the faith of a dream promised to discover for Nero immense treasures, which had been hidden by Dido when she fled to Africa. Nero gave, full credit to this tale, and despatched vessels to carry the treasures to Rome; but Bassus, after digging about in every
Page 473 B3ASSUS. direction, was unable to find them, and in despair put an end to his life, A. D. 66. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 1-3; Suet. Ner. 31.) BASSUS, GA'VIUS or GA'BIUS, a learned, grammarian, whose Commentarii and treatise De Origine Verboruim et Vocabulorum are cited by Gellius (ii. 4, iii. 9, 19, v. 7, xi. 17). He is probably the same with the writer of the work De Diis, spoken of by Macrobius (Sat. i. 19, iii. 6, compare iii. 18), and perhaps to him belong the Satirae also from which Fulgentius Planciades quotes a line. (Sernm. Antiq. Explic.) We hear of a Gavius Bassus who was praefectus of the Pontic coast under Trajan (Plin. Ep. x. 18, 32, 33), but those who would identify him with the person mentioned above have overlooked the circumstance that the author of the commentaries declares, that he beheld with his own eyes at Argos the famous equus Seianus, which was said to have belonged in succession to Dolabella, Cassius, and M. Antonius; and hence it is clear that, unless in addition to its peculiar property of entailing inevitable destruction upon its possessor, it had likewise received the gift of longer life than ever steed enjoyed before, it could hardly have been seen by a contemporary of the younger Pliny. The praenomen Gavius or Gaubius has in many MSS. been corrupted into Gaius or Caius, and then abbreviated into C., which has given rise to considerable confusion; but, for anything we can prove to the contrary, each of the above-mentioned books may be from the pen of a distinct individual. [W. R.] BASSUS JU'LIUS. [BAssUs, p. 471, b.] BASSUS, JU'LIUS, a Roman orator, frequently mentioned by the elder Seneca in his Controversiae, seems to be the same as the Junius Bassus who was called Alsinus albus when Quintilian was a boy, and who was distinguished by his abusive wit. (Quintil. vi. 3. ~~ 27, 57, 74.) BASSUS, LOLLIUS (Ao'AAos Bado-oos), the author of ten epigrams in the Greek Anthology, is called, in the title of the second epigram, a native of Smyrna. His time is fixed by the tenth epigram, on the death of Germanicus, who died A. D. 19. (Tac. Ann. ii. 71.) [P. S.] BASSUS, LUCI'LIUS, a name used by Cicero as proverbial for a vain and worthless author. In a letter to Atticus (xii. 5), speaking of his panegyric upon Cato, he says, " I am well pleased with my work, but so is Bassus Lucilius with his." Some MSS. here have Caecilius. [W. R.] BASSUS, LUCI'LIUS, was promoted by Vitellius from the command of a squadron of cavalry to be admiral of the fleet at Ravenna and Misenum, i. c. 70; but disappointed at not obtaining the command of the praetorian troops, he betrayed the fleet to Vespasian. After the death of Vitellius, Bassus was sent to put down some disturbances in Campania. (Tac. Hist. ii. 100, iii. 12, 36, 40, iv. 3.) His name occurs in an inscription. (Gruter, p. 573.) BASSUS, POMPO'NIUS, was consul A. D. 211, under Septimius Severus, and at a subsequent period fell a victim to the licentious cruelty of Elagabalus, who having become enacmoured of his fair and high-born wife, Annia Faustina, a descendant (diroyovos, probably great-grandaughter) of M. Aurelius, caused Bassus to be put to death by the senate under some frivolous pretext, and then married the widow with indecent haste. This event took place in 221. BATEIA. 473 The Bassus who was governor of Mysia under Caracalla may have been the father or the son of the above. (Dion Cass. lxxviii. 21, lxxix. 5; Herodian, v. 6, 5.) [W. R.] BASSUS, SALEIUS, a Roman epic poet, contemporary with Statius. Quintilian thus characterises his genius: " vehemens et poeticum fuit nec ipsum senectute maturum." The last words are somewhat obscure, but probably signify that he died young, before his powers were ripened by years. He is the " tenuis Saleius" of Juvenal, one of the numerous band of literary men whose poverty and sufferings the satirist so feelingly deplores; but at a later period his wants were relieved by the liberality of Vespasian, as we learn from the dialogue on the decline of eloquence, where warm praise is lavished on his abilities and moral worth. We have not even a fragment acknowledged as the production of this Bassus. A panegyric, indeed, in 261 heroic hexameters, on a certain Calpurnius Piso, has been preserved, the object and the author of which are equally uncertain; and hence we find it attributed to Virgil, to Ovid, to Statius, and very frequently to Lucan, whose name is said to be prefixed in some MSS., while Wernsdorf, rejecting all these suppositions, labours hard to prove that it ought to be ascribed to Saleius Bassus, and that the Piso who is the hero of the piece must be the well-known leader of the great conspiracy against Nero. The strong points in the position are the allusions (1. 180) to the game of draughts in which this Piso is known to have been an adept (Vet. Schol. ad Jzv. v. 109), and the references by the writer to his own humble origin and narrow means, a description altogether inapplicable to the well-born and wealthy bard of Corduba. Granting, however, that Wernsdorf is right so far as Piso and Lucan are concerned, it by no means follows, from the simple fact that the author in question was poor and neglected, that we are entitled, in the absence of all other evidence direct or circumstantial, to identify him with Saleius Bassus, for it is certain that the same conditions would hold good of Statius, Serranus, and a long list of versifiers belonging to the same period. (Quint. x. 1, 90; Dialog. de Oratt. cc. 5, 9; Juv. vii. 80; Wernsdorf, Poett. Latt. Minn. vol. iv. P. i. pp. 36, 72, 75, 236.) [EW. R.] BASSUS, SEPU'LLIUS, a Roman orator, frequently mentioned by the elder Seneca. (Controv. iii. 16, 17, 20-22.) BASSUS, SI'LIUS, a Roman orator, mentioned by the elder Seneca. (Controv. i. 6, 7.) BA'TALUS (BaraAos), according to some, the author of lascivious drinking-songs, and according to others, an effeminate flute-player, who must have lived shortly before the time of Demosthenes, for the latter is said to have been nick-named Batalus on account of his weakly and deliccate constitution. (Plut. Dem. 4, Vit. X. Orat. p. 847, e.) According to Libanius ( Vit. Dem. p. 2, ed. Reiske), Batalus, the flute-player, was a native of Ephcsus, and the first man that ever appeared on the stage in women's shoes, for which reason he was ridiculed in a comedy of Antiphanes. Whether the poet and the flute-player were the same, or two different persons, is uncertain. (Comp. Meineke, list. Crit. Conm. Graec. p. 333, &c.) [L. S.] BATEIA (Birela), a dNaughter of Teucer or of Tros (Steph. Byz. s. v. AdSaxaos), the wiie of Dar
Page 474 474 BATHYLLUS. danus, and mother of Ilus and Erichthonins. The town of Bateia in Troas was believed to have derived its name from her. (Arrian, ap. Eustath. ad Hom. p. 351.) Tzetzes (ad Lycoph. 29) calls her a sister of Scamander, the father of Teucer by the nymph Idaea; and in another passage (ad Lycoph. 1298) he calls the daughter of Teucer, who married Dardanus, by the name of Arisbe, and describes Erichthonius as her son, and Ilus as her grandson. A Naiad of the name of Bateia occurs in Apollodorus. (iii. 10. ~ 4.) [L. S.] BATHANA'TIUS (BaOavdrios), the leader of the Cordistae, a Gaulish tribe, who invaded Greece with Brennus in B. c. 279. After the defeat of Brennus, Bathanatius led his people to the banks of the Danube, where they settled down. The way by which they returned received from their leader the name of Bathanatia; and his descendants were called Bathanati. (Athen. vi. p. 234, b.) BATHYCLES (Ba0vKius), a celebrated artist of Magnesia on the Maeander (Heyne,Antiq. Aufs. i. p. 108), the head of a band of artists of the same town, who constructed for the Lacedaemonians the colossal throne of the Amyclaean Apollo, covered with a great number of bas-reliefs, and supported and surmounted by statues. This throne, the most considerable work of art of the period, was destined for a statue of Apollo, which was of a much earlier date, and consisted of a brazen pillar, thirty cubits high, to which a head, arms, and the extremities of the feet were affixed. Accordingly this statue was standing on the throne, and not sitting like that of Zeus at Olympia, however strange the combination of a chair and a man standing on it must have looked. Pausanias (iii. 18. ~ 6) gives a minute description of the throne, or rather of the sculptures upon it, according to which Quatremere de Quincy undertook to restore it, and gave a picture of it in his "Jupiter Olympien," on the accuracy of which we cannot of course rely at all, considering the indistinctness with which Pausanias speaks of the shape of the throne. It is not even certain whether the throne was constructed of wood, and covered with golden and ivory plates to receive the bas-reliefs, or wrought in any other material. (K. 0. Miller, Handb. d. Archiiol. ~ 85.) The same doubts exist as to its height, which Quatremere fixes at thirty cubits, Welcker at fifty. (Welcker, Zeitschrift fir Gesch. d. alt. Kunst, i. p. 279, &c.) Of the age of Bathydes we have no definite statements of the ancient "writers. However, all modern scholars (Winckelmann, Bhttiger, Voss, Quatremere, Welcker, Sillig) except Thiersch agree, that he must have flourished about the time of Solon, or a little later. Thiersch was evidently wrong (Epochen, p. 34, Anm. p. 53) when he placed Bathycles as early as 01. 29, relying mostly on a passage of Pausanias (iii. 18. ~ 6), which however is far from being decisive. (Voss, Myth. Briefe, ii. p. 188; Sillig, Catal. Artlf. s. v,) [W. I.] BATHYLLUS. 1. Of Alexandria, the freedman and favourite of Maecenas, together with Pylades of Cilicia and Hylas the pupil of the latter, brought to perfection during the reign of Augustus the imitative dance or ballet called Pantomimus, which excited boundless enthusiasm among all classes at Rome, and formed one of the most admired public amusements until the downfall of the empire. Bathyllus excelled in comic, while Pylades was preeminent in tragic personifications; BATON. each had a numerous train of disciples, each was the founder of a school which transmitted his fame to succeeding generations, and each was considered the head of a party among the citizens, resembling in its character the factions of the Circus, and the rivalry thus introduced stirred up angry passions and violent contests, which sometimes ended in open riot and bloodshed. The nature and peculiarities of these exhibitions are explained in the Diet. of Ant. s. v. Pantomimus. (Tac. Ann. i. 54; Senec. Quaest. Natur. vii. 32, Controv. v. praef.; Juv. vi. 63; Suet. Octav. 45; Dion Cass. liv. 17; Plut. Symp. vii. 8; Macrob. ii. 7; Athen. i. p. 70; Zosimus, i. 6; Suid. s. vv. "OpX%'Ls and "A6OdP61wpog.) 2. Is named in the life of Virgil, ascribed to Tib. Cl. Donatus, as " poeta quidam mediocris," the hero of the Sic vos non vobis story. (Vit. Virg. xvii. ~ 70.) [W. R.] BATHYLLUS (BdevaO os), a Pythagorean philosopher, to whom, together with Brontinus and Leon of Metapontum, Alcmaeon of Crotona [ALcMAEON] addressed his treatise on Natural Philosophy. (Diog. Laert. viii. 83.) [A. G.] BATIS (Baris), the sister of Epicurus, who married Idomeneus. (Diog. La'rt. x. 23.) BATON (Barsoo), the charioteer of Amphiaraus. Both belonged to the house of Melampus, and both were swallowed up by the earth after the battle of Thebes. Baton was afterwards worshipped as a hero, and had a sanctuary at Argos. He was represented on the chest of Cypselus, and at Delphi his statue stood by the side of that of Amphiaraus, both having been dedicated there by the Argives. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 8; Paus. ii. 23. ~ 2, v. 17. ~ 4, x. 10. ~ 2.) Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v."Apmrvia) states that, after the disappearance of Amphiaraus, Baton emigrated to the town of Harpyia in Illyria; but Stephanus seems to confound here the mythical Baton with the historical person mentioned in the following article. [L. S.] BATON or BATO. 1. The son of Longarus, a Dalmatian chief, who joined the Romans in their war with Philip of Macedon, B. c. 200. (Liv. xxxi. 28.) 2. The name of two leaders of one of the most formidable insurrections in the reign of Augustus. The one belonged to the Dysidiatian tribe of the Dalmatians, and the other to the Breucians, a Pannonian people. The insurrection broke out in Dalmatia, in A. D. 6, when Tiberius was engaged in his second German expedition, in which he was accompanied by Valerius Messallinus, the governor of Dalmatia and Pannonia, with a great part of the army stationed in those countries. The example of the Dalmatians was soon followed by the Breucians, who, under the command of their countryman Bato, marched against Sirmium, but were defeated by Caecina Severus, the governor of Moesia, who had advanced against them. Meantime the Dalmatian Bato had marched against Salonae, but was unable to accomplish anything in person in consequence of having received a severe wound from a stone in battle: he despatched others, however, in command of the troops, who laid waste all the sea-coast as far as Apollonia, and defeated the Romans in battle. The news of this formidable outbreak recalled Tiberius from Germany, and he sent Messallinus ahead with part of the troops. The Dalmatian Bato had not yet recovered from his womund, but he
Page 475 BATON. nevertheless advanced against Messallinus, and gained a victory over him; but being shortly after defeated in his turn, he fled to his Breucian namesake. The two Batos now united their forces, and took possession of the mountain Alma, near Sirmium, where they remained on the defensive, and maintained themselves against the attacks of Caecina Severus. But after the latter had been recalled to Moesia by the ravages of the tribes bordering upon his province, the Batos, who had now no enemy to oppose them, since Tiberius and Messallina were remaining at Siscia, left their position and induced many of the neighbouring tribes to join them. They undertook predatory incursions on every side, and carefully avoided an engagement with Tiberius. At the commencement of winter, they marched into Macedonia, but here they were defeated by the Thracian Rhymetalces and his brother Rascyporis, allies of the Romans. The continuance of the war alarmed Augustus, who thought that it was purposely prolonged by Tiberius. Germanicus was accordingly sent into the disturbed districts in the following year (A. D. 7) with a fresh army, but Tiberius, it appears, was not recalled, as he did not return to Rome till two years later. In the campaign of this year the Romans accomplished very little; the chief advantage which they gained was the conquest by Germanicus of the Mazaei, a Pannonian people. Next year (A. D. 8), the Pannonians and Dalmatians were afflicted by famine and pestilence, in consequence of which, and of having suffered some reverses, they concluded a peace with the Romans. When the Dalmatian Bato appeared before Tiberius to treat respecting the peace, and was asked why he had rebelled, he replied, " You are the cause. Instead of sending dogs and shepherds to take care of your flocks, you send wolves." This peace was of short duration. The Breucian Bato had betrayed to the Romans Pinnes or Pinnetes, one of the principal Pannonian chiefs, and had obtained in consequence the sovereignty of the Breucians. The Dalmatian Bato, suspecting the designs of the Breucian, made war upon the latter, took him prisoner, and put him to death. This led to a fresh war with the Romans. Many of the Pannonians joined the revolt, but Silvanus Plautius subdued the Breucians and several other tribes; and Bato, seeing no hope of success in Pannonia, laid waste the country and retired into Dalmatia. At the beginning of the following year (A. D. 9), after the winter, Tiberius returned to Rome, while Germanicus remained in Dalmatia. But as the war was still protracted, Augustus resolved to make a vigorous effort to bring it to a conclusion. Tiberius was sent back to the army, which was now divided into three parts, one under the command of Silvanus, the second under M. Lepidus, and the third under Tiberius and Germanicus, all of whom prosecuted the war with the utmost vigour in different directions. Tiberius and Germanicus marched against Bato, who at length took refuge in a very strong fort, called Anderion or Andeterion, near Salonae. Before this place the Romans remained for some time, unable to obtain possession of it. Bato, however, mistrusting the issue, endeavoured to persuade his men to enter into negociations with Tiberius; but, as they refused, he abandoned them and went into concealment. The Romans eventually took the fort and subdued the greater part of Dalmatia; whereupon Batoe BATTARUS. 475 offered to surrender himself to Tiberius upon promise of pardon. This was promised, and Bato accompanied Tiberius to Rome, where he was the chief object of attraction in the triumph. Tiberius, however, kept his word. He sent Bato to Ravenna laden with presents, which were given him, according to Suetonius, because he had on one occasion allowed Tiberius to escape, when he was shut up with his army in disadvantageous ground. (Dion Cass. Iv. 29-34, Ivi. 1, 10-16; Veil. Pat. ii. 110-114; Suet. Tib. 9, 16, 20; Ov. ex Pont. ii. 1. 46.) BATON (Badrw), of Sinope, a Greek rhetorician and historian, who lived subsequently to Aratus of Sicyon. (Plut. Agis, 15.) The following works of his are mentioned by the ancient writers:-1. Commentaries on Persian affairs. (rlepowc-d, Strab. xii. p. 546.) 2. On the tyrants of Ephesus. (Athen. vii. p. 289, c.; comp. Suidas, s. v. nvlOayopas E or-ios.) 3. On Thessaly and Haemonia. (Athen, xiv. p. 639, d. e.) 4. On the tyranny of Hieronymus. (Athen. vi. p. 251, e.) 5. On the poet Ion. (Athen. x. p. 436, f.) 6. A history of Attica. (Schol. ad Pind. Isth/. iv. 104, where Backh reads Bcirwv instead of BnaroS.) BATON (Bairwv), an Athenian comic poet of the new comedy, flourished about 280 B. c. We have fragments of the following comedies by him: Al7WAOs or ArwAooi, Evepy7Tai, Avo(pdrvos, 2vperlavarcv. His plays appear to have been chiefly designed to ridicule the philosophers of the day. His name is incorrectly written in some passages of the ancient authors, Birroo, BairCWv, BdOwv. (Plut. de Am. et Adul. p. 55; Suidas, s. v.; Eudoc. p. 93; Phot. Cod. 167; Stobaeus, Florileg. xcviii. 18; Athen. xiv. p. 662, c., iv. p. 163, b., vii. p. 279, c., xv. p. 678, f.) [P. S.] BA'TRACHUS (BdapaXos), a Lacedaemonian sculptor and architect of the time of Augustus. Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 14) relates, that Batrachus and Sauras (Frog and Lizard), who were both very rich, built at their own expense two temples in Rome, one to Jupiter and the other to Juno, hoping they would be allowed to put their names in the inscription of the temples (inscriptionem sperantes). But being denied this, they made the figures of a frog and a lizard in the convolutions of the Ionic capitals (in columnaruem spiris, comnip. Thiersch, Epoch. Anm. p. 96.) That this tale is a mere fable founded on nothing but the appearance of the two figures on the columns, scarcely needs to be remarked. [W. I.] BATTARUS, a name which repeatedly occurs in the ancient poem "Dirae," or imprecations, ascribed to Virgil or the grammarian Valerius Cato, and respecting the meaning of which the commentators on this poem have entertained the most opposite opinions. Some have thought it to be the name of some locality, a tree, a river, a grove, or a hill, and the like; while others, and apparently with more reason, have considered it to be the name of a person. But those who entertain this latter opinion are again divided in regard to the person that may be meant. Some believe Battarus to be the name of the person who had taken possession by force of the estates, the loss of which the author of the "Dirae" laments, and against whom, therefore, the imprecations are directed. Wernsdorf believes that it is only a fictitious name, and is meant to designate some satiric poet, perhaps Callimachus; others imagine that Battarus
Page 476 47U BATTUS. is merely a dialectic form for Bassarus or Bassareus, a surname of Bacchus. Naeke, lastly, conceives Battarus to be the name of a slave who was a skilful flute-player, or perhaps a shepherd, and who had formerly lived with the author of the " Dirae" on his estate, and remained there after the poet had been driven from it. Each of these conflicting opinions is supported by something or other that occurs in the poem itself; but it is impossible to elicit anything that would decide the question. (Wernsdorf, Poet. Let. Min. iii. p. xlviii. &c.; Naeke, in the Rhein. Mus. ii. 1, p. 113, &c.) [L. S.] BATTUS (BUir-os), a shepherd of Neleus, who saw Hermes driving away the cattle he had stolen from Apollo. The god promised to reward him if he would not betray what he had seen. Battus promised on oath to keep the secret; but as Hermes mistrusted him nevertheless, he assumed a different appearance, returned to Battus, and promised him a handsome present, if he would tell him who had stolen the cattle of Apollo. The shepherd was tempted, and related all he knew, whereupon Hermes touched him with his staff, and changed him into a stone. (Ovid, Met. ii. 688, &c.; Anton. Lib. 22.) [L. S.] BA'TTUS and the BATTIADAE (BrroT0S, BarTTidSc), kings of Cyrene during eight generations. (Herod. iv. 163; comp. Thrige, Res Cyrencnsisum, ~ 42.) 1. BATTUS I., the leader of the colony from Thera to Cyrene, was son of Polymnestus, a Theraean noble, his mother, according to one account, being a Cretan princess. (Herod. iv. 150, 155.) By his father's side he was of the blood of the Minyae, and 17th in descent from Euphemus the Argonaut. (Herod. iv. 150; Pind. IPyth. iv. 17, 311, 455, &c.; Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1750; Thrige, Res. Cyren. g~ 8, 11.) He is said to have been first called " Aristoteles" (Pind. Pyth. v. 116; Callim. Hymn. in Apoll. 76); and we are left entirely to conjecture for the origin of the name " Battus," which he afterwards received. Herodotus (iv. 155) tells us, that it was the Libyan word for " king," and believes that the oracle which commanded the colonization of Libya applied it to him with reference to his future dignity. Others again have supposed Ba'rros to have been derived from Barrapifw, and to have been expressive of the alleged impediment in his speech. (Suid. and Hesych. s. v. Barrapi'eiv; comp. Thrige, ~ 12; Strab. xiv. p. 662); while Thrige (I. c.) considers the name to be of kindred origin with B77r-oaa, the appellation of the oracular priests of Dionysus among the Satrae. (Herod. vii. 111.) No less doubt is there as to the cause which led to the colonization of Cyrene. According to the account of the Cyrenaeans, Battus, having gone to consult the Delphic oracle about the removal of the physical defect above-mentioned, was enjoined to lead a colony into Libya; while the story of the Theraeans was, that this injunction was laid on their king Grinus, and that he pointed to Battus as a younger and fitter man for the purpose. Ini either case, the command was not obeyed but with reluctance and after a long delay. (Herod. iv. 150 -156.) According, again, to Menecles, an historian, perhaps of Barca (ap.Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iv. 10; comp. Thrige, ~~ 3, 15), Battus was driven forth from Thera by civil war, and was ordered by Apollo not to return to his country, but to betake himself to the continent. Lastly, the account of BATTU'S. Justin (xiii. 7) is a strange mixture of the two stories in Herodotus with the fable of Apollo's love for the nymph Cyrene. (Comp. Thrige, ~ 17.) Amidst these statements, the one thing certain is, that Battus led forth his colonists in obedience to the Delphic oracle, and under a belief in the protection of Apollo 'Ap-1erryr7s. (Callim. Hymn. in Apoll. 65, &c., 55, &c.; Spanheim, ad loc.; comp. Miller, Dor. ii. 3. ~~ 1, 7; Thrige, ~~ 11, 16, 76.) Of the several opinions as to the period at which the colonists first sailed from Thera, the most probable is that which places; it about 640 B. c. (Miller, Orchosm. p. 344), and from this point apparently we must begin to reckon the 40 years assigned by HIerodotus (iv. 159) to the reign of Battus I. It was not, however, till after a settlement of two years in the island Platea, and between six and seven at Aziris on the main-land, that Cyrene was actually founded, about 631 B. c. (Herod. iv. 157, 158; Thrige, ~~ 22-24), whence Ovid (Ibis, 541) calls Battus " conditor tardae Cyrrhae." Little further is known of the life of Battus I. He appears to have been vigorous and successful in surmounting the difficulties which beset his infant colony, in making the most of the great natural advantages of the country, and in subjugating the native tribes, with the assistance, it is said, of the Lacedaemonian Anchionis. (Pind. Pytih. v. 72, &c.; Aristot. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. PIlut. 925; Paus. iii. 14.) Diodorus tells us (Exc. de Virl. et Vit. p. 232), that lie governed with the mildness and moderation befitting a constitutional king; and Pindar (Pyth. v. 120, &c.) celebrates his pious works, and especially the road (oKcupcWr) ds's, comp. Bbckh, Pitbt. Econ. of Athens, bk. ii. c. 10) which he caused to be made for the sacred procession to Apollo's temple, also built by him. (Callim. I'ymn. in Apoll. 77.) Where this road joined the Agora, the tomb of Battus was placed, apart from that of the other kings. (Pind. Pyth. v. 125, &c.; Catull. vii. 6.) His subjects worshipped him as a hero, and we learn from Pausanias (x. 15), that they dedicated a statue of him at Delphi, representing him in a chariot driven by the nymph Cyrene, with Libya in the act of crowning him. (See Thrige, ~~ 26, 28.) 2. ARCESILAUS I. ('ApmceorlAaos) was a son of the above (Herod. iv. 159); but nothing is recorded of him except that he reigned, and apparently in quiet, for 16 years, B. c. 599-583. 3. BATTUS It., surnamed "the Happy," principally from his victory over Apries (Badrros' 'Eraijwv\), was the son of No. 2, and the third king of the dynasty; for the opinion of those who consider that Herodotus has omitted two kings between Arcesilaus I. and the present Battus, is founded on an erroneous punctuation of iv. 159, and is otherwise encumbered with considerable chronological difficulties. (Thrige, ~~ 29, 42, 43; comp. Plut. Cor. 11.) In this reign, Cyrene received a great accession of strength by the influx of a large number of colonists from various parts of Greece, principally perhaps from Peloponnesus and from Crete and the other islands, whom the state invited over under the promise of a new division of lands (probably to enable herself to make head against the neighbouring Libyans), and who were further urged to the migration by the Delphic oracle. (iHerod. iv. 159, comp. c. 161.) This influx apparently giving rise to further ean
Page 477 BATT US. croachments on the Libyan tribes, the latter, under Adicran, their king, surrendered themselves to Apries, king of Egypt, and claimed his protection. A battle ensued in the region of Irasa, B. c. 570, in which the Egyptians were defeated,-this being the first time, according to Herodotus (iv. 159), that they had ever come into hostile collision with Greeks. (Comp. Herod. ii. 161; Diod. i. 68.) This battle seems to have finished the war with Egypt; for we read in Herodotus (ii. 181), that Amasis formed a marriage with Ladice, a Cyrenaean woman, daughter perhaps of Battus II. (Wesseling, ad Herod. 1. c.), and, in other ways as well, cultivated friendly relations with the Cyrenaeans. By the same victory too the sovereignty of Cyrene over the Libyans was confirmed. (Comp. Herod. iv. 160, where their revolt from Arcesilaus II. is spoken of.) It was in this reign also, according to a probable conjecture of Thrige's (~ 30), that Cyrene began to occupy the neighbouring region with her colonies, which seem to have been numerous. (Pind. Pyth. iv. 20, 34, v. 20.) The period of the death of Battus II. it is impossible to settle with exactness. We know only that his reign lasted beyond the year 570 B. c.; and it is pure conjecture which would assign the end of it, with Thrige, to 560, or, with Bouhier and Larcher, to 554. (Thrige, ~ 29; Larcher, ad Herod. iv. 163.) 4. ARCESILAUS II., son of Battus II., was surnamed "the oppressive" (Xahe,rds), from his attempting probably to substitute a tyranny for the Cyrenaean constitution, which had hitherto been similar to that of Sparta. It was perhaps from this cause that the dissensions arose between himself and his brothers, in consequence of which the latter withdrew from Cyrene, and founded Barca, at the same time exciting the Libyan tribes to revolt from Arcesilaus, who, in his attempt to quell this rebellion, suffered a signal defeat at Leucon or Leucoe, a place in the region of Marmarica. IHe met his end at last by treachery, being strangled by his brother or friend, Learchus. His wife, Eryxo, however, soon after avenged his death by the murder of his assassin. His reign lasted, according to some, from 560 to 550 B. c.; according to others, from 554 to 544. (Herod. iv. 160; Diod. Exc. de Virt. et Vit. p. 232; Plut. de Virt. Mul. pp. 260, 261; Thrige, ~~ 35, 37.) 5. BATTUS III., or "the lame" (XwAO's), son of Arcesilaus II., reigned from B. c. 550 to 530, or, as some state it, from 544 to 529. In his time, the Cyrenaeans, weakened by internal seditions, apprehensive of assaults from Libya and Egypt, and distressed too perhaps by the consciousness of the king's inefficiency, invited Demonax, a Mantinean, by the advice of the Delphic oracle, to settle the constitution of the city. The conflicting claims of the original colonists with those of the later settlers, and the due distribution of power between the sovereign and the commonalty, were the main difficulties with which he had to deal. With respect to the former point, he substituted for the old division of tribes an entirely new one, in which however some privileges, in regard to their relation to the UHeploecol, were reserved to those of Theraean descent; while the royal power he reduced within very narrow limits, leaving to the king only certain selected lands, and the enjoyment of some priestly functions (TrEAve ca Kal pwaodvas), with the privilege probably (see Herod. iv. 165) of presidency in the council. We hear nothing more BATTUS. 477 recorded of Battus III. The diminution of the kingly power in his reign is not to be wondered at, when we remember that the two main causes assigned by Aristotle (Polit. v. 10, ad fin. ed. Bekk.) for the overthrow of monarchy had been, as we have seen, in full operation at Cyrene,-viz. quarrels in the royal family, and the attempt to establish a tyrannical government. (Herod. iv. 161; Diod.. c.; Plut. 1. c.; Thrige, ~ 38; Miller, Dor. iii. 4. ~ 5, iii. 9. ~ 13.) 6. ARCESILAUS III., son of Battus III. by Pheretime, reigned, according to Thrige (~ 39), from 530 to about 514 B. c. In the early part of his reign he was driven from Cyrene in an attempt to recover the ancient royal privileges, and, taking refuge in Samos, returned with a number of auxiliaries, whom he had attached to his cause by the promise of a new division of lands. With their aid he regained the throne; on which, besides taking the most cruel vengeance on his enemies, he endeavoured further to strengthen himself by making submission to Cambyses, and stipulating to pay him tribute, B. c. 525. (Herod. iv. 162 -165, comp. iii. 13, 91, ii. 181.) Terrified, however, according to Herodotus (iv. 164), at the discovery that he had subjected himself to the woe denounced against him, under certain conditions, by an obscure oracle (comp. iv. 163), or, more probably, being driven out by his subjects, who were exasperated at his submission to the Persians (see iv. 165, ad fin.), he fled to Alazir, king of Barca, whose daughter he had married, and was there slain, together with his father-in-law, by the Barcaeans and some Cyrenaean exiles. (Herod. iv 164, 167; see Thrige, ~~ 39-41.) 7. BATTUS IV. is called " the Handsome" (d Ka6ds) by Heracleides Ponticus. (See Thrige, ~ 38, n. 3. ~ 42.) It has been doubted by some whether there were any kings of the family after Arcesilaus III., but this point seems to be settled by Herodotus (iv. 163) and by Pindar. (Pylt. iv. 115.) The opinion of those, who suppose the names of two kings to have been omitted by Herodotus between Arcesilaus I. and Battus " the lame," has been noticed above. Of Battus IV. we know nothing. It is not improbable, however, that he was the son of Arcesilaus III., and was in possession of the throne at the period of the capture of Barca by the Persians, about 512 B. c. (Herod. iv. 203.) At least the peaceable admission of the latter into Cyrene (Herod. 1. c.) may seem to point to the prevalence there of a MIedizing policy, such as we might expect from a son or near relative of Arcesilaus III. The chronology of this reign is involved in as much obscurity as the events of it, and it is impossible therefore to assign any exact date either to its beginning or its end. (See Thrige, ~~ 42-44.) 8. ARCESILAUS IV., son probably of Battus IV., is the prince whose victory in the chariot-race at the Pythian games, B. c. 466, is celebrated by Pindar in his 4th and 5th Pythian odes; and these, in fact, together with the Scholia upon them, are our sole authority for the life and reign of this last of the Battiadae. From them, even in the midst of all the praises of him which they contain, it appears, that he endeavoured to make himself despotic, and had recourse, among other means, to the expedient (a favourite one with tyrants, see Aristot. Polit. iii. 13, v. 10, 11, ed. Bekk.) of ridding himself of the nobles of the state. Indeed
Page 478 478 BAUCIS. one main object of Pindar in the 4th Pythian ode seems to have been to induce Arcesilaus to adopt a more prudent and moderate course, and in particular to recall Demophilus, a banished Cyrenaean nobleman then living at Thebes. (See especially Pyth. iv. 468, &c., Ge 7ydp Vs oovs, ic. r. A.; Bockh and Dissen, ad loc.) It is further probable (Thrige, ~ 45), that the city " Hesperides" in the Cyrenaic Pentapolis (afterwards called " Berenice" from the wife of Ptolemy Euergetes) was founded by Arcesilaus IV., with the view of securing a retreat for himself in the event of the successful rebellion of his subjects. It is not known whether he died by violence or not; but after his death royalty was abolished, and his son Battus, who had fled to Hesperides, was there murdered, and his head was thrown into the sea. Various dates have been assigned for the conclusion of the dynasty of the Battiadae; but nothing is certain, except that it could not have ended before B. c. 460, in which year Arcesilaus IV. won the chariot-race at Olympia,-nor after 401, when we hear of violent seditions between the Cyrenaean nobles and populace. (Diod. xiv. 34; Aristot. Polit. vi. 4, ed. Bekk.) Thrige is disposed to place the commencement of popular government about 450. (Res Cyrenensiume, ~ 24, 45, 46, 48; comp. Miiller, Dor. iii. 9. ~ 13.) The father of Callimachus was a Cyrenaean of the name of Battus (Suidas, s. v. KaAX/AaXos); and the poet, who is often called "Battiades," seems to have claimed descent from the royal blood. (Callim. flymn in Apoll. 65, &c., Ep. 37; Ovid. Trist. ii. 367; Catull. 66.) [E. E.] BAUBO (Baveu or Baec), a mythical woman of Eleusis, whom Hesychius calls the nurse of Demeter; but the common story runs thus:-on her wanderings in search of her daughter, Demeter came to Baubo, who received her hospitably, and offered her something to drink; but when the goddess, being too much under the influence of grief, refused to drink, Baubo made such a strange gesture, that the goddess smiled and accepted the draught. (Clem. Alex. Cohort. p. 17.) In the fragment of the Orphic hymn, which Clemens Alex. adds to this account, it is further related, that a boy of the name of lacchus made an indecent gesture at the at the grief of Demeter. Arnobius (Adv. Gent. v. p. 175) repeats the story of Baubo from Clemens, but without mentioning the boy lacchus, who is otherwise unknown, and, if meant for Dionysus, is out of place here. The different stories concerning the reception of Demeter at Eleusis seem all to be inventions of later times, coined for the purpose of giving a mythical origin to the jokes in which the women used to indulge at the festival of this goddess. [ASCALABUS and ASCALAPHUS, No. 2.] [L. S.] BAUCIS, a Phrygian woman, in whose humble dwelling Jupiter and Mercury were hospitably received, after having been refused admission by every one else in the country. Baucis and her husband Philemon were therefore saved by the gods when they visited the country with an inundation; and Jupiter made Baucis and Philemon priests in his temple; and when the two mortals expressed a wish to die together, Jupiter granted their request by changing them simultaneously into trees. (Ov. Met. viii. 620-724.) [L. S.] BAUCIS (Baotds), a Greek poetess, who is called a disciple of Sappho. She was a native of BEBRYCE. Tenos, and a friend of Erinna. She died at a youthful age, just before her marriage, and Erinna is said to have written the epitaph upon her which is still extant, and which, together with another fragment of Erinna, contains all we know about Baucis. (Anthol. Gr. vii. 710, 712; Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Gr. p. 633.) [L. S.] BA'VIUS and MAE'VIUS, whose names have become a by-word of scorn for all jealous and malevolent poetasters, owe their unenviable immortality solely to the enmity which they displayed towards the rising genius of the most distinguished of their contemporaries, and would probably never have been heard of but for the well-known line of Virgil (Eel. iii. 90): " Qui Bavium non odit amet tua carmina, Maevi," the Epode of Horace where evil fortune is heartily anticipated to the ship which bore "rank Maevius" as its freight, and a caustic epigram by Domitius Marsus, in which one and probably both are wittily assailed. Upon the first of these passages we have the remark of Servius, " Maevius et Bavius pessimi fuerunt poetae, inimici tam Horatio quam Virgilio, unde Horatius Epod. x. etc." and again, upon the "serite hordea campis," in Georgic. i. 210, the same commentator observes, " sane reprehensus Virgilius dicitur a Bavio et Maevio hoc versu Hordea qui dixit, superest ut tritica dicat," from which it would appear, that their attack was in the form of a poetical satire, and was moreover a joint undertaking. Philargyrius, in his exposition of the third Eclogue, after giving the same account of these personages as Servius, adds, that M. Bavius was a " curator," a designation so indefinite, that it determines nothing except the fact that he enjoyed some public appointment. Finally, St. Jerome, in the Eusebian chronicle, records that M. Bavius, the poet, stigmatised by Virgil in his Bucolics, died in Cappadocia, in the third year of the hundred and eighty-sixth Olympiad, that is, B. c. 35. Porphyrion (ad Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 239) tells us, that Maevius was the author of a work upon the son of Aesopus the tragedian, and his luxury; the old Scholiast published by Longinus (Epod. x.) observes, "Maevius poeta fuit inimicus Horatii, obtrectator certe omnium virorum doctorum, ipse sectator vocum antiquarum," and an early annotator upon the Ibis (1. 525) asserts, that Maevius is the person there spoken of who lampooned the Athenians, was thrown into prison in consequence, and starved to death; but this story has not found credit among scholars, although many disputes have arisen as to the individual actually referred to. To one or other of these worthies has been attributed the practical joke played off upon Virgil, who, when rehearsing the first book of his Georgics, having chanced to make a pause after the words Nudus ara, sere nudussome one of the audience completed the verse by exclaiming -habebis frigore febrem. And to them also have been ascribed the Antibitcolica, two pastorals written expressly as a parody upon the Eclogues soon after their publication. (Donat. Vit. Virg. vii. ~ 28, xvi. ~ 61; Weichert, Poet. Lat. Reliqu., &c., p. 308, &c.) [W. R.] BEBIUS MASSA. [MASSA.] BEBRYCE (B~p'Itc?/), one of the Danaids, whom Apollodorus (ii. 1. ~ 5) calls Bryce, and
Page 479 BEL1SARI US. from whom the Bebryces in Bithynia were believed to have derived their name. (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 805.) Others however derived the Bebryces from a hero, Bebryx. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Be@pvicwv.) [L. S.] BEDAS, a sculptor, the son and pupil of Lysippus, sculptured a praying youth (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19), probably the original of which the fine bronze statue in Berlin is a copy. [W. I.] BEGOE, an Etruscan nymph, who was believed to have written the Ars fulguritarum, probably the art of purifying places which had been struck by lightning. This religious book was kept at Rome in the temple of Apollo together with the Sibylline books and the Carmina of the Marcii. (Serv. ad Aen. vi. 72.) [L. S.] BELENUS. [ABELLIO.] BE'LESIS or BE'LESYS (Bihenis, BEjAeous), the noblest of the Chaldaean priests at Babylon, who, according to the account of Ctesias, is said, in conjunction with Arbaces, the Mede, to have overthrown the old Assyrian empire. [ARBACES.] Belesis afterwards received the satrapy of Babylon from Arbaces. (Diod. ii. 24, &c. 28.) BE'LGIUS or BO'LGIUS (Bo'Ayios), the leader of that division of the Gaulish army which invaded Macedonia and Illyria in B. c. 280. He defeated the Macedonians in a great battle, in which Ptolemy Ceraunus, who had then the supreme power in Macedonia, was killed; but the Gauls did not follow up their victory, and the rest of Greece was spared for a time. (Paus. x. 19. ~ 4; Justin. xxiv. 5.) BELISA'RIUS (the name is Beli-tzar, Sclavonic for "White Prince"), remarkable as being the greatest, if not the only great general, whom the Byzantine empire ever produced. He was born about A. D. 505 (comp. Procop. Goth. i. 5, Pers. i. 12) at Germania, a town of Illyria. (Procop. Vand. i. 11, deAedif. iv. 1.) His public life is so much mixed up with the history of the times, that it need not here be given except in outline, and his private life is known to us only through the narrative of the licentiousness and intrigues of his unworthy wife Antonina in the Secret History of Procopius. He first appears as a young man in the service of Justinian under the emperor Justin I. A, D. 520-527 (Procop. Pers. i. 12), and on the accession of the former, was made general of the Eastern armies, to check the inroads of the Persians, A. D. 529-532 (Procop. Pers. i. 13-21); shortly after which he married Antonina, a woman of wealth and rank, but of low birth and morals, and following the profession of an actress. (Procop. Hist. Arcan. 4, 5.) The two great scenes of his history were the wars against the Vandals in Africa, and against the Ostrogoths in Italy. 1. The African expedition (A. D. 533, 534) was speedily ended by the taking of Carthage, the capture of the Vandal king, Gelimer, and the final overthrow of the Vandal kingdom established in Africa. (Procop. Vand. i. 11, ii. 8.) His triumph in 534 was remarkable as being the first ever seen at Constantinople, and the first ever enjoyed by a subject since the reign of Tiberius. Amongst his captives was the noble Gelimer, and the spoils of the Vandal kingdom contained the vessels of the temple of Jerusalem, that had been carried from Rome to Carthage by Genseric. He also (alone of Roman citizens besides Bonifacius) had B3ELISARIUS. 479 medals struck in his honour, with his head on the reverse (Cedrenus, i. 370), and on Jan. 1, A. D. 535, was inaugurated with great splendour as consul, and with a second triumph, conducted however not according to the new imperial, but the old republican forms. (Procop. Vand. ii. 9.) 2. The Gothic war consists of two acts, the first (A. D. 535-540), the second (A. D. 544-548). The first began in the claims laid by Justinian to Sicily, and in his demand for the abdication of the feeble Gothic king, Theodatus. It was marked by Belisarius's conquest of Sicily (535) and Naples (537), by his successful defence of Rome against the newly elected and energetic king of the Goths, Vitiges (March, 537-March, 538), and by the capture of Ravenna with Vitiges himself, Dec. 539. (Procop. Goth. i. 5, ii. 30.) He was then recalled by the jealousy of Justinian and the intrigues of rival generals, without even the honours of a triumph. (Procop. Goth. iii. i.) The interval between the two Gothic wars was occupied by his defence of the eastern frontier against the inroads of the Persians under Nushirvan or Chosroes (541-543) (Procop. Pers. i. 25), from which he was again recalled by the intrigues of the empress Theodora, and of his wife Antonina, and escaped the sentence of death only by a heavy fine, and by his complete submission to his wife. (Procop. Hist. Arcan. 3, 4.) The second act of the Gothic war, which Belisarius undertook in the office of count of the stables, arose from the revolt of the Goths and reconquest of Italy under their new king, Totila, A. D. 541 -544. (Procop. Goth. iii. 2-9.) Belisarius, on arriving in Italy, made a vigorous but vain endeavour to raise the siege of Rome (May, 546-Feb. 547), and then kept in check the hostility of the conquerors, and when they left the city, recovered and successfully defended it against them. (Procop. Goth. iii. 13-24.) His career was again cut short by the intrigues of the Byzantine court, and after a brief campaign in Lucania, he returned from Italy, Sept. A. D. 548 (Procop. Goth. iii. 29-32), and left his victories to be completed by his rival Narses in the complete overthrow of the Ostrogothic kingdom, and the establishment of the exarchate of Ravenna. (Procop. Goth. iv. 21-35.) (A. D. 549 -554.) The last victory of Belisarius was gained in repelling an inroad of the Bulgarians, A. D. 559. (Agath. Hist. v. 15-20; Theophanes, pp. 198, 199.) In A. D. 563 he was accused of a conspiracy against the life of Justinian, and his fortune was sequestered. All that is certain after this is, that he died on the 13th of March, A. D. 565. (Theophanes pp. 160, 162.) It is remarkable that whilst his life is preserved to us with more than usual accuracy-by the fact of the historian Procopius having been his secretary (Procop. Pers. i. 12), and having published both a public and private history of the timesthe circumstances of his disgrace and death are involved in great uncertainty, and historical truth has in popular fame been almost eclipsed by romance. This arises from the termination of the contemporary histories of Procopius and Agathias before the event in question; and in the void thus left, Gibbon (after Alemann) follows the story of John Malala (p. 242), and of Theoplhanes (pp. 159-162), that he was merely imprisoned for a year in his own palace (A. D. 563, 564) and
Page 480 483 BELISARIUS. restored to his honours eight months befoie his death; whilst Lord Mahon in his recent life of Belisarius, on the authority of an anonymous writer of the eleventh century, and of Tzetzes in the twelfth century, has endeavoured to revive the story which he conceives to have been handed down by tradition in Constantinople,-which was then transferred in the fifteenth century to Italy, -and which has become so famous through the French romance of Marmontel, that his eyes were put out, and that he passed the remainder of his life sitting in the streets of Constantinople and begging in the words preserved in the metrical narrative of Tzetzes. The statue in the Villa Borghese, in a sitting posture with an open hand, formerly supposed to be Belisarius, has since the time of Winkelmann been generally conjectured to represent Augustus in the act of propitiating Nemesis. In person, Belisarius was tall and handsome. (Procop. Goth. iii. 1.) As a general, he was distinguished as well by his personal prowess and his unconquerable presence of mind, as by the rapidity and comprehensiveness of his movements, and also as never having sustained defeat without good reason, and as having effected the greatest conquests with the smallest resources. His campaigns form an era in military history, as being the first conducted by a really great soldier under the influence of Christianity (for that he conformed to Christianity, even if he was not himself a Christian, is evident from his mention in connexion with the baptism of Theodosius, Procop. IHist. Arcan. 1.); and it is remarkable to trace the union of his rigorous discipline over his army (Procop. Goth. i. 28, Vand. i. 12, 16) with his considerate humanity towards the conquered, and (especially in contrast with the earlier spirit of Roman generals) his forbearance towards his enemies. (Procop. Vand. i. 16, 17, Goth. i. 10.) In a private capacity, he was temperate, chaste, and brave; but his characteristic virtue, which appeared to Gibbon " either below or above the character of a man," was the patience with which he endured his rivals' insults, and the loyalty to Justinian-in itself remarkable as one of the earliest instances in, European history of loyalty to the person of the sovereign-which caused him at the height of his success and power to return, at the emperor's order, from Africa, Persia, and Italy. Sir W. Temple (Works, vol. ii. p. 286) places him among the seven generals in the history of the world who have deserved a crown without wearing it. In his two vices-the avarice of his later life (Procop. Hist. Arcan. 5), and his uxoriousness-he has been well compared to Marlborough, except so far as the great Sarah was superior to the infamous Antonina. To her influence over him are to be ascribed the only great blots of his life-the execution of his officer, Constantine (Procop. ibid. 1), A. D. 535, the persecution of his step-son, Photius (Ibid. 1-3), A. D. 540, and the deposition of the pope Sylverius and the corrupt election of Vigilius, A. D. 537. (Goth. i. 25.) He had by Antonina an only daughter, Joannina. (Procop. Hist. Arcanz. i. 5, Goth. iii. 30.) The effects of his career are-1. The preservation of the Byzantine empire, and, with it, of the mass of ancient literature afterwards bequeathed by it to the West; both of which, but for his ap BELLEROPHON. pearance, must, humanly speaking, have perishei' in the inroad of the barbarians. 2. The timely support given to the cause of the orthodox faith ir. the Western empire at the crisis of its greatest oppression by the Arian kingdoms of the Goths and Vandals in all the western provinces. 3. The temporary infusion of Byzantine art and of the Greek language into Italy by the establishment of the exarchate of Ravenna on the ruins of the Ostrc gothic kingdom. 4. The substitution of the By zantine for the Vandal dominion in Africa and Sicily, and the consequent preparation for their future submission to the Mohammedan conquerors, and their permanent desolation, from the fact of his having made them the provinces of a distant and declining empire, instead of leaving them to become the homes of a warlike and vigorous nation. The authorities for the life of Belisarius are the works of Procopius; for the Bulgarian war, Agathias (v.15, 20) and Theophanes (pp. 198,199); and for his death, those mentioned above. In modern times, the chief authority is Gibbon (cc. 41 and 43); Lord Mahon's Life of Belisarius, in which several inaccuracies in Gibbon's account are pointed out; and a review of this last-mentioned work in the Wiener JairhbiUcher, by Von Hammer. [A. P. S.] BELLE'ROPHON or BELLEROPHONTES (BeXXepow CV or BeNAepo er'77ms), properly called Hipponous, was a son of the Corinthian king Glaucus and Eurymede, and a grandson of Sisyphus. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 3; Hoem. II. vi. 155.) According to Hyginus (Fab. 157; comp. Pind. 01. xiii. 66), he was a son of Poseidon and Eurymede. He is said to have received the name Bellerophon or Belleropliontes from having slain the noble Corinthian, Bellerus. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 17; Eustath. Homn. p. 632.) Others related, that he had slain his own brother, Deliades, Peiren, or Alcimenes. (Apollod. ii. 3. ~ 1, &c.) In order to be purified from the murder, whichever it may have been, he fled to Proetus, whose wife Anteia fell in love with the young hero; but her offers being rejected by him, she accused him to her husband of having made improper proposals to her, and insisted upon his being put to death. Proetus, unwilling to kill him with his own hands, sent him to his father-in-law, lobates, king in Lycia, with a sealed letter in which the latter was requested to put the young man to death. lobates accordingly sent him to kill the monster Chimaera, thinking that lie was sure to perish in the contest. Bellerophon mounted the winged horse, Pegasus, and rising up with him into the air, killed the Chimaera from on high with his arrows. lobates, being thus disappointed, sent Bellerophon out again, first against the Solymi and next against the Amazons. In these contests too he was victorious; and when, on his return to Lycia, he was attacked by the bravest Lycians, whom lobates had placed in ambush for the purpose, Bellerophon slew them all. lobates, now seeing that it was hopeless to attempt to kill the hero, shewed him the letter he had received from Proetus, gave him his daughter (PhilonoU, Anticleia, or Cassandra) for his wife, and made him his successor on the throne. Bellerophon became the father of Isander, Hippolochus, and Laodameia. Here Apollodorus breaks off the story; and Homer, whose account (vi. 155-202) differs in some points from that of Apollodorus, describes the later period of Bellero
Page 481 BELLIENUS. phon's life only by saying, that he drew upon himself the hatred of the gods, and, consumed by grief, wandered lonely through the Alei'an field, avoiding the paths of men. We must here remark with Eustathius, that Homer knows nothing of Bellerophon killing the Chimaera with the help of Pegasus, which must therefore be regarded in all probability as a later embellishment of the story. The manper in which he destroyed the Chimaera is thus described by Tzetzes (1. c.): he fixed lead to the point ~of his lance, and thrust it into the fire-breathing Smouth of the Chimaera, who was accordingly killed by the molten lead. According to others, Bellerophon was assisted by Athena Chalinitis or Hippia. (Pans. ii. 1. ~ 4; Pind. 1. c.; Strab. viii. p. 379.) Some traditions stated, that he attempted to rise with Pegasus into heaven, but that Zeus sent a gad-fly, which stung Pegasus so, that he threw off the rider upon the earth, who became lame or blind in consequence. (Pind. Isth. vii. 44; Schol. ad Pind. 01. xiii. 130; Horat. Carm. iv. 11. 26.) A "peculiar story about Bellerophon is related by Plutarch. (De Virt. Mul. p. 247, &c.) Bellerophon was worshipped as a hero at Corinth, and had a sanctuary near the town in the cypress grove, Crancion. (Paus. ii. 2. ~ 4.) Scenes of the story of Bellerophon were frequently represented in ancient works of art. His contest with the Chimaera was seen on the throne of Amyclae (ii. 18. ~ 7), and in the vestibule of the Delphic temple. (Enrip. Ion, 203.) On coins, gems, and vases he is often seen fighting against the Chimaera, taking leave of Proetus, taming Pegasus or giving him to drink, or falling from him. But, until the recent discoveries in Lycia by Mr. Fellows, no representation of Bellerophon in any important work of art was known; in Lycian sculptures, however, he is seen riding on Pegasus and conquering the Chimaera. [Comp. CHIMAERA and PEGASUS.] [L. S.] BELLERUS. [BELLEROPHON.] BELLIE'NUS, the name of a family of the Annia gens. The word is sometimes written Bilienus. 1. L. (ANNIUS) BELLIENUS, praetor in i. c. 107, served under Marius in the war against Jugurtha and Bocchus. (Sall. Jug. 104.) 2. C. ANNIUS BELLIENUS, one of the legates of M,. Fon teis in Gallia Narbonensis, B.. 72. (Cic. pro Font. 4.) 3. L. (ANNIus) BELLIENUS, the uncle of Catiline, killed, by command of Sulla, Lucretius Ofella, who attempted to obtain the consulship contrary to Sulla's wish. Bellienus was condemned in B. c. 64. (Ascon. in Tog. Cand. p. 92, ed. Orelli; comp. Appian, B. C. i. 101.) 4. L. (ANNIus) BELLIENUS, perhaps a son of the preceding, whose house was burnt down after the murder of Caesar in B. c. 44. (Cic. Phil. ii. 36.) 5. BELLIENUS, originally a slave, born in the f:imily of one Demetrius, was stationed at Intemelium with a garrison in B. c. 49, where he put to death, in consequence of a sum of money which he had received from the opposite party, Domitius, a man of noble rank in the town, and a friend of Caesar's. Thereupon the Intemelians took up arms, and Caelius had to march to. the town with some cohorts, to put down the insurrection. (Cic. ad Fam. viii. 15; comp. xvi. 22.) C. BELLIE'NUS, a distinguished Roman orator and jurist, who was prevented by the disorders which occurred in the time of Marius from attaining the consulship. (Cic. Brut. 47.) He is sup BELUS. 481 posed by Trietanus (Conzm. P. i. p. 90) to be the same person with C. Annius Bellienus mentioned above [No. 2], but Ernesti (Clav. Cic.) repudiates this conjecture, as not easily reconcileable with dates. [J. T. G.] BELLI'NUS, a Roman praetor, who was taken prisoner by the pirates, about B.c. 68 (Plut. Pomp. 24; comp. Appian, Mihir. 93), may perhaps be a false reading for Bellienus. BELLO'NA, the goddess of war among the Romans. It is very probable that origiinaiy Bellona was a Sabine divinity whose worship ';as carried to Rome by the Sabine settlers. She is frequently mentioned by the Roman poets as the companion of Mars, or even as his sister or his wife. Virgil describes her as armed with a bloody scourge. (Virg. Aen. viii. 703; Lucan, Phars. vii. 569; Horat. Sat. ii. 3. 223.) The main object for which Bellona was worshipped and invoked, was to grant a warlike spirit and enthusiasm which no enemy could resist; and it was for this reason, for she had been worshipped at Rome from early times (Liv. viii. 9), that in B. c. 296, during the war against the Samnites, Appius Claudius the Blind vowed the first temple of Bellona, which was accordingly erected in the Campus Martius close by the Circus Flaminius. (Liv. x. 19; Ov. Fast. vi. 201, &c.) This temple subsequently became of great political importance, for in it the senate assembled to give audience to foreign ambassadors, whom it was not thought proper to admit into the city, to generals who returned from a campaign for which they claimed the honour of a triumph, and on other occasions. (Liv. xxviii. 9, xxx. 21; Dict. of Ant. s.v. Legatus.) In front of the entrance to the temple there stood a pillar, which served for making the symbolical declarations of war; for the area of the temple was regarded as a symbolical representation of the enemies' country, and the pillar as that of the frontier, and the declaration of war was made by launching a spear over the pillar. This ceremony, so long as the Roman dominion was of small extent, had been performed on the actual frontier of the enemy's country. (Ov. Fast. vi. 205, &c.; Serv. ad Aen. ix. 53; Liv. i. 32; Dict. of Adt. s. v. Fetiales.) The priests of Bellona were called Bellonarii, and when they offered sacrifices to her, they had to wound their own arms or legs, and either to offer up the blood or drink it themselves, in order to become inspired with a warlike enthusiasm. This sacrifice, which was afterwards softened down into a mere symbolic act, took place on the 24th of March, which day was called di-, sanguinis for this reason. (Lucan, i. 565; Martial, xii. 57; Tertull. Apolog. 9; Lactant. i. 21; comp. Heindorf, ad IHor. Sat. 1. c.; Hartung, Die Relig. der' Rwmer, ii. p. 270, &c.; C. Tiesler, De BeUlonae C ueiU et Sacris, Berlin, 1842, 8vo.) [L. S.] BELLOVE'SUS. [AMBIaATUS.] BELUS (BijXos). 1. A son of Poseidon by Libya or Eurynome. He was a twin-brother of Agenor, and father of Aegyptus and Danaus. He was believed to be the ancestral hero and national divinity of several eastern nations, from whence the legends about him were transplanted to Greece and became mixed up with Greek myths. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 4; Diod. i. 28; Serv. ad Acn. i. 733.) 2. The father of Dido, who conquered Cyprus and then gave it to Teucer. (Virg. Aen. i. 621; Serv. ad Aen. i. 625, 646.) [L.S.] 21
Page 482 482 BERENICE. BELLUTUS, C. SICINIUS, was the leader of the plebs in their secession to the Sacred Mountain, B. c. 494, and was afterwards one of the first tribunes of the plebs elected in that year. (Liv. ii. 32, 33; Dionys. vi. 45, 70, 72, 82, 89.) He was plebeian aedile in 492 (Dionys. vii. 14), and tribune again in 491, when he distinguished himself by his attacks upon Coriolanus, who was brought to trial in that year. (Dionys. vii. 33-39, 61.) Asconius calls him (in Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli) L. Sicinius L. f. Bellutus. It is most probable that his descendants, one of whom we are expressly told was tribune in B. c. 449 (Liv. iii. 54), also bore the cognomen Bellutus; but as they are not mentioned by this name in ancient writers, they are given under SICINIUS. BEMA'RCHIUS (BppoXtos), a Greek sophist and rhetorician of Caesareia in Cappadocia, who lived in or shortly after the time of the emperor Constantine, whose history he wrote in a work consisting of ten books. He also wrote declamations and various orations; but none of his works have come down to us. (Suidas, s. v. BmUaPXLos; Liban. Orat. p. 24, &c. ed. Reiske.) [L. S.] BENDIS (BEfvis), a Thracian divinity in whom the moon was worshipped. Hesychius (s. v. aihoyXov) says, that the poet Cratinus called this goddess ilAoyXos, either because she had to discharge two duties, one towards heaven and the other towards the earth, or because she bore two lances, or lastly, "because she had two lights, the one her own and the other derived from the sun. In Greece she was sometimes identified with Persephone, but more commonly with Artemis. (Proclus, Theolog. p. 353.) From an expression of Aristophanes, who in his comedy " The Lemnian Women" called her the y eydA\r beds (Phot. Lex. and Hesych. s. v.), it may be inferred, that she was worshipped in Lemnos; and it was either from this island or from Thrace that her worship was introduced into Attica; for we know, that as early as the time of Plato the Bendideia were celebrated in Peiraeeus every year on the twentieth of Thargelion. (Hesych. s. v. BElvts; Plat. Rep. i. 1; Proclus, ad Tim. p. 9; Xen. IHell. ii. 4. ~ 11; Strab. x. p. 471; Liv. xxxviii. 41.) [L. S.] BERECY'NTHIA (BepeKvovia), a surname of Cybele, which she derived either from mount Berecynthus, or from a fortified place of that name in Phrygia, where she was particularly worshipped. Mount Berecynthus again derived its name from Berecynthus, a priest of Cybele. (Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 246; Serv. ad Aen. ix. 82, vi. 785; Strab. x. p. 472; Plut. deFlum. 10.) [L.S.] BERENICE (BEevidb), a Macedonic form of Pherenice ({epsEivKc). I. Egyptian Berenices. 1. A daughter of Lagus by Antigone, niece of Antipater, was married first to Philip, an obscure Macedonian, and afterwards to Ptolemy Soter (the reputed son of Lagus by Arsinoe), who fell in love with her when she came to Egypt in attendance on his bride Eurydice, Antipater's daughter. (Schol. ad Theoc. Idyll. xvii. 61; Paus. i. 6, 7.) She had such influence over her husband that she procured the succession to the throne for her son Ptolemy Philadelphus, to the exclusion of Eurydice's children,-and this, too, in spite of the remonstrances of Demetrius of Phalerus with the king. (Just. xvi. 2; Diog. Laert. v. 78; comp. Ael. V. H. iii. 17.) Plutarch BERENICE. speaks of her as the first in virtue and wisdom of the wives of Ptolemy, and relates that Pyrrhus of Epeirus, when he was placed with Ptolemy as a hostage for Demetrius, courted her favour especially, and received in marriage Antigone, her daughter by her first husband Philip. Pyrrhus is also said to have given the name of " Berenicis," in honour of her, to a city which he built in Epeirus. (Plut. Pyrrh. 4, 6.) After her death her son Philadelphus instituted divine honours to her, and Theocritus (Idyll. xvii. 34, &c., 123) celebrates her beauty, virtue, and deification. See also Athen. v. pp. 202, d., 203, a.; Theoc. Idyll. xv. 106; and the pretty Epigram (55) of Callimachus. It seems doubtful whether the Berenice, whose humane interference with her husband on behalf of criminals is referred to by Aelian (.K 1-. xiv. 43), is the subject of the present article, or the wife of Ptolemy III. (Euergetes.) See Perizonius, ad A el. 1. c. 2. Daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, became the wife of Antiochus Theos, king of Syria, according to the terms of the treaty between him and Ptolemy, B. c. 249, which required him to divorce Laodice and marry the Egyptian princess, establishing also the issue of the latter as his successors. On the death, however, of Ptolemy, B. c. 247, Antiochus put Berenice away and recalled Laodice, who notwithstanding, having no faith in his constancy, caused him to be poisoned. Berenice fled in alarm to Daphne with her son, where being besieged they fell into the hands of Laodice's partizans, and were murdered with all their Egyptian attendants, the forces of the Asiatic cities and of Ptolemy Euergetes (brother of Berenice) arriving only in time to avenge them. These events are prophetically referred to by Daniel in the clearest manner. (Polyb. Fragm. Hist. 54, v. 58, ad fin.; Athen. ii. p. 45, c.; Just. xxvii. 1; Polyaen. viii. 50; Appian, Syr. 65, p. 130; Dan. xi. 6, and Hieron. ad loc.) 3. Grand-daughter of Berenice, No. 1, and daughter of Magas, who was first governor and then king of Cyrene. Athenaeus (xv. p. 689, a.) calls her, if we follow the common reading, " Berenice the Great," but perhaps rj Mdya should be substituted for ii AEyacA. (Schweigh. ad Athen. 1. c.) She was betrothed by her father to Ptolemy Euergetes, as one of the terms of the peace between himself and his half-brother Ptolemy II. (Philadelphus), the father of Euergetes.
Page 483 BERENICE. Magas died, however, before the treaty was executed, and his wife Arsinoe* (Just. xxvi. 3), to prevent the marriage of Berenice with Ptolemy, offered her, together with the kingdom, to Demetrius, brother of Antigonus Gonatas. On his arrival, however, at Cyrene, Arsinoe fell in love with him herself, and Berenice accordingly, whom he had slighted, caused him to be murdered in the very arms of her mother; she then went to Egypt, and became the wife of Ptolemy. When her son, Ptolemy IV. (Philopator), came to the throne, B. c. 221, he put her and his brother Magas to death, at the instigation of his prime minister Sosibius, and against the remonstrances of Cleomenes III. of Sparta. The famous hair of Berenice, which she dedicated for her husband's safe return from his Syrian expedition [see No. 2] in the temple of Arsinoi at Zephyrium ('A popeiT- ZE6vp?'rts), and which was said by the courtly Conon of Samos to have become a constellation, was celebrated by Callimachus in a poem, which, with the exception of a few lines, is lost. There is, however, a translation of it by Catullus, which has been re-translated into indifferent Greek verse by Salvini the Florentine. (Polyb. v. 36, xv. 25; Just. xxvi. 3, xxx. 1; Plut. Demetr. ad fin., Cleom. 33; Catull. 1xvii.; Muret. ad loc.; Hygin. Poi't. Astron. ii. 24; Thrige, Res Cyren. ~~ 59-61.) Hyginus (1. c.) speaks of Berenice as the daughter of Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe [No. 2, p. 366, b.]; but the account above given rests on far better authority. And though Catullus, translating Callimachus, calls her the sister of her husband Euergetes, yet this may merely mean that she was his cousin, or may also be explained from the custom of the queens of the Ptolemies being called their sisters as a title of honour; and thus in either way may we reconcile Callimachus with Polybius and Justin. (See Thrige, Res Cyren. ~ 61; Droysen, Gesch. der Naclfolyer Alexanders, Tabb. xiv. xv.) 4. Otherwise called Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy IX. (Lathyrus), succeeded her father on the throne, B. c. 81, and married her first cousin, Alexander II., son of Alexander I., and grandson of Ptolemy VIII. (Physcon), whom Sulla, then dictator, had sent to Egypt to take possession of the kingdom. Nineteen days after her marriage she was murdered by her husband, and Appian tells us, that he was himself put to death by his subjects about the same time; but this is doubtful. (Paus. i. 9;,Appian, Bell. Civ. i. p. 414; but see Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 16; Appian, Mithr. p. 251.) 5. Daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, and eldest sister of the famous Cleopatra (Strab. xii. p. 558), was placed on the throne by the Alexandrines when they drove out her father, B. c. 58. (Dion Cass. xxxix. 12, &c.; Liv. Epit. 104; Plut. Cat. Min. 35; Strab. xvii. p. 796.),She married first Seleucus Cybiosactes, brother of Antiochus XIII. (Asiaticus) of Syria, who had some claim to the throne of Egypt through his mother Selene, the sister of Lathyrus. Berenice, however, was soon disgusted with the sordid character of Seleucus, and caused him to be put to death. (Strab. 1. c.; Dion Cass. xxxix. 57; comp. Sucton. Vespas. 19.) She next married Archelaus, whom Pompey had "* Pausanias (i. 7) mentions Apama as the name of the wife of Magas; but she may have had both names, or Arsino- may have been his second wife. See p. 367, a.; and Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, ~ 60. BERENICE. 483 made priest and king of Comana in Pontus, or, according to another account, in Cappadocia; but, six months after this, Auletes was restored to his kingdom by the Romans under Gabinius, and Archelaus and Berenice were slain, B. c. 55. (Liv. Epit. 105; Dion Cass. xxxix. 55-58; Strab. xvii. p. 796, xii. p. 558; Hirt. de Bell. Alex. 66; Plut. Ant. 3; comp. Cic. ad Fam. i. 1-7, ad Q. Fr. ii. 2.) II. Jewnish Berenices. 1. Daughter of Costobarus and Salome, sister of Herod the Great, was married to Aristobulus, her first cousin. [ARISTOBULUS, No. 4.] This prince, proud of his descent through Mariamne from the blood of the Maccabees, is said by Josephus to have taunted Berenice with her inferiority of birth; and her consequent complaints to Salome served to increase that hostility of the latter to Aristobulus which mainly caused his death. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5, 94, xvi. 1. ~ 2, 4. ~ 1, 7. ~ 3; Bell. Jud. i. 23. ~ 1, 24. ~ 3.) After his execution, B. c. 6, Berenice became the wife of Theudion, maternal uncle to Antipater the eldest son of Herod the Great,Antipater having brought about the marriage with the view of conciliating Salome and disarming her suspicions of himself. (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 1. ~ 1; Bell. Jud. i. 28. ~ 1.) Josephus does not mention the death of Theudion, but it is probable that he suffered for his share in Antipater's plot against the life of Herod. [See p. 203, a.] (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 4. ~ 2; Bell. Jud. i. 30. ~ 5.) Berenice certainly appears to have been again a widow when she accompanied her mother to Rome with Archelaus, who went thither at the commencement of his reign to obtain from Augustus the ratification of his father's will. (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 9. ~ 3; Bell. Jud. ii. 2. ~ 1.) At Rome she seems to have continued for the rest of her life, enjoying the favour of Augustus and the friendship of Antonia, wife of the elder Drusus. [ANTONIA, No. 6.] Antonia's affection, indeed, for Berenice exhibited itself even after the death of the latter, and during the reign of Tiberius, in offices of substantial kindness to her son Agrippa I., whom she furnished with the means of discharging his debt to the treasury of the emperor. (Strab. xvi. p. 765; Joseph. Ant. xviii. 6. ~~ 1-6.) 2. The eldest daughter of Agrippa I., by his wife Cypros, was espoused at a very early age to Marcus, son of Alexander the Alabarch; but he died before the consummation of the marriage, and she then became the wife of her uncle, Herod, king of Chalcis, by whom she had two sons. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5. ~ 4, xix. 5. ~ 1, 9. ~ 1, xx. 5. ~ 2, 7. ~ 3; Bell. Jud. ii. 2. ~ 6.) After the death of Herod, A. D. 48, Berenice, then 20 years old, lived for a considerable time with her brother, and not without suspicion of an incestuous commerce with him, to avoid the scandal of which she induced Polemon, king of Cilicia, to marry her; but she soon deserted him and returned to Agrippa, with whom she was living in A. D. 62, when St. Paul defended himself before him at Caesareia. (Joseph. Ant. xx. 7. ~ 3; Juv. vi. 156; Acts, xxv. xxvi.) About A. D. 65, we hear of her being at Jerusalem (whither she had gone for the performance of a vow), and interceding for the Jews with Gessius Florus, at the risk of her life, during his cruel massacre of them. (Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 15. ~ 1.) Together with her brother, she endeavoured to divert her countrymen from their 212
Page 484 484 BEROSUS. BEROSUS. purpose of rebellion (Bell. Jud. ii. 16. ~ 5); and Greek cannot be surprising; for, after the Greek having joined the Romans with him on the out- language had commenced to be spoken in the East, break of the war, she gained the favour of Vespasian a desire appears to have sprung up in some learned by her munificent presents, and the love of Titus persons to make the history of their respective by her beauty. Her connexion with the latter countries known to the Greeks: hence Menander of continued at Rome, whither she went after the Tyre wrote the history of Phoenicia, and Manetho capture of Jerusalem, and it is said that he wished that of Egypt. The historical work of Berosus to make her his wife; but the fear of offending the consisted of three books, and is sometimes called Romans by such a step compelled him to dismiss BagvuewracaE, and sometimes XaX8atica or torropial her, and, though she afterwards returned to Rome, XaX8ai cat. (Athen. xiv. p. 639; Clem. Alex. Strom. he still avoided a renewal of their intimacy. (Tac. i. p. 1 42, Protrept. 19.) The work itself is lost, Fist. ii. 2, 81; Suet. Tit. 7; Dion Cass. 1xvi. but we possess several fragments of it, which are 15, 18.) Quintilian (Inst. Orat. iv. 1) speaks of preserved in Josephus, Eusebins, Syncellus, and having pleaded her cause on some occasion, not the Christian fathers, who made great use of the further alluded to, on which she herself sat as work, for Berosus seems to have been acquainted judge. [E. E.] with the sacred books of the Jews, whence his BERI'SADES (Bepto-acsS), a ruler in Thrace, statements often agree with those of the Old Teswho inherited, in conjunction withl Amadocus and tament. We know that Berosus also treated of Cersobleptes, the dominions of Cotys on the death the history of the neighbouring countries, such as of the latter in B. c. 358. Berisades was probably Chaldaea and Media. (Agathias, ii. 24.) Hie hima son of Cotys and a brother of the other two self states, that he derived the materials for his princes. His reign was short, as he was already work from the archives in the temple of Belus, dead in B. c. 352; and on his death Cersobleptes where chronicles were kept by the priests; but he declared war against his children. (Dem. in AIris- appears to have used and interpreted the early or tocr. pp. 623, 624.) The Birisades (Biptoa"d6ies) mythical history, according to the views current in mentioned by Deinarchus (c. Dem. p. 95) is pro- his time. From the fragments extant we see that bably the same as Parisades, the king of Bosporus, the work embraced the earliest traditions about who must not be confounded with the Berisades the human race, a description of Babylonia and its mentioned above. The Berisades, king of Pontus, population, and a chronological list of its kings whom Stratonicus, the player on the lyre, visited down to the time of the great Cyrus. The history (Athen. viii. p. 349, d.), must also be regarded as of Assyria, Media, and even Armenia, seenms to the same as Parisades. [PA-RISADES.] have been constantly kept in view also. There is BEROE (Bepio'), a Trojan woman, married to a marked difference, in many instances, between Doryclus, one of the companions of Aeneas. Iris the statements of Ctesias and those of Berosus; assumed the appearance of BeroP when she per- but it is erroneous to infer from this, as some have suaded the women to set ftre to the ships of Aeneas done, that Berosus forged some of his statements. on the coast of Sicily. (Virg. Aen. v. 620, &c.) The difference appears sufficiently accounted for There are three other mythical personages of this by the circumstance, that Ctesias had recourse to name, concerning whom nothing of interest is re- Assyrian and Persian sources, while Berosus follated. (Hygin. Fab. 167; Virg. Georg. iv. 341; lowed the Babylonian, Chaldaean, and the Jewish, Nonnus, Dionys. xli. 155.) [L. S.] which necessarily placed the same events in a difBEROE, the wife of Glaucias, an Illyrian king, ferent light, and may frequently have differed in took charge of Pyrrhus when his father, Aeacides, their substance altogether. The fragments of was expelled from Epeirus in B. c. 316. (Justin, the Babylonica are collected at the end of Scaliger's xvii. 3.) work de Enmendatione Tenmporusn, and more comBERONICIA'NUS (Beposvmavd's), of Sardis, plete in Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. xiv. p. 175, &c., of a philosopher of considerable reputation, mentioned the old edition. The best collection is that by only by Eunapius. ( Vit. Soph. sub fin.) J. D. G. Richter. (Berosi Chald. Historiae quac BERO'SUS (Bipwao's or Bepwcerde.), a priest of supersunt; cum Comment. de Berosi Vita, 4-c. Lips. Belus at Babylon, and an historian. His name is 1825, 8vo.) usually considered to be the same as Bar or ier Berosus is also mentioned as one of the earliest Oseas, that is, son of Oseas. (Scalig. Ainimadr. ad writers on astronomy, astrology, and similar subEeuseb. p. 248.) He was born in tile reign of Alex- jects; but what Pliny, Vitruvius, and Seneca have ander the Great, and lived till that of Antiochus II. preserved of him on these subjects does not give us surnamed 0oes (B. c. 261-246), in whose reign lie a high idea of his astronomical or mathematical is said to have written his history of Babylonia. knowledge. Pliny (vii. 37) relates, that the Athe(Tatian, adv. Gent. 58; Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. nians erected a statue to him in a gymnasium, with p. 289.) Respecting the personal history of Berosus a gilt tongue to honour his extraordinary predicscarcely anything is known; but he must have tions; Vitruvius (ix. 4, x. 7, 9) attributes to himi been a man of education and extensive learning, the invention of a semicircular sun-dial (hemnicyand was well acquainted with the Greek language, clini), and states that, in his later years, he setwhich the conquests of Alexander had diffused tied in the island of Cos, where he founded a school over a great part of Asia. Some writers have of astrology. By the statement of Justin Martyr thought that they can discover in the extant frag-' (Cohort. ad Graec. c. 39; comp. Paus. x. 12. ~ 5; ments of his work traces of the author's ignorance and Suidas, s. v. ievSAAe), that the Babylonian of the Chaldee language, and thus have come to Sibyl who gave oracles at Cuma in the time of the the conclusion, that the history of Babylonia was Tarquins was a daughter of the historian Berosus, the work of a Greek, who assumed the name of a some writers have been led to place the real Berocelebrated Babylonian. But this opinion is with- sus at a much earlier date, and to consider the hisout any foundation at all. The fact that a Baby- tory which bore his name as the forgery of a Greek, lonian wrote the history of his own country in But there is little or no reason for such an hlypo
Page 485 BESSUS. thesis, for Justin may have confounded the wellknown historian vith some earlier Babylonian of the name of Berosus; or, what is more probable, the Sibyl whom he mentions is a recent one, and may really have been the daughter of the historian. (Paus.l.c.) [SIBYLLAE.] Other writers again have been inclined to assume, that Berosus the historian was a different person from the astrologer; but this opinion too is not supported by satisfactory evidence. The work entitled Berosi Autiquiatlum libri quinque cum Comimentariis Joannis A znii, which appeared at Rome in 1498, fol., and was afterwards often reprinted and even translated into Italian, is one of the many fabrications of Giovanni Nanni, a Dominican monk of Viterbo, better known under the name of Annius of Viterbo, who died in 1502. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 163, &c.; Vossius, De Hist. Graec. p. 120, &c., ed. Westermann; and Richter's Introduction to his edition of the Fragments.) [L. S.] BERYLLUS (BepvXAds), bishop of Bostra in Arabia, A. D. 230, maintained that the Son of God had no distinct personal existence before the birth of Christ, and that Christ was only divine as having the divinity of the Father residing in him, communicated to him at his birth as a ray or emanation from the Father. At a council held at Bostra (A. D. 244) he was convinced by Origen of the error of his doctrine, and returned to the Catholic faith. He wrote Hymns, Poems, and Letters, several of the latter to Origen, thanking him for having reclaimed him. A work was extant in the time of Eusebius and of Jerome, in which was an account of the questions discussed between Beryllus and Origen. None of his works are extant. (Euseb. H. E. vi. 20, 33; Hieron. de Vir. fllustr. c. 60; Socrates, H. E. iii. 7.) [P. S.] BERY'TIUS, a surname given to several writers from their being natives of Berytus. See ANATOLIUS, fHERMIPPUS, LUPERCUS, TAURUS. BESANTI'NUS (Bo-av'rThos). The Vatican MS. of the Greek Anthology attributes to an author of this name two epigrams, of which one is also ascribed to Pallas (Anal. ii. p. 435, No. 134; Jacobs, iii. p. 142), and the other (Jacobs, Paral. ex Cod. Vat. 42, xiii. p. 651) is included among the epigrams of Theognis. (Vv. 527, 528, Bekk.) This latter epigram is quoted by Stobaeus as of "Theognis or Besantinus." (Tit. cxvi. 11.) The " Egg" of Simmias (Anal. i. p. 207, Jacobs, i. p. 140) bears the following title in the Vatican MS.: BarravrTivov "Polov cWdv Awo'eida aip Zy/l.ov, adpporepot 7ydp 'PSiLoi. Hence we may infer that Besantinus was a Rhodian. An author of this name is repeatedly quoted in the Etymologicum Magnum (pp. 608, 1. 57, 685, 1. 56, Sylb.), whom Fabricius (Bibl. Graec. x. 772) rightly identifies with the Helladius Besantinus of Photius. [HELLADIUS.] The name is also spelt Bisantinus. (BmcravrTvos, Etym. Mag. p. 212. 49; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 467.) [P. S.] BESSUS (BiroTos), was satrap of Bactria in Ihe time of Dareius III. (Codomannus), who saw reason to suspect him of treachery soon after the battle of Issus, and summoned him accordingly from his satrapy to Babylon, where he was collecting forces for the continuance of the war. (Curt. iv. 6. ~ 1.) At the battle of Arbela, B. c. B31, Bessus commanded the left wing of the Persian army, and was thus directly opposed to Alex BESTIA. 485 ander himself. (Curt. iv. 12. ~ 6; Arr. Anab. iii. p. 59, e.) After this battle, when the fortunes of Dareius seemed hopelessly ruined, Bessus formed a plot with Nabarzanes and others to seize the king, and either to put him to death and make themselves masters of the empire, or to deliver him up to Alexander, according to circumstances. Soon after the flight of Dareius from Ecbatana (where, after the battle of Arbela, he had taken refuge), the conspirators, who had the Bactrian troops at their command, succeeded in possessing themselves of the king's person, and placed him in chains. But, being closely pressed in pursuit by Alexander, and having in vain urged Dareius to mount a horse and continue his flight with them, they filled up by his murder the measure of their treason, B. c. 330. (Curt. v. 9-13; Arr. Anab. iii. pp. 68, 69; Diod. xvii. 73"; Plut. Alex. 42.) After this deed Bessus fled into Bactria, where lie collected a considerable force, and assumed the name and insignia of royalty, with the title of Artaxerxes. (Curt. vi. 6. ~ 13; Arr. Anab. iii. p. 71, d.) On the approach of Alexander, he fled from him beyond the Oxus, but was at length betrayed by two of his followers, and fell into the hands of Ptolemy, whom Alexander had sent forward to receive him. (Curt. vii. 5; Arr. Anab. iii. p. 75; comp. Strab. xi. p. 513.) He was brought naked before the conqueror, and, having been scourged, was sent to Zariaspa, the capital of Bactria (Strab. xi. p. 514): here, a council being afterwards held upon him, he was sentenced to suffer mutilation of his nose and ears, and was delivered for execution to Oxathres, the brother of Dareius, who put him to a cruel death. The mode of it is variously related, and Plutarch even makes Alexander himself the author of the shocking barbarity which he describes. (Curt. vii. 5, 10; Arr. Anab. iv. p. 82, d.; Ptolem. and Aristobul. ap. Arr. Anab. iii. ad fin.; Diod. xvii. 83; Plut. Alex. 43; Just. xii. 5.) [E. E.] BESTES (BeTo-Ts), perhaps Vestes, surnamed Conostaulus, a Greek interpreter of the Novells, filled the office of judex veli, and probably lived soon after the age of Justinian. He is cited by Harmenopulus (Promptuarium, p. 426, ed. 1587), and mentioned by Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli. (Praenotat. Mystagog. p. 372.) [J. T. G.] BE'STIA, the name of a family of the plebeian Calpurnia gens. 1. L. CALPURNIUS BESTIA, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 121, obtained in his tribuneship the recall of P. Popillius Laenas, who had been banished through the efforts of C. Gracchus in 123. (Cic. Brut. 34; comp. Vell. Pat. ii. 7; Plut. C. Gracch. 4.) This made him popular with the aristocratical party, who then had the chief power in the state; and it was through their influence doubtless that he obtained the consulship in 111. The war against Jugurtha was assigned to him. He prosecuted it at first with the greatest vigour; but when Jugurtha offered him and his legate, M. Scaurus, large sums of money, he concluded a peace with the Numidian without consulting the senate, and returned to Rome to hold the comitia. His conduct excited the greatest indignation at Rome, and the aristocracy was obliged to yield to the wishes of the people, and allow an investigation into the whole matter. A bill was introduced for the purpose by C. Mamilius LimetanIus, and three commissioners or judges (quaesitores) appointed, one
Page 486 486 BIANOR. of whom Scaurus contrived to be chosen. Many men of high rank were condemned, and Bestia among the rest, B. c. 110. The nature of Bestia's punishment is not mentioned; but he was living at Rome in B. c. 90, in which year he went voluntarily into exile, after the passing of the Varia lex, by which all were to be brought to trial who had been engaged in exciting the Italians to revolt. Bestia possessed many good qualities; he was prudent, active, and capable of enduring fatigue, not ignorant of warfare, and undismayed by danger; but his greediness of gain spoilt all. (Cic. 1. c.; Sail. Jug. 27-29, 40, 65; Appian, B. C. i. 37; Val. Max. viii. 6. ~ 4.) 2. L. CALPURNIUS BESTIA, probably a grandson of the preceding, was one of the Catilinarian conspirators, and is mentioned by Sallust as tribune of the plebs in the year in which the conspiracy was detected, B. c. 63. It appears, however, that he was then only tribune designatus; and that he held the office in the following year, B. c. 62, though he entered upon it, as usual, on the 10th of December, 63. It was agreed among the conspirators, that Bestia should make an attack upon Cicero in the popular assembly, and that this should be the signal for their rising in the following night. The vigilance of Cicero, however, as is well known, prevented this. (Saill. Cat. 17, 43; Appian, B. C. ii. 3; Plut. Cic. 23; Schol. Bob. pro Sest. p. 294, pro Sull. p. 366, ed Orelli.) Bestia was aedile in B. c. 59, and was an unsuccessful candidate for the praetorship in 57, notwithstanding his bribery, for which he was brought to trial in the following year and condemned. He was defended by his former enemy, Cicero, who had now become reconciled to him, and speaks of him as his intimate friend in his oration for Caelius. (c. 11.) After Caesar's death, Bestia attached himself to Antony, whom he accompanied to Matina in B. c. 43, in hopes of obtaining the consulship in the place of M. Brutus, although he had not been praetor. (Cic. Phil. xiii. 12, ad Qu. Fr. ii. 3, Phil. xi. 5, xii. 8, xiii. 2.) BETILIE'NUS or BETILLI'NUS. [BASSUs, BETILIENUS.] BETU'CIUS BARRUS. [BARRUS.] BIA (Bia), the personification of mighty force, is described as the daughter of the Titan Pallas and Styx, and as a sister of Zelos, Cratos, and Nice. (HIesiod. Theogq. 385; Aeschyl. Prom. 12.) [L.S.] BIA'DICE (Bmaiun), or, as some MSS. call her, Demodice, the wife of Creteus, who on account of her love for Phrixus meeting with no return, accused him before Athamas. Athamas therefore wanted to kill his son, but he was saved by Nephele. (Hygin. Pocit. Astr. ii. 20; Schol. ad Pind. Pylth. iv. 288; comp. ATHAMAS.) [L. S.] BIA'NOR, an ancient hero of the town of Mantua, was a son of Tiberis and Manto, and was also called Ocnus or Aucnus. He is said to have built the town of Mantua, and to have called it after his mother. According to others, Ocnus was a son or brother of Auletes, the founder of Perusia, and emigrated to Gaul, where he built Cesena. (Serv. ad Virg. Ecl. ix. 60, Aen. x. 198.) [L. S.] BIA'NOR (Bdivwp), a Bithynian, the author of twenty-one epigrams in the Greek Anthology, lived under the emperors Augustus and Tiberius. His epigrams were included by Philip of Thessalonica in his collection. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 868; Fabric. Bibl. Ghraec. iv. p. 467.) [P. S.] BIBACULUS. BIAS (Bias), son of Amythaon, and brother of the seer Melampus. He married Pero, daughter of Neleus, whom her father had refused to give to any one unless he brought him the oxen of Iphiclus. These Melampus obtained by his courage and skill, and so won the princess for his brother. (Schol. ad Tlheocrit. Idyll. iii. 43; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. i. 118; Paus. iv. 36; comp. Hom. Odyss. xi. 286, &c., xv. 231.) Through his brother also Bias is said to have gained a third of the kingdom of Argos, Melampus having insisted upon it in his behalf, as part of the condition on which alone he would cure the daughters of Proetus and the other Argive women of their madness. According to Pausanias, the Biantidae continued to rule in Argos for four generations. Apollonius Rhodius mentions three sons of Bias among the Argonauts, -Talaus, Arbius, and Leodocus. (Herod. ix. 34; Pind. Nenm. ix. 30; Schol. ad. loc.; Diod. iv. 68; Paus. ii. 6, 18; Apoll. Rhod. i. 118.) According to the received reading in Diod. iv. 68, " Bias" was also the name of a son of Melampus by Iphianeira, daughter of Megapenthes; but it has been proposed to read " Abas," in accordance with Paus. i. 43; Apoll, Rhod. i. 142; Apollod. i. 9. [E. E.] BIAS (Bias), of Priene in lonia, is always reckoned among the Seven Sages, and is mentioned by Dicaearchus (ap. Diog. LaE-rt. i. 41) as one of the Four to whom alone that title was universally given-the remaining three being Thales, Pittacus, and Solon. We do not know the exact period at which Bias lived, but it appears from the reference made to him by the poet Hipponax, who flourished about the middle of the sixth century B. c., that he had by that time become distinguished for his skill as an advocate, and for his use of it ine defence of the right. (Diog. Laert. i. 84, 88; Strab. xiv. p. 636.) Diogenes Laertius informs us, that he died at a very advanced age, immiediately after pleading successfully the cause of a friend: by the time the votes of the judges had been taken, he was found to have expired. Like the rest of the Seven Sages, with the exception of Thales, the fame of Bias was derived, not from philosophy, as the word is usually understood, but from a certain practical wisdom, moral and political, the fruit of experience. Many of his sayings and doings are recorded by Diogenes Laertius, in his rambling uncritical way, and by others. In particular, he suffers in character as the reputed author of the selfish maxim (PtheXiv cis /uro-oVTas; and there is a certain ungallant dilemma on the subject of marriage, which we find fathered upon him in Aulus Gellius. (Herod. i, 27, 170; Aristot. R&it. ii. 13. ~ 4; Cic. de Amic. 16, Parad. i.; Diod. Eve. p. 552, ed. Wess; Gell. v. 11; Diog. Laert. i. 82-88; comp. Herod. i. 20--22; Plut. Sol. 4.) [E. E.] BIBA'CULUS, the name of a family of the Furia gens. 1. L. FueRus BIBACULUs, quaestor, fell in the battle of Cannae, B. c. 216. (Liv. xxii. 49.) 2. L. FuRIRs BIBACULUS, a pious and religious man, who, when he was praetor, carried, at the command of his father, the magister of the college of the Salii, the ancilia with his six lictors preceding him, although he was exempted from this duty by virtue of his pracetorship. (Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 9; Lactant. i. 21.) 3. M. Fusius BIUACULUS. See below.
Page 487 BIBACULUS. BIBA'CULUS, M. FU'RIUS, who is classed by Quintilian (x. 1. ~ 96) along with Catullus and Horace as one of the most distinguished of the Roman satiric iambographers, and who is in like manner ranked by Diomedes, in his chapter on iambic verse (p. 482, ed. Putsch.) with Archilochus and Hipponax, among the Greeks, and with Lucilius, Catullus, and Horace, among the Latins, was born, according to St. Jerome in the Eusebian chronicle, at Cremona in the year B. c. 103. From the scanty and unimportant specimens of his works transmitted to modern times, we are scarcely in a condition to form any estimate of his powers. A single senarian is quoted by Suetonius (de Illhstr. Gr. c. 9), containing an allusion to the loss of memory sustained in old age by the famous Orbilius Pupillus; and the same author (c. 11) has preserved two short epigrams in hendecasyllabic measure, not remarkable for good taste or good feeling, in which Bibaculus sneers at the poverty to which his friend, Valerius Cato [VALERIUS CATO], had been reduced at the close of life, as contrasted with the splendour of the villa which that unfortunate poet and grammarian had at one period possessed at Tusculum, but which had been seized by his importunate creditors. In addition to these fragments, a dactylic hexameter is to be found in the Scholiast on Juvenal (viii. 16), and a scrap consisting of three words in Charisius (p. 102, ed. Putsch.). We have good reason, however, to believe that Bibaculus did not confine his efforts to pieces of a light or sarcastic tone, but attempted themes of more lofty pretensions. It seems certain that he published a poem on the Gaulish wars, entitled Pragmatia Belli Gallici, and it is probable that he was the author of another upon some of the legends connected with the Aethiopian allies of king Priam. The former is known to us only from an unlucky metaphor cleverly parodied by Horace, who takes occasion at the same time to ridicule the obese rotundity of person which distinguished the composer. (Hor. Serm. ii. 5. 41, and the notes of the Scholiast; comp. Quintil. viii. 6. ~ 17.) The existence of the latter depends upon our acknowledging that the "turgidus Alpinus" represented in the epistle to Julius Florus (1. 103) as "murdering" Memnon, and polluting by his turbid descriptions the fair fountains of the Rhine, is no other than Bibaculus. The evidence for this rests entirely upon an emendation introduced by Bentley into the text of the old commentators on the above passage, but the correction is so simple, and tallies so well with the rest of the annotation, and with the circumstances of the case, that it may be pronounced almost certain. The whole question is fully and satisfactorily discussed in the dissertation of Weichert in his Poet. Latin. Reliqa. p. 331, &c. Should we think it worth our while to inquire into the cause of the enmity thus manifested by Horace towards a brother poet whose age might have commanded forbearance if not respect, it may perhaps be plausibly ascribed to some indisposition which had been testified on the part of the elder bard to recognise the merits of his youthful competitor, and possibly to some expression of indignation at the presumptuous freedom with which Lucilius, the idol and model of the old school, had been censured in the earlier productions of the Venusian. An additional motive may be found in the fact, which we learn from the wellknown oration of Crcmutius Cordus as reported by BIBULUS. 487 Tacitus (Ann. iv. 34), that the writings of Bibaculus were stuffed with insults against the first two Caesars-a consideration which will serve to explain also the hostility displayed by the favourite of the Augustan court towards Catullus, whose talents and taste were as fully and deservedly appreciated by his countrymen and contemporaries as they have been by modern critics, but whose praises were little likely to sound pleasing in the ears of the adopted son and heir of the dictator Julius. Lastly, by comparing some expressions of the elder Pliny (Praef. I. N.) with hints dropped by Suetonius (de Illustr. Gr. c. 4) and Macrobius (Saturn. ii. 1), there is room for a conjecture, that Bibaculus made a collection of celebrated jests and witticisms, and gave the compilation to the world under the title of Luczbrationes. We must carefully avoid confounding Furius Bibaculus with the Furius who was imitated in several passages of the Aeneid, and from whose Annals, extending to eleven books at least, we find some extracts in the Saturnalia. (Macrob. Saturn. vi. 1; Compare Merula, ad Enn. Ann. p. xli.) The latter was named in full Aulus Furius Antias. and to him L. Lutatius Catulus, colleague of M. Marius in the consulship of B. c. 102, addressed an account of the campaign against the Cimbri. (Cic. Brut. c. 35.) To this Furius Antias are atattributed certain lines found in Aulus Gellius (xviii. 11), and brought under review on account of the affected neoterisms with which they abound. Had we any fair pretext for calling in question the authority of the summaries prefixed to the chapters of the Noctes Atticae, we should feel strongly disposed to follow G. J. Voss, Lambinus, and Heindorf, in assigning these follies to the ambitious Bibaculus rather than to the chaste and simple Antias, whom even Virgil did not disdain to copy. (Weichert, Poet. Latin. Reliqu.) [W.R.] BI'BULUS, a cognomen of the plebeian Calpurnia gens. 1. L. CALPURNIUS BIBULUS, obtained each of the public magistracies in the same year as C. Julius Caesar. He was curule aedile in B. c. 65, praetor in 62, and consul in 59. Caesar was anxious to obtain L. Lucceius for his colleague in the consulship; but as Lucceius was a thorough partizan of Caesar's, while Bibulus was opposed to him, the aristocratical party used every effort to secure the election of the latter, and contributed large sums of money for this purpose. (Suet. Caes. 19.) Bibulus, accordingly, gained his election, but was able to do but very little for his party. After an ineffectual attempt to oppose Caesar's agrarian law, he withdrew from the popular assemblies altogether, and shut himself up in his own house for the remainder of the year; whence it was said in joke, that it was the consulship of Julius and Caesar. He confined his opposition to publishing edicts against Caesar's measures: these were widely circulated among his party, and greatly extolled as pieces of composition. (Suet. Caes. 9. 49; Cic. ad Att. ii. 19, 20; Plut. Pomp. 48; comp. Cic. Brut. 77.) To vitiate Caesar's measures, he also pretended, that he was observing the skies, while his colleague was engaged in the comitia (Cic. pro Domn. 15); but such kind of opposition was not likely to have any effect upon Caesar. On the expiration of his consulship, Bibulus remained at Rome, as no province had been assigned him. Here he continued to oppose the measures
Page 488 488 BIBULUS. of Caesar and Pompey, and prevented the latter in 56 from restoring in person Ptolemy Auletes to Egypt. When, however, a coolness began to arise between Caesar and Pompey, Bibulus supported the latter, and it was upon his proposal, that Pompey was elected sole consul in 52, when the republic was almost in a state of anarchy through the tumults following the death of Clodius. In the following year, 51, Bibulus obtained a province in consequence of a law of Pompey's, which provided that no future consul or praetor should have a province till five years after the expiration of his magistracy. As the magistrates for the time being were thus excluded, it was provided that all men of consular or praetorian rank who had not held provinces, should now draw lots for the vacant ones. In consequence of this measure Bibulus went to Syria as proconsul about the same time as Cicero went to Cilicia. The eastern provinces of the Roman empire were then in the greatest alarm, as the Parthians had crossed the Euphrates, but they were driven back shortly before the arrival of Bibulus by C. Cassius, the proquaestor. Cicero was very jealous of this victory which had been gained in a neighbouring province, and took good care to let his friends know that Bibulus had no share in it. When Bibulus obtained a thanksgiving of twenty 'days in consequence of the victory, Cicero complained bitterly, to- his friends, that Bibulus had made false representations to the senate. Although great fears were entertained, that the invasion would be repeated, the Parthiansu did not appear for the next year. Bibulus left the province with the reputation of having administered its internal affairs with integrity and zeal. On his return to the west in 49, Bibulus was appointed by Pompey commander of his fleet in the Ionian sea to prevent Caesar from crossing over into Greece. Caesar, however, contrived to elude his vigilance; and Bibulus fell in with only thirty ships returning to Italy after landing some troops. Enraged at his disappointment, lie burnt these ships with their crews. This was in the winter; and his own men suffered much from cold and want of fuel and water, as Caesar was now in possession of the eastern coast and prevented his crews from landing. Sickness broke out among his men; Bibulus himself fell ill, and died in the beginning of the year 48, near Corcyra, before the battle of Dyrrhachium. (Caes. B. C. iii. 5-18; Dion Cass. xli. 48; Plut. Brut. 13; Oros. vi. 15; Cic. Brut. 77.) Bibulus was not a man of much ability, and is chiefly indebted for his celebrity to the fact of his being one of Caesar's principal, though not most formidable, opponents. He married Porcia, the daughter of M. Porcius Cato Uticensis, by whom lie had three sons mentioned below. (Orelli, Onomast. Tul l p. 119, &c.; Drumann's Gesch. Romins, ii. p. 97, &c.) 2. 3. CALPURNII BIBULI, two sons of the preceding, whose praenomens are unknown, were murdered in Egypt, B. c. 50, by the soldiers of Cabinius. Their father bore his loss with fortitude though he deeply felt it; and when the murderers of hiis children were subsequently delivered up to him by Cleopatra, lie sent them back, saying that their punishment was not his duty but that of the senate. Bibulus had probably sent his sons into Egypt to solicit aid against the Parthians; and they may have been murdered by the soldiers of Gabi BION. nius, because it was known that their father had been opposed to the expedition of Gabinius, which had been undertaken at the instigation of Pompey. (Caes. B. C. iii. 110; Val. Max. iv. 1. ~ 15; comp. Cic. ad Ait. vi. 5, ad Fam. ii. 17.) 4. L. CALPURNIUS BIBULIUS, the youngest son of No. 1, was quite a youth at his father's death (Plut. Brut. 13), after which he lived at Rome with M. Brutus, who married his mother Porcia. He went to Athens in B. c. 45 to prosecute his studies (Cic. ad Att. xii. 32), and appears to have joined his step-father Brutus after the death of Caesar in 44, in consequence of which he was proscribed by the triumvirs. He was present at the battle of Philippi in 42, and shortly after surrendered himself to Antony, who pardoned him and promoted him to the command of his fleet, whence we find on some of the coins of Antony the inscription L. BIBULUs PRAEF. CLAS. (Eckhel, v. p. 161, vi. p. 57.) He was frequently employed by Antony in the negotiations between himself and Augustus, and was finally promoted by the former to the go"vernment of Syria, where he died shortly before the battle of Actium. (Appian, B. C. iv. 38, 104, 136, v. 132.) Bibulus wrote the Memorabilia of his step-father, a small work which Plutarch made use of in writing the life of Brutus. (Plut. Brut. 13, 23.) C. BI'BULUS, an aedile mentioned by Tacitus (Ann. iii. 52) in the reign of Tiberius, A. D. 22, appears to be the same as the L. Publicius Bibulus, a plebeian aedile, to whom the senate granted a burial-place both for himself and his posterity. (Orelli, Inscr. n. 4698.) BILIENIS. [BELLIENUS.] BION (Bfic). 1. Of Proconnesus, a contemporary of Pherecydes of Syros, who consequently lived about B. c. 560. He is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (iv. 58) as the author of two works which he does not specify; but we must infer from Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. vi. p. 267), that one of these was an abridgement of the work of the ancient historian, Cadmus of Miletus. 2. A mathematician of Abdera, and a pupil of Democritus. He wrote both in the Ionic and Attic dialects, and was the first who said that there were some parts of the earth in which it was night for six months, while the remaining six months were one uninterrupted day. (Diog. Labrt. iv. 58.) HIe is probably the same as the one whom Strabo (i. p. 29) calls an astrologer. 3. Of Soli, is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (iv. 58) as the author of a work on Aethiopia (AZOLoTrucd), of which a few fragments are preserved in Pliny (vi. 35), Athenaeus (xiii. p. 566), and in Cramer's Anecdota (iii. p. 415). Whether he is the same as the one from whom Plutarch (Thes. 26) quotes a tradition respecting the Amazons, and from whom Agathias (ii. 25; comp. Syncellus, p. 676, ed. Dindorf) quotes a statement respecting the history of Assyria, is uncertain. Varro (De Re Rust. i. 1) mentions Bion of Soli among the writers on agriculture; and Pliny refers to the same or similar works, in the Elenchi to several books. (Lib. 8, 10, 14, 15, 17, 18.) Some think that Bion of Soli is the same as Caecilius Bion. [BION, CAECILIUS.] 4. Of Smyrna, or rather of the small place of Phlossa on the river Meles, near Smyrna. (Suid. s. v. (Gediperos.) All that we know about him is the little that can be inferred from the third Idyl
Page 489 BION. of Moschus, who laments his untimely death. The time at which he lived can be pretty accurately determined by the fact, that he was older than Moschus, who calls himself the pupil of Bion. (Mosch. iii. 96, &c.) His flourishing period must therefore have very nearly coincided with that of Theocritus, and must be fixed at about B. c. 280. Moschus states, that Bion left his native country and spent the last years of his life in Sicily, cultivating bucolic poetry, the natural growth of that island. Whether he also visited Macedonia and Thrace, as Moschus (iii. 17, &c.) intimates, is uncertain, since it may be that Moschus mentions those countries only because he calls Bion the Doric Orpheus. He died of poison, which had been administered to him by several persons, who afterwards received their well-deserved punishment for the crime. With respect to the relation of master and pupil between Bion and Moschus, we cannot say anything with certainty, except that the resemblance between the productions of the two poets obliges us to suppose, at least, that Moschus imitated Bion; and this may, in fact, be all that is meant when Moschus calls himself a disciple of the latter. The subjects of Bion's poetry, viz. shepherds' and love-songs, are beautifully described by Moschus (iii. 82, &c.); but we can now form only a partial judgment on the spirit and style of his poetry, on account of the fragmentary condition in which his works have come down to us. Some of his idyls, as his poems are usually called, are extant entire, but of others we have only fragments. Their style is very refined, the sentiments soft and sentimental, and his versification (he uses the hexameter exclusively) is very fluent and elegant. In the invention and management of his subjects he is superior to Moschus, but in strength and depth of feeling, and in the truthfulness of his senitiiments, he is much inferior to Theocritus. This is particularly visible in the greatest of his extant poems, 'Ewat-rirdtos 'Ac'viSos. He is usually reckoned among the bucolic poets; but it must be remenmbered that this name is not confined to the subjects it really indicates; for in the time of Bion bucolic poetry also embraced that class of poems in which the legends about gods and heroes were treated from an erotic point of view. The language of such poems is usually the Doric dialect mixed with Attic and Ionic forms. Rare Doric forms, however, occur much less frequently in the poems of Bion than in those of Theocritus. In the first editions of Theocritus the poems of Bion are mixed with those of the former; and the first who separated them was Adolphus Mekerch, in his edition of Bion and Moschus. (Bruges, 156.5, 4to.) In most of the subsequent editions of Theocritus the remains of Bion and Moschus are printed at the end, as ins those of Winterton, Valckenaer, Brunck, Gaisford, and Schaefer. The text of the editions previous to those of Brunck and Valckenaer is that of Henry Stephens, and important corrections were first made by the former two scholars. The best among the subsequent editions are those of Fr. Jacobs (Gotha, 1795, 8vo.), Gilb. Wakefield (London, 1795), and J. F. Manso (Gotha, 1784, second edition, Leipzig, 1807, 8vo.), which contains ans elaborate dissertation on the life and poetry of Bion, a commentary, and a German translation. 5. A tragic poet, whom Diogenes Ladrtius (iv. 58) describes as iroir-nwjs Tpa-ycyiaas T&v Tapncrrcs^ Aeyop/irew'. Casaubon (DeSat.Poes. i. 5) remarks, BION. 489 that Diogenes by these words meanu to describe a poet whose works bore the character of extempore poetry, of which the inhabitants of Tarsus were particularly fond (Strab. xiv. p. 674), and that Bion lived shortly before or at the time of Strabdt Suidas (s. v. ArXv'Aos) mentions a son of Aeschylus of the name of Bion who was likewise a tragic poet; but nothing further is known about him. 6. A melic poet, about whom no particulars are known. (Diog. Laert. iv. 58; Eudoc. p. 94.) 1 7. A Greek sophist, who is said to have censured Homer for not giving a true account of the events he describes. (Acron, ad Ilorat. Epist. ii. 2.) He is perhaps the same as one of the two rhetoricians of this name. 8. The name of two Greek rhetoricians; the one, a native of Syracuse, was the author of theoretical works on rhetoric (rEyaes pTropiscds YEypaCXU's); the other, whose native country is unknown, was said to have written a work in nine books, which bore the names of the nine Muses. (Diog. Lailrt. iv. 58.) [L. S.] BION (Bicw), a Scythian philosopher, surnamed BORYSTHENITES, from the town of Oczacovia, 01 -bia, or Borysthenes, near the mouth of the Dnieper, lived about B. c. 250, but the exact dates of his birth and death are uncertain. Strabo (i. p. 15) mentions him as a contemporary of Eratosthenes, who was born B. c. 275. Laertius (iv. 46, &c.) has preserved an account which Bion himself gave of his parentage to Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia. His father was a freedmann, and his mother, Olympia, a Lacedaemonian harlot, and the whole family were sold as slaves, on account of some offence committed by the father. In consequence of this, Bion fell into the hands of a rhetorician, who made him his heir. Having burnt his patron's library, he went to Athens, and applied himself to philosophy, in the course of which study he embraced the tenets of almost every sect in succession. First he was an Academic and a disciple of Crates, then a Cynic, afterwards attached to Theodorus [THEODORUs], the philosopher who carried out the Cyrenaic doctrines into the atheistic results which were their natural fruit [ARISTIPPUS], and finally he became a pupil of Theophrastus, the Peripatetic. He seems to have been a man of considerable intellectual acuteness, but utterly profligate, and a notorious unbeliever in the existence of God. His habits of life were indeed avowedly infamous, so much so, that he spoke with contempt of Socrates for abstaining from crime. Many of Bion's dogmas and sharp sayings are preserved by Laeirtius: they are, generally trite pieces of morality put in a somewhat pointed shape, though hardly brilliant enough to justify Horace in holding him up as the type of keen satire, as he does when he speaks of persons delighting Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro. (Epist. ii. 2. 60.) Examples of this wit are his sayings, that "the miser did not possess wealth, but was possessed by it," that " impiety was the companion of credulity," " avarice the fsirrpisrotoss of vice," that "good. slaves are really free, and bad freemen really slaves," with many others of the same kind. One is preserved by Cicero (Tusc. iii. 26), viz. that "it is useless to tear our hair when we are in grief, since sorrow is not cured by baldness." He died at Chalcis in Euboeas. We learn his mother's name and country from Athenaeus (xiii. p. 591,f. 592, a.) [G. E. L. C.] BION, CAECI'LIUS, a writer whose country
Page 490 490 BITIS. is unknown, but who is mentioned by Pliny (Ind. to H. N. xxviii.) among the " Auctores Externi." Of his date it can only be said, that he must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ. He wrote a work Hepl Auvvdci'ew, "On the Properties of Plants and other Medicines," which is not now extant, but which was used by Pliny. (H. N. xxviii. 57.) [W. A. G.] BIPPUS (Birnros), an Argive, who was sent by the Achaean league as ambassador to Rome in B. c. 181. (Polyb. xxv. 2, 3.) BIRCENNA, the daughter of the Illyrian Bardyllis, was one of the wives of Pyrrhus. (Plut. Pyrrh. 9.) BISANTI'NUS. [BESANTINUS.] BI'TALE (Birdaci), was the daughter of Damo, and grand-daughter of Pythagoras. (Iambl. Vit. Pyth. c. 28, p. 135.) [A. G.] BISTHANES (BreOdv'rs), the son of Artaxerxes Ochus, met Alexander near Ecbatana, in B. c. 330, and informed him of the flight of Dareius from that city. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 19.) BI'THYAS (B0ev'a), the commander of a considerable body of Numidian cavalry, deserted Gulussa, the son of Masinissa and the ally of the Romans in the third Punic war, B. c. 148, and went over to the Carthaginians, to whom he did good service in the war. At the capture of Carthage in 146, Bithyas fell into the hands of Scipio, by whom he was taken to Rome. He doubtless adorned the triumph of the conqueror, but instead of being put to death afterwards, according to the usual custom, he was allowed to reside under guard in one of the cities of Italy. (Appian, Pun. 111, 114, 120; Zonar. ix. 30; Suidas, s. v. BLOias.) BITHY'NICUS, a cognomen of the Pompeii. We do not know which of the Pompeii first bore this cognomen; but, whatever was its origin, it was handed down in the family. 1. Q. POMPEIUS BITHYNICUS, the son of Aulus, was about two years older than Cicero, with whom he was very intimate. He prosecuted his studies together with Cicero, who describes him as a man of great learning and industry, and no mean orator, but his speeches were not well delivered. (Cic. Brut. 68, 90, comp. ad Fain. vi. 17.) On the breaking out of the civil war in 49, Bithynicus espoused the party of his great namesake, and, after the battle of Pharsalia, accompanied him in his flight to Egypt, where he was killed together with the other attendants of Pompeius Magnus. (Oros. vi. 15.) 2. A. POMPEIUS BITHYNICUS, son of the preceding, was praetor of Sicily at the time of Caesar's death, B. c. 44, and seems apparently to have been in fear of the reigning party at Rome, as he wrote a letter to Cicero soliciting his protection, which Cicero promised in his reply. (Cic. ad Fanm. vi. 16, 17, comp. xvi. 23.) Bithynicus repulsed Sex. Pompeius in his attempt to gain possession of Messana, but he afterwards allowed Sextus to obtain it, on the condition that he and Sextus should have the government of the island between them. Bithynicus, however, was, after a little while, put to death by Sextus. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 17, 19; Liv. Epit. 123; Appian, B. C. iv. 84, v. 70.) Bithynicus also occurs as the cognomen of a Clodius, who was put to death by Octavianus, on the taking of Perusia, B. c. 40. (Appian, B. C. v. 49.) BITIS or BITIIYS (BlOvs), the son of Cotys, king of Thrace, who was sent by his father as a BITUITUS. hostage to Perseus, king of Macedonia. On the conquest of the latter by Aemilius Paullus in B. c. 168, Bitis fell into the hands of the Romans, and was taken to Rome, where he adorned the triumph of Paullus in 167. After the triumph, he was sent to Carseoli, but was shortly afterwards restored to his father, who sent an embassy to Rome to solicit his liberation. (Zonar. ix. 24; Liv. xlv. 42; Polyb. xxx. 12.) BITON (B/-r-w), the author of a work called icaraoiceval TroAesiiccv dpyTdwve Kal cKaTa7rEATLKicV. His history and place of birth are unknown. He is mentioned by Hesychius (s. v. aykjun), by Heron Junior (de 1nach. Bell. prooem), and perhaps by Aelian (Tact. c. 1), under the name of Blwv. The treatise consists of descriptions-1. Of a reGrpd6ohov, or machine for throwing stones, made at Rhodes by Charon the Magnesian. 2. Of another at Thessalonica, by Isidorus the Abidene. 3. Of a EAe'roAis (an apparatus used in besieging cities, see Vitruv. x. 22, and Dict. of Ant. s. v.), made by Poseidonius of Macedon for Alexander the Great. 4. Of a Sambuca (Dict. of Ant. s. v.), made by Damius of Colophon. 5. Of a 7ya-rpaPTr71s (an engine somewhat resembling a crossbow, and so named from the way in which it was held in order to stretch the string, see Hero Alexandrinus, Belop. ap. Vet. Math. p. 125), made by Zopyrus of Tarentum at Miletus, and another by the same at Cumae in Italy. Biton addresses this work to king Attalus, if at least the reading W "A-raEAs is to be adopted instead of ( rdXaL or srdcAa (near the beginning), and the emendation is said to be supported by a manuscript (Gale, de Script. MyIthol. p. 45); but whether Attalus, the 1st of Pergamus, who reigned B. c. 241-197, or one of the two later kings of the same name be meant, is uncertain. The Greek text, with a Latin version, is printed in the collection of ancient mathematicians, Vet. Mlatlhem. Op. Graec. et Latin., Paris, 1693, fol., p. 105, &c. Biton mentions (p. 109) a work of his own on Optics, which is lost. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 591.) [W. F. D.] BITON (Birwv) and CLEOBIS (KAotods) were the sons of Cydippe, a priestess of Hera at Argos. Herodotus, who has recorded their beautiful story, makes Solon relate it to Croesus, as a proof that it is better for mortals to die than to live. On one occasion, says Herodotus (i. 31), during the festival of Hera, when the priestess had to ride to the temple of the goddess in a chariot, and when the oxen which were to draw it did not arrive from the country in time, Cleobis and Biton dragged the chariot with their mother, a distance of 45 stadia, to the temple. The priestess, moved by the filial love of her sons, prayed to the goddess to grant them what was best for mortals. After the solemnities of the festival were over, the two brothers went to sleep in the temple and never rose again. The goddess thus shewed, says Herodotus, that she could bestow upon them no greater boon than death. The Argives made statues of the two brothers and sent them to Delphi. Pausanias (ii. 20. ~ 2) saw a relief in stone at Argos, representing Cleobis and Biton drawing the chariot with their mother. (Comp. Cic. Tuscul. i. 47; Val. Max. v. 4, extern. 4; Stobaeus, Sermones, 169; Servius and Philargyr. ad Virg. Georg. iii. 532.) [L. S.] BITUI'TUS, or as the name is found in ini
Page 491 BLAESUS. scriptions, BETULTUS, a king of the Arverni in Gaul. When the proconsul Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus undertook the war in B. c. 121 against the Allobroges, who were joined by the Arverni under Bituitus, these Gallic tribes were defeated near the town of Vindalium. After this first disaster the Allobroges and Arverni made immense preparations to renew the contest with the Romans, and Bituitus again took the field with a very numerous army. At the point where the Isara empties itself into the Rhodanus, the consul Q. Fabius Maximus, the grandson of Paullus, met the Gauls in the autumn of B. c. 121. Although the Romans were far inferior in numbers, yet they gained such a complete victory, that, according to the lowest estimate, 120,000 men of the army of Bituitus fell in the battle. After this irreparable loss, Bituitus, who had been taken prisoner in an insidious manner by Cn. Domitius, was sent to Rome. The senate, though disapproving of the conduct of Domitius, exiled Bituitus to Alba. His son, Congentiatus, was likewise made prisoner and sent to Rome. Florus adds, that the triumph of Q. Fabius was adorned by Bituitus riding in a silver war-chariot and with his magnificent armour, just as he had appeared on the field of battle. (Liv. Epit. 61; Florus, iii. 2; Vell. Pat. ii. 10; Suet. Nero, 2; Appian, Gallic. 12, where Bituitus is erroneously called king of the Allobroges; Eutrop. iv. 22, where the year and the consuls are given incorrectly; Oros. v. 14; Val. Max. ix. 6. ~ 3; comp. Strab. iv. p. 191; Plin. H. N. vii. 51.) [L. S.] BITYS (Blvus), an Egyptian seer, who is said by lamblichus (de -Myst. viii. 5) to have interpreted to Ammon, king of Egypt, the books of Hermes written in hieroglyphics. BLAESUS (BAauos), an ancient Italian poet, born at Capreae, who wrote serio-comic plays (orrov3oyh oot) in Greek. (Steph. Byz. s. v. KaMrpl.) Two of these plays, the MErorpicas and:aTrovpvos, are quoted by Athenaeus (iii. p. 111, c., xi. p. 487, c.), and Hesychius refers to Blaesus (s. vv. MoKKcwvwdcri, MoAkyc, vAa'Tds), but without mentioning the names of his plays. Casaubon supposed that Blaesus lived under the Roman empire; but he must have lived as early as the 3rd century B. c., as Valckenlir (ad Theocr. p. 290, a.) has shewn, that Athenaeus took his quotations of Blaesus from the rhdoorai of Pamphilus of Alexandria, who was a disciple of Aristarchus; and also' that Pamphilus borrowed a part of his work explaining the words in Blaesus and similar poets from the FAhdo' 'IraAhuai of Diodorus, who was a pupil of Aristophanes of Alexandria. (Comp. Schweigh. ad Athen. iii. p. 111, c.) BLAESUS, "a stammerer," was the name of a plebeian family of the Sempronia gens under the republic. It also occurs as a cognomen of the Junii and of one Pedius under the empire. 1. C. SEMPRONIUS TI. F. TI. N. BLAESUs, consul in B. C. 253 in the first Punic war, sailed with his colleague, Cn. Servilius Caepio, with a fleet of 260 ships to the coast of Africa, which they laid waste in frequent descents, and from which they obtained great booty. They did not, however, accomplish anything of note; and in the lesser Syrtis, through the ignorance of the pilots, their ships ran aground, and only got off, upon the return of the tide, by throwing everything overboard. This disaster induced them to return to BLAESUS. 491 Sicily, and in their voyage from thence to Italy they were overtaken off cape Palinurus by a tremendous storm, in which 150 ships perished. Notwithstanding these misfortunes, each of them obtained a triumph for their successes in Africa, as we learn from the Fasti. (Polyb. i. 39; Eutrop. ii. 23; Oros. iv. 9; Zonar. viii. 14.) Blaesus was consul a second time, in 244 (Fasti Capit.), in which year a colony was founded at Brundusium. (Vell. Pat. i. 14.) 2. SEMPRONIUS BLAESUs, quaestor in B. c. 217 to the consul Cn. Servilius Geminus, was killed, together with a thousand men, in a descent upon the coast of Africa in this year. (Liv. xxii. 31.) 3. C. SEMPRONIUS BLAESUS, tribune of the plebs in B. c. 211, brought Cn. Fulvius to trial on account of his losing his army in Apulia. (Liv. xxvi. 2; comp. Val. Max. ii. 8. ~ 3.) 4. CN. SEMPRONIUS BLAESUS, legate in B. c. 210 to the dictator Q. Fulvius Flaccus, by whom lie was sent into Etruria to command the army which had been under the praetor C. Calpurnius. (Liv. xxvii. 5.) It is not improbable that this Cn. Blaesus may be the same as No. 3, as Cn. is very likely a false reading for C., since we find none of the Sempronii at this period with the former praenomen, while the latter is the most common one. 5. P. SEMPRONIUS BLAESUS, tribune of the plebs in B. c. 191, opposed the triumph of P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, but withdrew his opposition through the remonstrances of the consul. (Liv. xxxvi. 39, 40.) 6. C. SEMPRONIUS BLAESUS, plebeian aedile in B. c. 187, and praetor in Sicily in 184. In 170, he was sent with Sex. Julius Caesar as ambassador to Abdera. (Liv. xxxix. 7, 32, 38, xliii. 6.) BLAESUS, a Roman jurist, not earlier than Trebatius Testa, the friend of Cicero: for Blaesus is cited by Labeo in the Digest (33. tit. 2. s. 31) as reporting the opinion of Trebatius. Various conjectures have been made without much plausibility for the purpose of identifying the jurist with other persons of the same name. Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa in A. D. 22, was probably somewhat later than the jurist. (Majansius, vol. ii. p. 162; G. Grotii, Vita Ictorum, c. 9. ~ 18.) [J.T.G.] BLAESUS, JU'NIUS. 1. The governor of Pannonia at the death of Augustus, A. D. 14, when the formidable insurrection of the legions broke out in that province, which was with difficulty quelled by Drusus himself. The conduct of Blaesus in allowing the soldiers relaxation from their ordinary duties was the immediate cause of the insurrection, but the real causes lay deeper. Through the influence of Sejanus, who was his uncle, Blaesus obtained the government of Africa in 21, where he gained a victory over Tacfarinas in 22, in consequence of which Tiberius granted him the insignia of a triumph, and allowed him the title of Imperalor-the last instance of this honour being conferred upon a private person. We learn from Velleius Paterculus, who says that it was difficult to decide whether Blaesus was more useful in the camp or distinguished in the forum, that he also commanded in Spain. (Dion Cass. Ivii. 4; Tac. Ann. i. 16, &c., iii. 35, 58, 72-74; Veil. Pat. ii. 125.) It appears from the Fasti, from which we learn that his praenomen was Quintus, that Blaesus was consul suffectus in 28; but he shared in the fill of Sejanus in 31, and was deprived, as was
Page 492 492 BLASIO. also his son, of the priestly offices which he held. His life, however, was spared for the time; but when Tiberius, in 36, conferred these offices upon other persons, Blaesus and his son perceived that their fate was sealed, and accordingly put an end to their own lives. (Tac. Ann. v. 7, vi. 40.) 2. The son of the preceding, was with his father in Pannonia when the legions mutinied in A. D. 14, and was compelled by the soldiers to go to Tiberius with a statement of their grievances. IHe was sent a second time to Tiberius after the arrival of Drusus in the camp. He also served under his father in 22 in the war against Tacfarinas in Africa; and he put an end to his own life, as mentioned above, in 36. (Tac. Ann. i. 19, 29, iii. 74, vi. 40.) 3. Probably the son of No. 2, was the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis in A. D. 70, and espoused the party of the emperor Vitellius, whom he supplied when in Gaul with everything necessary to support his rank and state. This liberality on the part of Blaesus excited the jealousy of the emperor, who shortly after had him poisoned on the most trumpery accusation, broaght against him by L. Vitellius. Blaesus was a man of large property and high integrity, and had steadily refused the solicitations of Caecina and others to desert the cause of Vitellius. (Tac. Hist. i. 59, ii. 59, iii. 38, 39.) BLAESUS, PE'DIUS, was expelled the senate in A. D. 60, on the complaint of the Cyrenians, for robbing the temple of Aesculapius, and for corruption in the military levies; but he was re-admitted in 70. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 18, Hist. i. 77.) BLANDUS, a Roman knight, who taught eloquence at Rome in the time of Augustus, and was the instructor of the philosopher and rhetorician, Fabianus. (Senec. Controv. ii. prooem. p. 136, ed. Bip.) He is frequently introduced as a speaker in the Suasorise (2, 5) and Controversiae (i. 1, 2, 4, &c.) of the elder Seneca. He was probably the father or grandfather of the Rubellius BlandLus mentioned below. BLANDUS, RUBE'LLIUS, whose grandfather was only a Roman knight of Tibur, married in A. D. 33 Julia, the daughter of Drusus, the sons of the emperor Tiberius, whence Blandus is called the progener of Tiberius. (Tac. Ann. vi. 27, 45.) Rubellius Plautus, who was put to death by Nero, was the offspring of this marriage. [PLAUTUS ] There was in the senate in A. D. 21 a Rubellius Blandus, a man of consular rank (Tac. Ann. iii. 23, 51), who is probably the same as the husband of Julia, though Lipsius supposes him to be the father of the latter. We do not, however, find in the Fasti any consul of this name. There is a coin, struck under Augustus, bearing the inscription C. RVBELLIVS BLANDVS IIIVIRc A. A. A. F. F., that is, Auro Argento Aeri Flando Feriando, which is probably to be referred to the father of the above-mentioned Blandus. (Eckhel, v. p. 295.) BLA'SIO, a surname of the Cornelia and Holvia gentes. I. Cornelii Blasiones. 1. CN. CORNELIUS L. F. CN. N. BLASIO, who is mentioned nowhere but in the Fasti, was consul in B. c. 270, censor in 265, and consul a second time in 257. He gained a triumph in 270, but we do not know over what people. 2. CN. CORNELIUS B]LASIO, was praetor in Sicily in B.c. 19 4. (Liv. xxxiv. 42,43.) 3. P. CORN.ELIUS BLASIO, Was sent as an am BLASTARES. bassador with two others to the Carni, Istri, and lapydes, in B. c. 170. In 168 he was one of the five commissioners appointed to settle the disputes between the Pisani and Lunenses respecting the boundaries of their lands. (Liv. xliii. 7, xlv. 13.) There are several coins belonging to this family. The obverse of the one annexed has the inscription BLAsIO CN. F., with what appears to be the head of Mars: the reverse represents Dionysus, with Pallas on his left hand in the act of crowning him and another female figure on his right. (Eckhel, v. p. 180.) II. Helvii Blasiones. 1. M. HELVIUS BLASlO, plebeian aedile in B. c. 198 and praetor in 197. He obtained the province of further Spain, which he found in a very disturbed state upon his arrival. After handing over the province to his successor, he was detained in the country a year longer by a severe and tedious illness. On his return home through nearer Spain with a guard of 6000 soldiers, which the praetor Ap. Claudius had given him, he was attacked by an army of 20,000 Celtiberi, near the town of Illiturgi. These he entirely defeated, slew 12,000 of the enemy, and took Illiturgi. This at least was the statement of Valerius Antias. For this victory he obtained an ovation (B. c. 195), but not a triumph, because he had fought under the auspices and in the province of another. In the following year (194) he was one of the three commissioners for founding a Roman colony at Sipontum in Apulia. (Liv. xxxii. 27, 28, xxxiii. 21, xxxiv. 10, 45.) 2. HIELVIUS BLASlo, put an end to his own life to encourage his friend D. Brutus to meet his death firmly, when the latter fell into the hands of his enemies, in B. c. 43. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 53.) BLA'SIUS, BLA'TIUS, or BLA'TTIUS, one of the chief men at Salapia in Apulia, betrayed the town to the Romans in B. c. 210, together with a strong Carthaginian garrison that was stationed there. The way in which he outwitted his rival Dasius, who supported the Carthaginians, is related somewhat differently by the ancient writers. (Appian, Annib. 45-47; Liv. xxvi. 38; Val. Max. iii. 8, extern. 1.) BLA'STARES, MATTHAEUS, a hieromonachus, or monk in holy orders, eminent as a Greek canonist, who composed, about the year 1335 (as Bishop Beveridge satisfactorily makes out from the author's own enigmatical statement) an alphabetical compendium of the contents of the genuine canons. It was intended to supply a more convenient repertory for ordinary use than was furnished by the collections of Photius and his commentators. The letters refer to the leading word in the rubrics of the titles, and under each letter the chapters begin anew in numerical order. In each chapter there is commonly an abstract, first of the ecclesiastical, then of the secular laws which relate to the subject; but the sources whence the secular laws are cited are not ordinarily referred to, and
Page 493 BLOSIUS. cannot always be determined. The ecclesiastical constitutions are derived from the common canonical collections. This compilation, as the numerous extant manuscripts prove, became very popular among ecclesiastics. The preface to the Syntagma Alphahbeticum of Blastares contains some historical particulars, mingled with many errors, concerning the canon and imperial law. As an example of,the errors, it may be stated that the formation of Justinian's Digest and Code is attributed to Hadrian. In most MSS. a small collection of minor works, probably due to Blastares, is appended to the Syntagma. As to unpublished works of Blastares in MS., see Fabric. Bibl. Grace. xii. p. 205. A portion of the Syntagma (part of B and F), which was probably found copied in a detached form, is printed in Leunclav. Jur. GraecoRom. vol. i. lib. viii.; but the only complete edition of the work is that which is given by Beveridge in his Synodicon, vol. ii. part. 2. The "matrimonial questions" of Blastares, printed in Leunclav. Jur. Graeco-Ronm., are often enumerated as a distinct work from the Syntagma, but in reality they come under the head rdc,uos. At the end of the Pere Goar's edition of Codinus is a treatise, written in popular verses (Tircherucol oriXos), concerning the offices of the Palace of Constantinople, by Matthaeus, monk, S-'Tyfs, and physician. The author may possibly be no other than Blastares. (Biener, Gesch. der Nov. pp. 218-222; Walter, Kirchlenrecht. ~ 79.) [J. T. G.] BLEMMIDAS. [NICEPHORUS BLEMMIDAS.] BLEPAEUS (B\a7raos), a rich banker at Athens in the time of Demosthenes, who was also mentioned in one of the comedies of Alexis. (Dem. c. Meid. p. 583. 17, c. Boeot. de Dot. p. 1023. 19; Athen. vi. p. 241, b.) BLESA'MIUS, a Galatian, a friend and minister of Deiotarus, by whom he was sent as ambassador to Rome, where he was when Cicero defended his master, B.c. 45. (Cic. pro Deiot. 12, 14, 15.) Blesamius was also in Rome in the following year, 44. (Cic. ad Att. xvi. 3.) BLITOR (BXirwp), satrap of Mesopotamia, was deprived of his satrapy by Antigonus in B. c. 316, because he had allowed Seleucus to escape from Babylon to Egypt in that year. (Appian, Syr. 53.) BLO'SIUS or BLO'SSIUS, the name of a noble family in Campania. 1. F. MARIUS BLOSIUs, was Campanian praetor when Capua revolted from the Romans and joined Hannibal in B. c. 216. (Liv. xxiii. 7.) 2. BLOSII, two brothers in Capua, were the ringleaders in an attempted revolt of Capua from the Romans in B. c. 210; but the design was discovered, and the Blosii and their associates put to death. (Liv. xxvii. 3.) 3. C. BLosIus, of Cumae, a hospes of Scaevola's family, was an intimate friend of Ti. Gracchus, whom he is said to have urged on to bring forward his agrarian law. After the death of Ti. Gracchus he was accused before the consuls in B. c. 132, on account of his participation in the schemes of Gracchus, and fearing the issue he fled to Aristonicus, king of Pergamus, who was then at war with the Romans. When Aristonicus was conquered shortly afterwards, Blosius put an end to his own life for fear of falling into the hands of the Romans. Blosius had paid conidderable attention to the study of philosophy, and was a disciple of BOADICEA. 493 Antipater of Tarsus. (Cic. de Asmic. 11, de Leg. Agr. ii. 34; Val. Max. iv. 7. ~ 1; Plut. Ti Gracchl. 8, 17, 20.) BOADICE'A (some MSS. of Tacitus have Boudicea, Boodicia or Voadica, and Dion Cassius calls her Bovvsovitca), was the wife of Prasutagus, king of the Iceni, a tribe inhabiting the eastern coast of Britain. Her husband, who died about A. D. 60 or 61, made his two daughters and the emperor Nero the heirs of his private property, hoping thereby to protect his kingdom and his family from the oppression and the rapacity of the Romans stationed in Britain. But these expectations were not realized; for Boadicea, who succeeded him, saw her kingdom and her house robbed and plundered by the Roman soldiers, as if they had been in a country conquered by force of arms. The queen herself was maltreated even with blows, and Romans ravished her two daughters. The most distinguished among the Iceni were deprived of their property, and the relatives of the late king treated as slaves. These outrages were committed by Roman soldiers and veterans under the connivance of their officers, who not only took no measures to stop their proceedings, but Catns Decianus was the most notorious of all by his extortion and avarice. At last, in A. D 62, Boadicea, a woman of manly spirit and undaunted courage, was roused to revenge. She induced the Iceni to take up arms against their oppressors, and also prevailed upon the Trinobantes and other neighbouring tribes to join them. While the legate Paulinus Suetonius was absent on an expedition to the island of Mona, Camalodunum, a recently established colony of veterans, was attacked by the Britons. The colony solicited the aid of Catus Decianus, who however was unable to send them more than 200 men, and these had not even regular arms. Camalodunum was taken and destroyed by fire, and the soldiers, who took refuge in a temple which formed the arx of the place, were besieged for two days, and then made prisoners. Petilius Cerealis, the legate of the ninth legion, who was advancing to relieve Camalodunum, was met by the Britons, and, after the loss of his infantry, escaped with the cavalry to his fortified camp. Catus Decianus, who in reality bore all the guilt, made his escape to Gaul; but Suetonius Paulinus, who had been informed of what was going on, had returned by this time, and forced his way through thei midst of the enemies as far as the colony of Londiniusim. As soon as he had left it, it was taken by the Britons, and the municipium of Verulamium soon after experienced the same fate: in these places nearly 70,000 Romans and Roman allies were slain with cruel tortures. Suetonius saw that a battle could no longer be deferred. His forces consisted of only about 10,000 men, while those of the Britons under Boadicea are said to have amounted to 230,000. On the day of tlle battle, the queen rode in a chariot with her two daughters before her, and commanded her army in person. She harangued her soldiers, reminded them of the wrongs inflicted upon Britain by the Romans, and roused their courage against the common enemy. But the Britons were conquered by the greater military skill and the favourable position of the Romans. About 80,000 Britons are said to have fallen on that day, and the Romans to have lost no more than 400. Boadicea would not survive this irreparable loss, and put an end to
Page 494 494 BOCCHUS. her life by poison. Her body was interred with great solemnity by the Britons, who then dispersed. This victory, which Tacitus declares equal to the great victories of ancient times, finally established the Roman dominion in Britain. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 31-37, Agric. 15,16; Dion Cass. Ixii. 1-12.) [L.S.] BOCCHAR. 1. A king of the Mauri in the time of MAslNIssA, B. c. 204. (Liv. xxix. 30.) 2. A general of Syphax, who sent him against Masinissa, B.c. 204. (Liv. xxix. 32.) [P. S.] BO'CCHORIS (BdKXopes), an Egyptian king and legislator, who was distinguished for his wisdom, avarice, and bodily weakness. His laws related chiefly to the prerogatives of the king and to pecuniary obligations. (Diod. i. 94.) From his not being mentioned by Herodotus, it has been conjectured that he was identical with Asychis. (Herod. ii. 136.) Eusebius places him alone in the twenty-fourth dynasty, calls him a Saite, and says that, after reigning forty-four years, he was taken prisoner and burnt by Sabacon. (Chron. Arm. pp. 104, 318, Mai and Zohrab; compare Syncellus, pp. 74, b., 184, c.) According to Wilkinson, he began to reign B. c. 812; he was the son and successor of Turphachthus; and his name on the monuments is Pehor, Bakhor, or Amun-se-Pehor. (Ancient Egypticans, i. pp. 130, 138.) In the Armenian copy of Eusebius his name is spelt Boccharis, in Syncellus Bo'XXwpis. (See also Aelian, Iist. An. xii. 3, Tac. Histv.v 3; Athen. x. p. 418, f., where his father is called Neochabis.) [P. S.] BOCCHUS (Bo'iXo). 1. A king of Mauretania, who acted a prominent part in the war of the Romans against Jugurtha. He was a barbarian without any principles, assuming alternately the appearance of a friend of Jugurtha and of the Romans, as his momentary inclination or avarice dictated; but he ended his prevarication by betraying Jugurtha to the Romans. In B. c. 108, Jugurtha, who was then hard pressed by the proconsul Q. Metellus, applied for assistance to Bocchus, whose daughter was his wife. Bocchus complied the more readily with this request, since at the beginning of the war he had made offers of alliance and friendship to the Romans, which had been rejected. But when Q. Metellus also sent an embassy to him at the same time, Bocchus entered into negotiations with him likewise, and in consequence of this the war against Jugurtha was almost suspended so long as Q. Metellus had the command. When in B. c. 107, C. Marius came to Africa as the successor of Metellus, Bocchus sent several embassies to him, expressing his desire to enter into friendly relations with Rome; but when at the same time Jugurtha promised Bocchus the third part of Numidia, and C. Marius ravaged the portion of Bocchus's dominion which he had formerly taken from Jugurtha, Bocchus accepted the proposal of Jugurtha, and joined him with a large force. The two kings thus united made an attack upon the Romans, but were defeated in two successive engagements. Hereupon, Bocchus again sent an embassy to Marius, requesting him to despatch two of his most trustworthy officers to him, that he might negotiate with them. Marius accordingly sent his quaestor, Sulla, and A. Manlius, who succeded in effecting a decided change in the king's mind. Soon after, Bocchus despatched ambassadors to Rome, but they fell into the hands of the Gaetuli, and having made their escape into the camp of Sulla, who received them very hospitably, BOEDROMIUS. they proceeded to Rome, where hopes of an alliance and the friendship of the Roman people w-re held out to them. When Bocchus was informed of this, he requested an interview with Sulla. This being granted, Sulla tried to persuade Bocchus to deliver up Jugurtha into the hands of the Romans. At the same time, however, Jugurtha also endeavoured to induce him to betray Sulla, and these clashing proposals made Bocchus hesitate for a while; but he at last determined to comply with the wish of Sulla. Jugurtha was accordingly invited to negotiate for peace, and when he arrived, was treacherously taken prisoner, and delivered up to Sulla, B. c. 106. According to some accounts, Jugurtha had come as a fugitive to Bocchus, and was then handed over to the Romans. Bocchus was rewarded for his treachery by an alliance with Rome, and he was even allowed to dedicate in the Capitol statues of Victory and golden images of Jugurtha representing him in the act of being delivered up to Sulla. (Sall. Jug. 19, 80 -120; Appian, Numid. 3, 4; Liv. Epit. 66; Dion Cass. Fragm. Reimar. n. 168, 169; Eutrop. iv. 27; Florus, iii. 1; Oros. v. 15; Veil. Pat. ii. 12; Plut. lMar. 10, 32, Sull. 3.) 2. Probably a son of the preceding, and a brother of Bogud, who is expressly called a son of Bocchus I. (Oros. v. 21.) These two brothers for a time possessed the kingdom of Mauretania in common, and, being hostile to the Pompeian party, J. Caesar confirmed them, in B. c. 49, as kings of Mauretania, which some writers describe as if Caesar had then raised them to this dignity. In Caesar's African war, Bocchus was of great service, by taking Cirta, the capital of Juba, king of Numidia, and thus compelling him to abandon the cause of Scipio. Caesar rewarded him with a portion of the dominions of Masinissa, the ally of Juba, which however was taken from him, after the death of Caesar, by Arabion, the son of Masinissa. There is a statement in Dion Cassius (xliii. 36), that, in B.C. 45, Bocchus sent his sons to Spain to join Cn. Pompey. If this is true, it can only be accounted for by the supposition, that Bocchus was induced by jealousy of his brother Bogud to desert the cause of Caesar and join the enemy; for all we know of the two brothers shews that the good understanding between them had ceased. During the civil war between Antony and Octavianus, Bocchus sided with the latter, while Bogud was in alliance with Antony. When Bogud was in Spain, B. c. 38, Bocchus usurped the sole government of Mauretania, in which he was afterwards confirmed by Octavianus. He died about B. c. 33, whereupon his kingdom became a Roman province. (Dion Cass. xli. 42, xliii. 3, 36, xlviii. 45, xlix. 43; Appian, B. c. ii. 96, iv. 54, v. 26; Hirt. B. Afr.25; Strab. xvii. p. 828.) [L. S.] BODON (Bcofwv), an ancient hero, from whom the Thessalian town of Bodone derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Bwscivy.) [L. S.] BODUOGNA'TUS, a leader of the Nervii in their war against Caesar, B. c. 57. (Caes. B. G. ii. 23.) BOEBUS (Boleos), a son of Glaphyrus, from whom the Thessalian town of Boebe derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Boigt.) [L. S.] BOEDRO'MIUS (BoJpO'lpios), the helper in distress, a surname of Apollo at Athens, the origin of which is explained in different ways. According to some, the god was thus called because he
Page 495 BOETHIUS. had assisted the Athenians in the war with the Amazons, who were defeated on the seventh of Boidromion, the day on which the Boeidromia were afterwards celebrated. (Plut. Thes. 27.) According to others, the name arose from the circumstance, that in the war of Erechthens and Ion against Eumolpus, Apollo had advised the Athenians to rush upon the enemy with a war-shout (3po-), if they would conquer. (Harpocrat., Suid., Etym. M. s.v. Boes7po'dlos; Callim. Hymn.inApoll. 69.) [L.S.] BOEO (Boo'j), an ancient poetess of Delphi, composed a hymn of which Pausanias (x. 5. ~ 4) has preserved four lines. Athenaeus (ix. p. 393, e.) cites a work, apparently a poem, entitled 'Opvi0oyovia, which seems to have contained an account of the myths of men who had been turned into birds, but he was doubtful whether it was written by a poetess Boeo or a poet Boeus (Bolos): Antoninus Liberalis, however, quotes it (cc. 3, 7, and 11, &c.) as the work of Boeus. The name of Boeo occurs in a list of seers given by Clemens Alexandrinus. (Strom. i. p. 333, d., ed. Paris, 1629.) BOEO'TUS (BoiwrTs), a son of Poseidon or Itonus and Arne (Antiope or Melanippe), and brother of Aeolus. [AEOLUS, No. 3.] He was the ancestral hero of the Boeotians, who derived their name from him. (Paus. ix. 1. ~ 1.) [L. S.] BOE'THIUS, whose full name was ANICIUS MANLIUS SEVERINUS BOETHIUS (to which a few MSS. of his works add the name of Torquatus, and commentators prefix by conjecture the praenomen Flavius from his father's consulship in A. D. 487), a Roman statesman and author, and remarkable as standing at the close of the classical and the commencement of scholastic philosophy. He was born between A. D. 470 and 475 (as is inferred from Consol. Phil. i. 1). The Anician family had for the two preceding centuries been the most illustrious in Rome (see Gibbon, c. 31), and several of its members have been reckoned amongst the direct ancestors of Boiithius. But the only conjecture worth notice is that which makes his grandfather to have been the Flavius Boithius murdered by Valentinian III. A. D. 455. His father was probably the consul of A. D. 487, and died in the childhood of his son, who was then brought up by some of the chief men at Rome, amongst whom were probably Festus and Symmachus. (Consol. Phil. ii. 3.) He was famous for his general learning (Ennodius, Ep. viii. 1) and his laborious translations of Greek philosophy (Cassiodor. Ep. i. 45) as well as for his extensive charities to the poor at Rome, both natives and strangers. (Procop. Goth. i. 1.) In his domestic life, he was singularly happy, as the husband of Rusticiana, daughter of Symmachus (Consol. Phil. ii. 3, 4; Procop. Goth. iii. 20), and the father of two sons, Aurelius Anicius Symmachus, and Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, who were consuls, A.D. 522. (Consol. Phil. ii. 3, 4.) He naturally rose into public notice, became patrician before the usual age (Consol. Phil. ii. 3), consul in A. D. 510, as appears from the diptychon of his consulship still preserved in Brescia (See Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. 15), and princeps senatus. (Procop. Goth. i. 1.) He also attracted the attention of Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, was appointed (Anonym. Vales. p. 36) magister officiorum in his court, and was applied to by him for a mathematical regulation of the coinage to prevent forgery BOETHkIUS. 495 (Cassiod. Ep. i. 10), for a sun-dial and waterclock for Gundebald, king of the Burgundians (ib. i. 45), and for the recommendation of a good musician to Clovis, king of the Franks. (Ib. ii. 40.) And he reached the height of his prosperity when, on the inauguration of his two sons in the consulate, A. D. 522, after pronouncing a panegyric on Theodoric, he distributed a largess to the Roman populace in the games of the circus. (Consol. Phil. ii. 3.) This happiness was suddenly overcast. He had resolved, on his entrance into public life, to carry out the saying of Plato, "that the world would only be happy when kings became philosophers, or philosophers became kings." He protected and relieved the provincials from the public and private rapine to which they were exposed, defended the Campanians against the praefect of the praetorium, saved Paulinus from "the dogs of the palace," and restrained the oppressions of the barbarian officers, Triguilla and Conigastus. (Consol. Phil. i. 4.) This unflinching integrity naturally provoked enmity in the court of Theodoric; and the boldness with which he pleaded the cause of Albinus, when accused of treason by the informer Cyprianus, seems to have been the plea on which Gaudentius, Opilio, and Basilius charged him and Symmachus with the intention of delivering Rome from the barbarian yoke,-to which was added the charge of sacrilege or magic. A sentence of confiscation and death was passed against him unheard (Consol. Phil. i. 4), and he was imprisoned at Ticinum in the baptistry of the church, which was to be seen at Pavia till 1584 (Tiraboschi, vol. iii. lib. i. c. 4), during which time he wrote his book "De Consolatione Philosophiae." He was executed at Calvenzano (in agro Calventiano) (Anonym. Vales. p. 36), or according to the general belief, at Ticinum, by beheading (Anast. Vit. Pontif. in Joanne I.; Aimoin. Hist. Franc.ii. 1), or (according to Anonym. Vales. p. 36) by the torture of a cord drawn round his head till the eyes were forced from their sockets, and then by beating with clubs till he expired. Symmachus was also beheaded, and Rnusticiana reduced to poverty, till Amalasontha, widow of Theodoric and regent during her son's minority, replaced his statues and restored to her his confiscated property. (Procop. Goth. i. 2, A nec. 10; Jornand. Reb. Get. 89.) Rusticiana was, however, on the sack of Rome, in A. D. 541, chiefly by her liberality to the besieged, again reduced to beggary, and was only saved by the kindness of Totila from the fury which this liberality, as well as her destruction of Theodoric's statues in revenge for her husband and father, had excited in the Gothic army. (Procop. Goth. iii. 20.) In A. D. 722, a tomb was erected to Boethius's memory by Luitprand, king of the Lombards, in the church of S. Pietro Cielo d'Oro, and in A. D. 990, a more magnificent one by Otho III., with an epitaph by pope Sylvester II. (Tiraboschi, vol. iii. lib. i. c. 4.) With the facts stated above have been mixed up various stories, more or less disputed, which seem to have grown with the growth of his posthumous reputation. 1. The story of his eighteen years' stay at Athens, and attendance on the lectures of Proclus, rests only on the authority of the spurious treatise " De Disciplina Scholarium," proved by Thonsasius to have been written by Thomas Brabantinus, or Cantipratinus, The sentence of Cassiodorus (i. 45)
Page 496 496 BOETHIUS. inaccurately quoted by Gibbon (" Atheniensium scholas [not Athenas] longe positus [not positas] introisti") as a proof of his visit to Athens, is really a statement of the reverse, being a rhetorical assertion of the fact, that though living at Rome, he was well acquainted with the philosophy of Greece. Compare the similar expressions in the same letter: "Plato... Aristoteles.... Qirinali voce disceptant." 2. The three consulships sometimes ascribed to him are made up from that of his father in 487, and that of his sons in 522. 3. Besides his wife, Rusticiana, later and especially Sicilian writers have supposed, that he was previously the husband of a Sicilian lady, Elpis, authoress of two hymns used in the Breviary (" Decora lux," and " Beate Pastor," or according to others, "Aurea luce," and "Felix per omnes"), and by her to have had two sons, Patricius and Hypatius, Greek consuls in A. D. 500. But this has no ground in history: the expression " socerorum," in Consol. Phil. ii. 3, refers not to two fathers-in-law, but to the parents of Rusticiana; and the epitaph of Elpis, which is the only authentic record of her life, contradicts the story altogether, by implying that she followed her husband (who is not named) into exile, which would of course leave no time for his second marriage and children. (See Tiraboschi, vol. iii. lib. i. c. 4.) 4. Paulus Diaconus (book vii.), Anastasius (Vit. Pontif. in Joanne I.), and later writers, have connected his death with the embassy of pope John I. to Constantinople for the protection of the Catholics, in which he is alleged to have been implicated. But this story, not being alluded to in the earlier accounts, appears to have arisen, like the last-mentioned one, from the desire to connect his name more distinctly with Christianity, which leads to the last and most signal variation in his history. 5. He was long considered as a Catholic saint and martyr, and in later times stories were current of his having been a friend of St. Benedict, and having supped at Monte Cassino (Trithemius, ap. Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. 15), and again of miracles at his death, as carrying his head in his hand (Life of him by Martianus, ap. Baron. Annal. A. D. 526, No. 17, 18), which last indeed probably arose from the fact of this being the symbolical representation of martyrdom by decapitation; as the particular day of his death (Oct. 23) was probably fixed by its being the day of two other saints of the same name of Severinus. Whatever may be thought of these details, the question of his Christianity itself is beset with difficulties in whichever way it may be determined. On the one hand, if the works on dogmatical theology ascribed to him be really his, the question is settled in the affirmative. But, in that case, the total omission of all mention of Christianity in the "Consolatio Philosophiae," in passages and under circumstances where its mention seemed to be imperatively demanded, becomes so great a perplexity that various expedients have been adopted to solve it. Bertius conjectured, that there was to have been a sixth book, which was interrupted by his death. Glareanus, though partly on other grounds, with the independent judgment for which he is commended by Niebuhr, rejected the work itself as spurious. Finally, Professor Hand, in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopiadie, has with much ingenuity maintained BOETHIUS. the opposite hypothesis, viz. that Boithius was not a Christian at all, and that the theological works ascribed to him were written by another Boethius, who was afterwards confounded with him; and hence the origin or confirmation of the mistake. In favour of this theory may be mentioned, over and above the general argument arising from the Consolatio P/ilosophiae, (1.) The number of persons of the name of Boethius in or about that time. See Fabric. Bibl. Lut. iii. 15. (2.) The tendency of that age to confound persons of inferior note with their more famous namesakes, as well as to publish anonymous works under celebrated names; as, for example, the ascription to St. Athanasius of the hymn " Quicunque vult," or to St. Dionysius the Areopagite, of the works which go under his name. (3.) The evidently fabulous character of all the events in his life alleged to prove his Christianity. (4.) The tendency which appears increasingly onwards through the middle ages to Christianize eminent heathens; as, for example, the embodiment of such traditions with regard to Trajan, Virgil, and Statius, in the Divina Comedia of Dante. Still sufficient difficulties remain to prevent an implicit acquiescence in this hypothesis. Though no author quotes the theological works of Boethius before Hincmar (A. D. 850), yet there is no trace of any doubt as to their genuineness; and also, though the general tone of the Consolatio is heathen, a few phrases seem to savour of a belief in Christianity, e. g. asgelica virtute (iv. 5), patriamI for "heaven" (v. 1, iv. 1), veri plraevia luminis (iv. 1). After all, however the critical question be settled, the character of Bo'thius is not much affected by it. For as it must be determined almost entirely from the " Consolatio," in which he speaks with his whole heart, and not from the abstract statements of doctrine in the theological treatises, which, even if genuine, are chiefly compiled with hardly an expression of personal feeling, from the works of St. Augustin, on the one hand the general silence on the subject of Christianity in such a book at such a period of his life, proves that, if he was a Christian, its doctrines could hardly have been a part of his living belief; on the other hand, the incidental phrases above quoted, the strong religious theism which pervades the whole work, the real belief which it indicates in prayer and Providence, and the unusually high tone of his public life, prove that, if a heathen, his general character must have been deeply tinged by the contemporaneous influence of Christianity. -Ie would thus seem to have been one of a probably large class of men, such as will always be found in epochs between the fall of one system of belief and the rise of another, and who by hovering on the confines of each can hardly be assigned exclusively to either,-one who, like Epictetus and the Antonines, and, nearer his own time, the poet Claudian and the historian Zosimus, was by his deep attachment to the institutions and literature of Greece and Rome led to look for practical support to a heathen or half-heathen philosophy; whilst like them, but in a greater degree, his religious and moral views received an elevation from their contact with the now established faith of Christianity. The middle position which he thus occupied by his personal character and belief, he also occupies in the general history and literature of the world.
Page 497 BOETHIUS. Being the last Roman of any note who understood the language and studied the literature of'Greece, and living on the boundary of the ancient and modern world, he is one of the most important links between them. As it had been the great object of his public life to protect the declining fortunes of Rome against the oppression of the barbarian invaders, so it was the great object of his literary life to keep alive the expiring light of Greek literature amidst the growing ignorance of the age. The complete ruin of the ancient world, which followed almost immediately on his death, imparted. to this object an importance and to himself a celebrity far beyond what he could ever have anticipated. In the total ignorance of Greek writers which prevailed from the 6th to the 14th century, he was looked upon as the head and type of all philosophers, as Augustin was of all theology and Virgil of all literature, and hence the tendency throughout the middle ages to invest him with a distinctly Christian and almost miraculous character. In Dante,e.g. he is thus described (Parad. x. 124):Per veder ogni ben dentro vi gode L' anima santa, che 'I mondo fallace Fa manifesto a chi di lei ben ode; Lo corpo, ond 'ella fu cacciata, giace Giuso in Cicldauro, ed essa da martiro E da esiglio venne a questa pace. After the introduction of the works of Aristotle into Europe in the 13th century, Boethius's fame gradually died away, and he affords a remarkable instance of an author, who having served a great purpose for nearly 1000 years, now that that purpose has been accomplished, will sink into obscurity as general as was once his celebrity. The first author who quotes his works is Hincmar (i. 211, 460, 474, 521), A. D. 850, and in the subsequent literature of the middle ages the Consolatio gave birth to imitations, translations, and commentaries, innumerable. (Warton's Eng. Poet. ii. 342, 343.) Of four classics in the Paris library in A. D. 1300 this was one. (Ib. i. p. cxii.) Of translations the most famous were one into Greek, of the poetical portions of the work, by Maximus Planudes (first published by Weber, Darmstadt, 1833), into Hebrew by Ben Banschet (Wolf. Bibl. Heb. i. 229, 1092, 243, 354, 369; Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. 15), into old High German at the beginning of the llth century, by St. Gallen; into French by J. Meun, in 1300, at the order of Philip the Fair; but above all, that into Anglo-Saxon by Alfred the Great, which is doubly interesting, (1.) as one of the earliest specimens of Anglo-Saxon literature; (2.) as the chief literary relic of Alfred himself, whose own mind appears not only in the freedom of the translation, but also in large original insertions relative to the kingly office, or to Christian history, which last fact strikingly illustrates the total absence of any such in Boethius's own work. (Of this the best edition is by J. S. Cardale, with notes and translation, 1828.) Of imitations may be mentioned (1), Chaucer's Testament of Love. (Warton's Eny.Poet. ii. 295.) 2. Consolatio Monachorum, by Echard, 1130. 3. Consolatio Theologiae, by Gerson. 4. The King's Complaint, by James I. 5. An Imitation, by Charles, Duke of Orleans, in the 15th century. Bo'thius's own works are as follow:-1. De Consolationo PhilosopiZiae. Of its moral and religious character no more need be said. In a| BOETHUS. 497 literary point of view, it is a dialogue between himself and Philosophy, much in the style of the Pastor of Hermas,-a work which it resembles in the liveliness of personification, though inferior to it in variety and superior in diction. The alternation of prose and verse is thought to have been suggested by the nearly contemporary work of Marcianus Capella on the nuptials of Mercury and Philology. The verses are almost entirely borrowed from Seneca. 2. De Unitate et Uno, and De Arilhmetica libri ii.; 3. De Musica iibri v.; 4. De Geometria libri ii.; 5. In Porphyrii Phoenicis Isagogen de Praedicabilibus a Victorino translatam Diologi ii.; 6. In eandem a se Latine versam Expositio secunda libris totidem; 7. In Caiegorias Aristotelis libri ii.; 8. In librum Aristotelis de Intelpretatione o flinorum Commentariorum libri ii., and a second ed. called Comment. Majora, in 6 books; 9. Analyticorum Aristotelis priorum et posteriorum libri iv.; 10. Introductio ad Categoricos Syllogismos; 11. De Syllogismo Categorico libri ii., and De Hypothetico libri ii.; 12. De Divisione, and De Dfinitione; 13. Topicorum Aristotelis libri viii.; 14. Elenchorum Sophisticorum libri ii.; 15. In Topica Ciceronis libri vi.; 16. De Difoerentiis Topicis libri iv. The first collected edition of his works was published at Venet., fol., 1491 (or 1492); the best and most complete at Basel, 1570, fol. The chief ancient authorities for his life are the Epistles of Ennodius and Cassiodorus, and the History of Procopius. The chief modern authorities are Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. 15; Tiraboschi, vol. iii. lib. 1. cap. 4; Hand, in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopadie; Barberini, Crit. storica Exposizione della Vita di Sev. Boezio, Pavia, 1783; Ieyne, Censura ingenii, Sc. Boethii, Gottin.1806. [A. P. S.] BOE'THUS (Boeods). 1. A Stoic philosopher who perhaps lived even before the time of Chrysippus, and was the author of several works. One of themn was entitled irepl q('uws, from which Diogenes Laertius (vii. 148) quotes his opinion about tlhe essence of God; another was called irept eijaupUlevrs, of which the same writer (vii. 149) mentions the eleventh book. This latter work is, in all probability the one to which Cicero refers in his treatise on Divination (i. 8, ii. 21). Philo (de Mund. incorript. ii. p. 497, ed. Mangey) mentions him together with Posidonius, and it is not improbable that this Boethus is the one mentioned by Plutarch. (De Placit. Philos. iii. 2.) 2. An Epicurean philosopher and geometrician, who is mentioned by Plutarch (de Pyth. Orac. p. 396, d.), and is introduced by the same writer in the Symposiaca (v. 1, p. 673, c.); but nothing further is known about him. 3. A Platonic philosopher and grammarian, who wrote a Lexicon to Plato's works (orvvaywy' Eewv E lXav-rwIKcr 7v), dedicated to Melanthus, which Photius (Cod. 154) preferred to the similar work of Timaeus still extant. Another work on the ambiguous words of Plato (irepi rwv 7rapa IhIa"rwvt dropovlEvovn Ae'(ew) was dedicated to Athenagoras. (Phot. Cod. 155.) Whether he is the same as the BoUthus who wrote an exegesis to the Phaenomena of Aratus (Geminus, Introd. ad Phaen. 14) is uncertain, and also whether he is the one against whom Porphyrius wrote his work irepl mvX/is. (Euseb. Praep. Evaong. xiv. 10, xv. 11, 16 comp. Hesych. s. v. ald rd'v CtrpIr"s; Aeneas, Gaz. Theophr. p. 16.) [L. S.] 2K
Page 498 498 BOGUD. BOE'THUS (Bod0os), surnamed SIDONIUS, was born at Sidon in Phoenicia. As he is called a disciple of the Peripatetic Andronicus of Rhodes (Ammon. Herm. Comment. in Aristot. Categ. p. 8, ed. Ald. 1546), he must have travelled at an early age to Rome and Athens, in which cities Andronicus is known to have taught. Strabo (xvi. p. 757), who mentions him and his brother Diodotus among the celebrated persons of Sidon, speaks of him at the same time as his own teacher in the Peripatetic philosophy. Among his works, all of which are now lost, there was one on the nature of the soul, and also a commentary on Aristotle's Categories, which is mentioned by Ammonius in his commentary on the same work of Aristotle. Ammonius quotes also an opinion of Boethus concerning the study of the works of Aristotle, viz. that the student should begin with the Physics (di% r-s ( cpvurCs), whereas Andronicus had maintained, that the beginning should be made d1o r^s XoyLncjs, 'fris rept r4Tv dro'CILv 7YIverat. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec iii. p. 480; Schneider, Epimetrum IIf. ad Aristot. Ilist. An2im. p. xcv.; Buhle, Aristot. Opera, i. p. 297; Stahr, Aristotelia, ii. p. 129, &c.) [A. S.] BOE'THUS (Bo-q6s), the author of an epigram in the Greek Anthology in praise of Pylades, a pantomime in the time of Augustus, was a native of Tarsus. Strabo (xiv. p. 674) describes him as a bad citizen and a bad poet, who gained the favour of Antony by some verses on the battle of Philippi, and was set by him over the gymnasium and public games in Tarsus. In this office he was guilty of peculation, but escaped punishment by flattering Antohy. He was afterwards expelled from Tarsus by Athenodorus, with the approbation of Augustus. [P. S.] BOE'THUS (Bo?0o's), a sculptor and embosser or chaser of Carthage (Paus. v. 17. ~ 1) of uncertain age. Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 12. s. 55) praises his excellence in embossing and (xxxiv. 8. s. ]9) in sculpture. Miiller (Handb. d. Arch. ~ 159. 1) suspects, and not without good reason, that the reading KapXqia6vto is corrupted out of KaXXASovLos. The artist would then not be an inhabitant or even a native of the barbarian Carthage, but of the Greek town of Chalcedon in Asia Minor. [AcRAGAS.] [W. I.] BOEUS (Boids), a son of Heracles, and founder of the Laconian town of Boeae, to which he led colonists from Etis, Aphrodisias, and Side. (Paus. iii. 22. ~ 9.) [L. S.] BOEUS. [BoEo.] BOGES (Bo'yns), the Persian governor of Eion in Thrace, when Xerxes invaded Greece in B. c. 480. Boges continued to hold the place till B. c. 476, when it was besieged by the Athenians under Cimon. Boges, finding that he was unable to defend the town, and refusing to surrender it, killed his wife, children, and family, and set fire to the place, in which he himself perished. (Herod. vii. 113, 107; Plut. Cim. 7, who calls him Boeuri; Paus. viii. 8. ~ 5, who calls him Boe's; Polyaen. vii. 24, who calls him Bdpy7s; comp. Diod. xi. 60.) BOGUD (Boyovas) was king of Mauretania Tingitana, in which title he was confirmed by Julius Caesar, B. c. 49, as a reward for his adherence to him in opposition to the party of Pompey. (Dion Cass. xli. 42; comp. Cic. ad Fam. x. 32; Sueton. Jul. 52.) Accordingly, while Caesar was engaged with his rival in Greece, B. c. 48, we BOLUS. find Bogud zealously lending his aid to Cassius Longinus, Caesar's pro-praetor in further Spain, to quell the sedition in that province. (Hirt. Bell. Alex. 62.) Again, during Caesar's campaign in Africa, B. c. 46, Mauretania was invaded unsuccessfully by the young Cn. Pompey; and when Juba, the Numidian, was hastening to join his forces to those of Q. Metellus Scipio, Bogud attacked his dominions at the instigation of the Roman exile P. Sitius, and obliged him to return for their defence. (Hirt. Bell. Afric. 23, 25, comp. c. 95; Dion Cass. xliii. 3.) In Caesar's war in Spain against Pompey's sons, B. c. 45, Bogud joined the former in person; and it was indeed by his attack on the camp of Cn. Pompey at the battle of Munda that Labienus was drawn from his post in the field to cover it, and the scale was thus turned in Caesar's favour. (Dion Cass. xliii. 38.) After the murder of Caesar, Bogud espoused the side of Antony, and it was perhaps for the furtherance of these interests that he crossed over to Spain in n. c. 38, and so lost his kingdom through a revolt of his subjects, fomented in his absence by Bocchus. This prince's usurpation was confirmed by Octavius, and seems to have been accompanied with the gift of a freer constitution to the Tingitanians. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 45.) Upon this, Bogud betook himself into Greece to Antony, for whom we afterwards find him holding the town of Methone, at the capture of which by Agrippa he lost his life about the end of B. c. 32 or the beginning of 31. (Dion Cass. 1. 11.) [E. E.] BDIOCALUS, the leader of the Ansibarii, a German people, was a man of great renown, and had long been faithful to the Romans, but made war against them in A. D. 59. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 55, 56.) BOIORIX, a chieftain of the the Boii, who in B. c. 194, together with his two brothers, excited his countrymen to revolt from the Romans, and fought an indecisive battle with Tib. Sempronius, the consul, who had advanced into his territory. The Boii continued to give the Romans trouble for several successive years, till their reduction by Scipio in B. C. 191; but of Boiorix himself we find no further mention in Livy. (Liv. xxxiv. 46, 47, 56, xxxv. 4, 5, 40, xxxvi. 38, 39.) [E. E.] BOLA'NUS, a friend of Cicero's, recommended by him to P. Sulpicius in B. c. 54. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 77.) Bolanus also occurs in Horace (Sat. i. 9. 11) as the name of a well-known furious fellow, who would not submit to any insult or impertinence. BOLA'NUS, VE'TTIUS, commanded a legion under Corbulo in the war against Tigranes in Armenia, A. D. 63, and was appointed governor of Britain in 69, in the place of Trebellius Maximus. In the civil war between Vespasian and Vitellius, Bolanus did not declare in favour of either; and, during his government of the province, he attempted nothing against the Britons, and allowed his troops great licence. But, as his administration was marked by integrity, he was popular in the province. The praises which Statius bestows upon Bolanus in the poem (Silv. v. 2. 34, &c.), addressed to his son Crispinus, must be set down to flattery. (Tac. Ann. xv. 3, Hist. ii. 65, 97, Agric. 3, 16.) BO'LGIUS. [BELGIUS.] BOLIS. [AcHAEUS, p. 8, a.] BOLUS (BI\os). Under this name Suidas, and Eudocia after him, mention a Pythagorean philo
Page 499 3BOMILCAR. sopher of Mende, to whom they ascribe several works, which are otherwise entirely unknown. From this Pythagorean, Suidas distinguishes a Bolus who was a philosopher of the school of Democritus, who wrote on medicine and also an historical work. But, from a passage of Columella (vii. 5; comp. Stobaeus, Sern. 51), it appears that Bolus of Mende and the follower of Democritus were one and the same person; and he seems to have lived subsequently to the time of Theophrastus, whose work on plants he appears to have known. (Steph. Byz. s. v. "Aovv6os; Schol. ad Nicand. Thleriac. 764.) [L. S.] BOMILCAR (BoIAXcas, BoaltXmKas). 1. A commander of the Carthaginians against Agathocles, when the latter invaded Africa, B. c. 310. In the first battle with the invaders, Bomilcar, his colleague IHanno having fallen, betrayed the fortune of the day to the enemy, with the view, according to Diodorus, of humbling the spirit of his countrymen, and so making himself tyrant of Carthage. (Diod. xx. 10, 12; comp. Arist. Polit. v. 11, ed. Bekk.) Two years after this, B. c. 308, after many delays and misgivings, he attempted to seize the government with the aid of 500 citizens and a nunmber of mercenaries; but his followers were induced to desert him by promises of pardon, and he himself was taken and crucified. (Diod. xx. 43, 44; Justin, xxi..) 2. Faither of the HI-anno who commanded a portion of niinibaPl s anrmy ait the passage of the Rhone, n. c. '21. This Bonilcar seemis to have been one of the Csarthaginian Suffetes (re&v, not praetor; see GCittling, Excurs. iii. ad Arist. Polit. p. 484), and to have presided in that assembly of the senate in which the second Punic war was resolved on. (Polyb. iii. 33, 42; Liv. xxi. 18, 27, 28.) 3. Commander of the Carthaginian supplies which were voted to Hannibal after the battle of Cainnae, B. c. 216, and with which he arrived in Italy in the ensuing year. (Liv. xxiii. 13, 41.) In B. c. 214, he was sent with fifty-five ships to the aid of Syracuse, then besieged by the Romans; but, finding himself unable to cope with the superior fleet of the enemy, he withdrew to Africa. (Liv. xxiv. 36.) Two years after, we again find him at Syracuse; for we hear of his making his escape out of the harbour, carrying to Carthage intelligence of the perilous state of the city (all of which, except Achradina, was in the possession of Marcellus), and returning within a few da), with 100 ships. (Liv. xxv. 25.) In the same year, on thle destruction by pestilence of the Carthaginian land-forces under Hippocrates and Himilco, Bomilcar again sailed to Carthage with the news, and returned with 130 ships, but was prevented by Marcellus from reaching Syracuse. He then proceeded to Tarentum, apparently with the view of cutting off the supplies of the Roman garrison in that town; but, as the presence of his force only increased the scarcity under which the Tarentines themselves suffered, they were obliged to dismiss him. (Liv. xxv. 27, xxvi. 20; comp. Polyb. Spicil. Rel. ix. 1; Schweig. ad loc.) 4. A Numidian, deep in the confidence of Jugurtha, by whom he was employed on many secret services. In particular, when Jugurtha was at Rome, in B. c. 108, Bomilcar undertook and effected for him the assassination of Massiva, who happened to be at Rome at the same time, and who, as well as Jugurtha himself, was a grandson BONA DEA. 499 of Mlasinissa, and a rival claimant to the throne of Numidia. The murder was discovered and traced to Bomilcar, who was obliged to enter into large recognizances to appear and stand his trial; but, before the trial came on, his master privately sent him back to Africa. (Saill. Jug. 35; comp. Liv. Epit. 64.) In the ensuing year, we find him commanding a portion of Jugurtha's army, with which he was defeated in a skirmish at the river Muthul by Rutilias, lieutenant of Metellus. (Sall. Jug. 49, 52, 53.) In the winter of the same year Metellus, after his unsuccessful attempt on Zama, engaged Bomilcar by promises of Roman favour to deliver Jugurtha to him alive or dead; and it was accordingly at his instigation that the king sent ambassadors to make offers of unconditional submission to Metellus. (Sall. Jug. 61, 62.) In consequence of this advice Bomilcar seems to have become an object of suspicion to his master, which urged him the more towards the execution of his treachery. Accordingly he formed a plot with Nabdalsa, a Numidian nobleman, for the seizure or assassination of the king; but the design was discovered to Jugurtha by Nabdalsa's agent or secretary, and Bonmilcar was put to death. (Sall. Jug. 70,71.) [E. E.] BONA DEA, a Roman divinity, who is described as the sister, wife, or daughter of Faunus, and was herself called Fauna, Fatua, or Oma. (Serv. ad A en. viii. 314; Macrob. Sat. i. 12.) She was worshipped at Rome from the earliest times as a chaste and prophetic divinity; and her worship was so exclusively confined to women, that men were not even allowed to know her name. Faunus himself had not been able to overcome her aversion to men, except by changing her into a serpent. (Cic. de Harusp. resp. 17; Varr. ap. Lactant. i. 22; Serv. 1. c.) She revealed her oracles only to females, as Faunus did only to males. Her sanctuary was a grotto in the Aventine, which had been consecrated to her by Claudia, a pure maiden. (Macrob. I. e.; Ov. Fast. v. 148, &c.) In the time of Cicero, however, she had also a sanctuary between Aricia and Bovillae. (Cic. pro Mil. 31; Ascon. ad Milotn. p. 32.) Her festival, which was celebrated every year on the 1st of May, was held in the house of the consul or praetor, as the sacrifices on that occasion were offered on behalf of the whole Roman people. The solemnities were conducted by the Vestals, and only women, usually of the higher orders, were allowed to take part in them. (Cic. ad Att. i. 13, de Harusp. resp. 1. c.; Dion Cass. xxxvii. 45.) During the solemnity, no male person was allowed to be in the house, and portraits of men were tolerated only when they were covered over. It is a wellknown fact, that P. Clodius profaned the sacred ceremonies on such an occasion by entering the house of Caesar in the disguise of a woman. (Juv. vi. 429; Senec. Epist. 97; Pint. Caes. 9, Quaest. Rota. 20; Cic. Paradox. 4, ad Att. ii. 4.) The women who celebrated the festival of Fauna had to prepare themselves for it by abstaining from various things, especially from intercourse with men. The house of the consul or praetor was decorated by the Vestals as a temple, with flowers and foliage of every kind except myrtle, on account of its symbolic meaning. The head of the goddess's statue was adorned with a garland of vine-leaves, and a serpent surrounded its feet. The women were decorated in a similar manner. Although no one was 2K2
Page 500 500 BONIFACIUS. allowed to bring wine with her, a vessel filled with wine, stood in the room, and from it the women made their libations and drank. This wine, however, was called milk, and the vessel containing it mellarium, so that the name of wine was avoided altogether. The solemnity commenced with a sacrifice called damium (the priestess who performed "bore the name damiatrix, and the goddess damia; Fest. s. v. Damismn, who however gives an absurd account of these names). One might suppose that the sacrifice consisted of a chamois (dama) or some kind of substitute for a chamois; but Pliny (H. N. x. 77) seems to suggest, that the sacrifice consisted of hens of various colours, except black ones. After this sacrifice, the women began to perform Bacchic dances, and to drink of the wine prepared for them. (Juv. vi. 314.) The goddess herself was believed to have set the example for this; for, while yet on earth, she was said to have intoxicated herself by emptying a large vessel of wine, whereupon Faunus killed her with a myrtle staff, but afterwards raised her to the rank of a goddess. (Varr. ap. Lactant. I. c.; Arnob. adv. Gent. v. 18; Plut. Quaest. BRom. 20.) This whole ceremony took place at night, whence it is usually called sacrum operlum, or sacra opertanea. (Cic. de Legg. ii. 9, ad Att. i. 13.) Fauna was also regarded as a goddess possessed of healing powers, as might be inferred from the serpents being part of her worship; but we know that various kinds of medicinal herbs were sold in her temple, and bought largely by the poorer classes. (Macrob., Plut., Arnob. 11. cc.) Greek writers, in their usual way, identify the Bona Dea with some Greek divinity, such as Semele, Medeia, Hecate, or Persephone. The Angitia of the Marsians seems to have been the same goddess with them as the Bona Dea with the Romans. (ANGI"TIA; comp. Hartung, Die Relig. der Rom. ii. p. 195, &c.) [L. S.] BONIFA'CIUS, a Roman general, tribunus, and comes in the province of Africa under Valentinian III. In the early part of his career he was distinguished for his prompt administration of justice, and also for his activity against the barbarians, as at Massilia in A. D. 413 against the Gothic king Ataulphus (Olymp. ap. Phot. p. 59, Bekk.), and in 422 against the Vandals in Spain. (Prosper.) His high character procured for him the friendship of Augustin, whom he consulted with regard to enforcing the imperial laws against the Donatists, and to scruples which he entertained against continuing military pursuits, and (on the death of his wife) even against remaining in the world at all. These scruples Augustin wisely allayed, only recommending to him resolutions, which he adopted, of confining himself to defensive warfare against the barbarians, and of leading a single life. (Augustin. Ep. 185, 189.) (A. D. 417, 418.) The abandonment of this last resolution, in his second marriage with a rich Arian lady of the name of Pelagia, seems to have exercised a pernicious influence over his general character. Although he so far maintained his own religious convictions as to insist on the previous conversion of his wife, yet he so far gave them up as to allow his child to receive Arian baptism; and as the first breach of even slight scruples may prepare a conscience naturally tender for the commission of actual crimes, he is afterwards reported to have lived with concubines. (Augustin. Ep. 220.) (A. D. 424.) Whilst in the unsettled state consequent on this change of life, BONOSUS. he was, in 427, entrapped by his rival Ae'tius [AETIUS] into the belief that the empress Placidia was bent on his destruction; and under this impression he yielded to the temptation of inviting Genseric, king of the Vandals, to settle in Africa. (Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 4.) Bitterly reproached for his crime by Augustin (Ep. 220), and discovering the fraud when it was too late, he took arms against Genseric, but was driven by him into Hippo (A. D. 430), and thence, after a year's siege, during which he witnessed the death of his friend, Augustin, he escaped with a great part of the inhabitants to Italy, where he was restored to the favour of Placidia, and even enjoyed the almost unexampled honour of having coins struck in honour of his imaginary victories, with his own head on the reverse. Aetius, however, challenged him to single combat, shortly after which, either by a wound from the longer spear of his adversary (Marcellinus in anno) or from illness (Prosper), he expired, expressing his forgiveness to Aetius, and advising his widow to marry him. (A. D. 432.) His career is singularly and exactly the reverse of that of his rival, Ahtius. Uniting true Roman courage and love of justice with true Christian piety, he yet by one fatal- step brought on his church and country the most severe calamities which it had been in the power of any of the barbarian invaders to inflict on either of them. The authorities for his life are Procopius, Bell. Vand. i. 3, 4; Olymp. ap. Phot. pp. 59, 62; Augustin. Ep. 185 (or 50), 189 (or 95), 220 (or 70); and, of modern writers, Gibbon, c. 33; at greater length, Tillemont, Mem. sEccl. xiii. pp. 712 -886, in which last (note 77) is a discussion on a correspondence of sixteen smaller letters, falsely ascribed to him and Augustin. [A. P. S.] BONO'SUS, was born in Spain; his ancestors were from Britain and Gaul. The son of a humble schoolmaster, he displayed a marked inaptitude for literary pursuits; but, having entered the army, gradually rose to high military rank, and was indebted for much of his success in life to the singular faculty which he possessed of being able to drink to excess (bibit quantum hominum memo) without becoming intoxicated or losing his self-command. Aurelian, resolving to take advantage of this natural gift, kept him near his person, in order that when ambassadors arrived from barbarian tribes, they might be tempted to deep potations by Bonosus, and so led to betray the secrets of their mission. In pursuance of this plan, the emperor caused him to wed Hunila, a damsel of the noblest blood among the Goths, in hopes of gaining early information of the schemes in agitation among her kinsmen, which they were apt to divulge when under the influence of wine. How the husbandspy discharged his task we are not told; but we find him at a subsequent period in the command of troops upon the Rhaetian frontier, and afterwards stationed on the Rhine. The Germans having succeeded in destroying certain Roman vessels in consequence of some carelessness or breach of duty on his part, in order to avoid immediate punishment, he prevailed upon his soldiers to proclaim him emperor. After a long and severe struggle, lie was vanquished by Probus, and hanged himself. The conqueror magnanimously spared his two sons and pensioned his widow. No medals are extant except those published by Goltzius, which are spurious. (Vopiscus, Vit. Bonos.) [LW. R.]
Page 501 BOSTAR. BRACHYLLES. 501 BOO'PIS (Bowris), an epithet commonly given that Bostar died of the treatment he icceived. to Hera in the Homeric poems. It has been said, The cruelty of the family, however, excited so that the goddess was thus designated in allusion to much odium at Rome, that the sons of Regulus her having metamorphosed lo into a cow; but this thought it advisable to burn the body of Bostar, opinion is contradicted by the fact, that other divi- and send his ashes to Carthage. This account of nities too, such as Euryphaessa (Hom. Hymln. in Diodorus, which, Niebuhr remarks, is probably Sol. 2) and Pluto (Hesiod. Theog. 355), are men- taken from Philinus, must be regarded as of doubttioned with the same epithet; and from this cir- ful authority. (Polyb. i. 30; Oros. iv. 8; Eutrop. cumstance it must be inferred, that the poets meant ii. 21; Flor. ii. 2; Diod. Exc. xxxiv.; Niebuhr, to express by it nothing but the sublime and ma- Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 600.) jestic character of those divinities. [L. S.] 2. The Carthaginian commander of the merceBO'REAS (Bopiar or Bopas), the North wind, nary troops in Sardinia, was, together with all the was, according to Hesiod (Theog. 379), a son of Carthaginians with him, killed by these soldiers Astraeus and Eos, and brother of Hesperus, Ze- when they revolted in B. c. 240. (Polyb. i. 79.) phyrus, and Notus. He dwelt in a cave of mount 3. A Carthaginian general, who was sent by Haemus in Thrace. (Callim. THymn. in Del. 63.) Hasdrubal, the commander-in-chief of the CarthaHe is mixed up with the early legends of Attica ginian forces in Spain, to prevent the Romans unin the story of his having carried off Oreithyia, der Scipio from crossing the Iberus in B. c. 217. the daughter of Erechtheus, by whom he begot But not daring to do this, Bostar fell back upon Zetes, Calais, and Cleopatra, the wife of Phineus, Saguntum, where all the hostages were kept which who are therefore called Boreades. (Ov. Met. vi. had been given to the Carthaginians by the diffe683, &c.; Apollon. Rhod. i. 211; Apollod. iii. 15. rent states in Spain. Here he was persuaded by ~ 2; Paus. i. 19. ~ 6.) In the Persian war, Boreas Abelox, who had secretly gone over to the Roshewed his friendly disposition towards the Athe- mans, to set these hostages at liberty, because such nians by destroying the ships of the barbarians. an act would secure the affections of the Spanish (Herod. vii. 189.) He also assisted the Megalo- people. But the hostages had no sooner left the politans against the Spartans, for which he was city, than they were betrayed by Abelox into the honoured at Megalopolis with annual festivals. hands of the Romans. For his simplicity on this (Paus. viii. 36. ~ 3.) According to an Homeric occasion, Bostar was involved in great danger. tradition (II. xx. 223), Boreas begot twelve horses (Polyb. iii. 98, 99; Liv. xxii. 22.) by the mares of Erichthonius, which is commonly 4. One of the ambassadors sent by Hannibal explained as a mere figurative mode of expressing to Philip of Macedonia in B. c. 215. The ship in the extraordinary swiftness of those horses. On which they sailed was taken by the Romans, and the chest of Cypselus he was represented in the the ambassadors themselves sent as prisoners to act of carrying off Oreithyia, and here the place of Rome. (Liv. xxiii. 34.) We are not told whether his legs was occupied by tails of serpents. (Paus. they obtained their freedom; and consequently it v. 19. ~ 1.) Respecting the festivals of Boreas, is uncertain whether the Bostar who was governor celebrated at Athens and other places, see Diet. of of Capua with Hanno, in 211, is the same as the Ant. s. v. BopEarooli. [L. S.] preceding. (Liv. xxvi. 5, 12; Appian, Annib. 43.) BORMUS (Bcjppos or Bw'pqpos), a son of Upius, BO'TACHUS (B13w'raor), a son of locritus and a Mariandynian, was a youth distinguished for his grandson of Lycurgus, from whom the demos Boextraordinary beauty. Once during the time of tachidae or Potachides at Tegea was believed to harvest, when he went to a well to fetch water for have derived its name. (Paus. viii. 45. ~ 1; Steph. the reapers, he was drawn into the well by the Byz. s. v. Bwraxi.aoi.) [L. S.] nymphs, and never appeared again. For this rea- BOTANIDES. [NICEPHORUS III.] son, the country people in Bithynia celebrated his BO'TRYAS (BoTrpias), of Myndus, is one of memory every year at the time of harvest with the writers whom Ptolemy, the son of Hephaestion plaintive songs (Fcpptor) with the accompaniment made use of in compiling his " New History." of their flutes. (Athen. xiv. p. 620; Aeschyl. Pers. (Phot. p. 147, a., 21, ed. Bekker.) 941; Schol. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791; Pollux, iv. BOTRYS (B6rpvs), a native of Messana in 54.) [L. S.] Sicily, was the inventor of the lascivious poems BORUS (Bc&pos), two mythical personages, of called nlai-yra. (Athen. vii. p. 322, a.; Polyb. xii. whom no particulars are related. (Apollod. iii. 13. 13; Suidas, s. v. AmUoX dp0s.) ~ 1; Paus. ii. 18. ~ 7.) [L. S.] BOTRYS (Bo'rpvs), a Greek physician, who BOSTAR (BcIJowp, Polyb. iii. 98; Bcio'rapos, must have lived in or before the first century Polyb. i. 30; BoUdorTwp, Diod. Exc. xxiv.). 1. A after Christ. His writings are not now extant, Carthaginian general, who, in conjunction with but they were used by Pliny for his Natural HisHamilcar and Hasdrubal, the son of Hanno, com- tory. (Ind. to HI. N. xiii. xiv.) One of his premanded the Carthaginian forces sent against M. Ati- scriptions is preserved by Galen. (De Covmpos. MiIelius Regulus when he invaded Africa in B. c. 256. dicam. sec. Locos. iii. 1. vol. xii. p. 640.) [W.A. G.] Bostar and his colleagues were, however, quite in- BOTTHAEUS (BorOards), is mentioned along competent for their office. Instead of keeping to with Scylax of Caryanda by Marcianus of Herathe plains, where their cavalry and elephants would cleia (p. 63) as one of those who wrote a Periplus. have been formidable to the Romans, they retired to BRACHYLLES or BRACHYLLAS (Bpathe mountains, where these forces were of no use; XIvXk]s, BpaXdAAas), was the son of Neon, a and they were defeated, in consequence, near the Boeotian, who studiously courted the favour of the town of Adis, with great slaughter. The generals, Macedonian kIing Antigonus Doson; and accordwe are told, were taken prisoners; and we learn ingly, when the latter took Sparta, B. c. 222, he from Diodorus, that Bostar and Hamilcar. were, entrusted to Brachyllas the government of the city. after the death of Regulus, delivered up to his fa- (Polyb. xx. 5; comp. ii. 70, v. 9, ix. 36.) After mily, who behaved to them with such barbarity, the death of Antigonus, B. c. 220, Brachyllas con
Page 502 502 BRASIDAS. tinned to attach himself to the interests of Macedonia under Philip V., whom he attended in his conference with Flamininus at Nicaea in Locris, B. c. 198. (Polyb. xvii. 1; Liv. xxxii. 32.) At the battle of Cynoscephalae, B. c. 197, he commanded the Boeotian troops in Philip's army; but, together with the rest of his countrymen who had on that occasion fallen into the Roman power, he was sent home in safety by Flamininus, who wished to conciliate Boeotia. On his return he was elected Boeotarch, through the influence of the Macedonian party at Thebes; in consequence of which Zeuxippus, Peisistratus, and the other leaders of the Roman party, caused him to be assassinated as he was returning home one night from an entertainment, B. c. 196. Polybius tells us, what Livy omits to state, that Flamininus himself was privy to the crime. (Polyb. xviii. 26; Liv. xxxiii. 27, 28; comp. xxxv. 47, xxxvi. 6.) [E. E.] BRANCHUS (BpdyXos), a son of Apollo or Smicrus of Delphi. His mother, a Milesian woman, dreamt at the time she gave birth to him, that the sun was passing through her body, and the seers interpreted this as a favourable sign. Apollo loved the boy Branchus for his great beauty, and endowed him with prophetic power, which he exercised at Didyma, near Miletus. Here he founded an oracle, of which his descendants, the Branchidae, were the priests, and which was held in great esteem, especially by the lonians and Aeolians. (Herod. i. 157; Strab. xiv. p. 634, xvii. p. 814; Lutat. ad Stat. Theb. viii. 198; Conon, Narrat. 33; Luc. Dial. Deor. 2; comp. Dict. of Ant. s. v. Oraculum.) BRANCUS, king of the Allobroges, had been deprived of his kingdom by his younger brother, but was restored to it by Hannibal in B. c. 218. (Liv. xxi. 31.) BRANGAS (Bpd'yyas), a son of the Thracian king Strymon, and brother of Rhessus and' Olynthus. When the last of these three brothers had been killed during the chase by a lion, Brangas buried him on the spot where he had fallen, and called the town which he subsequently built there Olynthus. (Conon, Ncarrat. 4; Steph. Byz. s. v. "OAvveos; Athen. viii. p. 334, who calls Olynthus a son of Heracles.) [L. S.] BRA'SIDAS (Bpae-ibas), son of Tellis, the most distinguished Spartan in the first part of the Peloponnesian war, signalized himself in its first year (B. c. 431) by throwing a hundred men into Methone,.while besieged by the Athenians in their first ravage of the Peloponnesian coast. For this exploit, which saved the place, he received, the first in the war, public commendation at Sparta; and perhaps in consequence of this it is we find him in September appointed Ephor Eponymus. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~ 10.) His next employment (B. c. 429) is as one of the three counsellors sent to assist Cnemus, after his first defeat by Phormion; and his name is also mentioned after the second defeat in the attempt to surprise the Peiraeeus, and we may not improbably ascribe to him the attempt, and its failure to his colleagues. In 427 he was united in the same, but a subordinate, capacity, with Alcidas, the new admiral, on his return from his Ionian voyage; and accompanying him to Corcyra he was reported, Thucydides tells us, to have vainly urged him to attack the city immediately after their victory in the first engagement. Next, as trierarch in the attempt to dislodge De BRASIDAS. mosthehes from Pylos (425), he is described as running his galley ashore, and, in a gallant endeavour to land, to have fainted from his wounds, and falling back into the ship to have lost in the water his shield, which was afterwards found by the Athenians and used in their trophy. Early in the following year we find him at the Isthmus preparing for his expedition to Chalcidice (424), but suddenly called off from this by the danger of Megara, which but for his timely and skilful succour would no doubt have been lost to the enemy. Shortly after, he set forth with an army of 700 helots and 1000 mercenaries, arrived at Heracleia, and, by a rapid and dexterous march through the hostile country of Thessaly, effected a junction with Perdiccas of Macedon. The events of his career in this field of action were (after a brief expedition against Arrhibaeus, a revolted vassal of the king's) the acquisition, 1st. of Acanthus, effected by a most politic exposition of his views (of which Thucydides gives us a representation), made before the popular assembly; 2nd. of Stageirus, its neighbour; 3rd. of Amphipolis, the most important of all the Athenian tributaries in that part of the country, accomplished by a sudden attack after the commencement of winter, and followed by an unsuccessful attempt on E'on, and by the accession of Myrcinus, Galepsus, Aesyme, and most of the towns in the peninsula of Athos; 4th. the reduction of Torone, and expulsion of its Athenian garrison from the post of Lecythus. In the following spring (423) we have the revolt of Scione, falling a day or two after the ratification of the truce agreed upon by the government at home-a mischance which Brasidas scrupled not to remedy by denying the fact, and not only retained Scione, but even availed himself of the consequent revolt of Mende, on pretext of certain infringements on the other side. Next, a second expedition with Perdiccas, against Arrhibaeus, resulting in a perilous but most ably-conducted retreat: the loss, in the meantime, of Mende, recaptured by the new Athenian armament; and in the winter an ineffectual attempt on Potidaea. In 422, Brasidas with no reinforcements had to oppose a large body of the flower of the Athenian troops under Cleon. Torone and Galepsus were lost, but Amphipolis was saved by a skilful sally,-the closing event of the war,-in which the Athenians were completely defeated and Cleon slain, and Brasidas himself in the first moment of victory received his mortal wound. He was interred at Amphipolis, within the walls-an extraordinary honour in a Greek town -with a magnificent funeral, attended under arms by all the allied forces. The tomb was railed off, and his memory honoured by the Amphipolitans, by yearly sacrifices offered to him there, as to a hero, and by games. (Pans. iii. 14. ~ 1; Aristot. Elh. Nic. v. 7; Dict. of Ant. s. v. Bpacibeia.) Regarding him as their preserver, they transferred to him all the honours of,a Founder hitherto paid to Hagnon. Pausanias mentions a cenotaph to him in' Sparta, and we hear also (Pnlt. Lysander, 1) of a treasury at Delphi, bearing the inscription, " Brasidas and the Acanthians from the Athenians." Two or three of his sayings are recorded in Plutarch's Apophthegmata Laconica, but none very characteristic. Thucydides gives three speeches in his name, the first and longest at Acanthus; one to his forces in the
Page 503 BRENNUS. BRENNUS. 50,3 retreat, perhaps the greatest of his exploits, from Little is known of him and his Gauls till they Lyncestis; and a third before the battle of Am- came into immediate contact with the Romans, and phipolis. His own opinion of him seems to have even then traditionary legends have very much obbeen very high, and indeed we cannot well over- scured the facts of history. estimate the services he rendered his country. It is clear, however, that, after crossing the Without his activity, even the utmost temerity in Apennines (Diod. xiv. 113; Liv. v. 36), Brennus their opponents wouldhardlyhave brought Spartaout attacked Clusium, and unsuccessfully. The valley of the contest without the utmost disgrace. He is of the Clanis was then open before him, leading in fact the one redeeming point of the first ten down to the Tiber, where the river was fordable; years; and had his life and career been prolonged, and after crossing it he passed through the country the war would perhaps have come to an earlier of the Sabines, and advanced along the Salarian conclusion, and one more happy for all parties. road towards Rome. His army now amounted to As a commander, even our short view of him leads 70,000 men. (Diod. xiv. 114.) At the Allia, us to ascribe to him such qualities as would have which ran through a deep ravine into the Tiber, placed his above all other names in the war, though about 12 miles from the city, he found the Roman it is true that we see him rather as the captain army, consisting of about 40,000 men, strongly than the general. To his reputation for " justice, posted. Their right wing, composed of the proleliberality, and wisdom," Thucydides ascribes not tarians and irregular troops, was drawn up on high only much of his own success, but also the eager- ground, covered by the ravine in front and some ness shewn for the Spartan alliance after the woody country on the flank; the left and centre, Athenian disasters at Syracuse. This character composed of the regular legions, filled the ground was no doubt mainly assumed from motives of between the hills and the Tiber (Diod. xiv. 114), policy, nor can we believe him to have had any while the left wing rested on the river itself. thought except for the cause of Sparta and his own Brennus attacked and carried this position, much glory. Of unscrupulous Spartan duplicity he had in the same way as Frederick of Prussia defeated a full share, adding to it a most unusual dexterity the Austrians at Leuthen. He fell with the whole and tact in negotiation; his powers, too, of elo- strength of his army on the right wing of the Roquence were, in the judgment of Thucydides, very mans, and quickly cleared the ground. He then considerable for a Spartan. Strangely united with charged the exposed flank of the legions on the these qualities we find the highest personal left, and routed the whole army with great slaughbravery; apparently too (in Plato's Symposium ter. Had he marched at once upon the city, it le is compared to Achilles) heroic strength and would have fallen, together with the Capitol, into beauty. He, too, like Archidamus, was a suc- his hands, and the name and nation of Rome cessful adaptation to circumstances of the un- might have been swept from the earth. But he wieldy Spartan character: to make himself fit to spent the night on the field. His warriors were cope with them he sacrificed, far less, indeed, than busy in cutting off the heads of the slain (Diod. was afterwards sacrificed in the age of Lysander, 1. c.), and then abandoned themselves to plunder, yet too much perhaps to have permitted a return drunkenness, and sleep. He delayed the whole of to perfect acquiescence in the ancient discipline, the next day, and thus gave the Romans time to Such rapidity and versatility, such enterprise and secure the Capitol. On the third morning he burst daring, were probably felt at Sparta (comp. Thuc. open the gates of the city. Then followed the i. 70) as something new and incongruous. His massacre of the eighty priests and old patricians successes, it is known, were regarded there with (Zonar, ii. 23), as they sat, each in the portico of so much jealousy as even to hinder his obtaining his house, in their robes and chairs of state; the reinforcements. (Thuc. iv. 108.) [A. H. C.] plunder and burning of all the city, except the BRAURON (Bpaupwv), an ancient hero, from houses on the Palatine, where Brennus established whom the Attic demos of Brauron derived its his quarters (Diod. xiv. 115); the famous night name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] attack on the Capitol, and the gallant exploit of BRAURO'NIA (Bpavpwvia), a surname of Manlius in saving it. Artemis, derived from the demos of Brauron in For six months Brennus besieged the Capitol, Attica. Under this name the goddess had a sane- and at last reduced the garrison to offer 1000 tuary on the Acropolis of Athens, which contained pounds of gold for their ransom. The Gaul brought a statue of her made by Praxiteles. Her image at unfair weights to the scales, and the Roman triBrauron, however, was believed to be the most bune remonstrated. But Brennus then flung his ancient, and the one which Orestes and Iphigeneia broadsword into the scale, and told the tribune, had brought with them from Tauris. (Paus. i. who asked what it meant, that it meant " vae victis 23. ~ 8; Diet. of Ant. s.v. Bpavpwcoa.) [L. S.] esse," that the weakest goes to the wall. BRENNUS. 1. The leader of the Gauls, who Polybius says (ii. 18), that Brennus and his in B. c. 390 crossed the Apennines, took Rome, Gauls then gave up the city, and returned home and overran the centre and the south of Italy. His safe with their booty. But the vanity of the Roreal name was probably either Brenhin, which sig- mans and their popular legends would not let him nifies in Kymrian " a king," or Bran, a proper so escape. According to some, a large detachment name which occurs in Welsh history. (Arnold's was cut off in an ambush near Caere (Diod. xiv. Rome, vol. i. p. 524.) This makes it probable that 117); according to others, these were none others he himself, as well as many of the warriors whom than Brennus and those who had besieged the he led, belonged to the Kymri of Gaul, though the Capitol. (Strab. v. p. 220.) Last of all, Camillus mass of the invaders are said by Livy (v. 35) and and a Roman army are made to appear suddenly by Diodorus (xiv. 13) to have been Senones, from just at the moment that the gold is being weighed the neighbourhood of Sens, and must therefore, ac- for the Capitol, Brennus is defeated in two battles, cording to Caesar's division (B. G. i. 1) of the he himself is killed, and his whole army slain to a Gallic tribes, have been Kelts. man. (Liv. v. 49.)
Page 504 b04 BRENNUS. BRISEUS. 2. The leader of a body of Gauls, who had by the Greek and Roman historians. As the Gauls settled in Pannonia, and who moved southwards rushed on from below, the Greeks plied their darts, and broke into Greece B. c. 279, one hundred and and rolled down broken rocks from the cliff upon eleven years after the taking of Rome. them. A violent storm and intense cold (for it Pyrrhus of Epeirus was then absent in Italy. was winter) increased the confusion of the assailThe infamous Ptolemy Ceraunus had just estab- ants. They nevertheless pressed on, till Brennms lished himself on the throne of Macedon. Athens fainted from his wounds, and was carried out of was again free under Olympiodorus (Paus. i. 26), the fight. They then fled. The Greeks, exasand the old Achaean league had been renewed, perated by their barbarities, hung on their retreat, with the promise of brighter days in the Pelopon- through a difficult and mountainous country, and nesus, when the inroad of the barbarians threatened but few of them escaped to their comrades, whom all Greece with desolation. they had left behind at Thermopylae. (Paus. x. 23.) Brennus entered Paeonia at the same time that Brennus was still alive, and might have retwo other divisions of the Gauls invaded Thrace covered from his wounds, but according to Pausa-and Macedonia. On returning home, the easy nias he would not survive his defeat, and put an victory which his countrymen had gained over end to his life with large draughts of strong Ptolemy in Macedon, the richness of the country, wine-a more probable account than that of Justin and the treasures of the temples, furnished him (xxiv. 8), who says that being unable to bear the 'with arguments for another enterprise, and he again pain of his wounds, he stabbed himself. [A. G.] advanced southward with the enormous force of BRENTUS (BpEiros), a son of Heracles, who 150,000 foot and 61,000 horse. (Paus. x. 19.) was regarded as the founder of the town of BrenAfter ravaging Macedonia (Justin. xxiv. 6) he tesium or Brundusium, on the Adriatic. (Steph. marched through Thessaly towards Thermopylae. Byz. s. v. BpevrviTjcov.) [L. S.] Here an army of above 20,000 Greeks was assem- BRIAREUS. [AEGAEON.] bled to dispute the pass, while a fleet of Athenian BRETTUS (Bpvrros), a son of Heracles, from triremes lay close in shore, commanding the narrow whom the Tyrrhenian town of Brettus and the road between the foot of the cliffs and the beach. country of Brettia derived their names. (Steph. On arriving at the Spercheius, Brennus found Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] the bridges broken, and a strong advanced post of BRIE'NNIUS, JOANNES, a Greek scholiast the Greeks on the opposite bank. He waited on the Basilica, of uncertain date and history. therefore till night, and then sent a body of men (Basilica, vol. iii. p. 186, Fabrot.) [J. T. G.] down the river, to cross it where it spreads itself BRIETES, a painter, the father of Pausias of over some marshy ground and becomes fordable. Sicyon. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40.) [W. I.] On the Gauls gaining the right bank, the advanced BRIGA'NTICUS, JU'LIUS, was born among post of the Greeks fell back upon Thermopylae. the Batavi, and was the son of the sister of Civilis, Brennus repaired the bridges and crossed the river, who hated and was in turn hated by his nephew. and advanced lhastily by Heracleia towards the Briganticus commanded a squadron of cavalry, pass. At daybreak the fight began. But the ill- with which he first revolted to Caecina, the genearmed and undisciplined Gauls rushed in vain upon ral of Vitellius, and afterwards to Vespasian, in the Grecian phalanx, and after repeated attacks of A. D. 70. He served under Cerialis in Germany incredible fury they were forced to retire with against his uncle Civilis, and fell in battle in this great loss. Brennus then despatched 40,000 of war, A. D. 71. (Tac. Hist. ii. 22, iv. 70, v. 21.) his men across the mountains of Thesssaly into BRIMO (BptpcJ), the angry or the terrifying, Aetolia, which they ravaged with horrible barbarity. occurs as a surname of several divinities, such mis This had the initended effect of detaching the Hecate or Persephone (Apollon. Rhod. iii. 861, Aetolians from the allied army at Thermopylae; 1211; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1171), Demeter (Arnob. and about the same time some Heracleots betrayed v. p. 170), and Cybele. (Theodoret. Ther. i. 699.) the pass over the mountains by which, two hundred The Scholiast on Apollonius (1. c.) gives a second years before, the Persians had descended on the derivation of Brimo from Bpojuos, so that it would rear of the devoted Spartans. The Gaul followed refer to the crackling of the fire, as Hecate was the same path. But the Greeks this time, though conceived bearing a torch. [L. S.] again surrounded, escaped; for the Athenian fleet BRINNO, a German of noble birth, was chosen carried them safely away before the Gauls attacked leader of his people, the Canninefates, in their atthem. (Paus. x. 22.) tack upon the Romans in A. D. 70. (Tac. Hist. iv. Brennus, without waiting for those whom he 15.) had left on the other side of the pass, pushed on BRISAEUS (BpfoMaios), a surname of Diofor the plunder of Delphi. Justin says the bar- nysus, derived from mount Brisa in Lesbos barians laughed at the notion of dedication to the (Steph. Byz. s. v. Bpio-a), or from a nymph Brisa, gods (xxiv. 6): " The gods were so rich them- who was said to have brought up the god. (Schol. selves that they could afford to be givers instead of ad Pers. Sat. i. 76.) [L. S.] receivers;"'' and as he approached the sacred hill, BRISE'IS (Bpiorlis ), a patronymic from he pointed out the statues, and chariots, and other Briseus, and the name of Hippodameia, the daughofferings, which were conspicuous around the tem- ter of Briseus of Lyrnessus, who fell into the pie, and which he promised as the golden prizes of hands of Achilles, and about whom the quarrel the victory. (Justin. xxiv. 8.) arose between Achilles and Agamemnon. (IHomi. The Delphians had collected about 4000 men on II. i. 184, &c.; ACHILLES.) [L. S.] the rock,-a small number to oppose the host of BRISEUS (Bpmre-s), the father of Briseis, was Brennus. But they were strongly posted, and the a son of Ardys and king of the Leleges at Pedasus, advantage of the ground, and their own steady or a priest at Lyrnessus. (Hoin. II.7i. 392, ii. 689.) conduct, manifestly saved the temple without tme Briseus is said to have hanged himself when ihe supernatural help of Apollo, which is given to them lost his daughter. (Dict. Cret. ii. 17.) [L. S.]
Page 505 BRITANNICUS. BRISO, M. A'NTIUS, tribune of the plebs, B.c. 137, opposed the tabellaria lex of his colleague L. Cassius Longinus, but was induced by Scipio Africanus the Younger to withdraw his opposition. (Cic. Brut. 25.) BRITA'NNICUS, son of Claudius and MessaSlina, appears to have been born in the early part of the year A. D. 42, during the second consulship of his father, and was originally named Claudius Tiberius Germanicus. In consequence of victories, or pretended victories, in Britain, the senate bestowed on the emperor the title of Britannicus, which was shared by the infant prince and retained by him during the remainder of his life as his proper and distinguishing appellation. He was cherished as the heir apparent to the throne until the disgraceful termination of his mother's scandalous career (A. D. 48); but Claudius, soon after his marriage with the ambitious and unscrupulous Agrippina, was prevailed upon by her wiles and the intrigues of the freedman Pallas, her paramour, to adopt L. Domitius, her son by a former husband, to grant him Octavia, sister of Britannicus, in marriage, and to give him precedence over his own offspring. This preference was publicly manifested the year following (51), for young Nero was prematurely invested with the manly gown, and received various marks of favour, while Britannicus still wore the simple dress of a boy. Indications of jealousy were upon this occasion openly displayed by Britannicus towards his adopted brother, and Agrippina seized upon his conduct as a pretext for removing by banishment or death the most worthy of his preceptors, and substituting creatures of her own in their place. Claudius is said before his death to have given tokens of remorse for his conduct, and to have hastened his own fate by incautiously dropping some expressions which seemed to denote a change of purpose. After the accession of Nero, Britannicus might perhaps have been permitted to live on in harmless insignificance, had he not been employed as an instrument by Agrippina for working upon the fears of her rebellious son. For, when she found her wishes and commands alike disregarded, she threatened to bring the claims of the lawful heir before the soldiery and publicly to assert his rights. Nero, alarmed by these menaces, resolved at once to remove a rival who might prove so dangerous: poison was procured from Locusta-the same apparently whose infamy has been immortalized by Juvenal-and administered, but without success. A second dose of more potent efficacy was mixed with a draught of wine, and presented at a banquet, where, in accordance with the usage of those times, the children of the imperial family, together with other noble youths, were seated at a more frugal board apart from the other guests. Scarcely had the cup touched the lips of the ill-fated prince, when he fell back speechless and breathless. While some fled, and others remained gazing in dismay at the horrid spectacle, Nero calmly ordered him to be removed, remarking that he had from infancy been subject to fits, and would soon revive. The obsequies were hurried over the same night; historians concur in reporting, that a terrible storm burst forth as the funeral procession defiled through the forum towards the Campus Martius, and Dion adds, that the rain, descending in torrents, washed away from the face of the murdered boy the white paint with which it had been smeared, and re BRITOMARTIS. 505 vealed to the gaze of the populace the features swollen and blackened by the force of the deadly potion. There is some doubt and confusion with regard to the date of the birth of Britannicus. The statement of Suetonius (Claud. 27), that he was born in the second consulship of Claudius and on the twentieth day of his reign, is inconsistent with itself; for Claudius became emperor on the 24th of January, A. D. 41, and did not enter upon his second consulship until the 1st of January, A. D. 42. Tacitus also has committed a blunder upon the point, for he tells us, in one place (Ann. xii. 25), that Britannicus was two years younger than Nero; and we learn from another (Ann. xiii. 15), that he was murdered at the beginning of A. D. 55, a few days before he had completed his fourteenth year. But we can prove, from Tacitus himself (Ann. xii. 58, xiii. 6), that Nero was born A. D. 37, and from Suetonius that the event took place upon the 15th of December; therefore, according to this last assertion, Britannicus must have been born in the year 39 or at the beginning of 40 at latest; but this would bring him to the completion of his fifteenth year in 55. If Britannicus was born on the twentieth day after his father's accession, then he would be on the eve of completing his fourteenth year in January, 55; if he was born in the second consulship of Claudius, and this seems to be the opinion of Dion Cassius (lx. 12), he was only about to enter upon his fourteenth year. Under the first supposition, he was somewhat more than three years younger than Nero; under the second, somewhat more than four. (Tacit. Ann. xi. 4, 26, 32, xii. 2, 25, 41, xiii. 15, 16; Suet. Claud. 27, 43, Nero, 6, 7, 33; Dion Cass. lx. 12, 22, 34, 1xi. 7.) [W. R.] COIN OF BRITANNICUS. BRITOMA'RIS, a leader of the Senonian Gauls, who induced his countrymen to murder the Roman ambassadors who had been sent to complain of the assistance which the Senones had rendered to the Etruscans, then at war with Rome. The corpses of the Roman ambassadors were mangled with every possible indignity; and as soon as the Roman consul, P. Cornelius Dolabella, heard of this outrage, he marched straight into the country of the Senones, which he reduced to a desert, and murdered all the males, with the exception of Britomaris, whose death he reserved for his triumph. (Appian, Samrn. v. 1, 2, p. 55, ed. Schw., Gall. xi. p. 83; comp. Polyb. ii. 19; Liv. Epit. 12.) BRITOMARTIS (BpI'rmOap'rs), appears to have originally been a Cretan divinity of hunters and fishermen. Her name is usually derived from /3p'irs, sweet or blessing, and JAdpTis, i. e. Lapv'd, a maiden, so that the name would mean, the sweet or blessing maiden. (Paus. iii. 14. ~ 2; Solin. 11.) After the introduction of the worship of Artemis into Crete, Britomartis, between whom and Artemis there were several points of resemblance, was
Page 506 506 BRIZO. BROTEAS. placed in some relation to her: Artemis, who loved with Spiteiv, to fall asleep. The women of DTeloa her, assumed her name and was worshipped under offered sacrifices to her in vessels of the shape of it, and in the end the two divinities became com- boats, and the sacrifices consisted of various things; pletely identified, as we see from the story which but fishes were never offered to her. Prayers were makes Britomartis a daughter of Leto. (Callim. addressed to her that she might grant everything Hymn. in Dian. 189, with the Schol.; Paus. ii. 30. that was good, but especially, that she might pro~ 3; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 1402; Eurip. tect ships. (Athen. viii. p. 335; Eustath. ad Horn. IpMg. Taur. 126; Aristoph. Ran. 1358; Virg. p. 1720; Hesych. s. v. Bpioeavrrs.) [L. S.] Cir. 305.) The mythus of Britomartis is given BROCCHUS, a Roman cognomen, was origiby some of the authorities just referred to. nally applied to a person who had teeth standing She was a daughter of Zeus and Carme, the out. It was the name of a family of the Furia daughter of Eubulus. She was a nymph, took gens, and occurs on coins. In the one annexed, the great delight in wandering about hunting, and was obverse is III via BROCCHI with the head of Ceres, beloved by Artemis. Minos, who likewise loved and the reverse L. Fvit CN. F. with a sella curulis her, pursued her for nine months, but she fled from him and at last threw herself into the nets which had been set by fishermen, or leaped from / / " mount Dictynnaeum into the sea, where she became entangled in the nets, but was saved by 0 0. Artemis, who now made her a goddess. She was worshipped not only in Crete, but appeared to the i '. inhabitants of Aegina, and was there called Aphaea, whereas in Crete she received the surname Dictymna or Dictynna (from 61sCTvoi, a net; and fasces on each side of it. This Brocchus is comp. Diod. v. 76). According to another tradi- not mentioned by ancient writers: he may have tion, Britomartis was fond of solitude, and had been a triumvir of the mint or for the purchase of vowed to live in perpetual maidenhood. From corn. Pighius assigns the surname of Brocchus to Phoenicia (for this tradition calls her mother Carme, several persons of the Furia gens: but the only a daughter of Phoenix) she went to Argos, to the Brocchi of this gens mentioned by ancient writers, daughters of Erasinus, and thence to Cephallenia, as far as we are aware, are: where she received divine honours from the in- 1. T. (FuRIus) BROCCHUS, the uncle of Q. Ligahabitants under the name of Laphria. From rius. (Cic. pro Lig. 4.) Cephallenia she came to Crete, where she was 2. CN. FuRius BRoccHus, detected in adultery, pursued by Minos; but she fled to the sea-coast, and grievously punished. (Val. Max. vi. 1. ~ 13.) where fishermen concealed her under their nets, BROCCHUS, C. ANNAEUS, or ANNEIUS, whence she derived the surname Dictynna. A a Roman senator, who was plundered by Symmasailor, Andromedes, carried her from Crete to chus, one of the Venerii, a new class of publicani Aegina, and when, on landing there, he made an instituted by Verres. (Cic. Verr. iii. 40.) attempt upon her chastity, she fled from his vessel BROCCHUS, ARME'NIUS, a proconsul in into a grove, and disappeared in the sanctuary of the time of Domitian. (Plin. Ep. x. 71.) Artemis. The Aeginetans now built a sanctury BROGITA'RUS, a Gallo-Grecian, a son-in-law to her, and worshipped her as a goddess. (Anton. of king Deiotarus. He was an unworthy and Lib. 40.) These wanderings of Britomartis un- nefarious person, who has become known only questionably indicate the gradual diffusion of her through the fact, that P. Clodius, in his tribuneworship in the various maritime places of Greece ship, B. c. 58, sold to him, by a lex tribunicia, for mentioned in the legend. Her connexion and a large sum of money, the office of high priest of ultimate identification with Artemis had naturally the Magna Mater at Pessinus, and the title of a modifying influence upon the notions entertained king. (Cic. pro Sest. 26, de IIarusp. Resp. 13, of each of them. As Britomartis had to do with comp. ad Q. Fratr. ii. 9.) [L. S.) fishermen and sailors, and was the protectress of BROME or BRO'MIE, one of the nymphs who harbours and navigation generally, this feature was brought up Dionysus on mount Nysa. (Hygin. transferred to Artemis also, as we see especially in Fab. 182; Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. vi. 15.) [L. S.] the Arcadian Artemis; and the temples of the two BRO'MIUS (BpgOuos), a surname of Dionysus, divinities, therefore, stood usually on the banks of which some explain by saying, that he was born rivers or on the sea-coast. As, on the other hand, during a storm of thunder and lightning (Diod. iv. Artemia was considered as the goddess of the 5; Dion Chrys. Or. 27); others derive it from moon, Britomartis likewise appears in this light: the nymph Brome, or from the noise of the Bacher disappearance in the sea, and her identification chantic processions, whence the verb PpoJIedeo-Oai, with the Aeginetan Aphaea, who was undoubtedly to rage like a Bacchant (Ov. Met. iv. 11; Orph. a goddess of the moon, seem to contain sufficient Lith. xviii. 77.) There is also a mythical personage proof of this, which is confirmed by the fact, that of this name. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5.) [L. S.] on some coins of the Roman empire Dictynna BRONTES. [CYCLOPES.] appears with the crescent. Lastly, Britomartis was BRONTINUS (Bpov'rPvos), of Metapontum, a like Artemis drawn into the mystic worship of Pythagorean philosopher, to whom, as well as to Hecate, and even identified with her. (Eurip. Leon and Bathyllus, Alcmaeon dedicated his works. Hippol. 141, with the Schol.; comp. Muller, Ae- According to some accounts, Brontinus married ginet. p. 163, &c.; Hock, Kreta, ii. p. 158, &c.; Theano, the daughter of Pythagoras. (Diog. Laert. Dict. of Ant. s. v. Aacruvvia.) [L. S.] viii. 83; Suidas, s. v. Oeaidc; Iambi. Vit. PytIh. BRIZO (BpiN'), a prophetic goddess of the ~ 267.) lamblichus (Villoison, Anec. Gr. vol. ii. island of Delos, who sent dreams and revealed p. 198) quotes a work of Brontinus. their meaning to man. Her name is connected BRO'TEAS (Bporeas). 1. A son of Vulcan
Page 507 BRUTUS. and Minerva, who burnt himself that he might not be taunted with his ugliness. (Ov. Ibis, 517.) 2. One of the fighters at the marriage of Phineus. (Ov. Met. v. 106.) 3. A Lapith, who was slain at the marriage of Pirithous. (Ov. Met. xii. 260.) 4. The father of Tantalus, who had been married to Clytaemnestra before Agamemnon. The common account, however, is, that Thyestes was thie father of this Tantalus. (Paus. ii. 22. ~ 4.) 5. A son of Tantalus, who, according to a tradition of the Magnetes, had made the most ancient statue of the mother of the gods on the rock of Coddinos. (Paus. iii. 22. ~ 4.) [L. S.] BRUNI'CHIUS (BpovviXLos), a chronographer of uncertain date, referred to by Joannes Maalal (vol. i. p. 239), the title of whose work was Viceoris BpouinvvXv 'PoWuc ioV Xpovo'ypdcpov. BRUSUS (Bpodo-os), a son of Emathius, from whom Brusis, a portion of Macedonia, was believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Bpoot9r.) [L. S.] BRUTI'DIUS NIGER. [NIGER.] BRU'TIUS (Bpovrnos), an historian and chronographer, is called by the writer of the Alexandrian chronicle (p. 90), who quotes some things from him respecting DanaG and Perseus, 6 aocq)W"raTros o'7opucos ical ypovoypciapos. He is also mentioned by Joannes Malala (vol. i. pp. 39, 326, 340) and by Hieronymus in the Chronicle of Eusebius; and Scaliger, in his notes upon this passage (p. 205), has conjectured, that he may be the same as the Brutius Praesens whose daughter, Brutia Crispina, married L. Aurelius Commodus, the son of M. Aurelius: but this is quite uncertain. (Vossius, de list. Graec. p. 409, ed. Westermann.) BRUTTIA'NUS LUSTRICUS. [LvsTRicus.] BRU'TTIUS. 1. A IRoman knight, for whom Cicero wrote a letter of introduction to M'. Acilius Glabrio, proconsul in Sicily in u. c. 46. (Cic. ad Tam. xiii. 38.) 2. A philologer, with whom M. Cicero, the son of the orator, studied at Athens, in B. c. 44. (Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 21.) BRU'TTIUS SURA. [SunA.] BRU'TULUS PA'PIUS, a man of noble rank and great power among the Samnites, who persuaded his countrymen to undertake a second war against the Romans; but the Samnites, after their disasters in B. c. 322, became anxious for a peace, and resolved to deliver up Brutulus to the Romans. His corpse, however, was all that they could give their enemies; for Brutulus put an end to his own life, to avoid perishing by the hands of the Romans. (Liv. viii. 39.) BRUTUS, the name of a plebeian family of the Junia Gens, which traced its descent from the first consul, L. Junius Brutus. (Comp. Cic. Pil. i. 6, Brzt. 4.) It was denied by many of the ancients that this family could be descended from the first consul, first, because the latter was a patrician, and secondly, because his race became extinct at his death, as he had only two sons, who were executed by his own orders. (Dionys. v. 18, comp. vi. 70; Dion. Cass. xliv. 12; Plut. Brut. 1.) Posidonius, indeed, asserted that there was a third son, who was a child when his brothers were put to death, and that the plebeian family was descended from him; and he even pretended to discover a likeness in many of the Bruti to the statue of the first consul. (Plut. BRUTUS. 507 L. c.) But this tale about a third son is such an evident invention, to answer an objection that had been started by those who espoused the other side of the question, that it deserves no credence; and nothing was more natural than that the family should claim descent from such an illustrious ancestor, especially after the murder of Caesar, when M. Brutus was represented as the liberator of his country from tyranny, like his name-sake of old. It is, however, by no means impossible, that the family may have been descended from the first consul, even if we take for granted that he was a patrician, as we know that patricians sometimes passed over to the plebeians: while this descent becomes still more probable, if we accept Niebuhr's conjecture (Rom. Hist. i. p. 522, &c.), that the first consul was a plebeian, and that the consulship was, at its first institution, shared between the two orders. The surname of Brutus is said to have been given to L. Junius, because he pretended idiocy in order to save himself from the last Tarquin, and the word is accordingly supposed to signify an "idiot." (Liv. i. 56; Dionys. iv. 67, who translates it jXLOitos; Nonius, p. 77.) Festus, however, in a passage (s. v. Brutum) which is pointed out by Arnold (Rom. Hist. i. p. 104), tells us, that Brutus, in old Latin, was synonymous with Gravis; which, as Arnold remarks, would show a connexion with Sapus. The word may, therefore, as a surname, have been originally much the same as Severus. This conjecture we think more probable than that of Niebuhr's, who supposes it to mean a " runaway slave," and connects it with the Brettii, "revolted slaves," whence the Brutii are supposed to have derived their name (Strab. vi. p. 225; Diod. xvi. 15; Gell. x. 3): he further observes, that this name might easily have been applied by the Tarquins to Brutus as a term of reproach. (Rom. Hist. i. pp. 63, 98, 515.) 1. L. JvUNus BRUTUS, was elected consul in B. c. 509, according to the chronology of the Fasti, upon the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome. His story, the greater part of which belongs to poetry, ran as follows: The sister of king Tarquin the Proud, married M. Brutus, a man of great wealth, who died leaving two sons under age. Of these the elder was killed by Tarquin, who coveted their possessions; the younger escaped his brother's fate only by feigning idiocy, whence he received the surname of Brutus. After a while, Tarquin became alarmed by the prodigy of a serpent crawling from the altar in the royal palace, and accordingly sent his two sons, Titus and Aruns, to consult the oracle at Delphi. They took with them their cousin Brutus, who propitiated the priestess with the gift of a golden stick enclosed in a hollow staff. After executing the king's commission, the youths asked the priestess who was to reign at Rome after Tarquin, and the reply was, " He who first kisses his mother." Thereupon the sons of Tarquin agreed to draw lots, which of them should first kiss their mother upon arriving at Rome; but Brutus, who better understood the meaning of the oracle, stumbled upon the ground as they quitted the temple, and kissed the earth, mother of them all. Soon after followed the rape of Lucretia; and Brutus accompanied the unfortunate father to Rome, when his daughter sent for him to the camp at Ardea. Brutus was present at her death, and the moment had now come
Page 508 S08 IRUTUS. for avenging his own and his country's wrongs. In the capacity of Tribunus Celerum, which office he then held, and which bore the same relation to the royal power as that of the Magister Equitum did to the dictatorship, he summoned the people, obtained the banishment of the Tarquins, and was elected consul with L. Tarquinius Collatinus in the comitia centuriata. Resolved to maintain the freedom of the infant republic, he loved his country better than his children, and accordingly put to death his two sons, when they were detected in a conspiracy with several other of the young Roman nobles, for the purpose of restoring the Tarquins. He moreover compelled his colleague, L. Tarquinius Collatinus, to resign his consulship and leave the city, that none of the hated family might remain in Rome. And when the people of Veil and Tarquinii attempted to bring Tarquin back by force of arms, Brutus marched against them, and, fighting with Aruns, the son of Tarquin, lie and Aruns both fell, pierced by each other's spears. The matrons mourned for Brutus a year, and a bronze statue was erected to him on the capitol, with a drawn sword in his hand. (Liv. i. 56-60, ii. 1 -7; Dionys. iv. 67--85, v. 1-18; Macrob. ii. 16; Dion. Cass. xlii. 45; Plut. Brut. 1.) The contradictions and chronological impossibilities in this account have been pointed out by Niebuhr. (i. p. 511.) Thus, for instance, the last Tarquin is said to have reigned only twenty-five years, and yet Brutus is represented as a child at the beginning of his reign, and the father of young men at the close of it. Again, the tale of his idiocy is irreconcileable with his holding the responsible office of Tribunus Celerum. That he did hold this office seems to be an historical fact (Pompon. de Orig. Juris, Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 15); and the story of his idiocy probably arose from his surname, which may, however, as we have seen, have had a very different meaning originally. 2. T. JUNIus BRUTUS, and 3. TI. JUNIUS BRUTUS, the sons of the first consul and of Vitellia (Liv. ii. 4), were executed by their father's orders, as related above. (Dionys. v. 6-8; Liv. ii, 4, 5.) 4. L. JUNIUS BI3UTUS, one of the leaders of the plebeians in their secession to the Sacred Mount, B. c. 494, is represented by Dionysius as a plebeian, who took the surname of Brutus, that his name might be exactly the same as the first consul's. He was, according to the same authority, chosen one of the first tribunes of the plebs in this year, and also plebeian aedile in the year that Coriolanus was brought to trial. (Dionys. vi. 70, &c., 87-89, vii. 14, 26.) This Brutus is not mentioned by any ancient writer except Dionysius, and Plutarch (Coriol. 7) who copies from him. The old reading in Asconius (in Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli) made L. Junius C. F. Paterculus one of the first tribunes; but Junius was an alteration made by Manutius, and Paterculus nowhere occurs as a cognomen of the Junia gens: the true reading is Albinius. [ALBINIUS.] Niebuhr supposes (i. p. 617) that this L. Junius Brutus of Dionysius is an entirely fictitious person. 5. D. JUNIus BRUTUs SCAEVA, magister equitum to the dictator Q. Publilius Philo, B. c. 339, and plebeian consul in 325 with the patrician L. Furius Camillus. He carried on war in his consulship against the Vestini, whom he conquered in battle, after a hard contest, and took two of BRUTUS. their towns, Cutina and Cingilia. (Liv. viii. 12, 29; Diod. xviii. 2.) 6. D. JUNIUS D. F. BRUTUS SCAEVA, legate B. c. 293 in the army of the consul Sp. Carvilius Maximus, and consul in 292. (Liv. x. 43, 47.) In his consulship he conquered the Faliscans: Sp. Carvilius, the consul of the preceding year, served under him as legate by command of the senate. (Zonar. viii. I.) 7. D. JUNIUS BRUTUS, probably a son of the preceding, exhibited, in conjunction with his brother Marcus, the first gladiatorial combat at Rome in the Forum Boarium, at his faither's funeral in B. c. 264. (Liv. Epit. 16; Val. Max. ii. 4. ~ 7.) 8. M. JUNIUS BRUTUS, brother of the preceding. (Val. Max. 1. c.) 9. M. JUNIus BRUTUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 195, endeavoured with his colleague P. Junius Brutus to prevent the repeal of the Oppia lex, which restrained the expenses of women. Hle was praetor in 191, and had the jurisdiction in the city, while his colleagues obtained the provinces. During his praetorship he dedicated the temple of the Great Idaean Mother, on which occasion the Megalesian games were performed for the first time. (Diet. of Ant. s...Megalesia.) He was one of the ambassadors sent into Asia in 189, to settle the terms of peace with Antiochus the Great. (Liv. xxxiv. 1; Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 3; Liv. xxxv. 24, xxxvi. 2, 36, xxxvii. 55.) This M. Junius Brutus may be the same as No. 12, who was consul in 178. 10. P. JuNIus BRUTUS, probably the brother of the preceding, was his colleague in the tribunate, B. c. 195. He was curule aedile in 192, and praetor in 190; in the latter office he had the province of Etruria, where he remained as propraetor in the following year, 189. From thence he was sent by the senate into Further Spain, which was decreed to him as a province. (Liv. xxxiv. 1; Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 3; Liv. xxxv. 41, xxxvi. 45, xxxvii. 2, 50, 57.) 11. D. JUNIUS BRUTUS, one of the triumvirs for founding a colony in the territory of Sipontum, B. c. 194. (Liv. xxxiv. 35.) The annexed stemma exhibits the probable family connexion of the following persons, Nos& 12 to 17 inclusive. 12. M. Junius Brutus, cos. B. c. 178. 13. M. Junius Brutus, 15. D. Junius Brutus Galthe jurist. laccus, cos. B. c. 138. 14. M. Junius Brutus, 16. D. Junius Brutus, the accuser. cos. B. c. 77. 17. D. Junius Brutus Albinus, one of Caesar's assassins. 12. M. JUNIus M. P. L. N. BaUTUS, the son of No. 9, unless lihe is the same person, was consul B. c. 178, and had the conduct of the war against the Istri, whom he subdued in the following year, and compelled them to submit to the Romans. (Liv. xl. 59, xli. 9, 14, 15; Obsequ. 62.) He was one of the ambassadors sent into Asia in 171, to exhort the allies to assist the Romans in their war against Perseus. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the censorship in 169. (Liv. xlii. 45, xliii. 16.)
Page 509 BRUTUS. BRUTUS. 509 13;* M. JUNIUS BRUTUS, an eminent Roman the accusation of Cn. Plancus, made some charges jurist, who, judging from his praenomen and the of inconsistency against L. Licinius Crassus, the time in which he is said to have lived, was pro- orator; and Cicero twice (de Orat. ii. 55, pro bably a son of No. 12. He is mentioned by Pom- Cluent. 51) relates the bons moots (bene dicta) of ponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 39), along with P. Mucius Crassus, recriminating upon the extravagance of and Manilius, as one of the three founders of civil the accuser. law; and it may be inferred from Pomponius, that 15. D. JUNIUS M. F. M. N. BRUTUS GALLAEthough he was praetor, he never attained the rank cus (CALLAECUS) or CALLAICUS, son of No. 12 and of consul. The passage of Pomponius, according to brother of No. 13, was a contemporary of the Gracthe reading which has been suggested, is as follows: chi,and one of the most celebrated generals of his age. -Post hos fuerunt P. Mucius et Mianilius et Brutus He belonged to the aristocratical party, and in his [vulg. et Brutus et Manilius], qui fandaveruntjus consulship with P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, in B. c. civile. Ex his P. Milucius etiam decem libellos 138, distinguished himself by his opposition to the reliquit, septem Manilius, Brutus tres [vulg. Brutus tribunes. He refused to bring before the senate a septem, Manilius tres]. Illi duo consulares fuerunt, proposition for the purchase of corn for the people; Brutus praetorius, P. autem ilMucius etiam pontyiex and when the tribunes wished to have the power maximus. The transposition of the names Brutus of exempting ten persons apiece from the military and Manilius makes the clause Illi duo consu- levies, he and his colleague refused to allow them lares fuerunt, Brutus practorius, consistent with this privilege. In consequence of this they were the former part of the sentence. It also makes committed to prison by the tribune C. Curiatius. the testimony of Pomponius consistent with that (Val. Max. iii. 7. ~ 3; Liv. Ep1it. 55; Cic. de Leg. of Cicero, who reports, on the authority of Scaevola, iii. 9.) The province of Further Spain was assignthat Brutus left no more than three genuine books ed to Brutus, whither he proceeded in the same de jure civile. (De Orat. ii. 55.) That more, how- year. In order to pacify the province, he assigned ever, was attributed to Brutus than he really lands to those who had served under Viriathus, wrote may be inferred from the particularity of and founded the town of Valentia. But as LusiCicero's statement. Brutus is frequently referred tania continued to be overrun with parties of to as a high authority on points of law in ancient marauders, he laid waste the country in every classical and legal authors (e. p. compare Cic. de direction, took numerous towns, and advanced as Fin. i. 4, and Dig. 7. tit. 1. s. 68, pr.; again, com- far as the river Lethe or Oblivio, as the Romans pare Cic. ad Fam. vii. 22, and Gell. xvii. 7). In translated the name of the river, which was also the books of Brutus are contained some of the called Limaea, Limia or Belion, now Lima. (Strab. responsa which he gave to clients, and he and iii. p. 153; Mela, iii. 1; Plin. H. N. iv. 22. s. 35.) Cato are censured by Cicero for publishing the Here the soldiers at first refused to march further; actual names of the persons, male and female, who but when Brutus seized the standard from the consulted them, as if, in law, there were anything standard-bearer, and began to cross the river alone, in a name. (De Orat. ii. 32.) From the frag- they immediately followed him. From thence they ments we possess (de Orat. ii. 55), Brutus certainly advanced to the Minius (Minho), which he crossed appears to enter into unlawyer-like details, giving and continued his march till he arrived at the us the very names of the villas where he happened ocean, where the Romans saw with astonishment to be. Whether Servius Sulpicius commented upon the sun set in its waters. In this country he subBrutus is a much disputed question. Ulpian (Dig. dued various tribes, among whom the Bracari are 14. tit. 3. s. 5. ~ 1) cites Servius libro primo ad mentioned as the most warlike. He also conquered Brutum, and Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 44) the Gallaeci, who had come to the assistance of asserts that Servius duos libros ad Brutuml perquam their neighbours with an army of 60,000 men, and brevissimos ad Ediclum subscriplos reliquit. It is it was from his victory over them that he obtained commonly supposed that Servius, instead of com- the surname of Gallaecus. The work of subjugamenting on the work of the jurisconsult, dedicated tion, however, proceeded but slowly, as many towns his short notes on the Edict to M. Junius Brutus, after submission again revolted, among which Tathe assassin of Julius Caesar, or else to the father labriga is particularly mentioned. In the midst of of the so-called tyrannicide. (Zimmern, R. R. G. his successes, he was recalled into Nearer Spain ~ 75; Majansius, vol. i. pp. 127-140.) by his relation, Aemilius Lepidus (Appian, Hisp. 14. M. JUNIUS BaRUUS, a son of the pre- 80), and from thence he proceeded to Rome, where ceding, studied law like his father, but, instead of he celebrated a splendid triumph, B. c. 136, for his seeking magistracies of distinction, became so noto- victories over the Lusitanians and Gallaeci. Drurious for the vehemence and harshness of his mann (Gesch. Roms, vol. iv. p. 8), misled apparently prosecutions, that he was named Accusaior. (Cic. by a passage in Eutropius (iv. 19), places his tride Off. ii. 14.) He did not spare the highest rank, umph in the same year as that of Scipio's over for among the objects of his attack was M. Aemilius Nunantia, namely, in B. c. 132. (Liv. Epit. 55, Scaurus. (Cic. pro Font. 13.) He was a warm 56; Appian, Hisp. 71-73; Flor. ii. 17. ~ 12; and impassioned orator, though his oratory was Oros. v. 5; Veil. Pat. ii. 5; Cic. pro Balb. 17; not in good taste. It should be remarked that all Plut. Quaest. Rom. 34, Ti. Gracch. 21; Val. Max. vi. we know of the son is derived from the unfavour- 4, extern. 1.) able representations of Cicero, who belonged to the With the booty obtained in Spain, Brutus opposite political party. Brutus, the father, was a erected temples and other public buildings, for man of considerable wealth, possessing baths and which the poet L. Accius wrote inscriptions in three country seats, which were all sold to support verse. (Cic. pro Arch. 11; Plin. xxxvi. 4. s. 5. ~ 7; the extravagance of the son. Brutus, the son, in Val. Max. viii. 14. ~ 2.) The last time we hear of Brutus is in B. C. 129, when he served under * Nos. 3, 14, 19, 20, being reckoned jurists, C. Sempronius Tuditanus against the Japydes, and are written by J. T. G. by his military skill gained a victory for the consul,
Page 510 510 BRUTUS. and thereby repaired the losses which the latter had sustained at the commencement of the campaign. (Liv. Epit. 59.) Brutus was a patron of the poet L. Accius, and for the times was well versed in Greek and Roman literature; he was also not deficient in oratorical talent. (Cic. Brut. 28.) We learn from Cicero (de Am. 2), that he was augur. The Clodia mentioned by Cicero in a letter to Atticus (xii. 22), whom Orelli supposes to be the mother of this Brutus, was in all probability his wife, and the mother of the consul of B. c. 77. [No. 16.] (Drumann, 1. c.) 16. D. JUNIUS D. F. M. N. BRUTuS, son of the preceding, distinguished himself by his opposition to Saturninus in B. c. 100. (Cic. pro Rabir. perd. 7.) He belonged to the aristocratical party, and is alluded to as one of the aristocrats in the oration which Sallust puts into the mouth of Lepidus against Sulla. (Sall. Hist. i. p. 937, ed. Cortius.) Hle was consul in B. c. 77, with Mamercus Lepidus (Cic. Brut. 47), and in 74 became security for P. Junius before Verres, the praetor urbanus. (Cic. Verr. i. 55, 57.) He was well acquainted with Greek and Roman literature. (Cic. Brut. i. c.) His wife Sempronia was a well-educated, but licentious woman, who carried on an intrigue with Catiline; she received the ambassadors of the Allobroges in her husband's house in 63, when he was absent from Rome. (Sall. Cat. 40.) We have no doubt that the preceding D. Brutus is the person meant in this passage of Sallust, and not D. Brutus Albinus, one of Caesar's assassins [No. 17], as some modern writers suppose, since the latter is called an adolescens by Caesar (B. G. iii. 11) in 56, and therefore not likely to have had Sempronia as his wife in 63; and because we know that Paulla Valeria was to marry Brutus Albinus in 50. (Caelius, ad Fam. viii. 7.) 17. D. JUNIus BRUTUS ALBINUS, one of Caesar's assassins, who must not be confounded with the more celebrated M. Junius Brutus, was in all probability the son of No. 16 and of Sempronia, as we know that they had children (Saill. Cat. 25), and the praenomen is the same. This D. Brutus was adopted by A. Postumius Albinus, who was consul B. c. 99 [ALBINUS, No. 22], whence he is called Brutus Albinus; and this adoption is commemorated on a coin of D. Brutus figured on p. 93. (Plut. Caes. 64, &c., Ant. 11; Dion Cass. xliv. 14.) We first read of him as serving under Caesar in Gaul when he was still a young man. Caesar gave him the command of the fleet which was sent to attack the Veneti in B. c. 56. (Caes. B. G. iii. 11; Dion Cass. xxxix. 40-42.) He seems to have continued in Gaultill almost the close of the war, but his name does not occur frequently, as he did not hold the rank of legatus. He served against Vercingetorix in 52 (Caes. B. G. vii. 9), and appears to have returned to Rome in 50, when he married Paulla Valeria. (Cael. ad Fam. viii. 7.) On the breaking out of the civil war in the following year. (49), he was recalled to active service, and was placed by Caesar over the fleet which was to besiege Massilia. D. Brutus, though inferior in the number of his ships, gained a victory over the enemy, and at length obtained possession of Massilia. (Caes. B. C. i. 36, 56, &c., ii. 3-22; Dion Cass. xli. 19-22.) After this, he had the command of Further Gaul entrusted to him where he gained a victory over the Bellovaci; BRUTUS. and so highly was he esteemed by Caesar, that on his return from Spain through Italy, in 45, Caesar conferred upon him the honour of riding in his carriage along with Antony and his nephew, the young Octavius. (Plut. Ant. 11.) Caesar gave him still more substantial marks of his favour, by promising him the government of Cisalpine Gaul, with the praetorship for 44 and the consulship for 42. In Caesar's will, read after his death, it was found that D. Brutus had been made one of his heirs in the second degree; and so entirely did he possess the confidence of Caesar, that the other murderers sent him to conduct their victim to the senate-house on the day of the assassination. The motives which induced D. Brutus to take part in the conspiracy against his friend and benefactor are not stated; but he could have no excuse for his crime; and among the instances of base ingratitude shewn on the ides of March, none was so foul and black as that of D. Brutus. (Liv. Epit. 114, 116; Dion Cass. xliv. 14, 18, 35; Appian, B. C. ii. 48, 111, 113, 143, iii. 98; Suet. Caes. 81, 83; Yell. Pat. ii. 56.) After Caesar's death (44), D. Brutus went into his province of Cisalpine Gaul, and when Antony obtained from the people a grant of this province, Brutus refused to surrender it to him. His conduct was warmly praised by Cicero and the senatorial party; but so little was he prepared to resist Antony, that when the latter crossed the Rubicon towards. the close of the year, D. Brutus dared not meet him in the field, but threw himself into Mutina, which was forthwith besieged by Antony. In this town he continued till April in the following year (43), when the siege was raised by the consuls Hirtins and Pansa, who were accompanied by Octavianus. Antony was defeated, and fled across the Alps; and as iHirtins and Pansa had fallen in the battle, the command devolved upon D. Brutus, since the senate was unwilling to entrust Octavianus with any further power. He was not, however, in a condition to follow up his victory against Antony, who meantime had collected a large army north of the Alps, and was preparing to march again into Italy. Octavianus also had obtained the consulship, notwithstanding the ill-will of the senate, and had procured the enactment of the lex Pedia, by which the murderers of Caesar were outlawed, and the execution of the sentence entrusted to himself. D. Brutus was now in a dangerous position. Antony was marching against him from the north, Octavianus from the south; his own troops could not be depended upon, and L. Plancus had already deserted him and gone over to Antony with three legions. He therefore determined to cross over to M. Brutus in Macedonia; but his soldiers deserted him on the march, and he was betrayed by Camillus, a Gaulish chief, upon whom he had formerly conferred some favours, and put to death, by order of Antony, by one Capenus, a Sequanan, B. c. 43. (Cicero's Letters and Philippics; Liv. Epit. 117 -120; Dion Cass. xlv. 9, 14, xlvi. 35, &c., 53; Appian, B. C. iii. 74, 81, 97, 98; Veil. Pat. ii. 64.) 18. M. JuNrus BRUTUS, praetor in B. c. 88, was sent with his colleague Servilius by the senate, at the request of Marius, to command Sulla, who was then at Nola, not to advance nearer Rome. (Plut. Sull. 9.) On Sulla's arrival at Rome, I Brutus was proscribed with ten other senators. S(Appian, B. C. i. 60.) He subsequently served
Page 511 13RUTUS. under On. Papirius Carbo, the consul, B. c. 82, and was sent by him in a fishing-boat to Lilybaeum; but finding himself surrounded by Pompey's fleet, he put an end to his own life, that he might not fall into the hands of his enemies. (Liv. Epit. 89.) Cicero, in a letter to Atticus (ix. 14), mentions a report, that Caesar intended to revenge the death of M. Brutus and Carbo, and of all those who had been put to death by Sulla with the assistance of Pompey. This M. Junius Brutus is not to be confounded, as he often is, with L. Junius Brutus Damasippus, praetor in 82 [No. 19], whose surname we know from Livy (EIvit. 86) to have been Lucius; nor with M. Junius Brutus [No. 20], the father of the so-called tyrannicide. 19. L. JUNIUS B3RUTUS DAMASIPPUS, an active and unprincipled partizan of Marius. The younger Marius, reduced to despair by the blockade of Praeneste (B. c. 82), came to the resolution that his greatest enemies should not survive him. Accordingly he managed to despatch a letter to L. Brutus, who was then praetor urbanus at Rome, desiring him to summon the senate upon some false pretext, and to procure the assassination of P. Antistits, of C. Papirius Carbo, L. Domitius, and Scaevola, the pontifex maximus. The cruel and treacherous order was too well obeyed, and the dead bodies of the murdered senators were thrown unburied into the Tiber. (Appian, B. C. i. 88; Vell. Pat. ii. 26.) In the same year L. Brutus made an ineffectual attempt to relieve Praeneste: the consul of Cn. Papirius Carbo, despairing of success, fled to Africa; but L. Brutus, with others of his party, advanced towards Rome, and were defeated by Sulla. L. Brutus was taken prisoner in the battle, and was put to death by Sulla. (Appian, B. C. i. 92, 93; Sall. Cat. 51; Dion Cass. Frag. 135, p. 54, ed. Reimar.) Some confusion has arisen from the circumstance that the subject of this article is sometimes spoken of with the cognomen Damasippus, and sometimes with that of Brutus. (Duker, ad Flor. iii. 21. p. 685.) He appears now as L. Damasippus, and now as Junius Brutus. Perhaps he was adopted by one of the Licinii, for the cognomen Damasippus belonged to the Licinian gens (Cic. ad Fam. vii. 23); and an adoptive name, in reference to the original name, was often alternative, not cumulative. The same person may have been L. Junius Brutus and L. Licinius Damasippus. 20. M. JUNIUS BRUTUS, the father of the socalled tyrannicide [No. 21] is described by Cicero as well skilled in public and private law; but he will not allow him to be numbered in the rank of orators. (Cic. Brut. 36.) He was tribune B. c. 83 (Cic. pro Quint. 20); and the M. Brutus who is spoken of with some asperity by Cicero for having made an impious attempt to colonize Capua (de Leg. Agr. ii. 33, 34, 36), in opposition to omens and auspices, and who is said, like all who shared in that enterprise, to have perished miserably, is supposed by Ernesti (Clay, Cic.) after Mazochius (Amphitheat. Camp. p. 9; Poleni, Thes. Supp. v. 217) to have been the pater interfectoris. He no doubt made this attempt in his tribunate. M. Brutus married Servilia, who was the daughter of Q. Servilius and of Livia, the sister of Drusus, and thus was half-sister of Cato of Utica by the mother's side. Another Servilia, her sister, was the wife of Lucullus. The Q. Servilius Caepio, BRUTUS. 511 who afterwards adopted her son, was her brother. She traced her descent from Servilius Ahala, the assassin of Sp. Maelius. (Plut. Brut. 1.) This asserted descent explains the pronoun vester in the masculine gender in a passage of Cicero's Orator (c. 45), which was addressed to the younger Brutus: " Quomodo enim vester axilla ala factus est, nisi fuga literae vastioris." It is in reference to this descent that we find the head of Servilius Ahala on the coins of the so-called tyrannicide: one is figured on p. 83. Servilia was a woman of great ability, and had much influence with Cato, who became the father-in-law of her son. Brutus, besides his well-known son, had two daughters by Servilia, one of whom was married to M. Lepidus, the triumvir (Vell. Pat. ii. 88; compare Cic. ad Fam. xii. 2), and the other to C. Cassius. The name, other than Junia, of the former, is not known. Asconius, in his commentary on the speech pro Milone, mentions Cornelia, cujus castitas pro exemplo habita est, as the wife of Lepidus; but perhaps Lepidus was married twice, as a daughter of Brutus could not have borne the family-name Cornelia. The wife of Cassius was named Tertia, or, by way of endearment, Tertulla. Some have supposed, without reason, that Brutus had but one daughter, Tertia Junia, who was married successively to Lepidus and Cassius; and Lipsius (cited Orelli, Onomast. Cic. s. v. Tertia) erroneously (see ad Att. xiv. 20) makes Tertia the daughter of Servilia by her second husband. There is much reason to suspect that Servilia intrigued with Caesar (Plut. Brut. 5), who is said to have believed his assassin to have been his own son; but this cannot have been, for Caesar was only fifteen years older than the younger Brutus. Scandal went so far as to assert, that Tertia, like her mother, was one of Caesar's mistresses; and Suetonius (Caes. 30) has preserved a double entendre of Cicero in allusion to Servilia's supposed connivance at her daughter's shame. This anecdote refers to a time subsequent to the death of the elder Brutus. The death of Tertia, A. D. 22, when she must have been very old, is recorded by Tacitus (Ann. iii. 76), who states that the images of twenty of the noblest families graced her funeral; " sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus, eo ipso, quod effigies eorum non visebantur." The knowledge of these family connexions gives additional interest to the history of the times. Though the reputed dishonour of his wife did not prevent the father from actively espousing the political party to which Caesar belonged, yet it is possible, but not very probable, that the rumour of Caesar's amours with a mother and a sister may afterwards have deepened the hostility of the son. When Lepidus, B. c. 77, endeavoured to succeed to the leadership which had become vacant by the death of Sulla, Brutus was placed in command of the forces in Cisalpine Gaul; and, at Mutina, he for some time withstood the attack of Pompey's hitherto victorious army; but, at length, either finding himself in danger of being betrayed, or voluntarily determining to change sides, he put himself and his troops in the power of Pompey, on the understanding that their lives should be spared, and, sending a few horsemen before him, retired to the small town of Rhegium near the Padus. There, on the next day, he was slain by one Geminius, who was sent by Pompey for that purpose. Pompey (who had forwarded despatches on successive
Page 512 512 BRUTUS. days to the senate to announce first the surrender and then the death of Brutus) was much and justly blamed for this cruel and perfidious act. (Plut. Pomp. 16; Appian, B. C. ii. 111; Liv. Epit. 90.) 21. M. JuNIUs BRUTUS, the son of No. 20, by Servilia, was born in the autumn of B. c. 85. He was subsequently adopted by his uncle Q. Servilius Caepio, which must have happened before B. c. 59, and hence he is sometimes called Caepio or Q. Caepio Brutus, especially in public documents, on coins, and inscriptions. (On the coin annexed the inscription on the reverse is CAEPIO BRUTUS PROcos.) He lost his father at the early age of eight years, but his mother, Servilia, assisted by her two brothers, continued to conduct his education with the utmost care, and he acquired an extraordinary love for learning, which he never lost in after-life. M. Porcius Cato became his great political model, though in his moral conduct he did not follow his example. In 59, when J. Caesar was consul and had to silence some young and vehement republicans, L. Vettius on the instigation of the tribune, P. Vatinius, denounced Brutus as an accomplice in a conspiracy against Pompey's life; but as it was well known that Brutus was perfectly innocent, Caesar put a stop to the prosecution. When it was thought necessary in 58 to remove from Rome some of the leading republicans, Cato was sent to Cyprus, and Brutus accompanied him. After his return to Rome, Brutus seems for some years to have taken no part in public proceedings, and not to have attached himself to any party. In 53 he followed Appius Claudius, whose daughter Claudia li had married, to Cilicia, where lie did not indeed, like his father-in-law, plunder the provincials, but could not resist the temptation to lend out money at an exorbitant rate of interest. He probably did not return to Rome till 51. During his absence Cicero had defended Mile, and Brutus also now wrote a speech, in which he endeavoured to show that Mile not only deserved no punishment, but ought to be rewarded for having murdered Clodius. This circumstance, together with Cicero's becoming the successor of Appius Claudius in Cilicia, brought about a sort of connexion between Cicero and Brutus, though each disliked the sentiments of the other. Cicero, when in Cilicia, took care that the money which Brutus had lent was revaid him, but at the same time endeavoured to prevent his transgress:ng the laws of usury, at which Brutus, who did not receive as high a percentage as he had expected, appears to have been greatly offended. In 50 Brutus defended Appius Claudius, against whom two serious charges were brought, and succeeded in getting him acquitted. When the civil war broke out in 49 between Caesar and Pompey, it was believed that Brutus would join the party of Caesar; but Brutus, who saw in Pompey the champion of the aristocracy, suppressed his personal feelings towards the murderer of his fa BRUTUS. ther, and followed the example of Cato, who declared for Pompey. Brutus, however, did not accompany Cato, but went with P. Sextius to Cilicia, probably to arrange matters with his debtors in Asia, and to make preparations for the war. In 48, he distinguished himself in the engagements in the neighbourhood of Dyrrhachium, and Pompey treated him with great distinction. In the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar gave orders'i to kill Brutus, probably for the sake of Ser-:9 who implored Caesar to spare him. (Plut. Brut. 0.) After the battle, Brutus escaped to Larissa, but did not follow Pompey any further. Here he wrote a letter to Caesar soliciting his pardon, which was generously granted by the conqueror, who even invited Brutus to come to him. Brutus obeyed, and, if we may believe Plutarch (Brut. 6), he informed Caesar of Pompey's flight to Egypt. As Caesar did not require Brutus to fight against his former friends, he withdrew from the war, and spent his time either in Greece or at Rome in his favourite literary pursuits, He did not join Caesar again till the autumn of 47 at Nicaea in Bithynia, on which occasion he endeavoured to interfere with the conqueroron behalf of a friend of king Deiotarus, but Caesar refused to comply with the request. In the year following Brutus was made governor of Cisalpine Gaul, though he had been neither praetor nor consul; and he continued to serve the dictator Caesar, although the latter was making war against Brutus's own relatives in Africa. The provincials in Cisalpine Gaul were delighted with the mild treatment and justice of Brutus, whom they honoured with public monuments: Caesar too afterwards testified his satisfaction with his administration. As his province was far from the scene of war, Brutus as usual devoted his time to study. At this time, Cicero made him one of the speakers in the treatise which bears the name of Brutus, and in 46 he dedicated to him his Orator. In 45, Brutus was succeeded in his province by C. Vibius Pansa, but did not go to Rome immediately. Before his return, he published his eulogy on Cato, in which Cicero found sentiments that hurt his vanity, as his suppression of the conspiracy of Catiline was not spoken of in the terms he would have liked. Accordingly, upon the arrival of Brutus at one of his country-seats near Rome, a certain degree of coldness and want of confidence existed between the two, although they wrote letters to each other, and Cicero, on the advice of Atticus, even dedicated to him his work De Finibus. About this time, Brutus divorced Claudia, apparently for no other reason than that he wished to marry Portia, the daughter of Cato. After the close of Caesar's war in Spain, Brutus went from Rome to meet him, and, in the beginning of August, returned to the city with him. In 44 Brutus was praetor urbanus, and C. Cassius, who had been disappointed in his hope of obtaining the praetorship, was as much enraged against Brutus as against the dictator. Caesar promised Brutus the province of Macedonia, and also held out to him hopes of the consulship. Up to this time Brutus had borne Caesar's dictatorship without expressing the least displeasure; he had served the dictator and paid homage to him, nor had he thought it contrary to his republican principles to accept favours and offices from him. His change of mind which took place at this time was not the result of his reflections or principles, but of the
Page 513 BRUTUS. hiiiluence which Cassius exercised over him. He was persuaded by Cassius to join the conspirators who murdered Caesar on the 15th of March, 44. After the deed was perpetrated he went to the forum to address the people, but found no favour. The senate, indeed, pardoned the murderers, but this was only a farce played by M. Antony to obain their sanction of the Julian laws. The murerers then assembled the people on the capitol, and Brutus in his speech promised that they should receive all that Caesar had destined for them. All parties were apparently reconciled. But the arrangements which Antony made for the funeral of Caesar, and in consequence of which the people made an assault upon the houses of the conspirators, shewed them clearly the intentions of Antony. Brutus withdrew into the country, and during his stay there he gave, in the month of July, most splendid Ludi Apollinares, hoping thereby to turn the disposition of the people in his favour. But in this he was disappointed, and as Antony assumed a threatening position, he sailed in September to Athens with the intention of taking possession of the province of Macedonia, which Caesar had assigned him, and of repelling force by force. After staying at Athens a short time in the company of philosophers and several young Romans who attached themselves to his cause, and after receiving a very large sum of money from the quaestor M. Appuleius, who brought it from Asia, Brutus intended to proceed to Macedonia. But the senate had now assigned this province to Antony, who, however, towards the end of the year, transferred it to his brother, the praetor C. Antonius. Before, however, the latter arrived, Brutus, who had been joined by the scattered troops of Pompey, marched into Macedonia, where he was received by Q. Hortensius, the son of the orator, as his legitimate successor. Brutus found an abundance of arms, and the troops stationed in Illyricum, as well as several other legions, joined him. C. Antonius, who also arrived in the meantime, was unable to advance beyond the coast of Illyricum, and at the beginning of 43 was besieged in Apollonia and compelled to surrender. Brutus disregarded all the decrees of the senate, and resolved to act for himself. While Octavianus in the month of August 43 obtained the condemnation of Caesar's murderers, Brutus was engaged in a war against some Thracian tribes to procure money for himself and booty for his soldiers. About this time he assumed the title imperator, which, together with his portrait, appear on many of his coins. The things which were going on meantime in Italy seemed to affect neither Brutus nor Cassius, but after the triumvirate was established, Brutus began to prepare for war. Instead, however, of endeavouring to prevent the enemy from landing on the coast of the Ionian sea, Brutus and Cassius separated their forces and ravaged Rhodes and Lycia. Loaded with booty, Brutus and Cassius met again at Sardis in the beginning of 42, but it was only the fear of the triumvirs that prevented them from falling out with each other. Their carelessness was ihdeed so great, that only a small fleet was sent to the Ionian sea under the command of Statius Murcus. Before leaving Asia, Brutus had a dream which foreboded his ruin at Philippi, and in the autumn of 42 the battle of Philippi was fought. In the first engagement Brutus conquered the army of Octavianus, BRYAXIS. 513 while Cassius was defeated by Antony. But in a second battle, about twenty days later, Brutus was defeated and fell upon his own sword. From his first visit to Asia, Brutus appears as a man of considerable wealth, and he afterwards increased it by lending money upon interest. He possessed an extraordinary memory and a still more extraordinary imagination, which led him into superstitions differing only from those of the multitude by a strange admixture of philosophy. He was deficient in knowledge of mankind and the world, whence he was never able to foresee the course of things, and was ever surprised at the results. Hence also his want of independent judgment. The quantity of his varied knowledge, which he had acquired by extensive reading and his intercourse with philosophers, was beyond his control, and was rather an encumberance to him than anything else. Nothing had such charms for him as study, which he prosecuted by day and night, at home and abroad. He made abridgements of the historical works of C. Fanniusand Caelius Antipater, and on the eve of the battle of Pharsalus he is said to have been engaged in making an abridgement of Polybius. He also wrote several philosophical treatises, among which we have mention of those On Duties, On Patience, and On Virtue. The best of his literary productions, however, appear to have been his orations, though they are censured as having been too dry and serious, and deficient in animation. Nothing would enable us so much to form a clear notion of his character as his letters, but we unfortunately possess only a few (among those of Cicero), the authenticity of which is acknowledged, and a few passages of others quoted by Plutarch. (Brut. 2, 22, Cic. 45.) Even in the time of Plutarch (Brut. 53) there seem to have existed forged letters of Brutus; and the two books of " Epistolae ad Brutum," usually printed among the works of Cicero, are unquestionably the fabrications of a later time. The name of Brutus, his fatal deed, his fortunes and personal character, offered great temptations for the forgery of such documents; but these letters contain gross blunders in history and chronology, to which attention was first drawn by Erasmus of Rotterdam. (Epist. i. 1.) Brutus is also said to have attempted to write poetry, which does not seem to have possessed much merit. (Cicero, in the passages collected in Orelli's Onomast. Tull. ii. pp. 319-324; Plut. Lie of Brutus; Appian, B. C. ii. 11-iv. 132; Dion Cass. lib. xli.-xlviii. Respecting his oratory and the extant fragments of it, see Meyer, Orat. Rom. Fragm. p. 443, &c., 2nd edit.; comp. Weichert, Poet. Lat. Reliq. p. 125; Drumann, Gesch. Romss, iv. pp. 18-44.) BRYAXIS (Bpualus), an Athenian statuary in stone and metal, cast a bronze statue of Seleucus, king of Syria (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19), and, together with Scopas, Timotheus, and Leochares, adorned the Mausoleum with bas-reliefs. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) He must have lived accordingly B. c. 372-312. (Sillig. Catal. Art. s. v.) Besides the two works above mentioned, Bryaxis executed five colossal statues at Rhodes (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 7. s. 18), an Asclepios (H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19), a Liber, father of Cnidus (H. N. xxxvi. 5), and a statue of Pasiphae. (Tatian. ad Graec. 54.) If we believe Clemens Alexandrinus (Protr. p. 30, c.), Bryaxis attained so high a degree of perfection, that two statues of his were ascribed by some to Phidias. [W. I.] 2L
Page 514 514 BRYENNIUS. BRYE'NNIUS, JOSE'PHUS ('Iwoa) BpvevVios), a Greek priest and eloquent preacher, died between A. D. 1431 and 1438. He is the author of a great number of treatises on religious subjects, as well as of several letters to distinguished persons of his time respecting theological and ecclesiastical matters. His works were first published under the title "'Icannh grovaXoi 70rTO BpveVvio'v Tu e6pesE-I7VT 8i' Ei7rIeAXia Evyeviov, AinaKcoOU r7e s BovXyapeias,, 7f7j3 T'o 7rpcwTov Triros EKsco'e6ETa," three volumes, 8vo. Leipzig, 1768-1784. This edition contains only the Greek text. Eugenius, diaconus in Bulgaria, was in possession of a fine manuscript of the works of Bryennius, and he is the author of a life of Bryennius contained in the preface to the Leipzig edition. The works of Bryennius were known and published in extracts long before the complete edition of them appeared. Leo Allatius refers to, and gives extracts from, several of his treatises, such as " Orationes II de Futuro Judicio et Sempiterna Beatitudine," in which the author maintained peculiar views respecting purgatory; " Oratio de Sancta Trinitate;" " Oratio de Transfiguratione Domini;" " Oratio de Domini Crucifixione;" &c. The style of Bryennius is remarkably pure for his time. (Leo Allat. De Libris et Rebus Eccles. Graec. pars i. pp. 136,141,143, 237, &c., 311, 339 -343, De Consenst Utriusque Ecclesiae, pp. 529, 837, 863, &c.; Cave, Hist. Liter. Appendix, p. 121; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 659, &c.) [W. P.] BRYE'NNIUS, MA'NUEL (MavovAs\ Bpv'vvios), a Greek writer on music, is probably identical with one Manuel Bryennius, the contemporary of the emperor Andronicus I., who reigned from 1282 till 1328. Bryennius wrote 'ApJAovUcd, or a commentary on the theory of music, which is divided into three books, in the first of which he frequently dwells upon the theory of Euclid, while in the second and third books he has chiefly in view that of Ptolemy the musician. The learned Meibomius intended to publish this work, and to add it to his "Antiquae Musicae Autores Septem," Amsterdam, 1652; but he was prevented from accomplishing his purpose. The "Harmonica" having attracted the attention of John Wallis, who perused the Oxford MSS., he published it in 1680 together with the "Harmonica" of Ptolemy and some other ancient musicians; he also added a Latin translation. The "Harmonica" of both Bryennius and Ptolemy are contained in the third volume of Wallis's works, Oxford, 1699. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. pp. 648, 649; Labbe, Biblioth. Nov. MSS. p. 118.) [W. P.] BRYE'NNIUS, NICE'PHORUS (Npspo'pos Bpvievios), the accomplished husband of Anna Comnena, was born at Orestias in Macedonia in the middle of the eleventh century of the Christian aera. He was the son, or more probably the nephew, of another Nicephorus Bryennius, who is renowned in Byzantine history as one of the first generals of his time, and who, having revolted against the emperor Michael VII. Ducas Parapinaces, assumed the imperial title at Dyrrhachium in 1071. Popular opinion was in favour of the usurper, but he had to contend with a third rival, Nicephorus Botaniates, who was supported by the aristocracy and clergy, and who succeeded in deposing Michael and in becoming recognized as emperor under the name of Nicephorus III. The contest then lay between Nicephorus Botaniates and Nicephorus Bryennius, against whom the for BRYENNIUS. mer sent an army commanded by Alexis Comnenns. who afterwards became emperor. Bryennius was defeated and made prisoner by Alexis near Calabrya in Thrace: he was treated by the victor with kindness; but Basil, the emperor's minister, ordered his eyes to be put out. His son, or nephew, the subject of this article, escaped the fate of his relative; and no sooner had Alexis Comnenus ascended the throne (1081), than the name of Bryennius became conspicuous as the emperor's most faithful friend. Bryennius was not only distinguished by bodily beauty and military talents, but also by his learning, the affability of his manners, and the wisdom he shewed in the privy council of the emperor. During the first differences with the crusaders, he was one of the chief supports of the throne; and, in order to reward him for his eminent services, Alexis created for him the dignity of panhypersebastos-a title until then unknown in the code of Byzantine ceremonies, and which gave the bearer the rank of Caesar. But Bryennius is also called Caesar, and we must therefore suppose that this title was formally conferred upon him. The greatest mark of confidence, however, which Alexis bestowed upon him was the hand of his daughter, Anna Comnena, with whom Bryennius lived in happiness during forty years. Bryennius distinguished himself in the war between Alexis and Bohemond, prince of Antioch, and negotiated the peace of 1108 to the entire satisfaction of his sovereign. Anna Comnena and the empress Irene tried to persuade the emperor to name Bryennius his successor; but Alexis would not deprive his son John of his natural rights. After the death of Alexis in 1118, and the accession of John, Anna and.Bryennius conspired against the young emperor, but the conspiracy failed. [ANNA COMNENA.] The cause of its failure was the refusal of Bryennius to act in the decisive moment, for which ho was severely blamed by his haughty wife. They were punished with confiscation of their estates and banishment to Oenoe, now Unieh, on the Black Sea, where they led a retired life during several years. Bryennius afterwards recovered the favour of the emperor. In 1137 he went to Cilicia and Syria with the intention of relieving the siege of Antioch by the crusaders; but ill health compelled him to return to Constantinople, where he died soon afterwards. Bryennius is the author of a work entitled "TAn ioropias, which is a history of the reign of the emperors Isaac I. Comnenus, Constantine XI. Ducas, Romanus III. Diogenes, and Michael VII. Ducas Parapinaces; his intention was to write also the history of the following emperors, but death prevented him from carrying his design into execution. This work, which is divided into four books, is one of the most valuable of the Byzantine histories, and is distinguished by the clearness of the narrative. Its principal value arises from its author I eing not only a witness but also one of the chief laders in the events which he relates, and from his being accustomed to, and having the power of forming a judgment upon, important affairs. The editio princeps forms part of the Paris collection of the Byzantines, and was published by Pierre Poussines at the end of Procopius, Paris, 1661, fol., with notes and a Latin translation. The editor, who dedicated the work to Christina, queen of Sweden, perused two MSS., one of Cujas, and the other of Favre de St.
Page 515 BUBASTIS. Joire. Du Cange has written excellent notes upon it, which form an appendix to his edition of Cinnamus, Paris, 1670, fol. Cousin (le president) translated it into French in his usual extravagant and inaccurate way, which induced Gibbon to say, "did he ever think?" A new and careful edition has been published by Meineke, together with Cinnamus (" Nicephori Bryennii Commentarii," Bonn, 1836, 8vo.), which forms part of the Bonn collection of the Byzantines. It contains the notes of Pierre Poussines and Du Cange, and the Latin translation of the former revised by the editor. (Anna Comnena, Alcxias; Cinnamus, i. 1-10; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 674; Hankius, de Byzant. Rer. Script. Graec., pp. 492-507.) [W. P.] BRYSON (Bpioov), mentioned by lamblichus (Vit. Pytih, c. 23) as one of those youths whom Pythagoras instructed in his old age. He was perhaps the same writer that is mentioned in the extract from Theopompus found in Athenaeus (xi. p. 508), where Plato is charged with having borrowed from Bryson, the Heracleot, and others, a great deal that he introduced into his dialogues as his own. A saying of Bryson's is refuted by Aristotle in his Rhei. iii. 2, 13. [A. G.] BU'BARES (Bovgudpss), the son of Megabazus, a Persian, was sent into Macedonia to make inquiries after the missing Persian envoys, whom Alexander, the son of Amyntas I., had caused to be murdered at his father's court, about B. c. 507. Alexander induced Bubares to pass the matter over in silence, by giving him great presents and also his sister Gygaea in marriage. By this Gygaea Bubares had a son, who was called Amyntas after his grandfather. (Herod. v. 21, viii. 136.) In conjunction with Artachaees, Bubares superintended the construction of the canal which Xerxes made across the isthmus of Athos. (Herod. vii. 22.) BUBASTIS (BovGao'-rs), an Egyptian divinity whom the Greeks used to identify with their own Artemis, and whose genealogy they explain accordingly. (Herod, ii. 137, 156; Steph. Byz, s. v. Borv'ao'ros.) She was a daughter of Osiris and Isis, and sister of Horus (Apollo). Her mother, Isis, entrusted Bubastis and Horus to Buto, to protect them from Typhon. In the town of Buto there was a temple of Bubastis and Horus, but the principal seat of the worship of Bubastis was in the town of Bubastus or Bubastis. Here her sanctuary was surrounded by two canals of the Nile, and it was distinguished for its beautiful situation as well as for the style of the building. (Herod. ii. 137, 138.) An annual festival was celebrated to the goddess here, which was attended by immense crowds of people (Herodotus, ii. 60, estimates their number at 700,000), and was spent in great merriment. But the particulars, as well as the object of the solemnity, are not known, though the worship of Bubastis continued to a very late time. (Ov. Met. ix. 687; Gratius, De Venat. 42.) The animal sacred to Bubastis was the cat; and according to Stephanus of Byzantium, the name Bubastis itself signified a cat. When cats died they were carefully embalmed and conveyed to Bubastis. (Herod. ii. 67.) The goddess herself was represented in the form of a cat, or of a female with the head of a cat, and some specimens of such representations, though not many, are still extant. This is explained in the legend of Bubastis by the story, that when the gods fled from Typhon, Bubastis (Artemis, Diana) concealed herself by B1UBULCUS. 515 assuming the appearance of a cat. (Ov. Met. v. 329; Anton. Lib. 28.) But it seems more natural to suppose here, as in other instances of Egyptian religion, that the worship of Bubastis was originally the worship of the cat itself, which was subsequently refined into a mere symbol of the goddess. The fact that the ancients identify Bubastis with Artemis or Diana is to us a point of great difficulty, since the information which we possess respecting the Egyptian goddess presents little or no resemblance between the two divinities. The only point that might seem to account for the identification, is, that Bubastis, like Artemis, was regarded as the goddess of the moon. The cat also was believed by the ancients to stand in some relation to the moon, for Plutarch (De Is. et Os. 63) says, that the cat was the symbol of the moon on account of her different colours, her busy ways at night, and her giving birth to 28 young ones during the course of her life, which is exactly the number of the phases of the moon. (Comp. Phot. Bibl. p. 343, a., ed. Bekker; Demeter. Phal. EIIpl'Eppy. ~ 159, ed. Oxford.) It might, therefore, seem that Bubastis, being the daughter of Osiris (the sun) and Isis (the moon), was considered as the symbol of the new moon. But the interpretation given by Plutarch cannot be regarded as decisive, for in another passage (De Is. et Os. 74) he gives a different account of the symbolical meaning of the cat. Another point in which some think that Bubastis and Artemis coincide, is the identity of the two with Eileithyia. But although Artemis and Eileithyia may have been the same, it does not follow that Bubastis and Eileithyia were likewise identical, and originally they must have been different, as the mode of worship of the latter was incompatible with the religion of the Egyptians. (Manetho, ap. Plut. De Is. et Os. 73; Herod. ii. 45; Macrob. i. 7.) We must, therefore, be contented with knowing the simple fact, that the Greeks identified the Egyptian Bubastis with their own Artemis, and that in later times, when the attributes of different divinities were exchanged in various ways, the features peculiar to Eileithyia were transferred to Bubastis (Anfhol. Grace. xi. 81) and Isis. (Ov. Amor. ii. 13.) Josephus (Ant. Jud. xiii. 3. ~ 2) mentions Bubastis with the surname d(ypfa, or the rustic, who had a temple near Leontopolis in the nomos of Heliopolis, which had fallen into decay as early as the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. (Comp. Jablonsky Panthc. Aeg. iii. 3; Pignorius, Ecxposit. Tab. Isiacae, p. 66, ed. Amstelod.) [L. S.] BUBO'NA. The Romans had two divinities whom they believed to be the protectors of stables, viz. Bubona and Epona, the former being the protectress of oxen and cows, and the latter of horses. Small figures of these divinities were placed in niches made in the wall (aedicudae), or in the pillar supporting the roof; sometimes, also, they were only painted over the manger. (Augustin. De Civ. Dei, iv. 34; Tertull. Apolog. 16; Minuc. Fel. Oct. 28; Apul. Met. p. 60; Juven. viii. 157.) [L. S.] BUBULCUS, the name of a family of the Junia gens. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 37; comp. Plut. Poplic. 11.) There are only two persons of this family mentioned, both of whom bear the name of Brutus also; of these, one is called in the Fasti Capitolini Bubulcus Brutus, and the other Brutus Bubulcus: they may therefore have belonged to the Bruti, and not to a distinct family of the Junia gens. 2, 2
Page 516 516 BUBULCUS. 1. C. JUNIus C. F. C. N. BUBULCJUS BaRUTUS, was consul B. c. 317 and again in 313, in the latter of which years Saticula was founded. (Liv. ix. 20, 21, 28; Diod. xix. 17, 77; Festus, s. v. Saticula.) He was magister equitum in 312 to the dictator C. Sulpicius Longus (Fast. Capit.) and not dictator, as he is erroneously called by Livy (ix. 29). He was consul a third time in 311, and carried on the war against the Samnites with great success. He retook Cluvia, which the Samnites had wrested from the Romans, and thence marched to Bovianum, which also fell into his hands. In his return from Bovianum, he was surprised in a narrow pass by the Samnites; but, after a hardfought battle, he gained a great victory over them, and slew 20,000 of the enemy. It must have been on this occasion that he vowed a temple to Safety, which he afterwards dedicated in his dictatorship. In consequence of this victory, he obtained the honour of a triumph. (Liv. ix. 30, 31; Diod. xx. 3; Fast. Capitol.) In 309 he was again magister equitum to the dictator L. Papirius Cursor (Liv. ix. 38), and in 307 obtained the censorship with L. Valerius Maximus. During his censorship he contracted for the building of the temple of Safety which he had vowed in his consulship, and he and his colleague had roads made at the public expense. They also expelled L. Antonius from the senate. (Liv. ix. 43; Val. Max. ii. 9. ~ 2.) Finally, in 302, he was appointed dictator when the Aequians renewed the war, as a general rising of the surrounding nations was feared. Bubulcus defeated the Aequians at the first encounter, and returned to Rome at the end of seven days; but he did not lay down his dictatorship till he had dedicated the temple of Safety which he had vowed in his consulship. The walls of this temple were adorned with paintings by C. Fabius Pictor, which probably represented the battle he had gained over the Samnites. (Liv. x. 1; Val. Max. viii. 14. ~ 6; Plin. xxxv. 4. s. 7.) The festival to commemorate the dedication of this temple was celebrated, in Cicero's time, on the Nones of Sextilis. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 1.) 2. C. JUNIUS C. F. C. N. BRUTUS BUBULCUS, consul B. c. 291 (Liv. xvii. 6), and again in 277. In the latter year, lie and his colleague P. Cornelius Rufinus were sent into Samnium, and sustained a repulse in an attack upon the Samnites in the mountains. Their loss upon this occasion led to a quarrel between the consuls, who separated in consequence. Zonaras says, that Bubulcus remained in Samnium, while Rufinus marched into Lucania and Bruttium: but, according to the Capitoline Fasti, which ascribe a triumph over the Lucanians and Bruttians to Bubulcus, the contrary must have been the case. (Zonar. viii. 6.) BUCA, the name of a family of the Aemilia gens, known to us chiefly from coins. 1. L. AEMILIUS BUCA, the father (Ascon. in Scaur. p. 29, ed. Orelli), is supposed to have been quaestor under Sulla, and to have struck the annexed coin to commemorate the dream which Sulla BULARCHUS. had on his approach to Rome from Nola, in B. c. 83. (Plut. Sull. 9.) On the obverse is the head of Venus, with L. BVCA; on the reverse a man sleeping, to whom Diana appears with Victory. (Eckhel, v. p. 121.) 2. L. AEMILIUS BUCA, the son, supplicated the judges on behalf of M. Scaurus at his trial in B. c. 54. (Ascon. 1. c.) The following coin is supposed to refer to him, on the obverse of which is the head of Caesar, with PERPETVO CAESAR, and on the reverse Venus seated holding a small statue of Victory, with the inscription L. BUCA. There are several other coins belonging to this Buca, on some of which we find the inscription, L. AEMILIUS BUCA IIIVIR, from which it would appear that lie was a triumvir of the mint. (Eckhel, vi. pp. 8, 9.) M. BUCCULEIUS, a Roman, not unversed in legal studies, although, in the treatise De Oratore (i. 39), Cicero puts into the mouth of L. Crassus a rather sarcastic sketch of his character. Bucculeins is there described by Crassus as fa.miliaris nosier, neque meo judicio stultus, et suo valde sapiens. An anecdote is then given of his want of legal caution. Upon the conveyance of a house to L. Fufius, he covenanted that the lights should remain in the state in which they then were. Accordingly Fufius, whenever any building however distant was raised which could be seen from the house, commenced an action against Bucculeius for a breach of agreement. [J. T. 0G.] BUCILIA'NUS, one of Caesar's assassins, B. c. 44 (Cic. ad Att. xv. 17, xvi. 4), is called Bucolianus by Appian (B. C. ii. 113, 117), from whom we learn that he had been one of Caesar's friends. BUCO'LION (BovicoAiwv), a son of Laomedon and the nymph Calybe, who had several sons by Abarbarea. (Hom. II. vi. 21, &c.; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 3; ABARBAREA.) There are two other mythical personages of this name. (Apollod. iii. 8. ~ 1; Paus. viii. 5. ~ 5.) [L. S.] BU'COLUS (BovicKOS), two mythical personages, one a son of Heracles, and the other of Hippocoon. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8, iii. 10. ~ 5.) [L.S.] BUDEIA (Boes'ea). 1. [ATHENA.] 2. A Boeotian woman, the wife of Clymenus and mother of Erginus, from whom the town of Budeion derived its name. (Eustath. ad Homn. p. 1076.) From the Scholiast on Apollonius Rho. dius (i. 185), it appears that she was the same as Buzyge. Others derived the name of the town of Budeion from an Argive hero, Budeios. (Eustath. 1. c.; Steph. Byz. s. v. BoSe'ta.) [L. S.] BULARCHUS, a very old painter of Asia Minor, whose picture representing the defeat of the Magnesians (Magnetum proeliumn, Plin. H. N. xxxv. 34; Magnettum excidium, Ib. vii. 39) is said to have been paid by Candaules, king of Lydia, with so much gold as was required to cover the whole of its large surface. This is either a mistake of Pliny, since Candaules died in B. c. 716, and the only destruction of Magnesia that is known of took place after B. c. 676 (see HIeyne, Art. ITemspor. Opusc. v. p. 349); or, what is mnore probable,
Page 517 BUPALUS. the whole story is fictitious, as Welcker has shewn. (Archiv fur Philol. 1830, Nos. 9 and 10.) [W. I.] BULBUS, a Roman senator and an unprincipled man, was one of the judices at the trial of Oppianicus. Staienus, another of the judices at the trial, had received a sum of money to secure the acquittal of Oppianicus; but, although Bulbus had obtained a share of it, he and Staienus condemned Oppianicus. Bulbus was afterwards condemned on a charge of treason (majestas) for attempting to corrupt a legion in Illyricum. (Cic. pro Cluent. 26, 35, c. Verr. ii. 32.) BULBUS, C. ATI'LIUS, was consul in B. c. 245, a second time in 235, and censor in 234. In his second consulship, in which he had T. Manlius Torquatus for a colleague, the temple of Janus was closed for the first time after the reign of Numa. (Fast. Capit.; Eutrop. ii. 3; Oros. iv. 12; Plut. Num. 20; comp. Liv. i. 19.) BULBUS, C. NORBA'NUS. [NORBANUS.] BULIS (BogdAs) and SPE'RTHIAS (27rEp0 is), two Spartans of noble rank, voluntarily offered to go to Xerxes and offer themselves to punishment, when the hero Talythibius was enraged against the Spartans on account of their having murdered the heralds whom Dareius had sent to Sparta; but, upon their arrival at Susa, they were dismissed uninjured by the king. Their names are written somewhat differently by different authors. (Herod. vii. 134, &c.; Plut. Apophth. Lac. 60, p. 235, f., Praec. Reipubl. Ger. 19, p. 815, e.; Lucian, Dem. Enc. 32; Suidas, s. v.; Stobaeus, Serm. vii. p. 93.) There was a mournful song upon this Sperthias or Sperchis, as he is called by Theocritus, which seems to have been composed when he and his companion left Sparta. (Theocr. Id. xv. 98.) BULON (BosAawu), the founder of the town of Bulis in Phocis. (Paus. x. 37. ~ 2; Steph. Byz. s. v. Bo6Ais.) [L. S.] BUNAEA (Bovvala), a surname of Hera, derived from Bunus, the son of Hermes and Alcidameia, who is said to have built a sanctuary to Hera on the road which led up to Acrocorinthus. (Paus. ii. 4. ~ 7, 3. ~ 8.) [L. S.] BU'PALUS,an architect and sculptor of the island of Chios, where his family is said to have exercised the art of statuary from the beginning of the Olympiads. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5; comp. Thiersch, Epoch. Anm. p. 58.) Bupalus and his brother Athenis are said by Pliny (1. c.) and Suidas (s. v. "IhrTrdva) to have made caricatures of the famous iambographical poet Hipponax, which the poet requited by the bitterest satires. (Welcker, Hiipp. fragm. p. 12.) This story, which we have no grounds for doubting, gives at once a pretty certain date for the age of the two artists, for Hipponax was a contemporary of Dareius (B. c. 524-485); and it also accounts for their abilities, which for their time must have been uncommon. This is proved moreover by the fact, that Augustus adorned most of his temples at Rome with their works. It is to be noticed that marble was their material. In the earlier period of Greek art wood and bronze was the common material, until by the exertions of Dipoenus and Scyllis, and the two Chian brothers, Bupalus and Athenis, marble became more general. Welcker (Rhein. Museum, iv. p. 254) has pointed out the great importance which Bupalus and his brother acquired by forming entire groups of statues, which before that time had been wrought as isolated figures. The father of Bupalus and BURRUS. 517 Athenis, likewise a celebrated artist, is generally called Anthermus, which being very differently spelt in the different MSS. has been rejected by Sillig (Cat. Art. s. v.), who proposes to read Archeneus. The reading Anthermus for the son's name instead of Athenis has long been generally given up. [W. I.] BU'PHAGUS (Boepayos). 1. A son of lapetus and Thornaxe, an Arcadian hero and husband of Promne. He received the wounded Iphicles, the brother of Heracles, into his house, and took care of him until he died. Buphagus was afterwards killed by Artemis for having pursued her. (Paus. viii. 14. ~ 6, 27. ~ 11.) 2. A surname of Heracles, Lepreus, and others, who were believed to have eaten a whole bull at once. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 7, 5. ~ 11; Aelian, V. H. i. 24; Eustath. ad Homn. p. 1523.) [L. S.] BURA (Boepa), a daughter of Ion, the ancestral hero of the lonians, and Helice, from whom the Achaean town of Bura derived its name. (Paus. vii. 25. ~ 5; Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] BURA'ICUS (Bovpae5is), a surname of Heracles, derived from the Achaean town of Bura, near which he had a statue on the river Buraicus, and an oracle in a cave. Persons who consulted this oracle first said prayers before the statue, and then took four dice from a heap which was always kept ready, and threw them upon a table. These dice were marked with certain characters, the meaning of which was explained with the help of a painting which hung in the cave. (Paus. vii. 25. ~6.) [L. S.] BURDO, JU'LIUS, commander of the fleet in Germany, A. D. 70, was obnoxious to the soldiers, because it was thought that he had had a hand in the death of Fonteius Capito; but he was protected by Vitellius from the vengeance of the soldiers. (Tac. Hist. i. 58.) BU'RICHUS (Bov'pos), one of the commanders of Demetrius Poliorcetes in the sea-fight off Cyprus, B. c. 306, was one of the flatterers of the king, to whom the Athenians erected an altar and a heroum. (Diod. xx. 52; Athen. vi. p. 253, a.) C. BURRIE'NUS, praetor urbanus about B. c. 82. (Cic. pro Quint. 6, 21.) BURRUS or BURRHUS, AFRANIUS, a distinguished Roman general under Claudius and Nero, who was appointed by Claudius sole praefectus praetorio, A. D. 52, upon the recommendation of Agrippina, the wife of the emperor, as she hoped to obtain more influence -over the praetorian cohorts by one man being their praefect instead of two, especially as Burrus was made to feel that he owed his elevation to her. Burrus and Seneca conducted the education of Nero, and although they were men of very different pursuits, yet they agreed in their endeavours to bring up the young prince in virtuous habits. When Claudius died in A. D. 55, Burrus accompanied Nero from the palace to the praetorians, who, at the command of their praefect, received Nero with loud acclamations. It appears, indeed, that Nero owed his elevation to the throne chiefly to the influence of Burrus. The executions which Agrippina ordered in the beginning of Nero's reign were strenuously opposed by Burrus and Seneca. When Nero had given orders in A. D. 60 to put his mother Agrippina to death, and was informed that she had escaped with a slight wound, he consulted Burrus and Seneca, hoping that they would assist him in carrying his
Page 518 518 BUSIRIS. BUTEO. plan into effect; but Burrus refused.to take any foreigners that entered Egypt. Heracles on his part in it, and declared that the praetorians were arrival in Egypt was likewise seized and led to the bound to afford their protection to the whole house altar, but he broke his chains and slew Busiris, of the Caesars. In the same manner Burrus op- together with his son Amphidamas or Iphidamas, posed Nero's design of murdering his wife Octavia. and his herald Chalbes. (Apollod. 1. c.; Schol. ad At length, however, Nero, who had already threat- Apollon. iv. 1396; comp. Herod. ii. 45; Gell. ii. ened to deprive Burrus of his post, resolved to get 6; Macrob. Sat. vi. 7; Hygin. Fab. 31.) This rid of his stern and virtuous officer, and accordingly story gave rise to various disputes in later times, had him killed by poison, A. D. 63. Tacitus, in- when a friendly intercourse between Greece and deed, states, that it was uncertain whether he died Egypt was established, both nations being anxious of illness or in consequence of poison, but the to do away with the stigma it attached to the authority of other writers leaves no doubt that Egyptians. Herodotus (1. c.) expressly denies that he was poisoned by the emperor. The death of the Egyptians ever offered human sacrifices, and Burrus was lamented by all who had felt the bene- Isocrates (Bus. 15) endeavours to upset the story ficial influence he had exercised, and the power by shewing, that Heracles must have lived at a which Seneca had hitherto possessed lost in Burrus much later time than Busiris. Others again said, its last supporter. (Tacit. Ann. xii. 42, 69, xiii. that it was a tale invented to shew up the inhos2, 20, &c., xiv. 7, 51, 52; Dion Cass. lii. 13; pitable character of the inhabitants of the town of Suet. Ner. 35.) [L. S.] Busiris, and that there never was a king of that BURSA, a surname of T. Munatius Plancus. name. (Strab. xvii. p. 802.) Diodorus (i. 88) [PLANCUS.] relates on the authority of the Egyptians themselves BU'RSIO, a cognomen of the Julia gens, which that Busiris was not the name of a king, but is known only from coins. There is a large num- signified the tomb oqf Osiris, and that in ancient her, of which the following is a specimen, bearing times the kings used to sacrifice at this grave men on the reverse the inscription L. IVLI. BVRSIO, with of red colour (the colour of Typhon), who were Victory in a four-horse chariot. The head on the for the most part foreigners. Another story gives obverse has occasioned great dispute among writers a Greek origin to the name Busiris, by saying that on coins: on account of its wings and the trident, when Isis had collected the limbs of Osiris, who had it may perhaps be intended to represent Ocean. been killed by Typhon, she put them together in a (Eckhel, v. p. 227, &c.) wooden cow (IBods), whence the name of the town of Busiris was derived (Diod. i. 85), which contained the principal sanctuary of Isis. (Herod. ii. " cases, the name of the town of Busiris was not de"rived from a king of that name; and indeed the - d dynasties of Manethon do not mention a king Buc UiBYS siris, so that the whole story may be a mere invention of the Greeks, from which we can scarcely infer anything else than that, in ancient times, the BUSA, an Apulian woman of noble birth and Egyptians were hostile towards all foreigners, and great wealth, who supplied with food, clothing, in some cases sacrificed them. Modern scholars, and provisions for their journey, the Roman sol- such as Creuzer and G. Hermann, find a deeper diers who fled to Canusium after the battle of meaning in the mythus of Busiris than it can posCannae, B. c. 216. For this act of liberality thanks sibly suggest. [L. S.] were afterwards returned her by the senate. (Liv. BUTAS (Boeras), a Greek poet of uncertain xxii. 52, 54; Val. Max. iv. 8. ~ 2.) age, wrote in elegiac verse an account of early BUSI'RIS (Booripts), according to Apollodorus Roman history, from which Plutarch quotes the (ii. 1. ~ 5), a son of Aegyptus, who was killed by fabulous origin of the Lupercalia. It seems to have the Danaid Automate; but according to Diodorus been called ATioa, like a work of Callimachus, be(i. 17), he was the governor whom Osiris, on cause it gave the causes or origin of various fables, setting out on his expedition through the world, rites, and customs. (Plut. Rom. 21; Arnob. v. 18.) appointed over the north eastern portion of Egypt, BU'TEO, the name of a family of the patrician which bordered on the sea and Phoenicia. In Fabia gens. This name, which signifies a kind of another place (i. 45) he speaks of Busiris as an hawk, was originally given to a member of this Egyptian king, who followed after the 52 succes- gens, because the bird had on one occasion settled sors of Menas, and states that Busiris was succeeded upon his ship with a favourable omen. (Plin. H. N. by eight kings, who descended from him, and the x. 8. s. 10.) We are not told which of the Fabii last of whom likewise bore the name of Busiris. first obtained this surname, but it was probably This last Busiris is described as the founder of the one of the Fabii Ambusti. [AMBUSTUS.] city of Zeus, which the Greeks called Thebes. 1. N. FABIus M. F. M. N. BUTEO, consul B. C. Apollodorus, too (ii. 5. ~ 11), mentions an Egyp- 247, in the first Punic war, was employed in tian king Busiris, and calls him a son of Poseidon the siege of Drepanum. In 224 he was magister and Lysianassa, the daughter of Epaphus. Con- equitum to the dictator L. Caecilius Metellus. cerning this Busiris the following remarkable story (Zonar. viii. 16; Fast. Capit.) is told:-Egypt had been visited for nine years 2. M. FABIUS M. F. M. N. BUTEO, brother apby uninterrupted scarcity, and at last there came a parently of the preceding, was consul B. c. 245. soothsayer from Cyprus of the name of Phrasius, Florus says (ii. 2. ~~ 30, 31), that he gained a who declared, that the scarcity would cease if the naval victory over the Carthaginians and afterEgyptians would sacrifice a foreigner to Zeus every wards suffered shipwreck; but this is a mistake, as year. Busiris made the beginning with the pro- we know from Polybius, that the Romans had no phet himself, and afterwards sacrificed all the fleet at that time. In 216 he was elected dictator
Page 519 BUTES. without a master of the knights, in order to fill up the vacancies in the senate occasioned by the battle of Cannae: he added 177 new members to the senate, and then laid down his office. (Liv. xxiii. 22, 23; Plut. Fab. Max. 9.) We learn from Livy, who calls him the oldest of the ex-censors, that he had filled the latter office; and it is accordingly conjectured that he was the colleague of C. Aurelius Cotta in the censorship, B. c. 241. In the Fasti Capitolini the name of Cotta's colleague has disappeared. 3. FABIus BUTEO, son of the preceding, was accused of theft, and killed in consequence by his own father. (Oros. iv. 13.) This event, from the order in which it is mentioned by Orosius, must have happened shortly before the second Punic war. 4. M. FABIUS BUTEO, curule aedile B. c. 203, and praetor 201, when he obtained Sardinia as his province. (Liv. xxx. 26, 40.) 5. Q. FABIus BUTEO, praetor B. c. 196, obtained the province of Further Spain. (Liv. xxxiii. 24, 26.) 6. Q. FAmIus BUTEO, praetor B. c. 181, obtained the province of Cisalpine Gaul, and had his command prolonged the following year. In 179 he was appointed one of the triumvirs for founding a Latin colony in the territory of the Pisani, and in 168 one of the quinqueviri to settle the disputes between the Pisani and Lunenses respecting the boundaries of their lands. (Liv. xl. 18, 36, 43, xlv. 13.) 7. N. FABIus BUTEo, praetor B. c. 173, obtained the province of Nearer Spain, but died at Massilia on his way to the province. (Liv. xli. 33, xlii. 1, 4.) 8. (Q.) FABIUS BUTEO, son of the brother of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, the younger, must have been the son of Q. Fabius, who was adopted by Q. Fabius Maximus, the conqueror of Hannibal. Buteo was elected quaestor in B. c. 134, and was entrusted by his uncle, Scipio, with the command of the 4000 volunteers who enlisted at Rome to serve under Scipio in the war against Numantia. (Val. Max. viii. 15. ~ 4; Appian, fHisp. 84.) BU'TEO, a rhetorician in the first century of the Christian era, is frequently mentioned by the elder Seneca, who tells us, that he was a pupil of Porcius Latro, and a dry declaimer, but that he divided all his subjects well. (Controv. 1, 6, 7, 13, &c.) BUTES (Bov'Tr). 1. A son of Boreas, a Thracian, was hostile towards his step-brother Lycurgus, and therefore compelled by his father to emigrate. He accordingly went with a band of colonists to the island of Strongyle, afterwards called Naxos. But as he and his companions had no women, they made predatory excursions, and also came to Thessaly, where they carried off the women who were just celebrating a festival of Dionysus. Butes himself took Coronis; but she invoked Dionysus, who struck Butes with madness, so that he threw himself into a well. (Diod. v. 50.) 2. A son of Teleon and Zeuxippe. Others call his father Pandion or Amycus. He is renowned as an Athenian shepherd, ploughman, warrior, and an Argonaut. (Apollod. i. 9. ~~ 16, 25, iii. 14. ~ 8, 15. ~ 1.) After the death of Pandion, he obtained the office of priest of Athena and the Erechtheian Poseidon. The Attic family of the Butadae or Eteobutadae derived their origin from BUTORIDES. 519 him, and in the Erechtheum on the Acropolis there was an altar dedicated to Butes, and the walls were decorated with paintings representing scenes from the history of the family of the Butadae. (Paus. i. 26. ~ 6; Harpocrat., Etym. M., Hesych. s. v.; Orph. Arg. 138; Val. Flacc. i. 394; Hygin. Fab. 14.) The Argonaut Butes is also called a son of Poseidon (Eustath. ad Homn. xiii. 43); and it is said, that when the Argonauts passed by the Sirens, Orpheus commenced a song to counteract the influence of the Sirens, but that Butes alone leaped into the sea. Aphrodite, however, saved him, and carried him to Lilybaeum, where she became by him the mother of Eryx. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 25; Serv. ad Aen. i. 574, v. 24.) Diodorus (iv. 83), on the other hand, regards this Butes as one of the native kings of Sicily. There are at least four more mythical persons of this name, respecting whom nothing of interest can be said. (Ov. Met. vii. 500; Diod. v. 59; Virg. Aen. xi. 690, &c., ix. 646. &c.) [L. S.] BUTO (BourcZ), an Egyptian divinity, whom the Greeks identified with their Leto, and who was worshipped principally in the town of Buto, which derived its name from her. Festivals were celebrated there in her honour, and there she had also an oracle which was in high esteem among the Egyptians. (Herod. ii. 59, 83, 111, 133, 152, 155; Aelian, V. H. ii. 41; Strab. xvii. p. 802.) According to Herodotus, she belonged to the eight great divinities; and in the mythus of Osiris and.Isis she acts the part of a nurse to their children, Horus and Bubastis. Isis entrusted the two children to her, and she saved them from the persecutions of Typhon by concealing them in the floating island of Chemnis, in a lake near the sanctuary at Buto, where afterwards Bubastis and Horus were worshipped, together with Buto. (Herod. ii. 156; Plut. de Is. et Os. 18, 38.) Stephanus of Byzantium appears (s. v. A-rovs Ir6o'As) to speak of an earlier worship of Buto (Leto) at Letopolis near Memphis; but Letopolis was in later times known only by its name, and was destroyed long before the time of Cambyses. (Joseph. Ant. Jud. ii. 15. ~ 1.) As regards the nature and character of Buto, the ancients, in identifying her with Leto, transferred their notions of the latter to the former, and Buto was accordingly considered by Greeks as the goddess of night. (Phurnut. de Nat. Deor. 2; Plut. ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. iii. 1.) This opinion seemed to be confirmed by the peculiar animal which was sacred to Buto, viz. the shrew-mouse (guvyaAf) and the hawk. Herodotus (ii. 67) states, that both these animals were, after their death, carried to Buto; and, according to Antoninus Liberalis (28), Leto (Buto) changed herself into a shrew-mouse in order to escape the persecution of Typhon. About this mouse Plutarch (Sympos. iv. 5) relates, that it was believed to have received divine honours in Egypt because it was blind, and because darkness preceded light. This opinion of the ancients respecting the nature of Buto has been worked out with some modifications by modern writers on Egyptian mythology. (Jablonsky, Panth. Aeg. iii. 4. ~ 7; Champollion, Panth. Egyptien, text to plate 23.) [L. S.] BUTO'RIDES, one of the authors who wrote upon the pyramids of Egypt. From the order in which he is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 12. s. 17), it would appear that he must have lived after Alexander Polyhistor and before Apion, that
Page 520 520 CABASILAS. is, either in the first century before or the first century after Christ. [ARISTAGORAS.] BUZYGE. [BUDETA.] BYBLIS (BvAls), a daughter of Miletus and Eidothea (others call her mother Tragasia or Areia), and sister of Caunus. The story about her is related in different ways. One tradition is, that Caunus loved his sister with more than brotherly affection, and as he could not get over this feeling, he quitted his father's home and Miletus, and settled in Lycia. Byblis, deeply grieved at the flight of her brother, went out to seek him, and having wandered about for a long time, hung herself by means of her girdle. Out of her tears arose the well Byblis. (Parthen. Erot. 11; Conon, Narrat. 2.) According to another tradition, Byblis herself was seized with a hopeless passion for her brother, and as in her despair she was on the point of leaping from a rock into the sea, she was kept back by nymphs, who sent her into a profound sleep. In this sleep she was made an immortal Hamadryas; and the little stream which came down that rock was called by the neighbouring people the tears of Byblis. (Antonin. Lib. 30.) A third tradition, which likewise represented Byblis in love with her brother, made her reveal to him her passion, whereupon Caunus fled to the country of the Leleges, and Byblis hung herself. (Parthen. 1. c.) Ovid (1Met. ix. 446-665) in his description combines several features of the different legends; Byblis is in love with Caunus, and as her love grows from day to day, he escapes; but she follows him through Caria, Lycia, &c., until at last she sinks down worn out; and as she is crying perpetually, she is changed into a well. The town of Byblus in Phoenicia is said to have derived its name from her. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] BYZAS (B'Was),a son of Poseidon and Cerobssa, the daughter of Zeus and Io. He was believed to be the founder of Byzantium. (Steph. Byz. s. v.; Diod. iv. 49.) This transplantation of the legend of Io to Byzantium suggests the idea, that colonists from Argos settled there. The leader of the Megarians, who founded Byzantium in B. c. 658, was likewise called Byzas. (Miller, Dor. i. 6. ~ 9.) [L. S.] C. CAANTHUS (Kdaveos), a son of Oceanus and brother of Melia. He was sent out by his father in search of his sister who had been carried off, and when he found that she was in the possession of Apollo, and that it was impossible to rescue her from his hands, he threw fire into the sacred grove of Apollo, called the Ismenium. The god then killed Caanthus with an arrow. His tomb was shewn by the Thebans on the spot where he had been killed, near the river Ismenius. (Paus. ix. 10. ~ 5.) [L. S.] CABADES. [SASSANIDAE.] CABARNUS (Kdgapvos), a mythical personage of the island of Paros, who revealed to Demeter the fact of her daughter having been carried off, and from whom the island of Paros was said to have been called Cabarnis. (Steph. Byz. s.. Idpos.) From Hesychius (s. v. Kdcapvot) it would seem that, in Paros, Cabarnus was the name for any priest of Demeter. [L. S.] CABA'SILAS, NEILUS (Ne?Aos Kaoaaihas), CABASILAS. archbishop of Thessalonica, lived according to some about A. D. 1314, and according to others somewhat later, about 1340, in the reign of the emperor Joannes Cantacuzenus. He was a bitter opponent of the doctrines of the Latin Church, whence he is severely censured by modern writers of that church, whereas Greek and even Protestant writers speak of him in terms of high praise. Cabasilas is the author of several works, of which, however, two only have yet appeared in print. 1. An oration on the cause of the schism between the Latin and Greek churches (7rept r&T\ ali'etL rVrs KKsiceaiar"irucLs etaarcaecowr), and 2. A small work on the primacy of the pope (rept 7rs dpS C& s oe 7rcra). The first edition of the latter treatise, with a Latin translation by Mathias Flacius, appeared at Frankfurt in 1555, in small 8vo. This was followed by the editions of B. Vulcanius, Lugd. Bat. 1595, 8vo. and of Salmasius, Hanover, 1608, 8vo. This last edition contains also a work of Barlaam, on the same subject, with notes by the editor, and also the first edition of the oration of Cabasilas on the schism between the two churches, which Salmasius has printed as the second book of the work on the primacy of the pope. Of this latter work there is an English translation by Thomas Gressop, London, 1560, 8vo. A list of the works of Neilus Cabasilas which have not yet been printed is given by Fabricius. (Bibl. Grace. x. p. 20, &c.; comp. Wharton's Appendix to Cave's Hist. Lit. i. p. 34, &c., vol. ii. p. 521, &c. ed. London.) [L. S.] CABA'SILAS, NICOLAUS (Nl1Xaos Kafao-ras), archbishop of Thessalonica, was the nephew and successor of Neilus Cabasilas, with whom he has often been confounded. He lived about A. D. 1350. He first held a high office at the imperial court of Constantinople, and in that capacity he was sent in 1346 by Joannes, patriarch of Constantinople, to the emperor Cantacuzenus to induce him to resign the imperial dignity. In the year following he was sent by the emperor Cantacuzenus himself, who had then conquered and entered the city, to the palace of the empress Anna, to lay before her the terms of peace proposed by the conqueror. (Cantacuz. Hist. Byz. iv. 39, &c., xiv. 16.) Nicolaus Cabasilas, who was a man of great learning, wrote several works, of which however only a few have been published, perhaps because he was, like his uncle, a vehement antagonist of the Latin church. The following works have appeared in print: 1. 'Eppmrvela KEspaXELdS'rs, &c., that is, a compendious explanation of the holy mass or liturgy. It first appeared in a Latin translation by Gentianus Heruetianus, Venice, 1548, 8vo., from whence it was reprinted in the " Liturgia SS. Patrum," edited by J. S. Andreas and F. C. de Sainctes, Paris, 1560, fol., and Antwerp, 1562, 8vo., and also in the Biblioth. Patr. xxvi. p. 173, ed. Lugd. The Greek original was first edited by Fronto Ducaeus in the Auctarium to the Bibl. Patr. of 1624, vol. ii. p. 200, &c. 2. A work on the life of Christ, in six books, in which, however, the author treats principally of baptism, the last unction, and the eucharist. This work is as yet published only in a Latin version by J. Pontanus, together with some other works, and also an oration of Nicol. Cabasilas against usury, Ingolstadt, 1604, 4to. From this edition it was reprinted in the Bibl. Pair. xxvi. p. 136, ed. Lugd. In some MSS. this work consists of seven books, but the seventh has never appeared in print. 3. An oration on
Page 521 CABEIRI. Usury and against Usurers, of which a Latin translation was published by J. Pontanus together with Cabasilas' life of Christ. The Greek original of this oration appeared at August. Vindel. 1595 by D. Hoeschel, and was afterwards published in a more correct form, together with the oration of Epiphanius on the burial of Christ, by S. Simonides, Samoscii, 1604, 4to. The many other orations and theological works of Nicolaus Cabasilas, which have not yet been printed, are enumerated in Fabric. Bibl. Graec. x. p. 25. &c.; comp. Wharton's Appendix to Cave's Ilist. Lit. i. p. 44. ed. London. [L. S.] CABEIRI (KdaEipoi), mystic divinities who occur in various parts of the ancient world. The obscurity that hangs over them, and the contradictions respecting them in the accounts of the ancients themselves, have opened a wide field for speculation to modern writers on mythology, each of whom has been tempted to propound a theory of his own. The meaning of the name Cabeiri is quite uncertain, and has been traced to nearly all the languages of the East, and even to those of the North; but one etymology seems as plausible as anotheI, and etymology in this instance is a real ignis fatuus to the inquirer. The character and nature of the Cabeiri are as obscure as the meaning of their name. All that we can attempt to do here is to trace and explain the various opinions of the ancients themselves, as they are presented to us in chronological succession. We chiefly follow Lobeck, who has collected all the passages of the ancients upon this subject, and who appears to us the most sober among those who have written upon it. (Aylaopham. pp. 1202-1281.) The earliest mention of the Cabeiri, so far as we know, was in a drama of Aeschylus, entitled Ka~G&poL, in which the poet brought them into contact with the Argonauts in Lemnos. The Cabeiri promised the Argonauts plenty of Lemnian wine. (Plut. Sympos. ii. 1; Pollux, vi. 23; Bekker, Anecd. p. 115.) The opinion of Welcker (Die Aeschyl. Trilog. p. 236), who infers from Dionysius (i. 68, &c.) that the Cabeiri had been spoken of by Arctinus, has been satisfactorily refuted by Lobeck and others. From the passage of Aeschylus here alluded to, it appears that he regarded the Cabeiri as original Lemnian divinities, who had power over everything that contributed to the good of the inhabitants, and especially over the vineyards. The fruits of the field, too, seem to have been under their protection, for the Pelasgians once in a time of scarcity made vows to Zeus, Apollo, and the Cabeiri. (Myrsilus, ap. Dionys. i. 23.) Strabo in his discussion about the Curetes, Dactyls, &c. (x. p. 466), speaks of the origin of the Cabeiri, deriving his statements from ancient authorities, and from him we learn; that Acusilaus called Camillus a son of Cabeiro and Hephaestus, and that he made the three Cabeiri the sons, and the Cabeirian nymphs the daughters, of Camillus. According to Pherecydes, Apollo and Rhytia were the parents of the nine Corybantes who dwelled in Samothrace, and the three Cabeiri and the three Cabeirian nymphs were the children of Cabeira, the daughter of Proteus, by Hephaestus. Sacrifices were offered to the Corybantes as well as the Cabeiri in Lemnos and Imbros, and also in the towns of Troas. The Greek logographers, and perhaps Aeschylus too, thus considered the Cabeiri as the grandchildren of Proteus and as the sons of I CABEIRI. 521 Hephaestus, and consequently as inferior in dignity to the great gods on account of their origin. Their inferiority is also implied in their jocose conversation with the Argonauts, and their being repeatedly mentioned along with the Curetes, Dactyls, Corybantes, and other beings of inferior rank. Herodotus (iii. 37) says, that the Cabeiri were worshipped at Memphis as the sons of Hephaestus, and that they resembled the Phoenician dwarf-gods (IIarai'col) whom the Phoenicians fixed on the prows of their ships. As the Dioscuri were then yet unknown to the Egyptians (Herod. ii. 51), the Cabeiri cannot have been identified with them at that time. Herodotus proceeds to say, " the Athenians received their phallic Hermae from the Pelasgians, and those who are initiated in the mysteries of the Cabeiri will understand what I am saying; for the Pelasgians formerly inhabited Samothrace, and it is from them that the Samothracians received their orgies. But the Samothracians had a sacred legend about Hermes, which is explained in their mysteries." This sacred legend is perhaps no other than the one spoken of by Cicero (De Nat. Deor. iii. 22), that Hermes was the son of Coelus and Dies, and that Proserpine desired to embrace him. The same is perhaps alluded to by Propertius (ii. 2. 11), when he says, that Mercury (Hermes) had connexions with Brimo, who is probably the goddess of Pherae worshipped at Athens, Sicyon, and Argos, whom some identified with Proserpine (Persephone), and others with Hecate or Artemis. (Spanh. ad Callim. hymn. in Dian. 259.) We generally find this goddess worshipped in places which had the worship of the Cabeiri, and a Lemnian Artemis is mentioned by Galen. (De Medic. Simpl. ix. 2. p. 246, ed. Chart.) The Tyrrhenians, too, are said to have taken away the statue of Artemis at Brauron, and to have carried it to Lemnos. Aristophanes, in his " Lemnian Women," had mentioned Bendis along with the Brauronian Artemis and the great goddess, and Nonnus (Dionys. xxx. 45) states that the Cabeirus Alcon brandished 'EicaTes taoC,'sa srvpo'v, so that we may draw the conclusion, that the Samothracians and Lemnians worshipped a goddess akin to Hecate, Artemis, Bendis, or Persephone, who had some sexual connexion with Hermes, which revelation was made in the mysteries of Samothrace. The writer next to Herodotus, who speaks about the Cabeiri, and whose statements we possess in Strabo (p. 472), though brief and obscure, is Stesimbrotus. The meaning of the passage in Strabo is, according to Lobeck, as follows: Some persons think that the Corybantes are the sons of Cronos, others that they are the sons of Zeus and Calliope, that they (the Corybantes) went to Samothrace and were the same as the beings who were there called Cabeiri. But as the doings of the Corybantes are generally known, whereas nothing is known of the Samothracian Corybantes, those persons are obliged to have recourse to saying, that the doings of the latter Corybantes are kept secret or are mystic. This opinion, however, is contested by Demetrius, who states, that nothing was revealed in the mysteries either of the deeds of the Cabeiri or of their having accompanied Rhea or of their having brought up Zeus and Dionysus. Demetrius also mentions the opinion of Stesimbrotus, that the eIpd were performed in Samothrace to the Cabeiri, who derived their name from mount
Page 522 522 CABEIRI. Cabeirus in Berecyntia. But here again opinions differed very much, for while some believed that the ~sep& Kaesipwv were thus called from their having been instituted and conducted by the Cabeiri, others thought that they were celebrated in honour of the Cabeiri, and that the Cabeiri belonged to the great gods. The Attic writers of this period offer nothing of importance concerning the Cabeiri, but they intimate that their mysteries were particularly calculated to protect the lives of the initiated. (Aristoph. Pax, 298; comp. Etymol. Gud. p. 289.) Later writers in making the same remark do not mention the name Cabeiri, but speak of the Samothracian gods generally. (Diod. iv. 43, 49; Aelian, Fragm. p. 320; Callim. Ep. 36; Lucian. Ep.15; Plut. Marcell. 30.) There are several instances mentioned of lo vers swearing by the Cabeiri in promising fidelity to one another (Juv. iii. 144; Himerius, Orat. i. 12); and Suidas (s. v. AmaAaugdiEts) mentions a case of a girl invoking the Cabeiri as her avengers against a lover who had broken his oath. But from these oaths we can no more draw any inference as to the real character of the Cabeiri, than from the fact of their protecting the lives of the initiated; for these are features which they have in common with various other divinities. From the account which the scholiast of Apollonius Rhodius (i. 913) has borrowed from Athenion, who had written a comedy called The Samothracians (Athen, xiv. p. 661), we learn only that he spoke of two Cabeiri, Dardanus, and Jasion, whom he called sons of Zeus and Electra. They derived their name from mount Cabeirus in Phrygia, from whence they had been introduced into Samothrace. A more ample source of information respecting the Cabeiri is opened to us in the writers of the Alexandrine period. The two scholia on Apollonius Rhodius (1. c.) contain in substance the following statement: Mnaseas mentions the names of three Cabeiri in Samothrace, viz. Axieros, Axiocersa, and Axiocersus; the first is Demeter, the second Persephone, and the third Hades. Others add a fourth, Cadmilus, who according to Dionysodorus is identical with Hermes. It thus appears that these accounts agreed with that of Stesimbrotus, who reckoned the Cabeiri among the great gods, and that Mnaseas only added their names. Herodotus, as we have seen, had already connected Hermes with Persephone; the worship of the latter as connected with that of Demeter in Samothrace is attested by Artemidorus (ap. Strab. iv. p. 198); and there was also a port in Samothrace which derived its name, Demetrium, from Demeter. (Liv. xlv. 6.) According to the authors used by Dionysius (i. 68), the worship of Samothrace was introduced there from Arcadia; for according to them Dardanus, together with his brother Jasion or Jasus and his sister Harmonia, left Arcadia and went to Samothrace, taking with them the Palladium from the temple of Pallas. Cadmus, however, who appears in this tradition, is king of Samothrace: he made Dardanus his friend, and sent him to Teucer in Troas. Dardanus himself, again, is sometimes described as a Cretan (Serv. ad Aen. iii. 167), sometimes as an Asiatic (Steph. s. v. Adp3avos; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 391), while Arrian (ap. Eustath. p. 351) makes him come originally from Samothrace. Respecting Dardanus' brother Jasion or Jasus, the accounts likewise differ very much; for while some writers describe CABEIRI. him as going to Samothrace either from Parrhasia in Arcadia or from Crete, a third account (Dionys. i. 61) stated, that he was killed by lightning for having entertained improper desires for Demeter; and Arrian (1. c.) says that Jasion, being inspired by Demeter and Cora, went to Sicily and many other places, and there established the mysteries of these goddesses, for which Demeter rewarded him by yielding to his embraces, and became the mother of Parius, the founder of Paros. All writers of this class appear to consider Dardanus as the founder of the Samothracian mysteries, and the mysteries themselves as solemnized in honour of Demeter. Another set of authorities, on the other hand, regards them as belonging to Rhea (Diod. v. 51; Schol. ad Aristid. p. 106; Strab. Excerpt. lib. vii. p. 511, ed. Almelov.; Lucian, De Dea Syr. 97), and suggests the identity of the Samothracian and Phrygian mysteries. Pherecydes too, who placed the Corybantes, the companions of the great mother of the gods, in Samothrace, and Stesimbrotus who derived the Cabeiri from mount Cabeirus in Phrygia, and all those writers who describe Dardanus as the founder of the Samothracian mysteries, naturally ascribed the Samothracian mysteries to Rhea. To Demeter, on the other hand, they were ascribed by Mnaseas, Artemidorus, and even by Herodotus, since he mentions Hermes and Persephone in connexion with these mysteries, and Persephone has nothing to do with Rhea. Now, as Demeter and Rhea have many attributes in common-both are pe'ydAoi Seoi, and the festivals of each were celebrated with the same kind of enthusiasm; and as peculiar features of the one are occasionally transferred to the other (e. g. Eurip. Helen. 1304), it is not difficult to see how it might happen, that the Samothracian goddess was sometimes called Demeter and sometimes Rhea. The difficulty is, however, increased by the fact of Venus (Aphrodite) too being worshipped in Samothrace. (Plin. H. N. v. 6.) This Venus may be either the Thracian Bendis or Cybele, or may have been one of the Cabeiri themselves, for we know that Thebes possessed three ancient statues of Aphrodite, which Harmonia had taken from the ships of Cadmus, and which may have been the Hara'troi who resembled the Cabeiri. (Paus. ix. 16. ~ 2; Herod. iii. 37.) In connexion with this Aphrodite we may mention that, according to some accounts, the Phoenician Aphrodite (Astarte) had commonly the epithet cheabar or chabor, an Arabic word which signifies " the great," and that Lobeck considers Astarte as identical with the sA4X'y Kaeispia, which name P. Ligorius saw on a gem. There are also writers who transfer all that is said about the Samothracian gods to the Dioscuri, who were indeed different from the Cabeiri of Acusilaus, Pherecydes, and Aeschylus, but yet might easily be confounded with them; first, because the Dioscuri are also called great gods, and secondly, because they were also regarded as the protectors of persons in danger either by land or water. Hence we find that in some places where the aevanes were worshipped, it was uncertain whether they were the Dioscuri or the Cabeiri. (Paus. x. 38. ~ 3.) Nay, even the Roman Penates were sometimes considered as identical with the Dioscuri and Cabeiri (Dionys. i. 67, &c.); and Varro thought that the Penates were carried by Dardanus from the Arcadian town Pheneos to Samnothrace,
Page 523 CABEIRI. and that Aeneas brought them from thence to Italy. (Macrob. Sat. iii. 4; Serv. ad Aen. i. 378, iii. 148.) But the authorities for this opinion are all of a late period. According to one set of accounts, the Samothracian gods were two male divinities of the same age, which applies to Zeus and Dionysus, or Dardanus and Jasion, but not to Demeter, Rhea, or Persephone. When people, in the course of time, had become accustomed to regard the Penates and Cabeiri as identical, and yet did not know exactly the name of each separate divinity comprised under those common names, some divinities are mentioned among the Penates who belonged to the Cabeiri, and vice versk. Thus Servius (ad Aen. viii. 619) represents Zeus, Pallas, and Hermes as introduced from Samothrace; and, in another passage (ad Aen. iii. 264), he says that, according to the Samothracians, these three were the great gods, of whom Hermes, and perhaps Zeus also, might be reckoned among the Cabeiri. Varro (de Ling. Lat. v. 58, ed. Miller) says, that Heaven and Earth were the great Samothracian gods; while in another place (ap. August. De Civ. Dei, vii. 18) he stated, that there were three Samothracian gods, Jupiter or Heaven, Juno or Earth, and Minerva or the prototype of things,-the ideas of Plato. This is, of course, only the view Varro himself took, and not a tradition. If we now look back upon the various statements we have gathered, for the purpose of arriving at some definite conclusion, it is manifest, that the earliest writers regard the Cabeiri as descended from inferior divinities, Proteus and Hephaestus: they have their seats on earth, in Samothrace, Lemnos, and Imbros. Those early writers cannot possibly have conceived them to be Demeter, Persephone or Rhea. It is true those early authorities are not numerous in comparison with the later ones; but Demetrius, who wrote on the subject, may have had more and very good ones, since it is with reference to him that Strabo repeats the assertion, that the Cabeiri, like the Corybantes and Curetes, were only ministers of the great gods. We may therefore suppose, that the Samothracian Cabeiri were originally such inferior beings; and as the notion of the Cabeiri was from the first not fixed and distinct, it became less so in later times; and as the ideas of mystery and Demeter came to be looked upon as inseparable, it cannot occasion surprise that the mysteries, which were next in importance to those of Eleusis, the most celebrated in antiquity, were at length completely transferred to this goddess. The opinion that the Samothracian gods were the same as the Roman Penates, seems to have arisen with those writers who endeavoured to trace every ancient Roman institution to Troy, and thence to Samothrace. The places where the worship of the Cabeiri occurs, are chiefly Samothrace, Lemnos, and Imbros. Some writers have maintained, that the Samothracian and Lemnian Cabeiri were distinct; but the contrary is asserted by Strabo (x. p. 466). Besides the Cabeiri of these three islands, we read of Boeotian Cabeiri. Near the Neitian gate of Thebes there was a grove of Demeter Cabeiria and Cora, which none but the initiated were allowed to enter; and at a distance of seven stadia from it there was a sanctuary of the Cabeiri. (Paus. ix. 25. ~ 5.) Here mysteries were celebrated, and the sanctity of the temple was great as late as the time of Pausanias. (Comp. iv. 1. ~ 5.) CACUS. 523 The account of Pausanias about the origin of the Boeotian Cabeiri savours of rationalism, and is, as Lobeck justly remarks, a mere fiction. It must further not be supposed that there existed any connexion between the Samothracian Cadmilus or Cadmus and the Theban Cadmus; for tradition clearly describes them as beings of different origin, race, and dignity. Pausanias (ix. 22. ~ 5) further mentions another sanctuary of the Cabeiri, with a grove, in the Boeotian town of Anthedon; and a Boeotian Cabeirus, who possessed the power of averting dangers and increasing man's prosperity, is mentioned in an epigram of Diodorus. (Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 185.) A Macedonian Cabeirus occurs in Lactantius. (i. 15, 8; comp. Firmicus, de Error. Prof. p. 23; Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 16.) The reverence paid by the Macedonians to the Cabeiri may be inferred from the fact of Philip and Olympias being initiated in the Samothracian mysteries, and of Alexander erecting altars to the Cabeiri at the close of his Eastern expedition. (Plut. Alex. 2; Philostr. de Vit. Apollon. ii. 43.) The Pergamenian Cabeiri are mentioned by Pausanias (i. 4. ~ 6), and those of Berytus by Sanchoniathon (ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. p. 31) and Damascius. (Vit. Isidor. cclii. 573.) Respecting the mysteries of the Cabeiri in general, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Kaeeiplca; Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 1281, &c. For the various opinions concerning the nature of the Cabeiri, see Creuzer, Symbol. ii. p. 302, &c.; Schelling, Ueber die Gitter von Samothrake, Stuttgard, 1815; Welcker, Aeschyl. Trilog.; Klausen, Aeneas u. die Penat. [L. S.] CACA or CA'CIA, a sister of Cacus, who, according to some accounts, betrayed the place where the cattle were concealed which Cacus had stolen from Hercules or Recaranus. She was rewarded for it with divine honours, which she was to enjoy for ever. In her sanctuary a perpetual fire was kept up, just as in the temple of Vesta. (Lactant. i. 20, 36; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 190.) [L. S.] CACUS, a fabulous Italian shepherd, who was believed to have lived in a cave, and to have committed various kinds of robberies. Among others, he also stole a part of the cattle of Hercules or Recaranus; and, as he dragged the animals into his cave by their tails, it was impossible to discover their traces. But when the remaining oxen passed by the cave, those within began to bellow, and were thus discovered. Another tradition stated, that Caca, the sister of Cacus, betrayed the place of their concealment. Cacus was slain by Hercules. (Liv. i. 7.) He is usually called a son of Vulcan, and Ovid, who gives his story with considerable embellishments, describes Cacus as a fearful giant, who was the terror of the whole land. (Ov. Fast. i. 554; comp. Virg. Aen. viii. 190, &c.; Propert. iv. 9; Dionys. i. 32, 43; Aurel. Vict. De Orig. Gent. Rom. 6.) Evander, who then ruled over the country in which Cacus had resided, shewed his gratitude to the conqueror of Cacus by dedicating to him a sanctuary, and appointing the Potitii and Pinarii as his priests. The common opinion respecting the original character of Cacus is, that he was the personification of some evil daemon, and this opinion is chiefly founded upon the descriptions of him given by the Roman poets. Hartung (Die Relig. d. RIm. i. p. 318, &c.), however, thinks that Cacus, whom he identifies with Cacius (Diod. iv. 21; Solin. i. 1), and his sister Caca were Roman penates, whose names he connects with KaiW,
Page 524 524 CADMUS. caleo, and coquo. There were at Rome various things connected with the legends about Cacus. On the side of the Palatine hill, not far from the hut of Faustulus, there was a foot-path leading up the hill, with a wooden ladder called " the ladder of Cacus," and the ancient cave of Cacus, which is still shewn at Rome, was in the Salina, near the Porta Trigemina. (Diod., Solin., II. cc.; Klausen, Aeneas u. die Penaten, p. 768, &c.; Bunsen, Beschreib. der Stadt Rom, i. p. 134, iii. 1. p. 407.) [L. S.] CA'DIUS RUFUS. [RUFUS.] CA'DMILUS, CA'SMILUS, or CADMUS (KaLif\os, KaouztAos, or Kdiaos), according to Acusilaus (ap. Strab. x. p. 472) a son of Hephaestus and Cabeiro, and father of the Samothracian Cabeiri and the Cabeirian nymphs. Others consider Cadmilus himself as the fourth of the Samothracian Cabeiri. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 917; comp. CABEIRI.) [L. S.] CADMUS (Kdaluos), a son of Agenor and Telephassa, and brother of Europa, Phoenix, and Cilix. When Europa was carried off by Zeus to Crete, Agenor sent out his sons in search of their sister, enjoining them not to return without her. Telephassa accompanied her sons. All researches being fruitless, Cadmus and Telephassa settled in Thrace. Here Telephassa died, and Cadmus, after burying her, went to Delphi to consult the oracle respecting his sister. The god commanded him to abstain from further seeking, and to follow a cow of a certain kind, and to build a town on the spot where the cow should sink down with fatigue. (Schol. ad ELurip. Phoen. 638, ad Aristoph. Ran. 1256; Pans. ix. 12. ~ 1.) Cadmus found the cow described by the oracle in Phocis among the herds of Pelagon, and followed her into Boeotia, where she sank down on the spot on which Cadmus built Thebes, with the acropolis, Cadmea. As he intended to sacrifice the cow here to Athena, he sent some persons to the neighbouring well of Ares to fetch water. This well was guarded by a dragon, a son of Ares, who killed the men sent by Cadmus. Hereupon, Cadmus slew the dragon, and, on the advice of Athena, sowed the teeth of the monster, out of which armed men grew up, who slew each other, with the exception of five, Echion, Udaeus, Chthonius, Hyperenor, and Pelor, who, according to the Theban legend, were the ancestors of the Thebans. Cadmus was punished for having slain the dragon by being obliged to serve for a certain period of time, some say one year, others eight years. After this Athena assigned to him the government of Thebes, and Zeus gave him Harmonia for his wife. The marriage solemnity was honoured by the presence of all the Olympian gods in the Cadmea. Cadmus gave to Harmonia the famous TreTrAos and necklace which he had received from Hephaestus or from Europa, and became by her the father of Autono6, Ino, Semele, Agave, and Polydorus. Subsequently Cadmus and Harmonia quitted Thebes, and went to the Cenchelians This people was at war with the Illyrians, and had received an oracle which promised them victory if they took Cadmus as their commander. The Cenchelians accordingly made Cadmus their king, and conquered the enemy. After this, Cadmus had another son, whom he called Illyrius. In the end, Cadmus and Harmonia were changed into dragons, and were removed by Zeus to Elysium. This is the account given by Apollodorus (iii. 1. ~ 1, &c.), which, with the exception of some par CADMUS. ticulars, agrees with the stories in Hyginus (Fab. 178)and Pausanias (ix. 5. ~ 1, 10. ~ 1, 12. ~ l,&c.). There are, however, many points in the story of Cadmus in which the various traditions present considerable differences. His native country is commonly stated to have been Phoenicia, as in Apollodorus (comp. Diod. iv. 2; Strab. vii. p. 321, ix. p. 401); but he is sometimes called a Tyrian (HIerod. ii. 49; Eurip. Phoen. 639), and sometimes a Sidonian. (Eurip. Bacch. 171; Ov. Met. iv. 571.) Others regarded Cadmus as a native of Thebes in Egypt (Diod. i. 23; Paus. ix. 12. ~ 2), and his parentage is modified accordingly; for he is also called a son of Antiope, the daughter of Belus, or of Argiope, the daughter of Neilus. (Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 5, with Valck. note; Hygin. Fab. 6, 178, 179.) He is said to have introduced into Greece from Phoenicia or Egypt an alphabet of sixteen letters (Herod. v. 58, &c.; Diod. iii. 67, v. 57; Plin. 1. N. vii. 56; Hygin. Fab. 277), and to have been the first who worked the mines of mount Pangaeon in Thrace. The teeth of the dragon whom Cadmus slew were sown, according to some accounts, by Athena herself; and the spot where this was done was shewn, in aftertimes, in the neighbourhood of Thebes. (Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 670; Paus. ix. 10. ~ 1.) Half of the teeth were given by Athena to Aeetes, king of Colchis. (Apollon. Rhod. iii. 1183; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 23; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. ii. 141.) The account of his quitting Thebes also was not the same in all traditions; for some related, that he was expelled by Amphion and Zethus, or by Dionysus. (Syncell. p. 296, ed. Dindorf.) A tradition of Brasiae stated, that Cadmus, after discovering the birth of Dionysus by his daughter Semele, shut up the mother and her child in a chest, and threw them into the sea. (Paus. iii. 24. ~ 3.) According to the opinion of Herodotus (ii. 49), however, Melampus learned and received the worship of Dionysus from Cadmus, and other traditions too represent Cadmus as worshipping Dionysus. (e.g. Eurip. Bacch. 181.) According to Euripides, Cadmus resigned the government of Thebes to his grandson, Pentheus; and after the death of the latter, Cadmus went to Illyria, where he built Butho6 (Bacch. 43, 1331, &c.), in the government of which he was succeeded by his son Illyrius or Polydorus. The whole story of Cadmus, with its manifold poetical embellishments, seems to suggest the immigration of a Phoenician or Egyptian colony into Greece, by means of which civilisation (the alphabet, art of mining, and the worship of Dionysus) came into the country. But the opinion formed on this point must depend upon the view we take of the early influence of Phoenicia and Egypt in general upon the early civilisation of Greece. While Buttmann and Creuzer admit such an influence, C. 0. Miller denies it altogether, and regards Cadmus as a Pelasgian divinity. Cadmus was worshipped in various parts of Greece, and at Sparta he had a heroum. (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 6; comp. Buttmann, Mytholog. ii. p. 171; Miiller, Orchom. p. 113, &c.) [L. S.] CADMUS (KaS1os), the son of Scythes, a man renowned for his integrity, was sent by Gelon to Delphi, in B. c. 480, with great treasures, to await the issue of the battle between the Greeks and Persians, and with orders to give them to the Persians if the latter conquered, but to bring them back to Sicily if the Greeks prevailed. After the
Page 525 CADMUS. defeat of Xerxes, Cadmus returned to Sicily with the treasures, though he might easily have appropriated them to his own use. (Herod. vii. 163, 164.) Herodotus calls Cadmus a Coan, and states further, that he received the tyranny of Cos from his father, but gave the state its liberty of his own accord, merely from a sense of justice; and that after this he went over to Sicily and dwelt along with the Samians at Zancle, afterwards called Messene. MUiller (Dor. i. 8. ~ 4, note q.) thinks that this Cadmus was the son of the Scythes, tyrant of Zancle, who was driven out by the Samians (B. c. 497), and who fled to the court of Persia, where he died. (Herod. vi. 23.) In reply to the objection, that Herodotus speaks of Cadmus having inherited the tyranny from his father, but of Scythes having died in Persia, Miiller remarks that the government of Cos was probably given to his father by the Persians, but that he notwithstanding continued to reside in Persia, as we know was the case with Histiaeus. If this conjecture is correct, Cadmus probably resigned the tyranny of Cos through desire of returning to his native town, Zancle. He was accompanied to Sicily by the poet Epicharmus. (Suidas, s. v. 'E7rlXappos'.) CADMUS (Kna'3eos). 1. Of Miletus, a son of Pandion, and in all probability the earliest Greek historian or logogographer. He lived, according to the vague statement of Josephus (c. Apion. i. 2; comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. p. 267), very shortly before the Persian invasion of Greece; and Suidas makes the singular statement, that Cadmus was only a little younger than the mythical poet Orpheus, which arises from the thorough confusion of the mythical Cadmus of Phoenicia and the historian Cadmus. But there is every probability that Cadmus lived about B.c. 540. Strabo (i. p. 18) places Cadmus first among the three authors whom he calls the earliest prose writers among the Greeks: viz. Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus; and from this circumstance we may infer, that Cadmus was the most ancient of the three-an inference which is also confirmed by the statement of Pliny (TL. N. v. 31), who calls Cadmus the first that ever wrote (Greek) prose. When, therefore, in another passage (vii. 56) Pliny calls Pherecydes the most ancient prose writer, and Cadmus of Miletus simply the earliest historian, we have probably to regard this as one of those numerous inconsistencies into which Pliny fell by following different authorities at different times, and forgetting what he had said on former occasions. All, therefore, we can infer from his contradicting himself in this case is, that there were some ancient authorities who made Pherecydes the earliest Greek prose writer, and not Cadmus; but that the latter was the earliest Greek historian, seems to be an undisputed fact. Cadmus wrote a work on the foundation of Miletus and the earliest history of lonia generally, in four books (KTLGLr Mirr4Oov Kal TrS '3N s'Icovias). This work appears to have been lost at a very early period, for Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Jud. de Tlhucyd. 23) expressly mentions, that the work known in his time under the name of Cadmus was considered a forgery. When Suidas and others (Bekker's Anecd. p. 781), call Cadmus of Miletus the inventor of the alphabet, this statement must be regarded as the result of a confusion between the mythical Cadmus, who emigrated from Phoenicia into Greece; and Suidas is, in fact, obviously guilty of this confusion, since he says, that Cad CAECILIA. 525 mus of Milettis introduced into Greece the alphabet which the Phoenicians had invented. (Comp. Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. p. 454, 3rd edition.) 2. Of Miletus, the Younger, is mentioned only by Suidas, according to whom he was a son of Archelaus, and a Greek historian, concerning whose time nothing is said. Suidas ascribes to him two works, one on the history of Attica, in sixteen books, and the second on the deliverance from the sufferings of love, in fourteen books. [L. S.] CAECILIA, CAIA, is said to have been the genuine Roman name for Tanaquil, the wife of Tarquinius Priscus. (Plin. iH. N. viii. 74; Val. Max. Epit. de Praen. in fin.; Festus, s. v. Gaia; Plut. Quaest. Rom. p. 271, e.) Both her names, Caia and Caecilia, are of the same root as Caeculus, and the Roman Caecilii are supposed to have derived their origin from the Praenestine Caeculus. (Fest. s. v. Caeculus.) The story of Caia Caecilia is related under TANAQUIL; and it is sufficient to say here, that she appears in the early legends of Rome as a woman endowed with prophetic powers, and closely connected with the worship of the god of the hearth. That she was, at the same time, looked upon as a model of domestic life, may be inferred from the fact, that a newly married woman, before entering the house of her husband, on being asked what her name was, answered, " My name is Caia." (Val. Max. 1. c.; Plut. Quaest. Romn. p. 271, e.) [L. S.] CAECI'LIA, the daughter of T. Pomponius Atticus, who is called Caecilia, because her father took the name of his uncle, Q. Caecilius, by whom he was adopted. She was married to M. Vipsanius Agrippa. [ATTICus, p. 415, a.) CAECI'LIA or METELLA, 1. and 2. Daughters of Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, consul B. c. 143, one of whom married C. Servilius Vatia, and was by him the mother of P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, consul in 79, and the other P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, consul in 111, and was the grandmother of Q. Metellus Pius Scipio, consul in 52. (Cic. pro Dom. 47, post Red. ad Quir. 3, Brut. 58.) 3. The daughter of L. Caecilius Metellus Calvus, consul in B.. 142, and the brother of Metellus Numidicus, consul in 109, was married to L. Licinius Lucullus, praetor in 103, and was by him the mother of the celebrated Lucullus, the conqueror of Mithridates. Her moral character was in bad repute. (Plut. Lucull. 1; Cic. in Ver. iv. 66; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 62.) 4. Daughter of Q. Caecilius Metellus Balearicus, consul in B. C. 1'23, was the wife of Ap. Claudius Pulcher, consul in 79, and the mother of Ap. Claudius Pulcher, consul in 54, and of P. Clodius Pulcher, tribune of the plebs in 58. (Cic. de Div. i. 2, 44, pro Rose. Aim. 10, 50: in the former of the two latter passages she is erroneously called Nepotis filia instead of Nepotis soror.) Her brother was Q. Metellus Nepos, consul in 98, and we accordingly find his two sons, Metellus Celer and Metellus Nepos, called the fratres (cousins) of her sons Ap. Claudius and P. Clodius. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 3, ad Fame. v. 3, pro Cael. 24.) Cicero relates (de Div. 11. cc.), that in consequence of a dream of Caecilia's in the Marsic war, the temple of Juno Sospita was restored. 5. Daughter of L. Metellus Dalmaticus, consul in B.C. 119, and not of Q. Metellus Pius, the pontifex maximus, consul in 80, as has been inferred from Plutarch. (Szll. 6.) Her father's praenomen is Lucius, and he is said to have rebuilt the temple of
Page 526 526 CAECILIANUS. the Dioscuri (Cic. pro Scaur. 2. ~~ 45, 46, with the commentary of Asconius), which point to L. Dalmaticus as her father. She was first married to M. Aemilius Scaurus, consul in 115, by whom she had three children, the eldest of whom was the M. Scaurus defended by Cicero (Cic. 1. c. pro Sest. 47; Plut. Sull. 33, Pomp. 9; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 15. s. 24. ~ 8), and afterwards to the dictator Sulla, who always treated her with the greatest respect. When she fled from Cinna and Carbo in Italy to her husband's camp before Athens, she was insulted from the walls of the city by Aristion and the Athenians, for which they paid dearly at the capture of the city. She fell ill in 81, during the celebration of Sulla's triumphal feast; and as her recovery was hopeless, Sulla for religious reasons sent her a bill of divorce, and had her removed from his house, but honoured her memory by a splendid funeral. (Plut. Sull. 6, 13, 22, 35.) She purchased a great deal of the property confiscated in the proscriptions. (Plin. 1. c.) 6. The wife of P. Lentulus Spinther the younger, whose father was consul in B. c. 57. She was a woman of loose character, and intrigued with Dolabella, Cicero's son-in-law (Cic. ad Att. xi. 23), and also, as it appears, with Aesopus, the son of the actor. (Hor. Serm. ii. 3. 239.) She was divorced by her husband in 45. (Cic. ad Alt. xii. 52, xiii. 7.) Her father is not known. CAECI'LIA GENS, plebeian; for the name of T. Caecilius in Livy (iv. 7, comp. 6), the patrician consular tribune in B. c. 444, is a false reading for T. Cloelius. A member of this gens is mentioned in history as early as the fifth century B. c.; but the first of the Caecilii who obtained the consulship was L. Caecilius Metellus Denter, in 284. The family of the Metelli became from this time one of the most distinguished in the state. Like other Roman families in the later times of the republic, they traced their origin to a mythical personage, and pretended that they were descended from Caeculus, the founder of Praeneste [CAECULUS], or Caecas, the companion of Aeneas. (Festus, s. v. Caeculus.) The cognomens of this gens under the republic are BAssus, DENTER, METELLUS, NIGER, PINNA, RUFUS, of which the Metelli are the best known: for those whose cognomen is not mentioned, see CAECILIUS. CAECILIA'NUS, a senator, punished in A. D. 32 for falsely accusing Cotta. (Tac. Ann. vi. 7.) CAECILIA'NUS, a deacon of the church at Carthage, -was chosen bishop of the see in A. D. 311, upon the death of the African primate, Mensurius. The validity of this appointment was impugned by Donatus, stimulated, it is said, by the malicious intrigues of a woman named Lucilla, upon three grounds: 1. That the election had been irregular. 2. That the ordination was null and void, having been performed by Felix, bishop of Apthunga, a traditor, that is, one of those who, in obedience to the edicts of Diocletian, had yielded to the civil power, and delivered up the sacred vessels used in places of worship, and even the Holy Scriptures. 3. That Caecilian had displayed marked hostility towards the victims of the late persecution. These charges were brought under the consideration of an assembly of seventy Numidian bishops, who declared the see vacant, and, proceeding to a new election, made choice of Majorinus. Both parties called upon the praefect Anulinus to interfere, but were referred by him to the emperor, CAECILIUS. and accordingly the rival prelates repaired to Rome, each attended by ten leading ecclesiastics of his own faction. The cause was judged by a council composed of three Gallic and fifteen Italian bishops, who met on the 2nd of October, 313, and gave their decree in favour of Caecilian and Felix. An appeal was lodged with Constantine, who agreed to summon a second and more numerous council, which was held at Arles on the 1st of August, 314, when the decision of the council of Rome was confirmed. The struggle was, however, obstinately prolonged by fresh complaints on the part of the Donatists, who, after having been defeated before various tribunals and commissions to which the determination of the dispute was delegated by the supreme government, at length openly refused to submit, or to acknowledge any authority whatever, if hostile to their claims. The formidable schism which was the result of these proceedings is spoken of more fully under DONATUS. (Optatus, i. 19, &c.) [W. R.] CAECILIA'NUS, DOMI'TIUS, an intimate friend of Thrasea, who informed him of his condemnation by the senate in A. D. 67. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 34.) CAECILIA'NUS, MA'GIUS, praetor, falsely accused of treason in A. D. 21, was acquitted, and his accusers punished. (Tac. Ainn. iii. 37.) CAECI'LIUS. 1. Q. CAECILIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 439. (Liv. iv. 16.) 2. Q. CAECILIUS, a Roman knight, the husband of Catiline's sister, who had taken no part in public affairs, was killed by Catiline himself in the time of Sulla. (Q. Cic. de Petit. Cons. 2; Ascon. in Tog. Cand. p. 84, ed. Orelli.) This is perhaps the same Q. Caecilius who is mentioned in connexion with the trial of P. Gabinius, who was praetor in 89. (Cic. Divinat. 20.) Zumpt remarks, that he can hardly have belonged to the noble family of the Metelli, as Cicero says that he was overborne by the influence and rank of Piso. 3. Q. CAECILIUS, a Roman knight, a friend of L. Lucullus, and the uncle of Atticus, acquired a large fortune by lending money on interest. The old usurer was of such a crabbed temper, that no one could put up with him except his nephew Atticus, who was in consequence adopted by him in his will, and obtained from him a fortune of ten millions of sesterces. He died in B. c. 57. (Nepos, Att. 5; Cic. ad Att. i. 1, 12, ii. 19, 20, iii. 20.) 4. T. CAECILIUS, a centurion of the first rank (primi pili) in the army of Afranius, was killed at the battle of Ilerda, B. c. 49. (Caes. B. C. i. i. 46.) L. CAECI'LIUS. We generally find included among the writings of Lactantius a book divided into fifty-two chapters, entitled De M1iortibus Persecutorum, containing an outline of the career of those emperors who displayed active hostility towards the church, an account of the death of each, together with a sketch of the different persecutions from Nero to Diocletian. The object of the narrative is to point out that the signal vengeance of God in every case overtook the enemies of the faith, and to deduce from this circumstance, from the preservation of the new religion amidst all the dangers by which it was surrounded, and all the attacks by which it was assailed, and from its final triumph over its foes, an irresistible argument in favour of its heavenly origin. The work appears from internal evidence to have been composed after the victory of Constantine over Maxentius, and
Page 527 CAECILIUS. before his quarrel with Licinius, that is to say, between A. D. 312 and 315. The text is corrupt and mutilated, and the statements which it contains must be received with a certain degree of caution in consequence of the declamatory tone in which they are delivered, and the high colouring and trimming employed throughout to suit the particular design proposed. But notwithstanding these drawbacks, the treatise is extremely valuable on account of the light which it sheds on many obscure passages of ecclesiastical and civil history, and is peculiarly famous as containing a contemporary record of the alleged vision of Constantine before the battle of the Milvian bridge, in consequence of which he ordered the soldiers to engrave upon their shields the well-known monogram representing the cross together with the initial letters of the name of Christ (c. 44). This piece is altogether wanting in the earlier editions of Lactantius, and was first brought to light by Stephen Baluze, who printed it at Paris in his Miscellanea (vol. ii., 1679) from a very ancient MS. in the Bibliotheca Colbertina, bearing simply the inscription LucII CECILII INCIPIT LIBER AD DONATUM CONFESSOREM DE MORTIBUS PERSECUTORUM. Baluze entertained no doubt that he had discovered the tract of Lactantius quoted by Hieronymus as De Persecutione Librum Unum, an opinion corroborated by the name prefixed [LACTANTIUS], by the date, by the dedication to Donatus, apparently the same person with the Donatus addressed in the discourse De Irc Dei, and by the general resemblance in style and expression, a series of considerations no one of which would be in itself conclusive, but which when combined form a strong chain of circumstantial evidence. Le Nourry, however, sought to prove that the production in question must be assigned to some unknown L. Caecilius altogether different from Lactantius, and published it at Paris in 1710 as "1 Lucii Cecilii Liber ad Donatum Confessorem de Mortibus Persecutorum hactenus Lucio Caecilio Firmiano Lactantio adscriptus, ad Colbertinum codicem denuo emendatus," to which is prefixed an elaborate dissertation. His ideas have been adopted to a certain extent by Pfaff, Walch, Le Clerc, Lardner, and Gibbon, and controverted by Heumann and others. Although the question cannot be considered as settled, and indeed does not admit of being absolutely determined, the best modern critics seem upon the whole disposed to acquiesce in the original hypothesis of Baluze. The most complete edition of the De Mortibus Persecutorum in a separate form, is that published at Utrecht in 1693, under the inspection of Bauldri, with a very copious collection of notes, forming one of the series of Variorum Classics in 8vo. Other editions are enumerated in the account given of the works of LACTANTIUS. [W. R.] SEX. CAECILIUS. A Roman jurist of this name is occasionally cited in the Corpus Juris, and is suspected by some authors to be distinct from and earlier than Africanus. [AFRICANus, SEX. CAECIL1US.] In support of this opinion, not to mention the corrupt passage of Lampridius (Alec. Sev. 68), they urge that there is no proof, that the Sex. Caecilius Africanus to whom Julianus returned an answer upon a legal question (Dig. 35. tit. 3. s. 3. ~ 4) was identical with Africanus. He may have been a private person, and distinct from the jurists Sex. Caecilius and Africanus. This incon CAECILIUS. 527 clusive passage is the only connecting link between Africanus and Sex. Caecilius, for elsewhere in the Digest the name Africanus always appears alone. Africanus was probably rather later (say they) than Julianus, whom he occasionally cites (e. g. Dig. 12. tit. 6. s. 38; Dig. 19. tit. 1. s. 45, pr.). On the other hand, Caecilius (they proceed) appears to be anterior to Africanus, for he is cited by Javolenus (Dig. 24. tit. 1. s. 64), who was the master of Julianus. (Dig. 40. tit. 2. s. 5.) Again, Sex. Caecilius is represented by Gellius as conversing with Favorinus, and is spoken of in the Noctes Atticae as a person deceased. " Sextus Caecilius, in disciplina juris atque legibus populi Romani noscendis interpretandisque scientia, usu, auctoritateque illustri fuit." (Gell. xx. 1, pr.) Now Favorinus is known to have flourished in the reign of Hadrian, and Gellius to have completed the Noctes Atticae before the death of Antoninus Pius. (A. D. 161.) The passage in Gellius which would make the conversation take place nearly 700 years after the laws of the Twelve Tables were enacted, must be, if not a false reading, an error or exaggeration; for at most little more than 600 years could have elapsed from A. U. c. 300 in the lifetime of Gellius. If 600 be read for 700, the scene would be brought at furthest to a period not far from the commencement (A. D. 138) of the reign of Antoninus Pius. These arguments are not sufficient to destroy the probability arising from Dig. 35. tit. 3. s. 3. ~ 4, that Sex. Caecilius and Africanus are one person. In Dig. 24. tit. 1. s. 64, some have proposed to read Caelius instead of Caecilius, and thus get rid of the passage which is the principal ground for assigning an earlier date to Sex. Caecilius; but this mode of cutting the knot, though it is assisted by fair critical analogies, is unnecessary, for Javolenus, as we learn from Capitolinus (Anton. Pius, 12), was living in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and a contemporary of Javolenus and Julianus might easily cite the younger, and be cited by the elder of the two. The pupil in the master's lifetime may have acquired greater authority than the master. To assist the inquirer in investigating this question-one of the most difficult and celebrated in the biography of Roman jurists-we subjoin a list of the passages in the Corpus Juris where Caecilius or Caecilius Sextus is cited:--Caecilius: Dig. 15. tit. 2. s. 1. ~ 7; 21. tit. 1. s. 14. ~ 3 (al. Caelius); 21. tit. 1. s. 14. ~ 10; 24. tit. 1. s. 64; 35. tit. 2. s. 36. ~ 4; 48. tit. 5. s. 2. ~ 5; Cod. 7. tit. 7. s. 1, pr. Sex. Caecilius: Dig. 24. tit. 1. s. 2; 33. tit. 9. s. 3. ~ 9 (qu. Sex. Aelius; compare Gell. iv. 1); 35. tit. 1. s. 71, pr.; 40. tit. 9. s. 12. ~ 2; 40. tit. 9. 12. ~ 6; 48. tit. 5. s. 13. ~ 1. A jurist of the name Sextus is thrice quoted by Ulpian in the Digest (29. tit. 5. s. 1. ~ 27; 30. tit. un. s. 32, pr.; 42. tit. 4. s. 7. ~ 17). Whether this Sextus be identical with Sex. Caecilius must be a matter of doubt. There may have been a Sextus, known, like Gaius, by a single name. There are, moreover, several jurists with the pTaenomen Sextus named in the Digest, e. g. Sex, Aelius, Sex. Pedius, Sex. Pomponius. That there were two jurists named Pomponius has been inferred from Dig. 28. tit. 5. s. 41, where Pomponius appears to quote Sex. Pomponius. From this and from the other passages where Sex. Pomponius is named in full (Dig. 24. tit. 3. s. 44; 29. tit. 2.
Page 528 528 CAECILIUS. s. 30. ~ 6), the praenomen Sextus has been supposed to be distinctive of the elder Pomponius. But that Sextus, alone, did not designate any one named Pomponius is clear from the phrase " tarn Sextus quam Pomponius " in Dig. 30. tit. un. s. 32, pr., and from the similar phrase " Sextum quoque et Pomponium" occurring in Vat. Frag. ~ 88, though Bethmann-Hollweg, the last editor (in the Bonn Corp. Jur. Rom. Antejust. i. p. 255), has thought proper to omit the et. From Dig. 42. tit. 4. s. 7. ~ 19, Vat. Frag. ~ 88, and Gaius, ii. 218, we infer, that Sextus was contemporary with Juventius Celsus, the son, and that some of his works were digested by Julianus. If, then, Sextus be identified with Sextus Caecilius and Africanus, Africanus must have lived rather earlier than is usually supposed, and can scarcely have been a pupil of Julianus. That, however, a pupil should have been annotated by his preceptor is not without example, if we understand in its ordinary sense the expression " Servius apud Alfenum notat," in Dig. 17. tit. 2. s. 35. ~ 8. (See contra, Otto, in Thies. Jur. Rom. v. 1614-5.) A jurist named Publius Caecilius is spoken of by Rutilius (Vitae JCtorum, c. 45) as one of the disciples of Servius Sulpicius; but the name Publius Caecilius is a mere conjectural emendation for Publicius Gellius, who figures in the text of Pomponius, Dig. 1. tit. 2. 1. un, ~ 44. The conjecture was invited by the unusual blending of two family names in Publicius Gellius. (Menagius, Amoen. Jur. cc. 22, 23; Heineccius, de Sexto Pomponio, Opera, ed. Genev. iii. 77.) [J. T. G.] CAECI'LI US (KauKlAios) of Argos, is mentioned by Athenaeus (i. p. 13) among the writers on the art of fishing; but nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] CAECI'LIUS BION. [BION.] CAECI'LIUS CALACTI'NUS (Kaudsi"os KaXac7r'ios), or, as he was formerly, though erroneously, surnamed CALANTIANUS, a Greek rhetorician, who lived at Rome in the time of Augustus. He was a native of Cale Acte in Sicily (whence his name Calactinus). His parents are said by Suidas to have been slaves of the Jewish religion; and Caecilius himself, before he had obtained the Roman franchise, is said to have borne the name Archagathus. He is mentioned by Quintilian (iii. 1. ~ 16, comp. iii. 6. ~ 47, v. 10. ~ 7, ix. 1. ~ 12, 3. ~~ 38, 46, 89, 91, 97) along with Dionysius of Halicarnassus as a distinguished Greek rhetorician and grammarian.. Respecting the sphere of his activity at Rome, and his success as a teacher of rhetoric, nothing is known; but, from the title of one of his works, we see that he studied Roman oratory along with that of the Greeks. He wrote a great number of works on rhetoric, grammar, and also on historical subjects. All these works are now lost; but they were in high repute with the rhetoricians and critics of the imperial period. (Plut. Dent. 3, Vit. X Orat. pp. 832, 833, 836, 838, 840; Phot. Bibl. pp. 20, 485, 486, 489, ed. Bekker.) Some of his works were of a theoretical character, others were commentaries on the Greek orators, and others again were of a grammatical or historical kind. The following list is made up from that given by Suidas, and from some passages of other writers: 1. rHepl p'-opKjcs. (Suid.; Quintil. I.c.) 2. niept o-X'p)wrowv. (Alex. de Figur. ii. 2; Tiber. de Figur. passim.) 3. nepl XapacKT'pos rwC e'icC jrr6pwv. 4. Hepl Avslsov CAECILIUS. royypaeLsa. (Longin. de Sublim. 32.) 5. Hcpi 'Avta^Cvros o-evTa'r'yca. (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 832, e.) 6. v'y cpryKps Apor]leeoievovs ial AlXrivov. 7. $v'ytcptoss A-rssoo-evovs Kica KcCepiZvos. (Plut. Dem. 3.) 8. iep loiropias. (Athen. xi. p. 466.) 9. Tvi 5iaEipeL 6 'ATTrucss XOS 70Ti 'AesavyoU. 1 0. Hepi Atsoo6i'vous, roloS avTO)v yvraor Ao yos Kial 7roloi vooi. 11. niepi TcV KcaO' lo-opiLav wrap' ior'opiauv elpIAYLEvcW TOS Pr O7pO. 12. isep1 aov\XucKoV oae'IwY. (Athen. vi. p. 272.) 13. Kara Fpvywcv Uo. 14. 'EtcAoy?) AEeWV Kcra-d (TTOir esov. This work has been much used by Suidas. (See his preface.) 15. IEpi 'iV"ovs, was the first work with this title in antiquity. (Longin. I; compare Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredtsamk. ~ 88, notes 16, &c., ~ 47, note 6, ~ 57, note 4.) [L.S.] CAECI'LIUS CORNUTUS. [CORNUTUS.] CAECI'LIUS CYPRIA'NUS. [CYPRIANUS.] Q. CAECI'LIUS EPIRO'TA, a grammarian, born at Tusculum, was a freedman of T. Pomponius Atticus, and taught the daughter of his patron, who was afterwards married to M.Agrippa. But, suspected by Atticus of entertaining designs upon his daughter, he was dismissed. He then lived on the most intimate terms with Cornelius Gallus; and, after the death of the latter, he opened a school at Rome for young men, and is said to have been the first to dispute in Latin extempore, and to give lectures upon Virgil and other modern poets. (Suet. Ill. Gram. 16.) CAECI'LIUS EUTY'CHIDES. [EUTYCHIDES.] CAE'CILIUS NATA'LIS. [NATALIS.] CAE'CILIUS RUPI'NUS. [RUFINUS.] CAE'CILIUS SIMPLEX. [SIMPLEX.] CAECI'LIUS STATIUS, a Roman comic poet, the immediate predecessor of Terence, was, according to the accounts preserved by Aulus Gellius (iv. 20) and Hieronymus (in Euseb. Chron. Olymp. cl. 2), by birth an Insubrian Gaul, and a native of Milan. Being a slave he bore the servile appellation of Slaiius, which was afterwards, probably when he received his freedom, converted into a sort of cognomen, and he became known as Caecilius Statius. His death happened B. c. 168, one year after that of Ennius and two years before the representation of the Andria, which had been previously submitted to his inspection and had excited his warm admiration. (Sueton. Vit. Terent.) The names of at least forty dramas by Caecilius have been preserved, together with a considerable number of fragments, but all of them are extremely brief, the two longest extending one (ap. Aul. Gell. ii. 23) to seventeen lines, and the other (Cic. de N. D. xxix.) to twelve only. Hence we must rest satisfied with collecting and recording the opinions of those who had the means of forming an estimate of his powers, without attempting to judge independently. The Romans themselves, then, seem to agree in placing Caecilius in the first rank of his own department, classing him for the most part with Plautus and Terence. " Caecilius excels in the arrangement of his plots, Terentius in the development of character, Plautus in dialogue;" and again, " None rival Titinnius and Terentius in depicting character, but Trabea and Atilius and Caecilius at once command our feelings," are the observations of Varro (ap. Non. s. v. Poscere; Charis. lib. ii. sub fin.).-" We may pronounce Ennius chief among epic poets, Pacuvius among tragic poets, perhaps Caecilius among comic poets,"
Page 529 CAECINA. CAECINA. 529 says Cicero (De Optim. Gen. Die. i.), although in fended in a law-suit, B. c. 69. The argument of other passages he censures his latinity as impure. this oration, which is of a purely legal nature, (Ad Att. vii. 3, Brut. c. 74.) The dictum of the cannot be understood without a knowledge of the fashionable critics of the Augustan age is embodied Roman interdict. It is discussed at length by by Horace in the line (Ep. ii. 1. 59), " Vincere Keller in the second book of his " Semestrium ad Caecilius gravitate, Terentius arte." Velleius M. Tullium Ciceronem Libri VI." Turici, 1843. declares (ii. 17), that the " charms of Latin wit He was probably the father of the following, and were brilliantly displayed by Caecilius, Terentius, not the same person, as is usually supposed. and Afranius." " We are most lame in comedy, (Comp. Cic. ad Fanm. vi. 9; Orelli, Onom. 7dull. s. v.) although the ancients extol Caecilius," is the 2. A. CAECINA, son of the preceding, published testimony of Quintilian (x. 1. ~ 99), while Vulca- a libellous work against Caesar, and was in consetius Sedigitus in an epigram preserved in the quence compelled to go into exile after the battle of Noctes Atticae (xv. 24) pronounces Caecilius first Pharsalia, B. c. 48. In order to obtain Caesar's among the nine comic poets there enumerated, the pardon, he wrote another work entitled Querelae, second place being assigned to Plautus, and the which he sent to Cicero for revision. In the colsixth to Terence. lection of Cicero's letters there is rather a long one This popularity, however, was not acquired at from Caecina to Cicero, and three of Cicero's to once, for the speaker of the prologue to the Hecyra, Caecina. (Suet. Caes. 75; Cic. ad Fam. vi. 5-8.) while he apologises for reproducing a piece which In 47 Caecina was in Asia, and was recommended had already twice failed, reminds the audience that by Cicero to the proconsul P. Servilius, the goalthough the works of Caecilius were now listened vernor of the province (ad Fam. xiii. 66): from to with pleasure, several had at first been driven thence he crossed over to Sicily, and was again reoff the stage, while others had with difficulty kept commended by Cicero to Furfanius, the governor of their ground. The whole of the forty plays alluded Sicily. (Ad. Fam. vi. 9.) From Sicily he went into to above, as far as we can gather from their titles, Africa, and, upon the defeat of the Pompeians there belong to the class of Palliatae, that is, were free in the same year, B. c. 46, surrendered to Caesar, translations or adaptations of the works of Greek who spared his life. (Hirt. Bell. Afr. 89.) writers of the new comedy. There is a curious Caecina was the author of a work on the "Etruschapter in Aulus Gellius (ii. 23), where a compari- ca Disciplina," which is referred to by Pliny as one son is instituted between certain passages in the of his authorities for his second book; and it is proPlocium of Caecilius and the corresponding por- bably from this work that Seneca quotes (Quaest. tions of the drama by Menander, from which it Nat. ii. 39) some remarks of Caecina upon the difwas derived. We here gain some knowledge of ferent kinds of lightning. Cicero tells us (ad Fam. the manner in which these transfusions were per- vi. 6. ~ 3), that Caecina was trained by his father formed, and we feel strongly impressed with the in the knowledge of the Etruscans, and speaks of poorness, flatness, and vapid heaviness of the Latin him otherwise as a man of talent, and possessed of imitation when placed in juxtaposition with the oratorical powers. Seneca (Quaest. Nat. ii. 56) sparkling brilliancy of the rich and racy original. says, that he would have had some reputation in To adopt the quaint simile of the grammarian, they eloquence if he had not been thrown into the shade resemble each other in the same degree as the by Cicero. This must be the same Caecina whose bright and precious armour of Glaucus resembled work on the Etruscan Discipline is quoted in the dull and paltry harness of Diomede. [W. R.] the Veronese scholia on the Aeneid (x. 198, 'ed. CAECINA, the name of an Etruscan family of Mai). Volaterrae, one of the ancient cities of Etruria. It 3. CAECINA of Volaterrae, a friend of Octavianus, seems either to have derived its name from, or sent by the latter to Cicero in B. c. 44. (Cic. ad given it to, the river Caecina, which flows by the Ait. xvi. 8.) Cicero speaks of him as " Caecinam town. Persons of this name are first mentioned in quendam Volaterranum," which would seem to the century before Christ, and they are expressly shew that he could not have been the same as the said to have been natives of Volaterrae. Under preceding, nor even his son, with whom also Cicero the empire the name is of frequent occurrence, and was well acquainted. (Cic. ad Fam. vi. 5.) This it is probable that all these Caecinae were of Etrus- Caecina was sent by Octavianus with proposals to can origin. As late as the reign of Honorius, we Antony in 41. (Appian, B. C. v. 60.) read of the poet Decius Albinus Caecina [see be- 4. A. CAECINA SEVERUS, a distinguished soldier low], residing at his villa in the neighbourhood of and general in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, Volaterrae; and there is, or was lately, a family had served forty campaigns by the year A. D. 15, of this name at the modern Volterra, which Italian and lived several years afterwards. (Tac. Ann. i. antiquaries would make out to be descended from 64, iii. 33.) He was governor of Moesia in A. D. 6, the ancient Caecinae. There has been discovered when the formidable insurrection under the two in the neighbourhood of Volterra the family tomb Batos broke out in the neighbcuring provinces of of the Caecinae, from which we learn that Ceicna Dalmatia and Pannonia. [BATO.] He immediately was the Etruscan form of the name. In this tomb marched against the Breucians in Pannonia, whom there was found a beautiful sarcophagus, now in he defeated after a hard-fought battle, in which the Museum of Paris. The family was di- many of his troops fell, but was recalled almost imvided into several branches, and we accordingly mediately afterwards to his own province by the find on the funeral urns the cognomens Caspu and ravages of the Dacians and Sarmatians. In the and Tlapuni: in Latin inscriptions we also meet following year, he gained another victory over the with the surnames Quadralus and Placidus; and insurgents, who had attacked him while on his various others occur below. (Miuller, Etrusker, vol. march from Moesia to join Germanicus in Pannoi. p. 416, &c.) The most important persons of nia. (Dion Cass. lv. 29, 30, 32; Vell. Pat. ii. 112.) this name are: In A. D. 14, Caecina had the command, as legate 1. A. CAECINA, of Volaterrae, whom Cicero de- of Germanicus, of the Roman army in Lower Ger2 i
Page 530 530 CAECINA. many, and was employed by Germanicus, in the following year, in the war against Arminius. With the view of distracting the attention of the enemy, Caecina was sent with forty cohorts through the territory of the Bructeri to the river Amisia; and when Germanicus determined upon retreating after a hard-fought but indecisive battle with Arminius, he ordered Caecina to lead back his division of the army to the Rhine. His way lay through an extensive marsh, over which there was a causeway known by the name of the Long Bridges. Here his army was attacked and nearly destroyed by Arminius; but he eventually defeated the Germans with great slaughter, and reached the Rhine in safety. [ARMIINIUS.] On account of this victory, he received the insignia of a triumph. (Tac. Ann. i. 31, 32, 56, 60, 63-68, 72.) This is the last military command which Caecina appears to have held. He is mentioned in A. D. 20 as the author of a proposition in the senate that an altar should be erected to the goddess of Vengeance, on account of the suppression of Piso's conspiracy; and again in A. D. 21, as proposing that the governors of provinces should not be allowed to take their wives with them into their provinces. Tacitus gives a speech of his on the latter of these motions, in which he states, that he had always lived in harmony with his wife, who had borne him six children. His motion, which was opposed by Valerius Messallinus and Drusus, was not carried. (Tac. Ann. iii. 18, 33, 34.) 5. CAECINA PAETUS, was put to death by the emperor Claudius in A. D. 42. The heroism of his wife Arria on this occasion is mentioned under ARRIA. His daughter married Thrasea, who was put to death by Nero. (Plin. Ep. iii. 16; Dion Cass. lx. 16; Martial, i. 14; Zonaras, xi. 9.) 6. C. CAECINA LARGUS, consul A. D. 42 with the emperor Claudius, inhabited the magnificent house which formerly belonged to Scaurus, the contemporary of Cicero. (Dion Cass. lx. 10; Ascon. in Scaur. p. 27, ed. Orelli; Plin. H.N. xvii. 1.) 7. P. CAECINA LARGUS, one of the chief friends of the emperor Claudius, was perhaps the brother of No. 6, unless indeed he is the same person, and C should be read in Tacitus instead of P. (Tac. Ann. xi. 33, 34.) 8. CAECINA TUSCUS, the son of Nero's nurse, had been appointed in A. D. 56, according to Fabius Rusticus, praefect of the Praetorian troops in the place of Afranius Burrus, but did not enter upon the office, as Burrus was retained in the command through the influence of Seneca. Caecina was subsequently appointed governor of Egypt by Nero, but was afterwards banished for making use of the baths which had been erected in anticipation of the emperor's arrival in Egypt. He probably returned from banishment on the death of Nero, A. D. 68, as we find him in Rome in the following year. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20; Suet. Ner. 35; Dion Cass. Ixiii. 18; Tac. Hist. iii. 38.) 9. A. CAECINA ALIENUS (called in the Fasti A. Licinius Caecina), was quaestor in Baetica in Spain at the time of Nero's death, A. D. 68, and was one of the foremost in joining the party of Galba. He was rewarded by Galba with the command of a legion in Upper Germany; but, being shortly afterwards detected in embezzling some of the public money, the emperor ordered him to be prosecuted. Caecina, in revenge, induced his troops to revolt to Vitellius. Caecina was a great CAECINA. favourite with the soldiers. His personal presence was commanding; he was tall in statuie, comely in person, and upright in gait; he possessed considerable ability in speaking; and, as he was ambitious, he used every means to win the favour of his troops. After persuading them to espouse the side of Vitellius, he set out at the beginning of the year (A. D. 69), on his march towards Italy at the head of an army of 30,000 men, the main strength of which consisted in one legion, the twenty-first. In his march through Switzerland, he ravaged the country of the Helvetians in a frightful manner, because they had refused to own the authority of Vitellius. He crossed the Great St. Bernard and marched through northern Italy without meeting with any opposition. Upon entering Italy, he observed greater discipline than he had done previously, and prevented his troops from plundering the country but his dress gave great offence to the citizens, because he wore in receiving them a military cloak of various colours, and also trowsers, which were reckoned as characteristic of barbarians. People were also scandalized at his wife Salonina riding as it were in state upon a beautiful horse, and dressed in purple. As Placentia was garrisoned by the troops of Otho, who had now succeeded Galba, Caecina crossed the Po, and proceeded to attack that city. He was, however, repulsed in his attack with considerable loss, and thereupon recrossed the Po and retired towards Cremona. Otho's troops were commanded by Suetonius Paullinus and Celsus, the former a general of great skill and military experience, who frustrated all the plans of Caecina. Anxious to retrieve his honour before he was joined by Fabius Valens, who was advancing with the other division of the German army, Caecina determined to make a vigorous effort to gain some decisive advantage. HIe accordingly laid an ambush at a place called Castorum, twelve miles from Cremona; but his plans were betrayed to the enemy, and he suffered a signal defeat. Shortly afterwards, he was joined by Fabius Valens, and their united forces then gained a victory over Otho's troops at Bedriacum, which established the power of Vitellius in Italy. The unhappy country, however, was now exposed to pillage in every direction, as neither Caecina nor Valens attempted to restrain his soldiers, the former through desire of preserving his popularity with them, the latter because he himself took part in the plunder. After obtaining possession of Rome, Caecina and Valens were advanced to the consulship, and entered upon the office on the 1st of September, A. D. 69. Meantime, Antonius Primus, who had declared in favour of Vespasian, was preparing to invade Italy, and Caecina was accordingly sent against him. Caecina met with Antonius in the neighbourhood of Verona, and might with his numerous army have easily crushed him; but he resolved to desert the cause of Vitellius, and concerted measures for that purpose with Lucilius Bassus, who meditated the same treachery and had the command of Vitellius's fleet. But when he attempted to persuade his soldiers to take the oath of allegiance to Vespasian, they rose against him and put him in irons. In this state of things, they were attacked by Antonius, who conquered them near Bedriacum, and forthwith proceeded to assault Cremona, where most of the conquered had taken refuge. Alarmed at the success of Antonius, Caecina was released
Page 531 CAECULUS. by his soldiers, and sent to Antonius to intercede on their behalf. Antonius despatched Caecina to Vespasian, who treated him with great honour. When the news of his treachery reached Rome, he was deprived of his consulship, and Roscius Regulus elected in his stead. (Tac. Hist. i. 52, 53, 61, 67-70, ii. 20-25, 30, 41-44, 71, 99, 100, iii. 13, 14, 31; Dion Cass. lxv. 10, 14; Joseph. B. J. iv. 11. ~ 3.) Nothing more is heard of Caecina till the latter end of the reign of Vespasian (A. D. 79), when he entered into a plot against the emperor, and was slain, by order of Titus, as he rose from a banquet in the imperial palace. (Dion Cass. lxvi. 16; Suet. Tit. 6.) According to Aurelius Victor (Epit. 10), Caecina was put to death by Titus because he suspected him of intriguing with his mistress Berenice. 10. LICINIUS CAECINA, a senator attached to Otho's party, A. D. 69 (Tac. Hist. ii. 53), may perhaps be the Licinius Caecina, a man of praetorian rank, mentioned by Pliny. (IL N. xx. 18. s. 76.) CAECI'NA, DE'CIUS ALBI'NUS, a Roman satirist who flourished under Arcadius and Honorius. Rutilius Numatianus in his Itinerary (i.599) addresses a certain Decius, a man of high station, whom he styles " Lucilli nobile pignus," and whose father he pronounces to be not inferior as a poet to Turnus and Juvenal. But this Decius, the son, is supposed to be the same person with the Decius, son of Albinus, introduced by Macrobius as conversing with Postumianus (Saturn. i. 2, init.), and Decius the father is identified with Caecina Albinus, represented in the same chapter of the Saturnalia as the friend and companion of Aurelius Symmachus. Moreover, it is maintained that the elder Decius, the satirist, is the individual to whom several of the epistles of Symmachus are addressed (Ep. vii. 35-65, comp. viii. 21), that he was praefectus urbi in A. D. 302 (Cod. Theod. 7. tit..15. s. 13; Gruter, Corp. Inscr. p. cclxxxvii.), and that from the success with which he followed in the foot-steps of Aurunca's bard, he was known as the Lucilius of his day. Hence the expression " Lucilli (Lucili) nobile pignus" applied to his son, and hence the mistake of those historians of literature who have included a Lucillus or Lucullus (corrupt forms of Lucilius) among the satirical writers of the fifth century. Lastly, the persons who hold the above opinions believe that the epigrams in the Greek Anthology bearing the name of Lucillius, and assigned by Fabricius to a writer who lived at the end of the fourth century, are in reality the productions of the subject of this article. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 719.) The web of conjecture by which all these facts are connected has been very ingeniously woven by Wernsdorff, but in niany places the tissue is too frail to bear rough handling. (Wernsdorff, Poet. Latin. Min. vol. iii. p. xxii., vol. v. p. 182.) [W.R.] C. CAE'CIUS, a friend of Lentulus Spinther, the younger, spoken of by Cicero in B. c. 49. (Cic. ad Att. ix. 11, 13.) CAE'CULUS, an ancient Italian hero of Praeneste. The account which Servius (ad Aen. vii. 678) gives of him runs as follows: At Praeneste there were pontifices and dii indigetes as well as at Rome. There were however two brothers called indigetes (the common reading is dii instead of indigeles, but is evidently wrong) who had a sister. On one occasion, while she was sitting by the fire of the hearth, a spark fell into her lap, whereby CAEDICIUS. 531 she became the mother of a son, whom she exposed near the temple of Jupiter. Here the infant was found, lying by the side of a fire, by maidens who happened to come to fetch water. The fire near which he had been found led to his being considered a son of Vulcan. This child was Caeculus, who, after growing up to manhood, and living for a time as a robber, together with a number of comrades who were shepherds, built the town of Praeneste. lie invited the neighbourhood to the celebration of public games at Praeneste, and when they were assembled, he called upon them to settle in the newly built town, and he gave weight to his demand by declaring that he was a son of Vulcan. But when the people disbelieved his assertions, he prayed Vulcan to send a sign, whereupon the whole assembly was surrounded by a bright flame. This miracle induced the people to recognize him as the son of Vulcan, and to settle at Praeneste. The substance of this story is also given by Solinus (ii. 9). The two brothers (indigetes) mentioned in this story are, according to Hartung, the well-known twins who were worshipped at Rome as Lares and Penates, and their sister a priestess of the hearth. Caeculus, too, is, like Vulcan, a divinity of the hearth, because he is the son of Vulcan, was conceived by a priestess of the hearth, and was found near a hearth (fire). For the same reason, Hartung connects the name Caeculus with cailw and caleo. The manner in which Caeculus obtains settlers for his new town resembles the means by which Romulus contrived to get women for his Romans; but a still greater similarity exists between the stories of the conception of Caeculus and of king Servius Tullius. This resemblance, together with the connexion of Servius Tullius with Caia Caecilia, seem to indicate that Servius Tullius was the representative of the same idea at Rome as Caeculus was at Praeneste. (Hartung, Die Relig. d. Rsm. i. p. 88, &c.; Klausen, Aeneas u. d. Penat. p. 761, &c.) [L. S.] CAECUS, a surname of Ap. Claudius, censor B. c. 312 and consul in 307 and 296. His life is related under CLAUDIUS, as he is better known under the latter name. CAEDI'CIA GENS, plebeian. A person of this name was a tribune of the plebs as early as B. c. 475, but the first of the gens who obtained the consulship was Q. Caedicius Noctua, in B. c. 289. The only cognomen occurring in this gens is NocTUA: for those who have no surname, see CAEDICIUS. The name does not occur at all in the later times of the republic; but a Caedicius is mentioned twice by Juvenal (xiii. 197, xvi. 46). CAEDI'CIUS. 1. L. CAEDICIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 475, brought to trial Sp. Servilius Priscus Structus, the consul of the preceding year. (Liv. ii. 52; Dionys. ix. 28.) 2. M. CAEDICIUS, is said to have told the tribunes of the plebs, in B. c. 391, that he had heard, in the silence of the night, a superhuman voice, commanding him to inform the magistrates that the Gauls were coming. (Liv. v. 32; Plut. Camill. 14; Zonaras, vii. 23.) This appears to be the same Caedicius, a centurion, who was elected as their commander by the Romans that had fled to Veil after the destruction of the city by the Gauls, B. c. 390. He led out his countrymen against the Etruscans, who availed themselves of the misfortunes of the Romans to plunder the Veientine territory. After this he proposed that Camillus should 2 s 2
Page 532 532 CAELJOMONTANUS. be invited to become their general, and according to another account he himself carried to Camillus the decree of the senate appointing him to the command. (Liv. v. 45, 46; Appian, Celt. 5.) 3. C. CAEDICIUS, one of the legates of the consul L. Papirius Cursor, commanded the cavalry in the great battle with the Samnites in B. c. 293. (Liv. x. 40.) 4. Q. CAEDICIUS Q. F. Q. N., COnsul B. c. 256, died in his consulship, and was succeeded in the office by M. Atilius Regulus. (Fast. Capit.) CAE'DICUS, two mythical personages in Virgil's Aeneid (ix. 360, x. 747). [L. S.] CAELES or CAE'LIUS VIBENNA, the leader of an Etruscan army, who is said to have come to Rome at the invitation of one of the early Roman kings, and to have settled with his troops on the hill called after him the Caelian. In whose reign however he came, was differently stated, as Tacitus observes. (Ann. iv. 65.) Tacitus himself places his arrival at Rome in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, and this is in accordance with a mutilated passage of Festus (s. v. Tuscum vicum), in which, moreover, Caeles and Vibenna are spoken of as brothers. Festus, however, in another passage (s. v. Caelius Mons), Dionysius (ii. 36), and Varro (L. L. v. 46, ed. Muller), state that Caeles came to Rome in the age of Romulus to assist him against the Sabines. The Etruscan story, which is preserved in the speech of the emperor Claudius, of which considerable fragments were discovered at Lyons, differs considerably from the preceding ones. According to the Etruscan account, Servius Tullius, afterwards king of Rome, was originally a follower of Caeles Vivenna, whose fortunes he shared, and that afterwards overcome by a multitude of disasters he migrated to Rome with the remains of the army of Caeles, and occupied the Caelian hill, which he called after the name of his former commander. It is probable that these different accounts refer to two distinct Etruscan migrations to Rome, and that Caeles Vibenna is thus represented as the leader of each. (Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. i. p. 381, &c.; Miiller,Etrusker, vol. i. p. 116, &c.) CAELESTFNUS, an historian of the Empire referred to by Trebellius Pollio in the biography of the younger Valerian. We know nothing more about him. [W. R.] CAE'LIA or COE'LIA, the third wife of the dictator Sulla, whom he divorced on account of barrenness. (Plut. Sull. 6.) CAE'LIA or COE'LIA GENS, plebeian. In manuscripts the name is usually written Caelius, while on coins it generally occurs in the form of Coelius or Coilius, though we find on one coin L. Caelius Tax. (Eckhel, v. pp. 156, 175.) From the similarity of the names, Caelius is frequently confounded with Caecilius. The gens traced its origin to the Etruscan leader, Caeles Vibenna, in the time of the Roman kings, but no members of it obtained the higher offices of the state till the beginning of the first century B. c.: the first who obtained the consulship was C. Caelius Caldus in B. c. 94. There were only two family-names in this gens, CALDUS and RUFUs: the other cognomens are personal surnames, chiefly of freedmen. For those without a surname see CABLIUS. CAELIOMONTA'NUS (not Coeliomontanus), the name of a family of the Virginia gens. Almost all the members of this gens had the surname Tri CAEL1US. costus, and the name of Caeliomontanus was undoubtedly given to the family dwelling on the Caelian hill, to distinguish it from others of the same gens. 1. T. VIRGINIUS TRICOSTUS CAELIOMONTANUS, consul B. c. 496 with A. Postumius Albus Regillensis, in which year, according to some annalists, the battle at the lake Regillus was fought. According to the same accounts, Postumius resigned the consulship because he suspected his colleague, and was afterwards made dictator. The battle, however, is usually placed two years earlier. [ALBINUS, No. 1.] (Liv. ii. 21; Dionys. vi. 2.) 2. A. VIRGINIUS A. F. TRICOSTUS CAELIOMONTANUS, called by Dionysius A. Virginius Montanus, consul B. c. 494, the year in which the plebs seceded to the Sacred Mountain. Previous to the secession he had marched against the Volsci, whom he had defeated in battle, and had taken one of their chief towns, Velitrae. He is mentioned by Dionysius as one of the ten envoys sent by the senate to treat with the plebs. (Liv. ii. 28-30; Dionys. vi. 34, 42, 69; Ascon. in Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli.) 3. A. VIRGINIUs A. F. A. N. TRICOSTUS CAELIOMONTANUS, son of No. 2, consul in 469, marched against the Aequi, whom he eventually defeated through the valour of his soldiers, though his army was nearly destroyed in consequence of his own negligence. (Liv. ii. 63; Dionys. ix. 56; Diod. xi. 70.) 4. SP. VIRGINIus A. F. A. N. TRICOSTUS CAELIOMONTANUS, son of No. 2, consul B. c. 456, in whose consulship the ludi saeculares are said to have been celebrated the second time. (Liv. iii. 31; Dionys. x. 31; Diod. xii. 4; Censor. de Die Nat. 17.) - 5. T. VIRGINIUS T. F. TRICOSTUS CAELIOMONTANUS, consul B. c. 448. (Liv. iii. 65; Dionys. xi. 51; Diod. xii. 27.) CAE'LIUS or COE'LIUS. 1. M. CAELIUS, tribune of the plebs in the time of M. Cato, the censor, whom Cato attacked in a speech, in which among other hard things he said, that Caelius would speak or hold his tongue for a piece of bread. (Gell. i. 15.) 2. L. CAELIUS, commanded as legate in Illyricum in the war against Perseus, B. c. 169, and was defeated in an attempt which he made to obtain possession of Uscana in the country of the Penestae, a town which was garrisoned by the Macedonians. (Liv. xliii. 21.) 3. P. CAELIUS, was placed in the command of Placentia by the consul Cn. Octavius, B. c. 87, and when the town was taken by Cinna's army, he caused himself to be put to death by L. Petronius, that he might not fall into the hands of the Marian party. (Val. Max. iv. 7. ~ 5.) 4. P. CAELIUS, perhaps a son of the preceding, praetor with Verres, B. c. 74. (Cic. c. Verr. i. 50.) 5. M. CAELIUS, a Roman knight, from whom Verres took away, at Lilybaeum, several silver vases. (Cic. Verr. iv. 47.) As Cicero says that this Caelius was still young at this time, B. c. 71, he may be the same M. Caelius who is mentioned in the oration for Flaccus, B. c. 59. (Cic. pro Flacc. 4.) 6. C. CAELIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 51, put his veto with several of his colleagues upon the decrees of the senate directed against Caesar (Cael. ap. Cic. ad FPam. viii. 8.)
Page 533 CAENIS. 7. Q. CAELIUS, a friend and follower of M. Antonius, attacked by Cicero. (Phil. xiii. 2, 12.) 8. CAELIUS, an usurer, with whom Cicero had some dealings. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 5, 6, vii. 3, xiii. 3.) CAELIUS ANTIPATER. [ANTIPATER.] CAELIUS APICIUS. [APicIUS.] CAELIUS AURELIANUS. [AURELIANUS.] CAELIUS BALBINUS. [BALBINUS.] CAELIUS CURSOR. [CURSOR.] CAELIUS POLLIO. [POLLIO.] CAELIUS ROSCIUS. [Roscius.] CAELIUS SABINUS. [SABINUS.] CAELIUS FIRMIANUS SYMPOSIUS. [SYMPOSIUs.] CAELIUS VINICIANUS. [VINICIANUS.] CAENIS, the concubine of Vespasian, was originally a freedwoman of Antonia, the mother of tie emperor Claudius. After the death of his wife Flavia Domitilla, Vespasian took her to live with him and treated her almost as his legal wife. She had very great influence with Vespasian, and acquired immense wealth from the presents presented to her by those who wished to gain the favour of the emperor. Domitian, however, treated her with some contempt. After her death, Vespasian kept many concubines in her place. (Dion Cass. Ixvi. 14; Suet. Vesp. 3, 21, Dorm. 12.) CAEPIO. 533 M. CAEPA'RIUS. 1. Of Tarracina, a town in Latium, was one of Catiline's conspirators, who was to, induce the shepherds in Apulia to rise, and who was on the poinit of leaving Rome for the purpose when the conspirators were apprehended by Cicero. He escaped from the city, but was overtaken in his flight, carried back to Rome, and committed to the custody of Cn. Terentius. He was afterwards executed with the other conspirators in the Tullianum, B. c. 63. (Cic. in Cat. iii. 6; Sail. Cat. 46, 47, 55.) 2. A different person from the preceding, mentioned by Cicero in B. c. 46. (Ad Fanm. ix. 23.) C. and L. CAEPA'SII, two brothers, contemporaries of the orator Hortensius, obtained the quaestorship, though they were unknown men, by means of their oratory. They were very industrious and laborious, but their oratory was of rather a rude and unpolished kind. (Cic. Brut. 69, pro Cluent. 20, 21; Julius Victor, p. 248, ed. Orelli; Quintil. iv. 2. ~ 19, vi. 1. ~ 41, 3. ~ 39.) CAE'PIAS was, according to Dion Cassius (xlv. 1), the surname of C. Octavius, afterwards the emperor Augustus. This cognomen, however, is not mentioned by any other writer, nor even by Dion Cassius himself in any other passage. CAE'PIO, the name of a patrician family of the Servilia gens. STEMMA CAEPIONUM. 1. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. B. c. 253. 2. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. B. c. 203. 3. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. B. c. 169. 4. Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus, Cos. B.. 142. 5. Cn. Servilius Caepio, Cos. B.C. 141, Cens. B. c. 125, 6. Q. Servilius Caepio, Cos. B. c. 140. 7. Q. Servilius Caepio, Cos. B. C. 106. 8. Q. Servilius Caepio, Quaest. B. c. 100, married Livia, the sister of M. Livius Drusus. 9. Q. Servilius Caepio, Tribunus Militum, B. c. 72. 10. Servilia, married M. Junius Brutus. 11. Servilia, married L. Licinius Lucullus, Cos. B. c. 74. I [BRUI 12. Q. Servilius Caepio Brutus, the murderer of C. Julius Caesar. The son of No. 10, but adopted by No. 9. [BRUTUS, No. 21.] 1. CN. SERVILIUS CN. F. CN. N. CAEPIO, consul B. c. 253, in the first Punic war, sailed with his colleague, C. Sempronius Blaesus, to the coast of Africa. For an account of this expedition, see BLAESUS, No. 1. 2. CN. SERVILIUS CN. F. CN. N. CAEPIO, was probably a grandson, and not a son, of No. 1. He was elected pontiff in the place of C. Papirius Maso, B. c. 213; curule aedile in 207, when he celebrated the Roman games three times; praetor in 205, when he obtained the city jurisdiction; and consul in 203. In his consulship he had Bruttii assigned to him as his province, and he was the last Roman general who fought with Hannibal in Italy. The vus, No. 20.] engagement took place in the neighbourhood of Crotona, but no particulars of it are preserved. When Hannibal quitted Italy, Caepio passed over into Sicily, with the intention of crossing from thence to Africa. In order to prevent this, the senate, who feared that the consul would not obey their commands, created a dictator, P. SulpiciusGalba, who recalled Caepio to Italy. In B.c. 192, Caepio was sent with other legates into Greece, to encourage the Roman allies in the prospect of the war with Antiochus. He died in the pestilence in 174. (Liv. xxv. 2, xxviii. 10, 38, 46, xxix. 38, xxx, 1, 19, 24, xxxv. 23, xli. 26.) 3. CN. SERVILIUS CN. F. CN. N. CAEPIO, son of
Page 534 534 CAEPIO. No. 2 (Liv. xli. 26) curule aedile B. c. 179, when he celebrated the Roman games over again, on account of prodigies which had occurred; and praetor B. c. 174, when he obtained the province of Further Spain. On his return to Italy, he was one of the ambassadors sent into Macedonia to renounce the Roman alliance with Perseus; and he was consul in 169 with Q. Marcius Philippus. Caepio remained in Italy; his colleague had Macedonia as his province. (Liv. xl. 59, xli. 26, xlii. 25, xliii. 13, 14, 17; Cic. Brut. 20, de Senect. 5.) 4. Q. FABIUS MAXIMUS SERVILIANUS, son of No. 3, consul in B. c. 142, was adopted by Q. Fabius Maximus. [MAXIMUS.] 5. CN. SERVILIUS CN. F. CN. N. CAEPIO, son of No. 3, was consul B. c. 141 (Cic. ad Att. xii. 5, de Fin. ii. 16), and censor in 125. In his censorship one of the aquaeducts, the Aqua Tepula, for supplying Rome with water, was constructed. (Frontin. de Aquaed. 8; Cic. Verr. i. 55; Vell. Pat. ii. 10.) 6. CN. SERVILIUS CN. F. CN. N. CAEPIO, son of No. 3, consul B. c. 140 with C. Laelius (Cic. Brut. 43; Obsequ. 82), succeeded his brother, Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus, in the conduct of the war against Viriathus in Lusitania. His brother had made a treaty of peace with Viriathus, which had been confirmed by the senate; but Caepio, by representing that the treaty was unfavourable to the interests of Rome, persuaded the senate to allow him at first to injure Viriathus, as far as he could, secretly, and finally to declare open war against him. Hereupon, Viriathus sent two of his most faithful friends to Caepio to offer terms of peace; but the consul persuaded them, by promises and great rewards, to assassinate their master. Accordingly, on their return to their own party, they murdered Viriathus while he was asleep in his tent, and afterwards fled to Caepio. But this murder did not put an immediate stop to the war. After burying the corpse of Viriathus with great magnificence, his soldiers elected Tantalus as their general, who undertook an expedition against Saguntum. Repulsed from thence, he crossed the Baetis, closely pursued by Caepio, and, despairing of success, at length surrendered, with all his forces, to the Roman general. Caepio deprived them of their arms, but assigned them a certain portion of land, that they might not turn robbers from want of the necessaries of life. (Appian, Hisp. 70, 75, 76; Liv. Epit. 54; Flor. ii. 17; Eutrop. iv. 16; Oros. v. 4; Vell. Pat. ii. 1; Val. Max. ix. 6. ~ 4; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 71; Diod. xxxii. Ecl. 4.) Caepio treated his soldiers with great cruelty and severity, which rendered him so unpopular, that he was nearly killed by his cavalry on one occasion. (Dion Cass. Frag. lxxiii. p. 35, ed. Reimar.) The two last-mentioned brothers, Nos. 5 and 6, are classed by Cicero (Brut. 25) among the Roman orators. He says, that they assisted their clients much by their advice and oratory, but still more by their authority and influence. They appeared as witnesses against Q. Pompeius. (Val. Max. viii. 5. ~ 1; Cic. pro Font. 7.) 7. Q. SERVILIUS Q. F. CN. N. CAEPIO, son of No. 6, was praetor about B. c. 110, and obtained the province of Further Spain, as we learn from the triumphal Fasti, that he triumphed over the Lusitanians, as propraetor, in B. C. 108. His triumph is mentioned by Valerius Maximus (vi. 9. ~ 13); but Eutropius (iv. 27) is the only writer, CAEPIO. as far as we are aware, who refers to his victories in Lusitania. He was consul, B. c. 106, with C. Atilius Serranus, and proposed a law for restoring the judicia to the senators, of which they had been deprived by the Sempronia lex of C. Gracchus. That this was the object of Caepio's law, appears tolerably certain from a passage of Tacitus (Ann. xii. 60); though many modern writers have inferred, from Julius Obsequens (c. 101), that his law opened the judicia to the senate and the equites in common. It seems, however, that this law was repealed shortly afterwards. As the Cimbri and Teutones were threatening Italy, Caepio received the province of Gallia Narbonensis. The inhabitants of Tolosa, the capital of the Tectosagae, had revolted to the Cimbri; and as it was one of the most wealthy cities in those districts, and possessed a temple which was celebrated for its immense treasures, Caepio eagerly availed himself of the pretext which the inhabitants had given him to enrich himself by the plunder both of the city and the temple. The wealth which he thus acquired was enormous; but he was thought to have paid for it dearly, as the subsequent destruction of his army and his own unhappy fate were regarded as a divine punishment for his sacrilegious act. Hence too arose the proverb, "Auruin Tolosanum habet." (Strab. iv. p. 188; Dion Cass. Frag. xcvii. p. 41; Gell. iii. 9; Justin. xxxii. 3; Oros. v. 15.) He was continued in his command in Gaul in the following year (B. c. 105), in which some writers place the sack of Tolosa; and, that there might be a still stronger force to oppose the Cimbri, the consul Cn. Mallius, or Manlius, was sent with another consular army into Gallia Narbonensis. As however Caepio and Mallius could not agree, they divided the province between them, one having the country west, and the other the country east, of the Rhone. Soon afterwards, M. Aurelius Scaurus was defeated by the Cimbri, and Mallius sent for Caepio, that they might unite their forces to oppose the common enemy. Caepio at first refused to come, but afterwards, fearing lest Mallius should reap all the glory by defeating the Cimbri, he crossed the Rhone and marched towards the consul. Still, however, he would hold no communication with him; he encamped separately; and that he might have an opportunity of finishing the war himself, he pitched his camp between the consul and the enemy. At this juncture, with such a formidable enemy in their front, the utmost prudence and unanimity were needed by the Roman generals: their discord was fatal. The Roman soldiers saw this, and compelled Caepio, against his will, to unite his forces with those of Mallius. But this did not mend matters. The discord of Mallius and Caepio increased more and more, and they appear to have separated again before they were attacked by the Cimbri, as Florus speaks of the defeat of Mallius and Caepio as two separate events. But whether they were attacked together or separately, the result was the same. Both armies were utterly defeated; 80,000 soldiers and 40,000 camp-followers perished; only ten men are said to have escaped the slaughter. It was one of the most complete defeats which the Romans had ever sustained; and the day on which it happened, the 6th of October, became one of the black days in the Roman calendar. (Dion Cass. Frag. xcviii. xcix. pp. 41, 42; Liv. Epit. 67; Oros. v. 16; Sall. Jug. 114; Flor. iii. 3; Tac.
Page 535 CAEPIO. Germ. 37; Vell. Pat, ii. 12; Val. Max. iv. 7. ~ 3; Plut. Mar. 19, Sertor. 3, Lucull. 27.) Caepio survived the battle, but was deprived of the imperium by the people. Ten years afterwards (B. C. 95) he was brought to trial by the tribune C. Norbanus on account of his misconduct in this war, and although he was defended by the orator L. Licinius Crassus, who was consul in that year (Cic. Brut. 44), and by many others of the Roman aristocracy, he was condemned and his property confiscated. He himself was cast into prison, where according to one account he died, and his body, mangled by the common executioner, was afterwards exposed to view on the Gemonian steps. (Val. Max. vi. 9. ~ 13.) But according to the more generally received account, he escaped from prison through the assistance of the tribune L. Antistius Reginus, and lived in exile at Smyrna. (Val. Max. iv. 7. ~ 3; Cic. pro Balb. 11.) 8. Q. SERVILIUS CAEPIO, quaestor urbanus in B. c. 100. He may have been the son of No. 7, but as the latter in all probability obtained the monsulship at the usual age, it is not likely that he had a son old enough to obtain the quaestorship six years afterwards. In his quaestorship Caepio opposed the lex frumentaria of the tribune L. Saturninus, and when Saturninus insisted upon putting the law to the vote, notwithstanding the veto of his colleagues, Caepio interrupted the voting by force of arms, and thus prevented the law from being carried., He was accused in consequence of treason (majestas), and it was perhaps upon this occasion that T. Betucius Barrus spoke against him. The oration of Caepio in reply was written for him by L. Aelius Praeconinus Stilo, who composed orations for him as well as for other distinguished Romans at that time. (Auct. ad Herenn. i. 12; Cic. Brut. 46, 56.) In the contests of the year B. c. 91, Caepio deserted the cause of the senate and espoused that of the equites in opposition to the lex judiciaria of the tribune M. Livius Drusus, who proposed to divide the judicia between the senate and the equites. Caepio and Drusus had formerly been very intimate friends, and had exchanged marriages, by which we are to understand, that Caepio had married a sister of Drusus and Drusus a sister of Caepio, and not that they had exchanged wives, as some modern writers would interpret it. The enmity between the brothers-in-law is said to have arisen from competition in bidding for a ring at a public auction (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 1. s. 6), but whatever may have been its origin, it was now of a most determined and violent character. The city was torn asunder by their contentions, and seemed almost to be divided between two hostile armies. To strike terror into the senate, Caepio accused two of the most distinguished leaders of the body, M. Aemilius Scaurus of extortion (repetundae), and L. Marcius Philippus, the consul, of bribery (ambitus). Both accusations, however, seem to have failed, and Scaurus, before his trial came on, retaliated by accusing Caepio himself. (Dion Cass. Frag. cix. ex. p. 45; Flor. iii. 17; Plin. H. N. xxviii. 9. s. 41; Cic. pro Dom. 46, Brut. 62, pro Scaur. 1; Ascon. in Scaur. p. 21, ed. Orelli.) The assassination of Drusus shortly afterwards was supposed by some to have been committed at the instigation of Caepio. (Aurel. Vict. de Vir. III. 66.) On the breaking out of the social war in the CAERELLIA. 535 following year, B. c. 90, Caepio again accused his old enemy Scaurus under the provisions of the Varia lex, which had been passed to bring all to trial who had been instrumental in causing the revolt of the allies. (Cic. pro Scaur. 1; Ascon. in Scaur. p. 22.) Caepio took an active part in this war, in which he served as the legate of the consul P. Rutilius Lupus, and upon the death of the latter he received, in conjunction with C. Marius, the command of the consular army. Caepio at first gained some success, but was afterwards decoyed into an ambush by Pompaedius, the leader of the enemy's army, who had pretended to revolt to him, and he lost his life in consequence. (B. c. 90.) (Appian, B. C. i. 40, 44; Liv. Epit. 73.) 9. Q. SERVILImUS CAEPIO, son of No. 8, was a tribune of the soldiers in the war against Spartacus, B. c. 72. He died shortly afterwards at Aenus in Thrace, on his road to Asia. He is called the brother of Cato Uticensis, because his mother Livia had been married previously to M. Porcius Cato, by whom she had Cato Uticensis. (Plut. Cat. Min. 8, 11.) 10. 11. SERVILIAE. [SERVILIA.] 12. Q. SERVILIUS CAEPIO BRUTUTS. [BRUTUS, No. 21.] 13. CN. SERVILIUS CAEPIO, the father of Servilia, the wife of Claudius, perished by shipwreck. Who he was is uncertain. (Cic. ad Alt. xii. 20.) 14. SERVILIUS CAEPIO, was one of Caesar's supporters in his consulship (B. c. 59) against Bibulus. He had been betrothed to Caesar's daughter, Julia, but was obliged to give her up in favour of Pompey. As a compensation for her loss, he received the promise of Pompey's daughter, who had likewise been betrothed to Faustus Sulla. (Appian, B. C. ii. 14; Suet. Caes. 21; Plut. Caes. 14, Pomp. 47; comp. Dion Cass. xxxviii. 9.) CAE'PIO, FA'NNIUS, conspired with Murena against Augustus in B. c. 22. He was accused of treason (majestas) by Tiberius, and condemned by the judges in his absence, as he did not stand his trial, and was shortly afterwards put to death. (Dion Cass. liv. 3; Vell. Pat. ii. 91; Suet. Aug. 19, Tib. 8; Senec. de Clem. 9, de Brevit. Vit. 5.) CAE'PIO CRISPI'NUS, quaestor in Bithynia, accused Granius Marcellus, the governor of that province, of treason in A. D. 15. From this time he became one of the state informers under Tiberius. (Tac. Ann. i. 74.) He may be the same as the Caepio mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxi. 4. s. 10), who lived in the reign of Tiberius, and seems to have written a work on botany. CAERE'LLIA, a Roman lady of the time of Cicero, who was distinguished for her acquirements and a great love of philosophical pursuits. She was connected with Cicero by friendship, and studied his philosophical writings with great zeal. She was a woman of considerable property, and had large possessions in Asia. These estates and their procuratores were strongly recommended, in B. c. 46, by Cicero (ad Fam. xiii. 72) to the care of P. Servilius. Cicero, in his recommendatory letter, speaks of her as an intimate friend, though, on other occasions, he seems to be rather inclined to sneer at her. (Ad. Att. xii. 51, xiii. 21, 22, xiv. 19, xv. 1, 26.) Q. Fufius Calenus charges Cicero with having, in his old age, had an adulterous connexion with Caerellia. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 18.) How far this charge may be true, it is not easy to say; the only facts which are attested beyond a doubt
Page 536 536 CAESAR. are, that Cicero was intimate with her during the latter period of his life, and that letters of his addressed to her were extant in the days of Quintilian. (vi. 3. ~ 112.) The charge of Calenus would acquire some additional weight, if it were certain that in the 13th Idyll of Ausonius the name Cicero has dropped out before the words in praeceptis omnibus exstare severitatem, in epistolis ad Caerelliamn subesse petulantiam. [L. S.] CAESAR, the name of a patrician family of the Julia gens, which was one of the most ancient in the Roman state, and traced its origin to lulus, the son of Aeneas. [JULIA GENS.] It is uncertain which member of this gens first obtained the surname of Caesar, but the first who occurs in history is Sex. Julius Caesar, praetor in B. c. 208. The origin of the name is equally uncertain. Spartianus, in his life of Aelius Verus (c. 2), mentions four different opinions respecting its origin: 1.That the word signified an elephant in the language of the Moors, and was given as a surname to one of the Julii because he had killed an elephant. 2. That it was given to one of the Julii because he had been cut (caesus) out of his mother's womb after her death; or 3. Because he had been born with a great quantity of hair (caesaries) on his head; or 4. Because he had azure-coloured (caesii) eyes of an almost supernatural kind. Of these opinions the third, which is also given by Festus (s. v. Caesar), seems to come nearest the truth. Caesar and caesaries are both probably connected with the Sanskrit kssa, " hair," and it is quite in accordance with the Roman custom for a surname to be given to an individual from some peculiarity in his personal appearance. The second opinion, which seems to have been the most popular one with the ancient writers (Serv. ad Virg. Aen. i. 290; Plin. H. N. CAESAR. vii. 7. s. 9; Solin. 1. ~ 62; Zonar. x. 11), arose without doubt from a false etymology. With respect to the first, which was the one adopted, says Spartianus (1. c.), by the most learned men, it is impossible to disprove it absolutely, as we know next to nothing of the ancient Moorish language: but it has no inherent probability in it; and the statement of Servius (1. c.) is undoubtedly false, that the grandfather of the dictator obtained the surname on account of killing an elephant with his own hand in Africa, as there were several of the Julii with this name before his time. An inquiry into the etymology of this name is of some interest, as no other name has ever obtained such celebrity-"clarum et duraturum cum aeternitate mundi nomen." (Spart. Ael. Ver. 1.) It was assumed by Augustus as the adopted son of the dictator, and was by Augustus handed down to his adopted son Tiberius. It continued to be used by Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, as members either by adoption or female descent of Caesar's family; but though the family became extinct with Nero, succeeding emperors still retained it as part of their titles, and it was the practice to prefix it to their own name, as for instance, Imperator Caesar Domitianus Augustus. When Hadrian adopted Aelius Verus, he allowed the latter to take the title of Caesar; and from this time, though the title of Augustus continued to be confined to the reigning prince, that of Caesar was also granted to the second person in the state and the heir presumptive to the throne. In the following stemma the connexion of the earlier members of the family is to a considerable extent conjectural. A full account of the lives of all the Caesars mentioned below is given in Drumann's Geschichte Roms, vol. iii. p. 113, &c. STEMMA CAESARUM. 1. Sex. Julius Caesar, Pr. B. c. 208. 2. L. Julius Caesar. 3. L. Julius Caesar, Pr. B. C. 183. 4. Sex. Julius Caesar, Trib. Mil. B. c. 181. I I 5. L. Julius Caesar, Pr. B. c. 166. 6. Sex. Julius Caesar, Cos. B. c. 157. 7. Sex. Julius Caesar, Pr. B. c. 123. 8. L. Julius Caesar, married Popillia. I 1 9. L. Julius Caesar, Cos. B. c. 90, Cens. B. c. 89, married Fulvia. 11. L. Julius Caesar, 12. Julia, married Cos. B. C. 64. 1. M. Antonius, 1 2. P. Lentulus. 13. L. Julius Caesar, died B. c. 46. 10. C. Julius Caesar StraboVopiscus, Aed. cur. B. c, o0 14. C. Julius Caesar, the grandfather of the dictator, married Marcia. I I 15. C. Julius Caesar, Pr., married Aurelia. a -- - -"-"--~-I S6. Julia, married C. Marius. 17. Sex. Julius Caesar. Cos. B. c. 91. I b
Page 537 CAESAR. CAESAR. bal a b 18. C. JULIUS CAESAR, 19. Julia major, 20. Julia minor, the dictator, married married married M. 1. Cossutia. 1. L. Pinarius. Atius Balbus. 2. Cornelia. 2. Q. Pedius. 3. Pompeia. 4. Calpurnia. 21. Julia, married 22. Caesarion, a son 23. Sex. Julius Caesar, Cn. Pompeius. by Cleopatra. Flam. Quirin. 24. Sex. Julius Caesar, died B. c. 46. 1. SEX. JULIUS CAESAR, praetor B. c. 208, tory caused great joy at Rome; and the citizens obtained the province of Sicily. On his return he laid aside the military cloaks (saga), which they was one of the ambassadors sent to the consul T. had assumed at the beginning of the war. It was Quinctius Crispinus, after the death of the other not followed, however, by any important results: consul, Marcellus, to tell him to name a dictator, on the contrary, Caesar withdrew from Acerrae if he could not himself come to Rome to hold the almost immediately afterwards, without having comitia. (Liv. xxvii. 21, 22, 29.) relieved the town. Meantime, the other consul, 2. L. JULIUS CAESAR, grandfather of No. 6, as Rutilius Lupus, had been defeated and slain in we learn from the Capitoline Fasti. battle by Vettius Cato; and Caesar himself, while 3. L. JULIUS (CAESAR), probably son of No. 2, marching to Acerrae to make another attempt to praetor B. c. 183, had the province of Gallia Cis- raise the siege of tile town, was defeated with alpina, and was commanded to prevent the Trans- great loss by Marius Egnatius. (Appian, B. C. i. alpine Gauls, who had come into Italy, from build- 40-42, 45; Veil. Pat. ii. 15; Liv. Epit. 73; ing the town of Aquileia, which they had com- Plin. H. N. ii. 29. s. 30; Obsequ. c. 115; Cic. de menced. (Liv. xxxix. 45.) Div. i. 2, pro Font. 15, pro Plane. 21; Flor. iii. 4. SEX. JULIUS CAESAR, probably son of No. 2, 18. ~ 12; Oros. v. 18.) tribune of the soldiers, B. c. 181, in the army of These disasters, the fear of a war with Mithrithe proconsul L. Aemilius Paullus. In 170 he dates, and apprehension of a revolt of all the allies, was sent, as a legate, with C. Sempronius Blaesus induced Caesar to bring forward a law for granting to restore Abdera to liberty. (Liv. xl. 27, xliii. 4.) the citizenship to the Latins and the allies which 5. L. JULIUS (CAESAR), probably son of No. 3, had remained faithful. (Lex Julia de Civitate.) It praetor B. c. 166. (Liv. xlv. 44.) appears, however, to have contained a provision, 6. SEX. JULIUS SEX. F. L. N. CAESAR, curule giving each allied state the opportunity of acceptaedile B. c. 165, exhibited, in conjunction with his ing what was offered them; and many preferred colleague Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, the Hecyra of their original condition as federate states to incurTerence at the Megalesian games. (Titul. Hecyr. ring the obligations and responsibilities of Roman Ter.) He was consul in 157 with L. Aurelius citizens. (Cic. pro Balb. 8; Vell. Pat. ii. 16; Orestes. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3. s. 17; Polyb. xxxii. Gell. iv. 4.) 20;,Fast. Capit.) In the following year, B. c. 89, Caesar's com7. SEX. JULIUS CAESAR, probably son of No. 6, mand was prolonged. He gained a considerable praetor urbanus in B. c. 123. (Cic. pro Dom. 53; victory over the enemy, and afterwards proceeded ad Her. ii. 13.) to besiege Asculum, before which he died of dis8. L. JULIUS CAESAR, son of No. 6, and father ease, according to the statement of Appian. (B. C. of No. 9 (Fast. Cap.), married Popillia, who had i. 48.) This, however, is clearly a mistake: he been previously married to Q. Catulus. probably was obliged to leave the army in conse9. L. JULIus L. F. SEX. N. CAESAR, called quence of serious illness, and was succeeded in the erroneously by Appian, Sex. Julius Caesar, son of command by C. Baebius. He was censor in the No. 8, was consul, B. c. 90, with P. Rutilius Lupus, same year with P. Licinius Crassus (Cic. pro Arch. when the Social war broke out. His legates in 5; Plin. H. N. xiii. 3. s. 5, xiv. 14. s. 16; Festus, this war were Sulla, Crassus, P. Lentulus, T. Di- s. v. Referri), and was engaged in carrying into dius, and M. Marcellus. He commenced the cam- effect his own law and that of Silvanus and Carbo, paign by attacking the Samnites, but was defeated passed in this year, for conferring the citizenship by their general, Vettius Cato, and fled to Aeser- upon some of the other Italian allies. These citinia, which still remained faithful to the Romans. zens were enrolled in eight or ten new tribes, which Having, however, received a reinforcement of Gal- were to vote after the thirty-five old ones. (Aplic and Numidian auxiliaries, he was soon able to pian, B. C. i. 49; Vell. Pat. ii. 20.) face the enemy again, and pitched his camp near On the breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 87, Acerrae in Campania, which was besieged by the L. Caesar and his brother Caius, who were opposed enemy. Here a great number of the Numidians to Marius and Cinna, were killed by Fimbria. deserted, and Caesar, suspecting the fidelity of the (Appian, B. C. i. 72; Flor. iii. 21. ~ 14; Ascon. remainder, sent them back to Africa. Encouraged in Scaur. p. 24, ed. Orelli; Val. Max. ix. 2. ~ 2; Cic. by this defection, Papius Motulus, the general of de Orat. iii. 3, Tuscul. v. 19.) the enemy, proceeded to attack Caesar's camp, but 10. C. JULIUS L. F. SEX. N. CAESAR STRABO was repulsed with a loss of 6000 men. This vic- VoPIscUs (comp. Cic. Phil. xi. 5; Varro, R. R. i.
Page 538 538 CAESAR.* 7. ~ 10; Plin. IH. N. xvii. 3. s. 4), son of No. 8, and brother of No. 9. He commenced his public career in B. c. 103, when still young, by accusing T. Albucius, who had been praetor in Sicily, of extortion (repetundae) in that province: Cn. Pompeius Strabo, who had been quaestor to Albucius, wished to conduct the prosecution, but was obliged to give way to Caesar. Albucius was condemned, and the speech which Caesar delivered on this occasion was much admired, and was afterwards closely imitated by his great namesake, the dictator, in the speech which he delivered upon the appointment of an accuser against Dolabeila. (Suet. Caes. 55.) HIe was curule aedile in B. c. 90 in the consulship of his brother, and not in the following year, as some modern writers state; for we are told, that he was aedile in the tribuneship of C. Curio, which we know was in the year 90. In B. c. 88 he became a candidate for the consulship, without having been praetor, and was strongly supported by the aristocracy, and as strongly opposed by the popular party. This contest was, indeed, as Asconius states, one of the immediate causes of the civil war. The tribunes of the plebs, P. Sulpicius and P. Antistius, contended, and with justice, that Caesar could not be elected consul without a violation of the lex Annalis; but since he persevered in spite of their opposition, the tribunes had recourse to arms, and thus prevented his election. Shortly afterwards, Sulla entered Rome, and expelled the leaders of the popular party; but upon his departure to Greece to prosecute the war against Mithridates, Marius and Cinna obtained possession of the city (B. c. 87), and C. Caesar was put to death, together with his brother Lucius. It may be added, that C. Caesar was a member of the college of pontiffs. C. Caesar was regarded as one of the chief orators and poets of his age, and is introduced by Cicero as one of the speakers in the second book of his 1" De Oratore." Wit was the chief characteristic of Caesar's oratory, in which he was superior to all his contemporaries; but he was deficient in power and energy. His tragedies were distinguished by ease and polish, though marked by the same defects as his oratory. His contemporary Accius appears, from a story related by Valerius Maximus (iii. 7. ~ 11), to have regarded Caesar's poetry as very inferior to his own. The names of two of his tragedies are preserved, the "Adrastus" and "Tecmessa." (Orelli, Onomast. TelI. ii. p. 301, where all the passages of Cicero are quoted; Gell. iv. 6; Appian, B. C. i. 72; Val. Max. v. 3. ~ 3; Suet. Cal. 60; Vell. Pat. ii. 9. ~ 2. The fragments of his orations are given by Meyer, Orat. Roman. Fragom. p. 330, &c. Respecting his tragedies, see Welcker, Die Grieckisclhen Trqagidienz,p. 1398; and Weichert, Poet. Led. Rel. p. 127.) 11. L. JULIus L. F. L. N. CAESAR, son of No. 9, and uncle by his sister Julia of M. Antony the triumvir. He was consul B. c. 64 with C. Marcius Figulus, and belonged, like his father, to the aristocratical party. In the debate in the senate, in B. c. 63, respecting the punishment of the Catilinarian conspirators, he voted for the death of the conspirators, among whom was the husband of his own sister, P. Lentulus Sura. L. Caesar seems to have remained at Rome some years after his consulship without going to any province. In B.c. 52, we find him in Gaul, as legate to C. Caesar, afterwards the dictator. Hel:re he remained till the break CAESAR. ing out of the civil war in 49, when he accompanied C. Caesar into Italy. He took, however, no active part in the war; but it would appear that he deserted the aristocracy, for he continued to live at Rome, which was in the dictator's power, and he was even entrusted with the care of the city in 47 by his nephew M. Antony, who was obliged to leave Rome to quell the revolt of the legions in Italy. L. Caesar, however, was now advanced in years, and did not possess sufficient energy to keep the turbulent spirits at Rome in order: hence much confusion and contention arose during Antony's absence. After the death of the dictator in 44, L. Caesar preserved neutrality as far as possible, though he rather favoured the party of the conspirators than that of Antony. He retired from Rome soon after this event, and spent some time at Neapolis, where Cicero saw him, at the beginning of May, dangerously ill. From Neapolis he went to Aricia, and from thence returned to Rome in September, but did not take his seat in the senate, either on account, or under the plea, of ill-health. L. Caesar had expressed to Cicero at Neapolis his approbation of Dolabella's opposition to his colleague Antony; and as soon as the latter left Rome for Mutina, at the close of the year, he openly joined the senatorial party. It was on the proposal of L. Caesar, in B. c. 43, that the agrarian law of Antony was repealed; but he opposed the wishes of the more violent of his party, who desired war to be declared against Antony as an enemy of the state, and he carried a proposition in the senate that the contest should be called a " tumult," and not a war. In the same spirit, he proposed that P. Sulpicius, and not C. Cassius or the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, as the more violent of his party wished, should be entrusted with the war against Dolabella. His object then was to prevent matters coming to such extremities as to preclude all hopes of reconciliation; but, after the defeat of Antony in the middle of April, he was one of the first to express his opinion in favour of declaring Antony an enemy of the state. On the establishment of the triumvirate, at the latter end of this year, L. Caesar was included in the proscription; his name was the second in the list, and the first which was put down by his own uncle. He took refuge in the house of his sister, Julia, who with some difficulty obtained his pardon from her son. From this time we hear no more of him. He was not a man of much power of mind, but had some influence in the state through his family connexions and his position in society. (Orelli, Oniomast. Tull. ii. p. 314; Saill. Cat. 17; Dion Cass. xxxvii. 6, 10; Caes. B. G. vii. 65, B. C. i. 8; Dion Cass. xlii. 30; xlvii. 6, 8; Appian, B. C. iv. 12, 37; Plut. An4t. 19, Cic. 46; Liv. Epit. 120; Veil. Pat. ii. 57; Flor. iv. 6. ~ 4.) 12. JULIA, the daughter of No. 9, and sister of No. 11. [JULIA.] 13. L. JULIUS L. F. L. N. CAESAR, son of No. 11, with whom he is sometimes confounded by modern writers, though he is usually distinguished from his father by the addition to his name of filius or adolescens. On the breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 49, the younger L. Caesar joined the Pompeian party, although his father was Caesar's legate. It was probably for this reason, and on account of his family connexion with Caesar, that Pompey sent him with the praetor Iloscius to
Page 539 CAESAR. Caesar, who was then at Ariminum, with some proposals for peace. Although these did not amount to much, Caesar availed himself of the opportunity to send back by L. Caesar the terms on which he would withdraw from Italy. Cicero saw L. Caesar at Minturnae on his way back to Pompey, and whether he was jealous at not having been employed himself, or for some other reason, he speaks with the utmost contempt of Lucius, and calls him a bundle of loose broom-sticks (scopae solutae). Pompey sent him back again to the enemy with fresh proposals, but the negotiation, as is well known, came to nothing. (Caes. B. C. i. 8, 9, 10; Cic. ad Att. vii. 13,14,16; Dion Cass. xli. 5.) In the course of the same year (B.c. 49), L. Caesar repaired to Africa, and had the command of Clupea entrusted to him, which he deserted, however, on the approach of Curio from Sicily, who came with a large force to oppose the Pompeian party. (Caes. B. C. ii. 23; Dion Cass. xli. 41.) Three years afterwards (B. c. 46), we find L. Caesar serving as proquaestor to Cato in Utica. After the death of Cato, who committed his son to his care, he persuaded the inhabitants of Utica to surrender the town to the dictator, and to throw themselves upon his mercy. Lucius himself was pardoned by the dictator, according to the express statement of Hirtius, though other writers say that he was put to death by his order. It is certain that he was murdered shortly afterwards; but it was probably not the dictator's doing, as such an act would have been quite opposed to Caesar's usual clemency, and not called for by any circumstance. He probably fell a victim to the fury of the dictator's soldiers, who may have been exasperated against him by the circumstance mentioned by Suetonius. (Hirt. B. Afr. 88, 89; Plut. Cat. Min. 66; Cic. ad Farm. ix. 7; Dion Cass. xliii. 12; Suet. Caes. 75.) 14. C. JULIUS CAESAR, the grandfather of the dictator, as we learn from the Fasti. It is quite uncertain who the father of this Caius was. Drumann conjectures, that his father may have been a son of No. 4 and a brother of No. 6, and perhaps the C. Julius, the senator, who is said to have written a Roman history in Greek, about B. c. 143. (Liv. Epit. 53.) We know nothing more of the grandfather of the dictator, except that he married Marcia, whence his grandson traced his descent from the king Ancus Marcius. (Suet. Coes. 6.) It is conjectured by some writers, that the praetor Caesar, who died suddenly at Rome, is the same as the subject of the present notice. (Plin. H. N. vii. 53. s. 54.) 15. C. JULIUS CAESAR, the son of No. 14, and the father of the dictator, was praetor, though in what year is uncertain, and died suddenly at Pisae in B. c. 84, while dressing himself, when his son was sixteen years of age. The latter, in his curule aedileship, B. c. 65, exhibited games in his father's honour. (Suet. Caes. 1; Plin. H. N. vii. 53. s. 54, xxxiii. 3. s. 16.) His wife was Aurelia. [AURELIA.] 16. JULIA, daughter of No. 14. [JuLIA.] 17. SEX. JULIUS C. F. CAESAR, son of No. 14, and the uncle of the dictator, was consul in B.C. 91, just before the breaking out of the Social war. (Plin. H.N. ii. 83. s. 85, xxxiii. 3. s. 17; Eutrop. v. 3; Flor. iii. 18; Oros. v. 18; Obsequ. 114.) The name of his grandfather is wanting in the Capitoline Fasti, through a break in the stone; otherwise we might have been able to trace further back the CAESAR. 539 ancestors of the dictator. This Sex. Caesar must not be confounded, as he is by Appian (B.C. i. 40), with L. Julius Caesar, who was consul in B. c. 90, in the first year of the Social war. [See No. 9.] The following coin, which represents on the obverse the head of Pallas winged, and on the reverse a woman driving a two-horse chariot, probably belongs to this Caesar. 18. C. JULIUS C. F. C. N. CAESAR, the dictator, son of No. 15 and Aurelia, was born on the 12th of July, B. c. 100, in the consulship of C. Marius (VI.) and L. Valerius Flaccus, and was consequently six years younger than Pompey and Cicero. He had nearly completed his fifty-sixth year at the time of his murder on the 15th of March, B. c. 44. Caesar was closely connected with the popular party by the marriage of his aunt Julia with the great Marius, who obtained the election of his nephew to the dignity of flamen dialis, when he was only thirteen years of age. (B. c. 87.) Marius died in the following year; and, notwithstanding the murder of his own relations by the Marian party, and the formidable forces with which Sulla was preparing to invade Italy, Caesar attached himself to the popular side, and even married, in B. c. 83, Cornelia, the daughter of L. Cinna, one of the chief opponents of Sulla. He was then only seventeen years old, but had been already married to Cossutia, a wealthy heiress belonging to the equestrian order, to whom he had probably been betrothed by the wish of his father, who died in the preceding year. Caesar divorced Cossutia in order to marry Cinna's daughter; but such an open declaration in favour of the popular party provoked the anger of Sulla, who had returned to Rome in B. c. 82, and who now commanded him to put away Cornelia, in the same way as he ordered Pompey to divorce Antistia, and M. Piso his wife Annia, the widow of Cinna. Pompey and Piso obeyed, but the young Caesar refused to part with his wife, and was consequently proscribed, and deprived of his priesthood, his wife's dower, and his own fortune. His life was now in great danger, and he was obliged to conceal himself for some time in the country of the Sabines, till the Vestal virgins and his friends obtained his pardon from the dictator, who granted it with difficulty, and is said to have observed, when they pleaded his youth and insignificance, " that that boy would some day or another be the ruin of the aristocracy, for that there were many Mariuses in him." This was the first proof which Caesar gave of the resolution and decision of character which distinguished him throughout life. He now withdrew from Rome and went to Asia in B. C. 81, where he served his first campaign under M. Minucius Thermus, who was engaged in the siege of Mytilene, which was the only town in Asia that held out against the Romans after the conclusion of the first Mithridatic war. Thermus sent him to Nicomedes III. in Bithynia to fetch his fleet, and, on his return to the camp, he took part in the capture
Page 540 540 CAESAR. of Mytilene (n. c. 80), and was rewarded by the Roman general with a civic crown for saving the life of a fellow-soldier. He next served under P. Sulpicius, in Cilicia, in B. c. 78, but had scarcely entered upon the campaign before news reached him of the death of Sulla, whereupon he immediately returned to Rome. M. Aemilius Lepidus, the consul, had already attempted to rescind the acts of Sulla. He was opposed by his colleague Q. Catulus, and the state was once more in arms. This was a tempting opportunity for the leaders of the popular party to make an effort to recover their former power, and many, who were less sagacious and long-sighted than the youthful Caesar, eagerly availed themselves of it. But he saw that the time had not yet come; he had not much confidence in Lepidus, and therefore remained neutral. Caesar was now twenty-two years of age, and, according to the common practice of the times, he accused, in the following year (n. c. 77), Cn. Dolabella of extortion in his province of Macedonia. Cn. Dolabella, who had been consul in 81, belonged to Sulla's party, which was an additional reason for his being singled out by Caesar; but, for the same reason, he was defended by Cotta and Hortensius, and acquitted by the judges, who were now, in accordance with one of Sulla's laws, chosen from the senate. Caesar, however, gained great fame by this prosecution, and shewed that he possessed powers of oratory which bid fair to place him among the first speakers at Rome. The popularity he had gained induced him, in the following year (B. c. 76), at the request of the Greeks, to accuse C. Antonius (afterwards consul in B. c. 63) of extortion in Greece; but he too escaped conviction. To render himself still more perfect in oratory, he went to Rhodes in the winter of the same year, to study under Apollonius Molo, who was also one of Cicero's teachers; but in his voyage thither he was captured off Miletus, near the island of Pharmacusa, by pirates, with whom the seas of the Mediterranean then swarmed. In this island he was detained by them till he could obtain fifty talents from the neighbouring cities for his ransom. Immediately he had obtained his liberty, he manned some Milesian vessels, overpowered the pirates, and conducted them as prisoners to Pergamus, where he shortly afterwards crucified them-a punishment he had frequently threatened them with in sport when he was their prisoner. He then repaired to Rhodes, where he studied under Apollonius for a short time, but soon afterwards crossed over into Asia, on the outbreak of the Mithridatic war again in B. c. 74. Here, although he held no public office, he collected troops on his own authority, and repulsed the commander of the king, and then returned to Rome in the same year, in consequence of having been elected pontiff, in his absence, in the place of his uncle C. Aurelius Cotta. On his return to Rome, Caesar used every means to increase his popularity. His affable manners, and still more his unbounded liberality, won the hearts of the people. As his private fortune was not large, he soon had recourse to the usurers, who looked for repayment to the offices which he was sure to obtain from the people. It was about this time that the people elected him to the office of military tribune instead of his competitor, C. Popilius; but hlie probably served for only a short time, as he is CAESAR. not mentioned during the next three years (B. c. 73-71) as serving in any of the wars which were carried on at that time against Mithridates, Spartacus, and Sertorius. The year B. c. 70 was a memorable one, as some of Sulla's most important alterations in the constitution were then repealed. This was chiefly owing to Pompey, who was then consul with M. Crassus. Pompey had been one of Sulla's steady supporters, and was now at the height of his glory; but his great power had raised him many enemies among the aristocracy, and he was thus led to join to some extent the popular party. It was Pompey's doing that the tribunicial power was restored in this year; and it was also through his support that the law of L. Aurelius Cotta, Caesar's uncle, was carried, by which the judicia were taken away from the senate, who had possessed them exclusively for ten years, and were shared between the senate, equites, and tribuni aerarii. These measures were also strongly supported by Caesar, who thus came into close connexion with Pompey. He also spoke in favour of the Plotia lex for recalling from exile those who had joined M. Lepidus in B. c. 78, and had fled to Sertorius after the death of the latter. Caesar obtained the quaestorship in B. c. 68. In this year he lost his aunt Julia, the widow of Marius, and his own wife Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna. He pronounced orations over both of them in the forum, in which he took the opportunity of passing a panegyric upon the former leaders of the popular party. The funeral of his aunt produced a great sensation at Rome, as he caused the images of Marius, who had been declared an enemy of the state, to be carried in the procession: they were welcomed with loud acclamations by the people, who were delighted to see their former favourite brought, as it were, into public again. After the funeral of his wife, he went, as quaestor to Antistius Vetus, into the province of further Spain. On his return to Rome, in B. c. 67, Caesar married Pompeia, the daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus and Cornelia, the daughter of the dictator Sulla. This marriage with one of the Pompeian house was doubtless intended to cement his union still more closely with Pompey, who was now more favourably inclined than ever to the popular party. Caesar eagerly promoted all his views, and rendered him most efficient assistance; for he saw, that if the strength of the aristocracy could be broken by means of Pompey, he himself would soon rise to power, secure as he was of the favour of the people. He accordingly supported the proposal of the tribune Gabinius for conferring upon Pompey the command of the war against the pirates with unlimited powers: this measure was viewed with the utmost jealousy by the aristocracy, and widened still further the breach between them and Pompey. In the same year, Caesar was elected one of the superintendents of the Appian Way, and acquired fresh popularity by expending upon its repairs a large sum of money from his private purse. In the following year, B. c. 66, Caesar again assisted Pompey by supporting, along with Cicero, the Manilian law, by which the Mithridatic war was committed to Pompey. At the end of this year, the first Catilinarian conspiracy, as it is called, was formed, in which Caesar is said by' some writers to have taken an active part. But
Page 541 CAESAR. this is probably a sheer invention of his enemies in later times, as Caesar had already, through his favour with the people and his connexion with Pompey, every prospect of obtaining the highest offices in the state. He had been already elected to the curule aedileship, and entered upon the office in the following year (B. c. 65), with M. Bibulus as his colleague. It was usual for those magistrates who wished to win the affections of the people, to spend large sums of money in their aedileship upon the public games and buildings; but the aedileship of Caesar and Bibulus surpassed in magnificence all that had preceded it. Caesar was obliged to borrow large sums of money again; he had long since spent his private fortune, and, according to Plutarch, was 1300 talents in debt before he held any public office. Bibulus contributed to the expenses, but Caesar got almost all the credit, and his popularity became unbounded. Anxious to revive the recollection of the people in favour of the Marian party, he caused the statues of Marius and the representations of his victories in the Jugurthine and Cimbrian wars, which had been all destroyed by Sulla, to be privately restored, and placed at night in the Capitol. In the morning the city was in the highest state of excitement: the veterans and other friends of Marius cried with joy at the sight of his countenance again, and greeted Caesar with shouts of applause: the senate assembled, and Q. Catulus accused Caesar of a breach of a positive law; but the popular excitement was so great, that the senate dared not take any measures against him. He now attempted to obtain by a plebiscitum an extraordinary mission to Aegypt, with the view probably of obtaining money to pay off his debts, but was defeated in his object by the aristocracy, who got some of the tribunes to put their veto upon the measure. In B. c. 64 he was appointed to preside, in place of the praetor, as judex quaestionis, in trials for murder, and in that capacity held persons guilty of murder who had put any one to death in the proscriptions of Sulla, although they had been specially exempted from punishment by one of Sulla's laws. This he probably did in order to pave the way for the trial of C. Rabirius in the following year. He also took an active part in supporting the agrarian law of the tribune P. Servilius Rullus, which was brought forward at the close of B. c. 64, immediately after the tribunes entered upon their office. The provisions of this law were of such an extensive kind, and conferred such large and extraordinary powers upon the commissioners for distributing the lands, that Caesar could hardly have expected it to be carried; and he probably did not wish another person to obtain the popularity which would result from such a measure, although his position compelled him to support it. It was of course resisted by the aristocracy; and Cicero, who had now attached himself to the aristocratical party, spoke against it on the first day that he entered upon his consulship, the 1st of January, B. c. 63. The law was shortly afterwards dropped by Rullus himself. The next measure of the popular party was adopted at the instigation of Caesar. Thirty-six years before, in B. c. 100, L. Appuleius Saturninus, the tribune of the plebs, had been declared an enemy by the senate, besieged in the Capitol, and put to death when he was obliged to surrender through want of water. Caesar now induced the tribune CAESAR. 541 T. Atius Labienus to accuse C. Rabirius, an aged senator, of this crime. It was doubtless through no desire of taking away the old man's life that Caesar set this accusation afoot, but he wanted to frighten the senate from resorting to arms in future against the popular party, and to strengthen still further the power of the tribunes. Rabirius was accused of the crime of perduellio or treason against the state, a species of accusation which had almost gone out of use, and been supplanted by that of majestas. He was brought to trial before the duumviri perduellionis, who were usually appointed for this purpose by the comitia centuriata, but on the present occasion were nominated by the praetor. Caesar himself and his relative L. Caesar were the two judges; they forthwith condemned Rabirius, who according to the old law would have been hanged or hurled down from the Tarpeian rock. Rabirius, however, availed himself of his right of appealing to the people; Cicero spoke on his behalf; the people seemed inclined to ratify the decision of the duumvirs, when the meeting was broken up by the praetor Q. Metellus Celer removing the military flag which floated on the Janiculum. This was in accordance with an old law, which was intended to protect the comitia centuriata in the Campus Martins from being surprised by the enemy, when the territory of Rome scarcely extended beyond the boundaries of the city, and which was still maintained as a useful engine in the hands of the magistrates. Rabirius therefore escaped, and Caesar did not think it necessary to renew the prosecution, as the object for which it had been instituted had been already in great measure attained. Caesar next set on foot in the same year (B. c. 63) an accusation against C. Piso, who had been consul in B. c. 67, and afterwards had the government of the province of Gallia Narbonensis. Piso was acquitted, and became from this time one of Caesar's deadliest enemies. About the same time the office of pontifex maximus became vacant by the death of Q. Metellus Pius. The candidates for it were Q. Lutatius Catulus, Q. Servilius Isauricus, and Caesar. Catulus and Servilius had both been consuls, and were two of the most illustrious men in Rome, and of the greatest influence in the senate: but so great was Caesar's popularity, that Catulus became apprehensive as to his success, and fearing to be defeated by one so much his inferior in rank, station, and age, privately offered him large sums to liquidate his debts, if he would withdraw from the contest. Caesar, however, replied, that he would borrow still more to carry his election. He was elected on the sixth of March, and obtained more votes even in the tribes of his competitors than they had themselves. Shortly after this he was elected praetor for the following year. Then came the detection of Catiline's conspiracy. The aristocracy thought this a favourable opportunity to get rid of their restless opponent; and C. Piso and Q. Catulus used every means of persuasion, and even bribery, to induce Cicero to include him among the conspirators. That Caesar should both at the time and afterwards have been charged by the aristocracy with participation in this conspiracy, as he was in the former one of Catiline in B. c. 66, is nothing surprising; but there is no satisfactory evidence of his guilt, and we think it unlikely that he would have embarked in such a rash scheme.
Page 542 542 CAESAR. For though he would probably lhave had little scruple as to the means lie employed to obtain his ends, he was still no rash, reckless adventurer, who could only hope to rise in a general scramble for power: he now possessed unbounded influence with the people, and was sure of obtaining the consulship; and if his ambition had already formed loftier plans, he would have had greater reason to fear a loss than an increase of his power in universal anarchy. In the debate in the senate on the 5th of December respecting the punishment of the conspirators, Caesar, though he admitted their guilt, opposed their execution, and contended, in a very able speech, that it was contrary to the principles of the Roman constitution for the senate to put Roman citizens to death, and recommended that they should be kept in custody in the free towns of Italy. This speech made a great impression upon the senate, and many who had already given their opinion in favour of death began to hesitate; but the speech of M. Cato confirmed the wavering, and carried the question in favour of death. Cato openly charged Caesar as a party to the conspiracy, and as he left the senate-house his life was in danger from the Roman knights who guarded Cicero's person. The next year, B. c. 62, Caesar was praetor. On the very day that he entered upon his office, he brought a proposition before the people for depriving Q. Catulus of the honour of completing the restoration of the Capitol, which had been burnt down in B. c. 83, and for assigning this office to Pompey. This proposal was probably made more for the sake of gratifying Pompey's vanity, and humbling the aristocracy, than from any desire of taking vengeance upon his private enemy. As however it was most violently opposed by the aristocracy, Caesar did not think it advisable to press the motion. This, however, was a trifling matter; the state was soon almost torn asunder by the proceedings of the tribune Q. Metellus Nepos, the friend of Pompey. Metellus openly accused Cicero of having put Roman citizens to death without trial, and at length gave notice of a rogation for recalling Pompey to Rome with his army, that Roman citizens might be protected from being illegally put to death. Metellus was supported by the eloquence and influence of Caesar, but met with a most determined opposition from one of his colleagues, M. Cato, who was tribune this year. Cato put his veto upon the rogation; and when Metellus attempted to read it to the people, Cato tore it out of his hands; the whole forum was in an uproar; the two parties came to blows, but Cato eventually remained master of the field. The senate took upon themselves to suspend both Metellus and Caesar from their offices. Metellus fled to Pompey's camp; Caesar continued to administer justice, till the senate sent armed troops to drag him from his tribunal. Then he dismissed his lictors, threw away his praetexta, and hurried home. The senate, however, soon saw that they had gone too far. Two days after the people thronged in crowds to the house of Caesar, and offered to restore him to his dignity. He assuaged the tumult; the senate was summoned in haste, and felt it necessary to make concessions to its hated enemy. Some of the chief senators were sent to Caesar to thank him for his conduct on the occasion; he was invited to take his seat in the senate, loaded with praises, and restored to his CAESAR. office. It was a complete defeat of the aristocracy. But, not disheartened by this failure, they resolved to aim another blow at Caesar. Proceedings against the accomplices in Catiline's conspiracy were still going on, and the aristocracy got L. Vettius and Q. Curius, who had been two of the chief informers against the conspirators, to accuse Caesar of having been privy to it. But this attempt equally failed. Caesar called upon Cicero to testify that lie had of his own accord given him evidence respecting the conspiracy, and so complete was his triumph, that Curius was deprived of the rewards which had been voted him for having been the first to reveal the conspiracy, and Vettius was cast into prison. Towards the end of Caesar's praetorship, a circumstance occurred which created a great stir at the time. Clodius liad an intrigue with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, and had entered Caesar's house in disguise at the festival of the Bona Dea, at which men were not allowed to be present, and which was always celebrated at the house of one of the higher magistrates. He was detected and brought to trial; but though Caesar divorced his wife, he would not appear against Clodius, for the latter was a favourite with the people, and was closely connected with Caesar's party. In this year Pompey returned to Rome from the Mithridatic war, and quietly disbanded his army. At the expiration of his praetorship Caesar obtained the province of Further Spain, B. c. 61. But his debts had now become so great, and his creditors so clamorous for payment, that he was obliged to apply to Crassus for assistance before leaving Rome. This he readily obtained; Crassus became surety for him, as did also others of his friends; but these and other circumstances detained him so long that he did not reach his province till the summer. Hitherto Caesar's public career had been confined almost exclusively to political life; and he had had scarcely any opportunity of displaying that genius for war which has enrolled his name among the greatest generals of the world. He was now for the first time at the head of a regular army, and soon shewed that he knew how to make use of it. He commenced his campaign by subduing the mountainous tribes of Lusitania, which had plundered the country, took the town of Brigantium in the country of the Gallaeci, and gained many other advantages over the enemy. His troops saluted him as imperator, and the senate honoured him by a public thanksgiving. His civil reputation procured him equal renown, and he left the province with great reputation, after enriching both himself and his army. Caesar returned to Rome in the summer of the following year, B. c. 60, a little before the consular elections, without waiting for his successor. He laid claim to a triumph, and at thle same time wished to become a candidate for tile consulship. For the latter purpose, his presence in the city was necessary; but as he could not enter the city without relinquishing his triumph, he applied to the senate to be exempted from the usual law, and to become a candidate in his absence. As this, however, was strongly opposed' by the opposite party, Caesar at once relinquished his triumph, entered. the city, and became a candidate for the consulship. The other competitors were L. Lucceius and M. Calpurnius Bibulus: the former belonged to the popular party, but the
Page 543 CAESAR..CAESAR. 543 latter, who had been Caesar's colleague in the aedileship and praetorship, was a warm supporter of the aristocracy. Caesar's great popularity combined with Pompey's interest rendered his election certain; but that he might have a colleague of the opposite party, the aristocracy used immense exertions, and contributed large sums of money in order to carry the election of Bibulus. And they succeeded. Caesar and Bibulus were elected consuls. But to prevent Caesar from obtaining a province in which he might distinguish himself, the senate assigned as the provinces of the consuls-elect the care of the woods and of the public pastures. It was apparently after his election, and not previously as some writers state, that he entered into that coalition with Pompey and M. Crassus, usually known by the name of the first triumvirate. Caesar on his return to Rome had found Pompey more estranged than ever from the aristocracy. The senate had most unwisely opposed the ratification of Pompey's acts in Asia and an assignment of lands which he had promised to his veterans. For the conqueror of the east and the greatest man in Rome to be thus thwarted in his purpose, and not to have the power of fulfilling the promises which he had made to his Asiatic clients and his veteran troops, were insults which he would not brook; and all the less, because he might have entered Rome, as many of his enemies feared he intended, at the head of his army, and have carried all his measures by the sword. He was therefore quite ready to desert the aristocracy altogether, and to join Caesar, who promised to obtain the confirmation of his acts. Caesar, however, represented that they should have great difficulty in carrying their point unless they detached M. Crassus from the aristocracy, who by his position, connexions, and still more by his immense wealth, had great influence at Rome. Pompey and Crassus had for a long time past been deadly enemies; but they were reconciled by means of Caesar, and the three entered into an agreement to support one another, and to divide the power between themselves. This first triumvirate, as it is called, was therefore merely a private agreement between the three most powerful men at Rome; it was not a magistracy like the second; and the agreement itself remained a secret, till the proceedings of Caesar in his consulship shewed, that he was supported by a power against which it was in vain for his enemies to struggle. In B. c. 59, Caesar entered upon the consulship with M. Bibulus. His first proceeding was to render the senate more amenable to public opinion, by causing all its proceedings to be taken down and published daily. His next was to bring forward an agrarian law, which had been long demanded by the people, but which the senate had hitherto prevented from being carried. We have seen that the agrarian law of Rullus, introduced in B. c. 63, was dropped by its proposer; and the agrarian law of Flavius, which had been proposed in the preceding year (B. c. 60), had been successfully opposed by the aristocracy, although it was supported by the whole power of Pompey. The provisions of Caesar's agrarian law are not explicitly stated by the ancient writers, but its main object was to divide the rich Campanian land which was the property of the state among the poorest citizens, especially among those who had three or more children; and if the domain land was not sufficient for the object, more was to be purchased. The execution of the law was to be entrusted to a board of twenty commissioners. The opposition of the aristocratical party was in vain. Bibulus, indeed, declared before the people, that the law should never pass while he was consul; but Pompey and Crassus spoke in its favour, and the former declared, that he would bring both sword and buckler against those who used the sword. On the day on which the law was put to the vote, Bibulus, the three tribunes who opposed it, and all the other members of the aristocracy were driven out of the forum by force of arms: the law was carried, the commissioners appointed, and about 20,000 citizens, comprising of course a great number of Pompey's veterans, received allotments subsequently. On the day after Bibulus had been driven out of the forum, he summoned the senate, narrated to them the violence which had been employed against him, and called upon them to support him, and declare the law invalid; but the aristocracy was thoroughly frightened; not a word was said in reply; and Bibulus, despairing of being able to offer any further resistance to Caesar, shut himself up in his own house, and did not appear again in public till the expiration of his consulship. In his retirement he published "Edicts" against Caesar, in which he protested against the legality of his measures, and bitterly attacked his private and political character. It was about this time, and before the agrarian law had been passed, that Caesar united himself still more closely to Pompey by giving him his daughter Julia in marriage, although she had been already betrothed to Servilius Caepio. Caesar himself, at the same time, married Calpurnia, the daughter of L. Piso, who was consul in the following year. By his agrarian law Caesar had secured to himself more strongly than ever the favour of the people; his next step was to gain over the equites, who had rendered efficient service to Cicero in his consulship, and had hitherto supported the aristocratical party. An excellent opportunity now occurred for accomplishing this object. In their eagerness to obtain the farming of the public taxes in Asia, the equites, who had obtained the contract, had agreed to pay too large a sum, and had accordingly petitioned the senate in B. c. 61 for more favourable terms. This, however, had been opposed by Metellus Celer, Cato, and others of the aristocracy; and Caesar therefore now brought forward a bill in the comitia to relieve the equites from one-third of the sum which they had agreed to pay. This measure, which was also supported by Pompey, was carried. Caesar next obtained the confirmation of Pompey's acts; and having thus gratified the people, the equites, and Pompey, he was easily able to obtain for himself the provinces which he wished. The senate, as we have seen, had previously assigned him the care of the woods and the public pastures as his province, and he therefore got the tribune Vatinius to propose a bill to the people, granting to him the provinces of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum with three legions for five years. This was of course passed; and the senate added to his government the province of Transalpine Gaul, with another legion, for five years also, as they plainly saw that a bill would be proposed to the people for that purpose, if they did not grant the province themselves.
Page 544 544 CAESAR. It is not attributing any great foresight to Caesar to suppose, that he already saw that the struggle between the different parties at Rome must eventually be terminated by the sword. The same causes were still in operation which had led to the civil wars between Marius and Sulla, which Caesar had himself witnessed in his youth; and he must have been well aware that the aristocracy would not hesitate to call in the assistance of the sword if they should ever succeed in detaching Pompey from his interests. It was therefore of the first importance for him to obtain an army, which he might attach to himself by victories and rewards. But he was not dazzled by the wealth of Asia to obtain a command in the East, for he would then have been at too great a distance from Rome, and would gradually have lost much of his influence in the city. He therefore wisely chose the Gallic provinces, as he would thus be able to pass the winter in the north of Italy, and keep up his communication with the city, while the disturbed state of Further Gaul promised him sufficient materials for engaging in a series of wars, in which he might employ an army that would afterwards be devoted to his purposes. In addition to these considera"tions, Caesar was doubtless actuated by the desire of finding a field for the display of those military talents which his campaign in Spain shewed that he possessed, and also by the ambition of subduing for ever that nation which had once sacked Rome, and which had been, from the earliest times, more or less an object of dread to the Roman state. The consuls of the following year (B. c. 58), L. Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius, were devoted to Caesar's interests; but among the praetors, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Memmius attempted to invalidate the acts of Caesar's consulship, but without success. Caesar remained a short time in the city, to see the result of this attempt, and then left Rome, but was immediately accused in his absence by the tribune Antistius. This accusation, however, was dropped; and all these attempts against Caesar were as ill-advised as they were fruitless, since they only shewed more strongly than ever the weakness of his adversaries. But although Caesar had left Rome, he did not go straight to his province; he remained with his army three months before Rome, to support Clodius, who had passed over from the patricians to the plebs in the previous year, was now tribune, and had resolved upon the ruin of Cicero. Towards the latter end of April, Cicero went into exile without waiting for his trial, and Caesar then proceeded forthwith into his province. During the next nine years Caesar was occupied with the subjugation of Gaul. In this time he conquered the whole of Transalpine Gaul, which had hitherto been independent of the Romans, with the exception of the part called Provincia; he twice crossed the Rhine, and carried the terror of the Roman arms across that river, and he twice landed in Britain, which had been hitherto unknown to the Romans. To give a detailed account of these campaigns would be impossible in the limits of this work; we can only offer a very brief sketch of the principal events of each year. Caesar left Rome, as has been already remarked, towards the latter end of April, and arrived at Geneva in eight days. His first campaign was against the Helvetii, a powerful Gallic people situated to the north of the lake of Geneva, and be CAESAR. tween the Rhine and mount Jura. He had heard before leaving Rome that this people had intended to migrate from their country into Western or Southern Gaul, and he had accordingly made all the more haste to leave the city. There were only two roads by which the Helvetii could leave their country-one across mount Jura into the country of the Sequani (Franche Comte), and the other across the Rhone by the bridge of Geneva, and then through the northern part of the Roman province. Since the latter was by far the easier of the two, they marched towards Geneva, and requested permission to pass through the Roman province; but, as this was refused by Caesar, and they were unable to force a passage. they proceeded northwards, and, through the mediation of Dumnorix, an Aeduan, obtained permission from the Sequani to march through their country. Caesar, apprehending great danger to the Roman province in Gaul, from the settlement of the Helvetii in its immediate neighbourhood, resolved to use every effort to prevent it. But having only one legion with him, he hastened back into Cisalpine Gaul, summoned from their winter quarters the three legions at Aquileia, levied two new ones, and with these five crossed the Alps, and came into the country of the Segusiani, the first independent people north of the province, near the modern town of Lyons. When he arrived there, he found that the Helvetii had passed through the country of the Sequani, and were now plundering the territories of the Aedui. Three out of their four clans had already crossed the Arar (Saone), but the fourth was still on the eastern side of the river. This clan, called Tigurinus, was unexpectedly surprised by Caesar, and cut to pieces. He then threw a bridge across the Arar, and went in pursuit of the enemy. His progress, however, was somewhat checked by the defeat, a day or two afterwards, of the whole body of his cavalry, 4000 in number, levied in the province and among the Aedui, by 500 Helvetian horsemen. He therefore followed them more cautiously for some days, and at length fought a pitched battle with them near the town "of Bibracte (Autun). The battle lasted from about mid-day to sunset, but the Helvetii, after a desperate conflict, were at length defeated with great slaughter. After resting his troops for three days, Caesar went in pursuit of the enemy. Unable to offer any further resistance, they surrendered unconditionally to his mercy, and were by him commanded to return: to their former homes. When they left their native country, their number was 368,000, of whom 92,000 were fighting-men; but upon returning to Helvetia, their number was found to have been reduced to 110,000 persons. This great victory soon raised Caesar's fame among the various tribes of the Gauls, who now sent embassies to congratulate him on his success, and to solicit his aid. Among others, Divitiacus, one of the most powerful of the Aeduan chiefs, informed Caesar that Ariovistus, a German king, had been invited by the Arverni and Sequani to come to their assistance against the Aedui, between whom and the Arverni there had long been a struggle for the supremacy in Gaul. He further stated, that not only had the Aedui been again and again defeated by Ariovistus, but that the German king had seized upon a great part of the land of the Sequani, and was still bringing over fresh swarms of Germans to settle in the Gallic
Page 545 CAESAR. country. In consequence of these representations, Caesar commanded Ariovistus, who had received the title of king and friend of the Roman people in Caesar's own consulship, to abstain from introducing any more Germans into Gaul, to restore the hostages to the Aedui, and not to attack the latter or their allies. But as a haughty answer was returned to these commands, both parties prepared for war. Caesar advanced northwards through the country of the Sequani, and took possession of Vesontio (Besancon), an important town on the Dubis (Doubs), and some days afterwards fought a decisive battle with Ariovistus, who suffered a total defeat, and fled with the remains of his army to the Rhine, a distance of fifty miles. Only a very few, and among the rest Ariovistus himself, crossed the river; the rest were cut to pieces by the Roman cavalry. [ARIOVISTUS.] Having thus completed two very important wars in one summer, Caesar led his troops into their quarters for the winter early in the autumn, where he left them under the command of Labienus, while he himself went into Cisalpine Gaul to attend to his civil duties in the province. The following year, a. c. 57, was occupied with the Belgic war. Alarmed at Caesar's success, the various Belgic tribes, which dwelt between the Sequana (Seine) and the Rhine, and were the most warlike of all the Gauls, had entered into a confederacy to oppose Caesar, and had raised an army of 300,000 men. Caesar meantime levied two new legions in Cisalpine Gaul, which increased his army to eight legions; but even this was but a small force compared withl the overwhelming numbers of the enemy. Caesar was the first to open the campaign by marching into the country of the Remi, who submitted at his approach, and entered into alliance with him. He then crossed the Axona (Aisne), and pitched his camp on a strong position on the right bank. But, in order to make a diversion, and to separate the vast forces of the enemy, he sent Divitiacus with the Aedui to attack the country of the Bellovaci from the west. The enemy had meantime laid siege to Bibrax (Bievre), a town of the Remi, hut retired when Caesar sent troops to its assistance. They soon, however, began to suffer from want of provisions, and hearing that Divitiacus was approaching the territories of the Bellovaci, they came to the resolution of breaking up their vast army, and retiring to their own territories, where each people could obtain provisions and maintain themselves. This determination was fatal to them: together they might possibly have conquered; but once separated, they had no chance of contending against the powerful Roman army. Hitherto Caesar had remained in his entrenchments, but he now broke up from his quarters, and resumed the offensive. The Suessiones, the Bellovaci, and Ambiani were subdued in succession, or surrendered of their own accord; but a more formidable task awaited him when he came to the Nervii, the most warlike of all the Belgic tribes. In their country, near the river Sabis (Sambre), the Roman army was surprised by the enemy while engaged in marking out and fortifying the camp. This part of the country was surrounded by woods, in which the Nervii had concealed themselves; and it seems, as Napoleon has remarked, that Caesar was on this occiasion guilty of great inmprudence in not having explored the country properly, as he vwas well pro CAESAR. 545 vided with light armed troops. The attack of the Nervii was so unexpected, and the surprise so complete, that before the Romans could form in rank, the enemy was in their midst: the Roman soldiers began to give way, and the battle seemed entirely lost. Caesar used every effort to amend his first error; he hastened from post to post, freely exposed his own person in the first line of the battle, and discharged alike the duties of a brave soldier and an able general. His exertions and the discipline of the Roman troops at length triumphed; and the Nervii were defeated with such immense slaughter, that out of 60,000 fighting-men only 500 remained in the state. The Aduatici, who were on their march to join the Nervii, returned to their own country when they heard of Caesar's victory, and shut themselves up in one of their towns, which was of great natural strength, perhaps on the hill called at present Falais. Caesar marched to the place, and laid siege to it; but when the barbarians saw the military engines approaching the walls, they surrendered to Caesar. In the night, however, they attempted to surprise the Roman camp, but, being repulsed, paid dearly for their treachery; for on the following day Caesar took possession of the town, and sold all -the inhabitants as slaves, to the number of 53,000, At the same time he received intelligence that the VYoneti, Unelli, and various other states in the north-west of Gaul, had submitted to M. Crassus, whom he had sent against them with one legion. Having thus subjugated the whole of the north of Gaul, Caesar led his troops into winter-quarters in the country of the Carnutes, Andes, and Turones, people near the Ligeris (Loire), in the central parts of Gaul, and then proceeded himself to Cisalpine Gaul. When the senate received the despatches of Caesar announcing this victory, they decreed a public thanksgiving of fifteen days-a distinction which had never yet been granted to any one: the thanksgiving in Pompey's honour, after the Mithridatic war, had lasted for ten days, and that was the longest that had hitherto been decreed. At the beginning of the following year, B. c. 56, which was Caesar's third campaign in Gaul, he was detained some months in Italy by the state of affairs at Rome. There had been a misunderstanding between Pompcy and Crassis; and L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who had become a candidate for the consulship, threatened to deprive Caesar of his army and provinces., Caesar accordingly invited Pompey and Crassus to come to him at Luca (Lucca), where he reconciled them to one another, and arranged that they should be the consuls for the following year, and that Crassus should have the province of Syria, and Pompey the two Spains. They on their part agreed to obtain the prolongation of Caesar's government for five years more, and pay for his troops out of the public treasury. It was not through any want of money that Caesar made the latter stipulation, for he had obtained immense booty in his two campaigns in Gaul; but so corrupt was the state of society at Rome, that he knew it would be difficult for him to retain his present position unless he was able to bribe the people and the leading men in the city. The money which he had acquired in his Gallic wars was therefore freely expended in,carrying the elections of those candidates for public offices who would support his interests, and also in pre2N
Page 546 546 CAESAR. sents to the senators and other influential men who flocked to him at Luca to pay him their respects and share in his liberality. He held almost a sort of court at Luca: 200 senators waited upon him, and so many also that were invested with public offices, that 120 lictors were seen in the streets of the town. After settling the affairs of Italy, Caesar proceeded to his army at the latter end of the spring of B. c. 56. During his absence, a powerful confederacy had been formed against him by the maritime states in the north-west of Gaul. Many of these had submitted to P. Crassus in the preceding year, alarmed at Caesar's victories over the Belgians; but, following the example of the Veneti in Bretagne, they had now all risen in arms against the Romans. Fearing a general insurrection of all Gaul, Caesar thought it advisable to divide his army and distribute it in four different parts of the country. He himself, with the main body and the fleet which he had caused to be built on the Ligeris, undertook the conduct of the war against the Veneti; while he sent T. Titurius Sabinus with three legions into the country of the Unelli, Curiosolitae, and Lexovii (Normandy). Labienus was despatched eastwards with a cavalry force into the country of the Treviri, near the Rhine, to keep down the Belgians and to prevent the Germans from crossing that river. Crassus was sent with twelve legionary cohorts and a great number of cavalry into Aquitania, to prevent the Basque tribes in the south of Gaul from joining the Veneti. The plan of the campaign was laid with great skill, and was crowned with complete success. The Veneti, after suffering a great naval defeat, were obliged to surrender to Caesar, who treated them with merciless severity in order to strike terror into the surrounding tribes: he put all the senators to death, and sold the rest of the people as slaves. About the same time, Titurius Sabinus conquered the Veneti and the surrounding people; and Crassus, though with more difficulty, the greater part of Aquitania. The presence of Labienus, and the severe defeats they had experienced in the preceding year, seem to have deterred the Belgians from any attempt at revolt. Although the season was far advanced, Caesar marched against the Morini and Menapii (in the neighbourhood of Calais and Boulogne), as they were the only people in Gaul that still remained in arms. On his approach, they retired into the woods, and the rainy season coming on, Caesar was obliged to lead his troops into winter-quarters. IHe accordingly recrossed the Sequana (Seine), and stationed his soldiers for the winter in Normandy in the country of the Aulerci and Lexovii. Thus, in three campaigns, Caesar may be said to have conquered the whole of Gaul; but the spirit of the people was not yet broken. They therefore made several attempts to recover their independence; and it was not till their revolts had been again and again put down by Caesar, and the flower of the nation had perished in battle, that. they learnt to submit to the Roman yoke. In the next year, B. c. 55, Pompey and Crassus were consuls, and proceeded to carry into execution the arrangement which had been entered into at Luca. They experienced, however, more opposition than they had anticipated: the aristocracy, headed by Cato, threw every obstacle in their way, but was unable to prevent the two bills proposed by the tribune Trebonius from being carried, one of which CAESAR. assigned the provinces of the Spains and Syria to the consuls Pompey and Crassus, and the other prolonged Caesar's provincial government for five additional years. By the law of Vatinius, passed in B. C. 59, Gaul and Illyricum were assigned to Caesar for five years, namely, from the 1st of January, B. c. 58 to the end of December, B. c. 54; and now, by the law of Trebonius, the provinces were continued to him for five years more, namely, from the 1st of January, B. c. 53 to the end of the year 49. In B. c. 55, Caesar left Italy earlier than usual, in order to make preparations for a war with the Germans. This was his fourth campaign in Gaul. The Gauls had suffered too much in the last three campaigns to make any further attempt against the Romans at present; but Caesar's ambition would not allow him to be idle. Fresh wars must be undertaken and fresh victories gained to keep him in the recollection of the people, and to employ his troops in active service. Two German tribes, the Usipetes and the Tenchtheri, had been driven out of their own country by the Suevi, and had crossed the Rhine, at no great distance from its mouth, with the intention of settling in Gaul. This, however, Caesar was resolved to prevent, and accordingly prepared to attack them. The Germans opened negotiations with him, but while these were going on, a body of their cavalry attacked and defeated Caesar's Gallic cavalry, which was vastly superior in numbers. On the next day, all the German chiefs came into Caesar's camp to apologize for what they had done; but, instead of accepting their excuse, Caesar detained them, and straightway led out his troops to attack the enemy. Deprived of their leaders, and taken by surprise, the Germans after a feeble resistance took to flight, and were almost all destroyed by the Roman cavalry. The remainder fled to the confluence of the Mosa (Meuse) and the Rhine, but few crossed the river in safety. To strike terror into the Germans, Caesar resolved to cross the Rhine. In ten days he built a bridge of boats across the river, probably in the neighbourhood of Cologne, and, after spending eighteen days on the eastern side of the river, and ravaging the country of the Sigambri, lie returned to Gaul and broke down the bridge. Although the greater part of the summer was now gone, Caesar resolved to invade Britain. His object in undertaking this expedition at such a late period of the year was more to obtain some knowledge of the island from personal observation, than with any view to permanent conquest at present. He accordingly took with him only two legions, with which he sailed from the port Itius (probably Witsand, between Calais and Boulogne), and effected a landing somewhere near the South Foreland, after a severe struggle with the natives. Several of the British tribes hereupon sent offers of submission to Caesar; but, in consequence of the loss of a great part of the Roman fleet a few days afterwards, they took up arms again. Being however defeated, they again sent offers of submission to Caesar, who simply demanded double the number of hostages he had originally required, as he was anxious to return to Gaul before the season should be further advanced. He did not, therefore, wait for the hostages, but commanded them to be brought to him in Gaul. On his return, he punished the Morini, who had revolted in his absence; and, after leading his troops into winter
Page 547 CAESAR. quarters among the Belgians, repaired, as usual, to the north of Italy. Caesar had not gained any victories in this campaign equal to those of the three former years; but his victories over the Germans and far-distant Britons were probably regarded by the Romans with greater admiration than his conquests of the Gauls. The senate accordingly voted him a public thanksgiving of twenty days, notwithstanding the opposition of Cato, who declared, that Caesar ought to be delivered up to the Usipetes and Tenchtheri, to prevent the gods from visiting upon Rome his violation of the law of nations in seizing the sacred persons of ambassadors. The greater part of Caesar's fifth campaign, n. c. 54, was occupied with his second invasion of Britain. After making an expedition into Illyricum, and afterwards into the country of the Treviri, who had shewn a disposition to revolt, he set sail from the port Itius with an army of five legions, and landed without opposition at the same place as in the former year. The British states had entrusted the supreme command to Cassivellaunus, a chief whose territories were divided from the maritime states by the river Tamesis (Thames). The Britons bravely opposed the progress of the invaders, but were defeated in a series of engagements. Caesar crossed the Thames at the only place where it was fordable, took the town of Cassivellaunus, and conquered great part of the counties of Essex and Middlesex. In consequence of these disasters, Cassivellaunus sued for peace; and, after demanding hostages, and settling the tribute which Britain should pay yearly to the Roman people, Caesar returned to Gaul towards the latter part of the summer. Caesar gained no more by his second invasion of Britain than by his first. He had penetrated, it is true, further into the country, but he had left no garrisons or military establishments behind him; and the people obeyed the Romans just as little afterwards as they had done before. In consequence of the great scarcity of corn in Gaul, arising from a drought this year, Caesar was obliged, contrary to his practice in former years, to divide his forces, and station his legions for the winter in different parts of Gaul. This seemed to the Gauls a favourable opportunity for recovering their lost independence, and destroying their conquerors. The Eburones, a Gallic people between the Meuse and the Rhine, near the modern Tongres, led on by their chiefs, Ambiorix and Cativolcus, were the first to begin the revolt, and attacked the camp of the legion and five cohorts under the command of T. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta, only fifteen days after they had been stationed in their country. Alarmed at the vast hosts which surrounded them, and fearing that they should soon be attacked by the Germans also, the Romans quitted their camp, with the intention of marching to the winter-quarters of the legions nearest them under promise of a safe-conduct from Ambiorix. This step was taken by Sabinus against the wish of Cotta, who mistrusted the good faith of Ambiorix. The result verified his fears: the Romans were attacked on their march by Ambiorix, and were destroyed almost to a man. This was the first serious disaster that Caesar had experienced in Gaul. Flushed with victory, Ambiorix and the Eburones now proceeded to attack the camp of Q. Cicero, the brother of the orator, who was stationed with one legion among the Nervii. The CAESAR. 547 latter people and the Aduatici readily joined the Eburones, and Cicero's camp was soon surrounded by an overwhelming host. Seconded by the bravery of his soldiers, Cicero, though in a weak state of health, repulsed the enemy in all their attempts to storm the camp, till he was at length relieved by Caesar in person, who came to his assistance with two legions, as soon as he heard of the dangerous position of his legate. The forces of the enemy, which amounted to 60,000, were defeated by Caesar, who then joined Cicero, and praised him and his men for the bravery they had shewn. In consequence of the unsettled state of Gaul, Caesar resolved to remain with his army all the winter, and accordingly took up his quarters at Samarobriva (Amiens). About the same time, Indutiomarus, a chief of the Treviri, attempted to form a confederacy against the Romans, but was attacked and killed by Labienus, who was stationed in the country of the Treviri. In September of this year, B. c. 54, Julia, Caesar's daughter and Pompey's wife, died in childbirth; but her death did not at the time affect the relations between Caesar and Pompey. In order, however, to keep up a family connexion between them, Caesar proposed that his niece Octavia, tho wife of C. Marcellus and the sister of the future emperor Augustus, should marry Pompey, and that he himself should marry Pompey's daughter, who was now the wife of Faustus Sulla. This proposal, however, was declined, but for what reason we are not told. In the next year, B. c. 53, which was Caesar's sixth campaign in Gaul, the Gauls again took up arms, and entered into a most formidable conspiracy to recover their independence. The destruction of the Roman troops under Sabinus and Cotta, and the unsettled state of Gaul during the winter, had led Caesar to apprehend a general rising of the natives; and he had accordingly levied two new legions in Cisalpine Gaul, and obtained one from Pompey, who was remaining in the neighbourhood of Rome as proconsul with the imperium. Being thus at the head of a powerful army, he was able to subdue the nations that revolted, and soon compelled the Nervii, Senones, Carnutes, Menapii, and Treviri to return to obedience. But as the Treviri had been supported by the Germans, he crossed the Rhine again a little above the spot where he had passed over two years before, and having received the submission of the Ubii, proceeded to march into the country of the Suevi. The latter people, however, retired to their woods and fastnesses as he advanced; and, finding it impossible to come up with the enemy, he again recrossed the Rhine, having effected as little as in his previous invasion of the country. On his return, he made a vigorous effort to put down Ambiorix, who still continued in arms. The country of the Eburones was laid waste with fire and sword; the troops of Ambiorix were again and again defeated, but he himself always escaped falling into the hands of the Romans. In the midst of this war, when the enemy were almost subdued, Cicero's camp was surprised by a body of the Sigambri, who had crossed the Rhine, and was almost taken. At the conclusion of the campaign, Caesar prosecuted a strict inquiry into the revolt of the Senones and Carnutes, and caused Acco, who had been the chief ringleader in the conspiracy, to be put to death. He then stationed his troops for the winter among 2N2
Page 548 548 CAESAR. the Treviri, Lingones, and Senones, and departed to Cisalpine Gaul. Upon Caesar's arrival in Cisalpine Gaul, he heard of the death of Clodius, who was killed by nMilo at the latter end of January, B. c. 52. This event was followed by tumults, which rent both Rome and Italy asunder; and it was currently reported in Gaul that Caesar could not possibly leave Italy under these circumstances. The unsuccessful issue of last year's revolt had not yet damped the spirits of the Gauls; the execution of Acco had frightened all the chiefs, as every one feared that his turn might come next; the hatred of the Roman yoke was intense; and thus all the materials were ready for a general conflagration. It was first set alight by the Carnutes, and in an incredibly short time it spread from country to country, till almost the whole of Gaul was in lames. Even the Aedui, who had been hitherto the faithful allies of the Romans, and had assisted them in all their wars, subsequently joined the general revolt. At the head of the insurrection was Vercingetorix, a young man of noble family belonging to the Arverni, and by far the ablest general that Caesar had yet encountered. Never before had the Gauls been so united: Caesar's conquests of the last six years seemed to be now entirely lost. The war, therefore, of this year, B. c. 52, was by far the most arduous that Caesar had yet carried on; but his genius triumphed over every obstacle, and rendered it the most brilliant of all. It was in the depth of winter when the news of this revolt reached Caesar, for the Roman calendar was now nearly three months in advance of the real time of the year. Caesar would gladly have remained in Italy to watch the progress of events at Rome; but not merely were his hard-won conquests at stake, but also his army, the loss of which would have ruined all his prospects for the future. He was therefore compelled to leave Rome in Pompey's power, and set out to join his army. It was, however, no easy matter to reach his troops, as the intermediate country was in the hands of the enemy, and he could not order them to come to him without exposing them to be attacked on their march. Having provided for the safety of the province in Transalpine Gaul, he resolved to surprise the enemy by crossing the Cebenna and descending into the country of the Arverni (Auvergne). With the forces already in the province, and with those which he had himself brought from Italy, he effected a passage over these mountains, though it was the depth of winter, and the snow lay six feet on the ground. The Arverni, who looked upon these mountains as an impregnable fortress, had made no preparations to resist Caesar, and accordingly sent to Vercingetorix to pray him to come to their assistance. This was what Caesar had anticipated: his only object was to direct the attention of the enemy to this point, while he himself stole away to his legions. He accordingly remained only two days among the Arverni, and leaving his troops there in command of D. Brutus, he arrived by rapid journeys in the country of the Lingones, where two of his legions were stationed, ordered the rest to join him, and had assembled his whole army before Vercingetorix heard of his arrival in that part of the country. He lost no time in attacking the chief towns in the hands of the enemy. Vellaunoduunum (in the country of ChIteau-Landon), Genaburn (Orlians), and CAESAR. Noviodunum (Nouan, between Orleans and Bourges), fell into his hands without difficulty. Alarmed at Caesar's rapid progress, Vercingetorix persuaded his countrymen to lay waste their country and destroy their towns, that Caesar might be deprived of all sustenance and quarters for his troops. This plan was accordingly carried into effect; but Avaricum (Bourges), the chief town of the Bituriges, and a strongly fortified place, was spared from the general destruction, contrary to the wishes of Vern cingetorix. This town Caesar accordingly laid siege to, and, notwithstanding the heroic resistance of the Gauls, it was at length taken, and all the inhabitants, men, women, and children, were indiscriminately butchered by the Roman soldiery. Caesar now divided his army into two parts: one division, consisting of four legions, he sent under the command of T. Labienus against the Senones and Parisii; the other, comprising six legions, lhe led himself into the country of the Arverni, and with them laid siege to Gergovia (near Clermont). The revolt of the Aedui shortly afterwards compelled him to raise the siege, but not until he had received a severe repulse in attempting to storm the town. Meantime, the Aedui had taken Noviodunum, in which Caesar had placed all his stores; and, as his position had now become very critical, he hastened northwards to join Labienus in the country of the Senones. By rapid marches he eluded the pursuit of the enemy, crossed the Ligeris (Loire), and joined Labienus in safety. The revolt of the Aedui inspired fresh courage in the Gauls, and Vercingetorix soon found himself at the head of a much larger army than he liad hitherto commanded. Fearing now for the safety of the province, Caesar began to march southwards through the country of the Lingones into that of the Sequani. The Gauls followed him in vast numbers, and attacked him on his march. After an obstinate engagement, in which Caesar is said to have lost his sword, the Gallic cavalry were repulsed by the German horse whom Caesar had procured from beyond the Rhine. Thereupon, Vercingetorix led off his infantry, and retreated towards Alesia (Alise in Burgundy, between Semnur and Dijon), whither he was pursued by Caesar. After dismissing his cavalry, Vericingetorix shut himself up in the town, which was considered impregnable, and resolved to wait for succours from his countrvymen. Caesar immediately laid siege to the place, and drew lines of circumvallation around it. The Romans, however, were in their turn soon surrounded by a vast Gallic army, which had assembled to raise the siege. The Roman army was thus placed in imminent peril, and in no instance in Caesar's whole life was his military genius so conspicuous. He was between two great armies: Vercingetorix had 70,000 men in Alesia, and the Gallic army without consisted of between 250,000 and 300,000 men. Still, he would not raise the siege. He prevented Vercingetorix from breaking through the lines, entirely routed the Gallic army without, and finally compelled Alesia to surrender. Vercingetorix himself thus fell into his hands. The fall of Alesia was followed by the submission of the Aedui and Arverni. Caesar then led his troops into winter-quarters, and resolved to pass the winter himself at Bibracte, in the country of the Aedui. After receiving Caesar's despatches, the senate voted him a public thanksgiving of twenty days, as in the year 55.
Page 549 CAESAR. The victories of the preceding year had determined the fate of Gaul; but many states still remained in arms, and entered into fresh conspiracies during the winter. The next year, B. c. 51, Caesar's eighth campaign in Gaul, was occupied in the reduction of these states, into the particulars of which we need not enter. It is sufficient to say, that he conquered in succession the Carnutes, the Bellovaci, and the Armoric states in western Gaul, took Uxellodunum, a town of the Cadurci (Cahors), and closed the campaign by the reduction of Aquitania. He then led his troops into winterquarters, and passed the winter at Nemetocenna in Belgium. He here employed himself in the pacification of Gaul; and, as he already saw that his presence would soon be necessary in Italy, he was anxious to remove all causes for future wars. He accordingly imposed no new taxes, treated the states with honour and respect, and bestowed great presents upon the chiefs. The experience of the last two years had taught the Gauls that they had no hope of contending successfully against Caesar; and as he now treated them with mildness, they were the more readily induced to submit patiently to the Roman yoke. Having thus completed the pacification of Gaul, Caesar found that he could leave his army in the spring of B. c. 50, and therefore, contrary to his usual practice, repaired at the end of the winter to Cisalpine Gaul. While Caesar had thus been actively engaged in Gaul during the last two years, affairs at Rome had taken a turn, which threatened a speedy rupture between him and Pompey. The death of Crassus in the Parthian war in B. c. 53 had left Caesar and Pompey alone at the head of the state. Pompey had been the chief instrument in raising Caesar to power in order to serve his own ends, and never seems to have supposed it possible that the conqueror of Mithridates could be thrown into the shade by any man in the world. This, however, now began to be the case; Caesar's brilliant victories in Gaul were in every body's mouth; and Pompey saw with ill-disguised mortification that he was becoming the second person in the state. Though this did not lead him to break with Caesar at once, it made him anxious to increase his power and influence, and he had therefore resolved as early as B. c. 53 to obtain, if possible, the dictatorship. He accordingly used no effort to put an end to the disturbances at Rome between Milo and Clodius in that 'year, in hopes that all parties would be willing to accede to his wishes in order to restore peace to the city. These disturbances broke out into perfect anarchy on the death of Clodius at the beginning of the following year, B. c. 52, and led to the appointment of Pompey as sole consul with the concurrence of the senate. This, it is true, did not entirely meet Pompey's wishes, yet it was the first step which the aristocracy had taken to gratify Pompey, and it paved the way for a reconciliation with them. The acts of Pompey's consulship, which were all directed to the increase of his power, belong to Pompey's life; it is sufficient to mention here, that among other things he obtained the prolongation of his government in Spain for five years more; and as he was not yet prepared to break entirely with Caesar, he allowed some of the tribunes to carry a law exempting Caesar from the necessity of coming to Rome to become a candidate for the consulship. The ten CAESAR. 549 years of Caesar's government would expire at the end of B. c. 49, and he was therefore resolved to obtain the consulship for B. c. 48, for otherwise he would become a private man. In the following year, B. c. 51, Pompey entered into still closer connexions with the aristocracy, but at the same time was not willing to support all the violent measures of the consul M. Claudius Marcellus, who proposed to send a successor to Caesar, on the plea that the war in Gaul was finished, and to deprive him of the privilege of becoming a candidate for the consulship in his absence. At length a decree of the senate was passed, that the consuls of the succeeding year, B. c. 50, should on the first of March consult the senate respecting the disposal of the consular provinces, by which time it was hoped that Pompey would be prepared to take decisive measures against Caesar. The consuls for the next year, B. c. 50, L. Aemilius Paullus and C. Claudius Marcellus, and the powerful tribune C. Curio, were all reckoned devoted partizans of Pompey and the senate. Caesar, however, gained over Paullus and Curio by large bribes, and with an unsparing hand distributed immense sums of money among the leading men of Rome. Thus this year passed by without the senate coming to any decision. The great fear which Pompey and the senate entertained was, that Caesar should be elected consul while he was still at the head of his army, and it was therefore proposed in the senate by the consul C. Marcellus, that Caesar should lay down his command by the 13th of November. This it could not be expected that Caesar would do; his proconsulate had upwards of another year to run; and if he had come to Rome as a private man to sue for the consulship, there can be little doubt that his life would have been sacrificed. Cato had declared that he would bring Caesar to trial as soon as he laid down his command; but the trial would have been only a mockery, for Pompey was in the neighbourhood of the city at the head of an army, and would have overawed the judges by his soldiery as at Milo's trial. The tribune Curio consequently interposed his veto upon the proposition of Marcellus. Meantime Caesar had come into Cisalpine Gaul in the spring of B. c. 50, as already mentioned. Here he was received by the municipal towns and colonies with the greatest marks of respect and affection; and after remaining there a short time, he returned to Transalpine Gaul and held a review of his whole army, which he had so long led to victory. Anxious to diminish the number of his troops, the senate had, under pretext of a war with the Parthians, ordered that Pompey and Caesar should each furnish a. legion to be sent into the East. The legion which Pompey intended to devote to this service was the one he had lent to Caesar in B. c. 53, and which he now accordingly demanded back; and although Caesar saw that he should thus be deprived of two legions, which would probably be employed against himself, he did not think it advisable to break with. the senate on this point, and felt that lie was sufficiently strong to spare even two legions. He accordingly sent them to the senate, after bestowing liberal presents upon each soldier. Upon their arrival in Italy, they were not, as Caesar had anticipated, sent to the East, but were ordered to pass the winter at Capua. After this Caesar stationed his remaining eight legions in winter-quarters, four in Belgium and four among the Aedui, and then re
Page 550 550 CAESAR. paired to Cisalpine Gaul. Ie took up his quarters at Ravenna, the last town in his province bordering upon Italy, and there met C. Curio, who informed him more particularly of the state of affairs at Rome. Though war seemed inevitable, Caesar still shewed himself willing to enter into negotiations with the aristocracy, and, accordingly sent Curio with a letter addressed to the senate, in which he expressed his readiness to resign his command if Pompey would do the same, but intimated that he would continue to hold it if Pompey did not accede to his offer. Curio arrived at Rome on the first of January, B. c. 49, the day on which the new consuls L. Cornelius Lentulus and C. Claudius Marcellus entered upon their office. It was with great difficulty that the tribunes M. Antonius and Q. Cassius Longinus forced the senate to allow the letter to be read, but they could not prevail upon the house to take the subject of it into deliberation and come to a vote upon it. The consuls, however, brought before the house the state of the republic in general; and after a violent debate the motion of Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, was carried, " that Caesar should disband his army by a certain day, and that if he did not do it he should be regarded as an enemy of the state." Upon this motion the tribunes M. Antonius and Q. Cassius put their veto; but their opposition was set at naught. Pompey had now made up his mind to crush Caesar, if possible, and accordingly the more violent counsels prevailed. Antonius and Cassius were ejected from the senate-house, and on the sixth of January the senate passed the decree, which was tantamount to a declaration of martial law, that the consuls and other magistrates " should provide for the safety of the state." Antonius and Cassius considering their lives no longer safe, fled from the city in disguise to Caesar's army, and called upon him to protect the inviolable persons of the tribunes. War was now declared. The senate entrusted the whole management of it to Pompey, made a fresh distribution of the provinces, divided the whole of Italy into certain districts, the defence of each of which was to be entrusted to some distinguished senator, determined that fresh levies of troops should be held, and voted a sum of money from the public treasury to Pompey. Pompey had had all along no apprehensions as to the result of a war; he seems to have regarded it as scarcely possible that Caesar should ever seriously think of marching against him; his great fame, he thought, would cause a multitude of troops to flock around him whenever he wished them; and thus in his confidence of success, he had neglected all means for raising an army. In addition to this he had been deceived as to the disposition of Caesar's troops, and had been led to believe that they were ready to desert their general at the first opportunity. Consequently, when the war broke out, Pompey had scarcely any troops except the two legions which he had obtained from Caesar, and on the fidelity of which he could by no means rely. So unpopular too was the senatorial party in Italy, that it was with great difficulty they could levy troops, and when levied, they took the first opportunity of passing over to Caesar. As soon as Caesar learnt the last resolution of the senate, he assembled his soldiers, informed them of the wrongs he had sustained, and called upon them to support him. Finding them quite CAESAR. willing' to follow him, he crossed the Rubicon which separated his province from Italy, and occupied Ariminum, where he met with the tribunes. He commenced his enterprise with only one legion, consisting of 5000 foot soldiers and 300 horse, but others had orders to follow him from Transalpine Gaul, and he was well aware of the importance of expedition, that the enemy might have no time to complete their preparations. Therefore, though it was the middle of winter, he pushed on with the utmost rapidity, and such was the popularity of his cause in Italy, that city after city opened its gates to him, and his march was like a triumphal progress. Arretium, Pisaurum, Fanum, Ancona, Iguvium, and Auximum, fell into his hands. These successes caused the utmost consternation at Rome; it was reported that Caesar's cavalry was already near the gates of the city; a general panic seized the senate, and they fled from the city even without taking with them the money from the public treasury, and did not recover their courage till they had got as far south as Capua. Caesar continued his victorious march through Picenum till he came to Corfinium, which was the first town that offered him any vigorous resistance. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who had been appointed Caesar's successor in Gaul, had thrown himself into Corfinium with a strong force; but as Pompey did not come to his assistance, he was unable to maintain the place, and fell himself into Caesar's hands, together with several other senators and distinguished men. Caesar, with the same clemency which he displayed throughout the whole of the civil war, dismissed them all uninjured, and hastened in pursuit of Pompey, who had now resolved to abandon Italy and was accordingly hastening on to Brundisium, intending from thence to sail to Greece. Pompey reached Brundisium before Caesar, but had not sailed when the latter arrived before the town. Caesar straightway laid siege to the place, but Pompey abandoned it on the 17th of March and embarked for Greece. Caesar was unable to follow Pompey for want of ships, and therefore determined to march against Afranius and Petreius, Pompey's legates in Spain, who possessed a powerful army in that country. He accordingly marched back from Brundisium and repaired to Rome, having thus in three months become the supreme master of the whole of Italy. After remaining in the neighbourhood of Rome for a short time, he set out for Spain, having left M. Lepidus in charge of the city and M. Antonius in command of the troops in Italy. He sent Curio to drive Cato out of Sicily, Q. Valerius to take possession of Sardinia, and C. Antonius to occupy Illyricum. Curio and Valerins obtained possession of Sicily and Sardinia without opposition; and Curio then passed over into Africa, which was in possession of the Pompeian party. Here, however, he met with strong opposition, and at length was defeated and lost his life in a battle with Juba, king of Mauritania, who supported P. Atius Varus, the Pompeian commander. C. Antonius also met with bad success in Illyricum, for his army was defeated and he himself taken prisoner. These events, however, happened at a later period in this year; and these disasters were more than counterbalanced by Caesar's victories in the meantime in Spain. Caesar left Rome about the middle of April, and on hia
Page 551 CAESAR. arrival in Gaul found, that Massilla refused to submit to him. He forthwith laid siege to the place, but unable to take it immediately, he left C. Trebonius and D. Brutus with part of his troops to prosecute the siege, and continued his march to Spain. In this country Pompey had seven legions, three under the command of L. Afranius in the nearer province, two under M. Petreius in the further, and two under M. Terentius Varro also in the latter province west of the Anas (Guadiana). Varro remained in the west; but Afranins and Petreius on the approach of Caesar united their forces, and took up a strong position near the town of Ilerda (Lerida in Catalonia) on the right bank of the Sicoris (Segre). Into the details of this campaign we cannot enter. It is sufficient to state, that, after experiencing great difficulties at first and some reverses, Caesar at length reduced Afranius and Petreius to such difficulties that they were obliged to surrender. They themselves were dismissed uninjured, part of their troops disbanded, and the remainder incorporated among Caesar's troops. Caesar then proceeded to march against Varro; but after the victory over Afranius and Petreius, there was no army in Spain capable of resisting the conqueror, and Varro accordingly surrendered to Caesar when the latter arrived at Corduba (Cordova). Having thus subdued all Spain, which had engaged him only forty days, he returned to Gaul. Massilia had not yet yielded, but the siege had been prosecuted with so much vigour, that the inhabitants were compelled to surrender the town soon after his arrival before the walls. While Caesar was before Massilia, he received intelligence that he had been appointed dictator by the praetor M. Lepidus, who had been empowered to do so by a law passed for the purpose. This appointment, which was of course made in accordance with Caesar's wishes, was contrary to all precedent; for a praetor had not the power of nominating a dictator, and the senate was entirely passed over: but it is idle to talk of established forms under such circumstances; it was necessary that there should be a higher magistrate than praetor to hold the comitia for the election of the consuls; and Caesar wished to enter Rome invested with some high official power, which he could not do so long as he was merely proconsul. Accordingly, as soon as Massilia surrendered, Caesar hastened to Rome and entered upon his dictatorship, but laid it down again at the end of eleven days after holding the consular comitia, in which he himself and P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus were elected consuls for the next year. But during these eleven days he caused some very important laws to be passed. The first, which was intended to relieve debtors, but at the same time protect to a great extent the rights of creditors, was in the present state of affairs.a most salutary measure. (For the provisions of this lex, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Julia Lex de Foenore.) He next obtained the reversal of the sentences which had been pronounced against various persons in accordance with the laws passed in Pompey's last consulship; he also obtained the recall of several other exiles; he further restored the descendants of those whohad been proscribed by Sulla to the enjoyment of their rights, and rewarded the Transpadani by the citizenship for their faithful support of his cause. CAESAR..551 After laying down the dictatorship, Caesar went in December to Brundisium, where he had previously ordered his troops to assemble. He had lost many men in the long march from Spain, and also from sickness arising from their passing the autumn in the south of Italy. Pompey had not been idle during the summer, and had employed his time in raising a large army in Greece, Egypt, and the East, the scene of his former glory. He thus collected an army consisting of nine legions of Roman citizens, and an auxiliary force of cavalry and infantry; and, though it is impossible to estimate its exact strength, as we do not know the number of men which each legion contained, it was decidedly greater than the army which Caesar had assembled at Brundisium. His fleet entirely commanded the sea, and so small was the number of Caesar's ships, that it seemed impossible that he should venture to cross the sea in face of Pompey's superior fleet. This circumstance, and also the time of the year caused M.Bibulus, the commander of Pompey's fleet, to relax in his guard; and thus when Caesar set sail from Brundisium, on the 4th of January, he arrived the next day in safety on the coast of Epeirus. In consequence, however, of the small number of his ships, Caesar was able to carry over only seven legions, which, for the causes previously mentioned, had been so thinned as to amount only to 15,000 foot and 500 horse. After landing this force, he sent back his ships to bring over the remainder; but part of the fleet was intercepted in its return by M. Bibulus, who cruelly put all the crews to death; and the Pompeian fleet kept up such a strict watch along the coast, that the remainder of Caesar's army was obliged for the present to remain at Brundisium. Caesar was thus in a critical position, in the midst of the enemy's country, cut off from the rest of his army; but he knew that he could thoroughly rely on his men, and therefore immediately commenced acting on the offensive. After gaining possession of Oricum and Apollonia, he hastened northwards, in hopes of surprising Dyrrhachium, where all Pompey's stores were deposited; but Pompey, by rapid marches, reached this town before him, and both armies then encamped opposite to each other, Pompey on the right and Caesar on the left bank of the river Apsus. Caesar was at length joined by the remainder of his troops, which were brought over from Brundisium with great difficulty by M. Antonius and Q. Fufius Calenus. Pompey meantime had retired to some high ground near Dyrrhachium, and as he would not venture a battle with Caesar's veterans, Caesar began to blockade him in his position, and to erect lines of circumvallation of an extraordinary extent; but when these were nearly completed, Pompey forced a passage through Caesar's lines, and drove back his legions with considerable loss. Caesar thus found himself compelled to retreat from his present position; and accordingly commenced his march for Tlihessaly, pursued by Pompey's army, which was not however able to come up with him. Pompey's plan of avoiding a general engagement with Caesar's veterans till he could place more reliance upon his own troops, was undoubtedly a wise one, and had been hitherto crowned with success; but his victory at Dyrrhachiumn and the retreat of the enemy inspired him with more confidence, and induced him to give heed to those of his officers who recommended him to bring the contest to an issue by an immediate battle. Ac
Page 552 .552 CAESAR. cordingly, when Pompey came up with Caesar, who was encamped on the plains of Pharsalus or Pharsalia, in Thessaly, he offered him battle, which was readily accepted by Caesar. Their numbers were very unequal: Pompey had 45,000 footsoldiers and 7000 horse, Caesar 22,000 foot-soldiers and 1000 horse. The battle, which was fought on the 9th of August, B. c. 48, according to the old calendar, ended in the total defeat of Pompey's army. Pompey fled to the court of Egypt, pursued by Caesar, but was murdered there before the latter arrived in the country. [POMPEIUS.] The battle of Pharsalia decided the fate of the republic. When news of it reached Rome, various laws were passed, which conferred in fact supreme power upon Caesar. Though absent, he was nominated dictator a second time, and that not for six months or a shorter time, but for a whole year. He appointed M. Antonius his master of the horse, and entered upon the office in September of this year (B. c. 48), so that the commencement and termination of his dictatorship and consulship did not coincide, as some modern writers have represented. He was also nominated to the consulship for the next five years, but this privilege he did not avail himself of; he was invested, moreover, with the tribunicial power for life, and with the right of holding all the comitia for the election of the magistrates, with the exception of those for the choice of the plebeian tribunes; and it was for this reason that no magistrates except the tribunes of the plebs were elected for the next year, as Caesar did not return to Rome till September in B. c. 47 Caesar went to Egypt, as we have already said, in pursuit of Pompey, and upon his arrival there, he became involved in a war, which detained him several months, and gave the remains of the Pompeian party time to rally and to make fresh preparations for continuing the war. The war in Egypt, usually called the Alexandrine war, arose from Caesar's resolving to settle the disputes respecting the succession to the kingdom. Caesar determined that Cleopatra, whose fascinations completely won his heart, and her elder brother Ptolemy should reign in common; but as this decision was opposed by the guardians of the young king, a war broke out between them and Caesar, in which he was for some time exposed to great danger on account of the small number of his forces. But, having received reinforcements, he finally prevailed, and placed Cleopatra and her younger brother on the throne, as the elder had perished in the course of the contest. It was soon after this, that Cleopatra had a son by Caesar. [CAESARION; CLEOPATRA.] After bringing the Alexandrine war to a close, in the latter end of March, a. c. 47, Caesar marched through Syria into Pontus in order to attack Pharnaces, the son of the celebrated Mithridates, who had defeated Cn. Domitius Calvinus, one of Caesar's legates. This war, however, did not detain him long; for Pharnaces, venturing to come to an open battle with the dictator, was utterly defeated, on the 2nd of August, near Zela. He thence proceeded to Rome, settling the affairs of the provinces in the way, and arrived in the capital in September. As the year of his dictatorship was nearly expiring, he caused himself to be appointed to the dignity again for a year, and he nominated M. Aemilius Lepidus his master of the horse. CAESAR. His third dictatorship consequently begins before the termination of the year 47. The property of Pompey and of several others of the aristocracy was now confiscated and sold by public auction. That he might the more easily reward his own friends, the dictator increased the number of praetors and of the members of the priestly colleges, and also introduced a great number of his partizans into the senate. For the remainder of this year he elevated Q. Fufius Calenus and P. Vatinius to the consulship, but he caused himself and his master of the horse, M. Aemilius Lepidus to be elected consuls for the next year. It was during this time that he quelled a formidable mutiny of his troops which had broken out in Campania. Caesar did not remain in Rome more than two or three months. With his usual activity and energy, he set out to Africa before the end of the year (B. c. 47), in order to carry on the war against Scipio and Cato, who had collected a large army in that country. Their forces were far greater than Caesar could bring against them at present; but he was well aware of the advantage which a general has in acting on the offensive, and had too much reliance on his own genius to be alarmed by mere disparity of numbers. At the commencement of the campaign, however, Caesar was in considerable difficulties; but, having been joined by some of his other legions, he was able to prosecute the campaign with more vigour, and finally brought it to a close by the battle of Thapsus, on the 6th of April, B. c. 46, in which the Pompeian army was completely defeated. Cato, finding himself unable to defend Utica, put an end to his own life. The other towns in Africa submitted to the conqueror, and Caesar was thus able to be in Rome again by the latter end of July, according to the old calendar. Caesar was now the undisputed master of the Roman world. As he drew near to Rome, great apprehensions were entertained by his enemies lest, notwithstanding his former clemency, he should imitate Marius and Sulla, and proscribe all his opponents. But these fears were perfectly groundless. A love of cruelty was no part of Caesar's nature; and, with a magnanimity which victors rarely shew, and least of all those in civil wars, he freely forgave all who had borne arms against him, and declared that he should make no difference between Pompeians and Caesarians. His object was now to allay animosities, and to secure the lives and property of all the citizens- of his new kingdom. As soon as the news of his African victory reached Rome, and before he himself arrived there, a public thanksgiving of forty days was decreed in his honour, and the dictatorship was bestowed upon him for ten years, and the censorship, under the new title of "Praefectus Morum," for three years. Caesar had never yet enjoyed a triumph; and, as he had now no further enemies to meet, lie availed himself of the opportunity of celebrating his victories in Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa by four magnificent triumphs. None of these, however, were in honour of his successes in the civil war; and consequently his African triumph was to commemorate his victory over Juba, and not over Scipio and Cato. These triumphs were followed by largesses of corn and money to the people and the soldiers, by public banquets, and all sorts of entertainments. Never before had
Page 553 CAESAR. CAESAR. 553 the games of the circus and the amphitheatre been celebrated with such splendour; for Caesar well knew the temper of the Roman populace, and that they would be willing enough to surrender their so-called liberties if they were well fed and amused. Caesar next appears in the character of a legislator. He now proceeded to correct the various evils which had crept into the state, and to obtain the enactment of several laws suitable to the altered condition of the commonwealth. He attempted by severe sumptuary laws to restrain the extravagance which pervaded all classes of society. In order to prevent any other general from following his own career, he obtained a law by which no one was to be allowed to hold a praetorian province for longer than one year, or a consular for more than two years.' But the most important of his changes this year (B. c. 46) was the reformation of the calendar, which was a real benefit to his country and the civilized world, and which he accomplished in his character as pontifex maximus, with the assistance of Sosigenes, the Alexandrine mathematician, and the scribe M. Flavins, though he himself also was well acquainted with astronomy. The regulation of the Roman calendar had always been entrusted to the college of pontiffs, who had been accustomed to lengthen or shorten the year at their pleasure for political purposes; and the confusion had at length become so great, that the Roman year was three months in advance of the real time. To remedy this serious evil, Caesar added 90 days to this year, and thus made the whole year consist of 445 days; and he guarded against a repetition of similar errors for the future by adapting the year to the sun's course. (Dict. of Ant. s.v. Calendarium.) In the midst of these labours, Caesar was interrupted by intelligence of a formidable insurrection which had broken out in Spain, where the remains of the Pompeian party had again collected a large army under the command of Pompey's sons, Cneius and Sextus. Having been previously designated consul and dictator for the following year, Caesar set out for Spain at the latter end of B. c. 46. With his usual activity, he arrived at Obulco near Corduba in twenty-seven days from the time of his leaving Rome. He found the enemy able to offer stronger opposition than he had anticipated; but he brought the war to a close by the battle of Munda, on the 17th of March, B. c. 45, in which he entirely defeated the enemy. It was, however, a hard-fought battle: Caesar's troops were at first driven back, and were only rallied again by their general's exposing his own person, like a common soldier, in the front line of the battle. Cn. Pompeius was killed shortly afterwards, but Sextus made good his escape. The settlement of the affairs in Spain detained Caesar in the province some months longer, and he consequently did not reach Rome till September. He entered the city at the beginning of October in triumph on account of his victories in Spain, although the victory had been gained over Roman citizens, and he also allowed triumphs to his legates Fabius Maximus and Q. Pedius. The senate received him with the most servile flattery. They had in his absence voted a public thanksgiving of fifty days on account of his victory in Spain, and various other honorary decrees, and they now vied. with each other in paying him every species of adulation and homage. He was to wear, on all public occasions, the triumphal robe; he was to receive the title of " Father of his country;" statues of him were to be placed in all the temples; his portrait was to be struck on coins; the month of Quintilis was to receive the name of Julius in his honour, and he was to be raised to a rank among the gods. But there were still more important decrees than these, which were intended to legalise his power and confer upon him the whole government of the Roman world. He received the title of imperator for life; he was nominated consul for the next ten years, and both dictator and praefectus morum for life; his person was declared sacred; a guard of senators and knights was appointed to protect him, and the whole senate took an oath to watch over his safety. If we now look at the way in which Caesar exerted his sovereign power, it cannot be denied that he used it in the main for the good of his country. He still pursued his former merciful course: no proscriptions or executions took place; and he began to revolve vast schemes for the benefit of the Roman world. He was at the same time obliged to reward his followers, and for that reason he greatly increased the number of senators, augmented the number of public magistrates, so that there were to be sixteen praetors, forty quaestors, and six aediles, and he added new members to the priestly colleges. Among his other plans of internal improvement, he proposed to frame a digest of all the Roman laws, to establish public libraries, to drain the Pomptine marshes, to enlarge the harbour of Ostia, and to dig a canal through the isthmus of Corinth. To protect the boundaries of the Roman empire, he meditated expeditions against the Parthians and the barbarous tribes on the Danube, and had already begun to make preparations for his departure to the East. In the midst of these vast projects he entered upon the last year of his life, B. c. 44, and his fifth consulship and dictatorship. He had made M. Antony his colleague in the consulship, and M. Lepidus the master of the horse. Caesar had for some time past resolved to preserve the supreme power in his family; and, as he had no legitimate children, had fixed upon his greatnephew Octavius (afterwards the emperor Augustus) as his successor. Possessing royal power, he now wished to obtain the title of king, which he might hand down to his successor on the throne, and accordingly got his colleague Antony to offer him the diadem in public on the festival of the Lupercalia (the 15th of February); but, seeing that the proposition was not favourably received by the people, he resolved to decline it for the present. Caesar's wish for the title of king must not be regarded as merely a desire to obtain an empty honour, the reality of which he already possessed. Had he obtained it, and been able to bequeath it to his successor, he would have saved the state from many of the evils which subsequently arose from the anomalous constitution of the Roman empire as it was finally established by Augustus. The state would then have become an hereditary and not an elective monarchy, and would not have fallen into the hands of an insolent and rapacious soldiery. Meantime, the conspiracy against Caesar's life had been already formed as early as the beginning of the year. It had been set afoot by Cassius, a personal enemy of Caesar's, and there were more than sixty persons privy to it. Personal hatred alone seems to have been the motive of Cassius, and probably of several others. Many
Page 554 564 CAESAR. of them had taken an active part in the war against Caesar, and had not only been forgiven by him, but raised to offices of rank and honour; but forgiveness by an enemy, instead of exciting gratitude, only renders the benefactor still more hateful to men of low and base minds. They pretended that their object was to restore liberty to the state, and some, perhaps M. Brutus among the rest, believed that they should be doing good service to their country by the assassination of its ruler. But the majority were undoubtedly actuated by the mere motive of restoring their own party to power: every open attempt to crush their enemy had failed, and they had now recourse to assassination as the only means of accomplishing their object. Their project was nearly discovered; but Caesar disregarded the warnings that had been given him, and fell by the daggers of his assassins in the senatehouse, on the ides, or fifteenth, of March, B. c. 44. Caesar's death was undoubtedly a loss not only for the Roman people, but the whole civilized world. The republic was utterly lost; it could not have been restored; and if there had been any possibility of establishing it again, it would have fallen into the hands of a profligate aristocracy, which would only have sought its own aggrandizementupon the ruins of its country. Now the Roman world was called to go through many years of disorder and bloodshed, till it rested again under the supremacy of Augustus, who had neither the talents, the power, nor the inclination to carry into effect the vast and salutary plans of his uncle. When we recollect the latter years of the Roman republic, the depravity and corruption of the ruling class, the scenes of anarchy and bloodshed which constantly occurred in the streets of the capital, it is evident that the last days of the republic had come, and that its only hope of peace and security was under the strong hand of military power. And fortunate was it in obtaining a ruler so mild and so beneficent as Caesar. Pompey was not naturally cruel, but he was weak and irresolute, and was surrounded by men who would have forced him into the most violent and sanguinary acts, if his party had prevailed. Caesar was in his fifty-sixth year at the time of his death. His personal appearance was noble and commanding; he was tall in stature, of a fair complexion, and with black eyes full of expression. He never wore a beard, and in the latter part of his life his head was bald. His constitution was originally delicate, and he was twice attacked by epilepsy while transacting public business; but, by constant exercise and abstemious living, he had acquired strong and vigorous health, and could endure almost any amount of exertion. He took great pains with his person, and was considered to be effeminate in his dress. His moral character, as far as the connexion of the sexes goes, was as low as that of the rest of the Romans of his age. His intrigues with the most distinguished Roman ladies were notorious, and he was equally lavish of his favours in the provinces. If we now turn to the intellectual character of Caesar, we see that he was gifted by nature with the most various talents, and was distinguished by the most extraordinary genius and attainments in the most diversified pursuits. He was at one and the same time a general, a statesman, a lawgiver, a jurist, an orator, a poet, an historian, a philologer, a mathematician and an architect. He was equally CAESAR. fitted to excel in all, and has given proofs that he would have surpassed almost all other men in any subject to which he devoted the energies of his extraordinary mind. Julius Caesar was the greatest man of antiquity; and this fact must be our apology for the length to which this notice has extended. His greatness as a general has been sufficiently shewn by the above sketch; but one circumstance, which has been generally overlooked, places his genius for war in a most striking light. Till his fortieth year, when he went as propraetor into Spain, Caesar had been almost entirely engaged in civil life. He had served, it is true, in his youth, but it was only for a short time, and in campaigns of secondary importance; he had never been at the head of an army, and his whole military experience must havehbeen of the most limited kind. Most of the greatest generals in the history of the world have been distinguished at an early age: Alexander the Great, Hannibal, Frederick of Prussia, and Napoleon Bonaparte, gained some of their most brilliant victories under the age of thirty; but Caesar from the age of twenty-three to forty had seen nothing of war, and, notwithstanding, appears all at once as one of the greatest generals that the world has ever seen. During the whole of his busy life Caesar found time for literary pursuits, and always took pleasure in the society and conversation of men of learning. He himself was the author of many works, the majority of which has been lost. The purity of his Latin and the clearness of his style were celebrated by the ancients themselves, and are conspicuous in his " Commentarii," which are his only works that have come down to us. They relate the history of the first seven years of the Gallic war in seven books, and the history of the Civil war down to the commencement of the Alexandrine in three books. In them Caesar has carefully avoided all rhetorical embellishments; he narrates the events in a clear unassuming style, and with such apparent truthfulness that he carries conviction to the mind of the reader. They seem to have been composed in the course of his campaigns, and were probably worked up into their present form during his winter-quarters. The Commentaries on the Gallic War were published after the completion of the war in Gaul, and those on the Civil War probably after his return from Alexandria. The " Ephemerides" of Caesar must not be regarded as a separate work, but only as the Greek name of the " Commentarii." Neither of these works, however, completed the history of the Gallic and Civil wars. The history of the former was completed in an eighth book, which is usually ascribed to Hirtius, and the history of the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish wars were written in three separate books, which are also ascribed to Hirtius. The question of their authorship is discussed under HIRTIUs. Besides the Commentaries, Caesar also wrote the following works, which have been lost, but the mere titles of which are a proof of his literary activity and diversified knowledge:- 1. " Orationes," some of which have been mentioned in the preceding account, and a complete list of which is given in Meyer's Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta, p. 404, &c., 2nd ed. The ancient writers speak of Caesar as one of the first orators of his age, and describe him as only second to Cicero. (Quintil. x. 1. ~ 114; Vell. Pat. ii. 36;
Page 555 CAESAR.' Cic. Brut. 72,74; Tac. Ann. xiii. 3, Dial. lde Oral. 21; Plut. Caes. 3; Suet. Caes. 55.) 2. "Epistolae," of which several are preserved in the collection of Cicero's letters, but there were still more in the time of Suietonius (Caes. 56) and Appian (B. C. ii. 79). 3. " Anticato," in two books, hence sometimes called " Anticatones," a work in reply to Cicero's " Cato," which the Roman orator wrote in praise of Cato after the death of the latter in B. c. 46. (Suet. 1. c.; Gell. iv. 16; Cic. ad Att. xii. 40, 41, xiii. 50, &c.) 4. " De Analogia," or as Cicero explains it, "1De Ratione Latine loquendi," in two books, which contained investigations on the Latin language, and were written by Caesar while he was crossing the Alps in his returni from his winter-quarters in the north of Italy to join his army in further Gaul. It was dedicated to Cicero, and is frequently quoted by the Latin grammarians. (Suet. 1. c.; Cic. Brut. 72; Plin. I. N. vii. 30. s. 31; Gell. xix. 8; Quintil. i. 7. ~ 34.) 5. '" Libri Auspiciorum," or "' Auguralia." As pontifex maximus Caesar had a general superintendence over the Roman religion, and seems to have paid particular attention to the subject of this work, which must have been of considerable extent as the sixteenth book is quoted by Macrobius. (Sat. i. 16; comp. Priscian, vi. p. 719, ed. Putscb.) 6. " De Astris," in which he treated of the movements of the heavenly bodies. (Macrob. 1. c.; Plin. H. N. xviii. 25. s. 57, &c.) 7. " Apophthegmata," or " Dicta collectanea," a collection of good sayings and witty remarks of his own and other persons. It seems from Suetonius that Caesar had commenced this work in his youth, but he kept making additions to it even in his dictatorship, so that it at length comprised several volumes. This was one of Caesar's works which Augustus suppressed. (Suet. 1. c.; Oic. ad Fam. ix. 16.) 8. " Poemata." Two of these written in his youth, " Laudes Herculis" and a tragedy " Oedipus," were suppressed by Augustus. He also wrote several epigrams, of which three are preserved in the Latin Anthology. (Nos. 68 -70, ed. Meyer.) There was, too, an astronomical poem of Caesar's, probably in imitation of Aratus's, and lastly one entitled " Iter," descriptive of his journey from the city to Spain, which he wrote at the latter end of the year B. c. 46, while he was on this journey. The editio princeps of Caesar's Commentaries was printed at Rome in 1449, fol. Among the subsequent editions, the most important are by Jungermann, containing a Greek translation of the seven books of the Gallic war made by Planudes (Francf. 1606, 4to., and 1669, 4to.); by Graevius, with the life of Caesar, ascribed to Julius Celsus (Amst. 1697, 8vo., and Lug. Bat. 1713, 8vo.); by Cellarius (Lips. 1705); by Davis, with the Greek translation of Planudes (Cant. 1706, 1727, 4to.); by Oudendorp (Lugd. Bat. 1737, 4to., Stuttgard, 1822, 8vo.); by Morus (Lips. 1780, 8vo.), reedited by Oberlin (Lips. 1805, 1819, 8vo.). (The principal ancient sources for the life of Caesar are the biographies of him by Suetonius and Plutarch, the histories of Dion Cassius, Appian, and Velleius Paterculus, and the letters and orations of Cicero. The life of Caesar ascribed to Julius Celsus, of Constantinople, who lived in the seventh century after Christ, is a work of Petrarch's, as has been shewn by C. E. Ch. Schneider in his work entitled " Petrarchae, Hiistoria Julii Cae CAESAR. 55 saris," Lips. 1827. Among modern works the best account of Caesar's life is in Drumann's Geschichite Roms. Caesar's campaigns have been criticised by Napoleon in the work entitled " Pricis des Guerres de Cesar par Napoleon, dcrit par M. Marchand, a i'ile Sainte-HRlene, sous la dictee de 1'Empereur," Paris, 1836.) For an account of Caesar's coins, see Eckhel, vol. vi. pp. 1-17. His likeness is given in the two coins annexed; in the latter the natural baldness of his head is concealed by a crown of laurel. (See also p. 516.) 19, 20, 21. JULTAE. [JULIA.] 22. CAESARION. [CAESARION.] 23. SEX. JULIUS CAESAR, son of No. 17, was Flamen Quirinalis, and is mentioned in the history of the year B. c. 57. (Cic. de iHarusp. Resp. 6.) 24. SEX. JULIUS CAESAR, son probably of No. 23, as he is called by Appian very young in B. c. 47, and is not therefore likely to have been the same as the preceding, as some have conjectured. He was in the army of the great Caesar in Spain in B. c. 49, and was sent by the latter as ambassador to M. Terentius Varro. At the conclusion of the Alexandrine war, B. c. 47, Sex. Caesar was placed over Syria, where he was killed in the following year by his own soldiers at the instigation of Caecilius Bassus, who had revolted against the dictator. (Caes. B. C. ii. 20; Hirt. B. Alex. 66; Dion Cass. xlvii. 26; Appian, B. C. iii. 77; compare BAssUs, CAECILIUS.) C. CAESAR and L. CAESAR, the sons of M. Vipsanius Agrippa and Julia, and the grandsons of Augustus. Caius was born in a. c. 20 and Lucius in B. c. 17, and in the latter year they were both adopted by Augustus. In B. c. 13, Caius, who was then only seven years of age, took part with other patrician youths in the Trojan game at the dedication of the temple of Marcellus by Augustus. In B. c. 8, Caius accompanied Tiberius in his campaign against the Sigambri in order to become acquainted with military exercises. Augustus carefully superintended the education of both the youths, but they early shewed signs of an arrogant and overbearing temper, and importuned their grandfather to bestow upon them public marks of honour. Their requests were seconded by the entreaties of the people, and granted by Augustus, who, under the appearance of a refusal, was exceedingly anxious to grant them the honours they solicited. Thus they were declared consuls elect and principes juventutis before they had laid aside the dress of childhood. Caius was nominated to the consulship in B. c. 5, but was not to enter upon it till five years afterwards. He assumed the toga virilis in the same year, and his brotlhelr in n. c. 2.
Page 556 M56 CAESARION. Caius was sent into Asia in B. C. 1c, wheie he passed his consulship in the following year, A.D. 1. About this time Phraates IV., king of Parthia, seized upon Armenia, and Caius accordingly prepared to make war against him, but the Parthian king gave up Armenia, and settled the terms of peace at an interview with Caius on an island in the Euphrates. (A. D. 2.) After this Caius went to take possession of Armenia, but was treacherously wounded before the town of Artagera in this country. Of this wound he never recovered, and died some time afterwards at Limyra in Lycia, on the 21st of February, A. D. 4. His brother Lucius had died eighteen months previously, on August 20th, A. D. 2, at Massilia, on his way to Spain. Their bodies were brought to Rome. Some suspected that their death was occasioned by their step-mother Livia. (Dion Cass. liv. 8, 18, 26, Iv. 6, 9, 11, 12; Zonar. x. p. 539; Suet. Aug. 26, 56, 64, 65, Til. 12; Veil. Pat. ii. 101, 102; Tac. Ann. i. 3, ii. 4; Florus, iv. 12. ~ 42; Lapis Ancyranus.) C. Caesar married Livia or Livilla, the daughter of Antonia [ANTONIA, No. 6], who afterwards married the younger Drusus, but he left no issue. (Tac. Ann. iv. 40.) L. Caesar was to have married Aemilia Lepida, but died previously. (Ann. iii. 23.) There are several coins both of Caius and Lucius: their portraits are given in the one annexed. (Eckhel, vi. p. 170.) C. CAESAR CALI'GULA. [CALIGULA.] CAESA'RION, the son of Cleopatra, originally called Ptolemaeus as an Egyptian prince, was born soon after the departure of Julius Caesar from Alexandria in B. c. 47, and probably accompanied his mother to Rome in the following year. Cleopatra said that he was the son of Julius Caesar, and there seems little doubt of this from the time at which Caesarion was born, from the favourable reception of his mother at Rome, and from the dictator allowing him to be called after his own name. Antonius declared in the senate, doubtless after Caesar's death and for the purpose of annoying Augustus, that the dictator had acknowledged Caesarion as his son; but Oppius wrote a treatise to prove the contrary. In consequence of the assistance which Cleopatra had afforded Dolabella, she obtained from the triumvirs in B. c. 42 permission for her son Caesarion to receive the title of king of Egypt. In B. c. 34, Antony conferred upon him the title of king of kings; he subsequently called him in his will the son of Caesar, and after the battle of Actium (n. c. 31) declared him and his own son Antyllus to be of age. When everything was lost, Cleopatra sent Caesarion with great treasures by way of Aethiopia to India; but his ttitor Rhodon persuaded him to return, alleging that Augustus had determined to give him the kingdom of Egypt. After the death of his mother, he was executed by order of Augustus. (Dion Cass. xlvii. 31, xlix. 41, 1. 1, 3, Ii. 6; CAESARIUS. Suet. Caes. 52, Aug. 17; Plut. Cues. 49, Anton. 54, 81, 82.) CAESARIUS, ST. (Katoipeos), a physician who is however better known as having been the brother of St. Gregory Theologus. He was born of Christian parents, his father (whose name was Gregory) being bishop of Nazianzus. He was carefully and religiously educated, and studied at Alexandria, where he made great progress in geometry, astronomy, arithmetic, and medicine. He afterwards embraced the medical profession, and settled at Constantinople, where he enjoyed a great reputation, and became the friend and physician of the emperor Constantius, A. D. 337-360. Upon the accession of Julian, Caesarius was tempted by the emperor to apostatize to paganism; but he refused, and chose rather to leave the court and return to his native country. After the death of Julian, he was recalled to court, and held in high esteem by the emperors Jovian, Valens, and Valentinian, by one of whom he was appointed quaestor of Bithynia. At the time of the earthquake at Nicaea, he was preserved in a very remarkable manner, upon which his brother St. Gregory took occasion to write a letter (which is still extant, Ep. 20, vol. ii. p. 19, ed. Paris, 1840), urging upon him the duty of abandoning all worldly cares, and giving himself up entirely to the service of God. This he had long wished to do, but was now prevented from putting his design into execution by his death, which took place A. D. 369, shortly after his baptism. His brother pronounced a funeral oration on the occasion, which is still extant (Orat. 7, vol. i. p. 198), and from which the preceding particulars of his life are taken; and also wrote several short poems, or epitaphs, lamenting his death. (Opera, vol. ii. p. 1110, &c.) There is extant, under the name of Caesarius, a short Greek work, with the title HfeoreUS, Quaestiones Theologicae et Philosophicae, which, though apparently considered, in the time of Photius (Biblioth. Cod. 210), to belong to the brother of St. Gregory, is now generally believed to be the work of some other person. The contents of the book are sufficiently indicated by the title. It has been several times published with the works of his brother, St. Gregory, and in collections of the Fathers; and also separately, in Greek and Latin, August. Vindel. 1626, 4to. ed. Elias Ehinger. The memory of St. Caesarius is celebrated in the Romish Church on Feb. 25. (Acta Sanctorum, Feb. 25, vol. v. p. 496, &c.; Lambec. Biblioth. Vindob. vol. iv. p. 66, &c., ed. Kollar; Fabric. Bibl. GCraec. vol. viii. pp. 435, 436.) [W. A. G.] CAESARIUS, a distinguished ecclesiastic of the fifth and sixth centuries, was born at Chalons in 468, devoted his youth to the discipline of a monastic life, and was elected bishop of Aries in 502. He presided over this see for forty years, during which period he was twice accused of treason, first against Alaric, and afterwards against Theodoric, but upon both occasions was honourably acquitted. He took an active share in the deliberations of several councils of the church, and gained peculiar celebrity by his strenuous exertions for the suppression of the Semipelagian doctrines, which had been promulgated about a century before by Cassianus, and had spread widely in southern Gaul. A life of Caesarius, which however must be considered rather in the light of a panegyric than of a sober biography, was composed by his friend and pupil, Cyprian, bishop of Toulon.
Page 557 CAESIA GENS. Caesarius is the author of two treatises, one entitled Regula ad Monac/os, and another Regula ad Virgines, which, together with three Exhortationes and some opuscula, will be found in the 8th volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum, Leyden, 1677; and were printed in a separate volume, with the notes of Meynardus, at Poitiers (Petavium), 1621, 8vo. His chief works, however, consist of sermons or homilies. Forty of these were published by Cognatus, at Basle, 1558, 4to., and 1569, fol., and are included in the Monumenta SS. Patrum Orthodoxographa of Grynaeus, Cologne, 1618, fol. p. 1861; a collection of forty-six, together with some smaller tracts, are in the 8th volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum referred to above; and the 11th volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland (Venice, 1776) contains fourteen more, first brought to light by Baluze (Paris, 1699, 8vo.); but, besides these, upwards of a hundred out of the 317 discourses falsely attributed to Augustin are commonly assigned to Caesarius. (Vita S. Caesarii, Episc. Arelatensis, a Cyp;iano, ejus Discipulo, ei IMessiano Presb. et Stephano Diac. conscripta duobu/s libris, in the Vitae SS. of Surius, 27 August. p. 284. See also Dissertatio de Vitae ct Scriptis S. Caesarii, Arelatensis Archiep., by Oudin in his Comment. de Scri2tpt. Eccles. vol. i. p. 1339; in addition to which, Funccius, De Inerti et Decrepita Senectute Linguae Latinae, cap. vi. ~ viii.; and Baehr, Geschichte der Rmiiischen Literatur, Suppl. vol. ii. p. 425.) [W. R.] CAESE'NNIUS, the name of a noble Etruscan family at Tarquinii, two members of which are mentioned by Cicero, namely, P. Caesennius and Caesennia, first the wife of M. Fulcinius, and afterwards of A. Caecina. (Cic. pro Caecin. 4, 6, 10.) The name is found in sepulchral inscriptions. (Miiller, Etrusker, i. p. 433.) CAESE'NNIUS LENTO. [LENTO.] CAESE'NNIUS PAETUS. [PAETUS.] C. CAE'SETIUS, a Roman knight, who entreated Caesar to pardon Q. Ligarius. (Cic. pro Lig. 11.) P. CAESE'TIUS, the quaestor of C. Verres. (Cic. Verr. iv. 65, v. 25.) CAESE'TIUS FLAVUS. [FLAvus.] CAESE'TIUS RUFUS. [RuFus.] CAE'SIA, a surname of Minerva, a translation of the Greek yAavKýcins. (Terent. Heaut. v. 5, 18; Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 30.) [L. S.] CAE'SIA GENS, plebeian, does not occur till towards the end of the republic. [CAESIUs.] On the following coin of this gens, the obverse represents the head of a youthful god brandishing an arrow or spear with three points, who is usually supposed from the following passage of A. Gellius (v. 12) to be Apollo Veiovis: " Simulacrum dei Veiovis - sagittas tenet, quae sunt videlicet paratae ad nocendum. Quapropter eum deum plerique Apollinem esse dixerunt." The two men on the reverse are Lares: between them stands a dog, and above them the head of Vulcan with a forceps. (Eckhel, v. p. 156, &c.) CAESIUS. 557 CAESIA'NUS, APRO'NIUS. [APRONIUS, No. 3.] CAE'SIUS. 1. M. CAESIUS, was praetor with C. Licinius Sacerdos in B. c. 75. (Cic. Verr. i. 50.) 2. M. CAESIUS, a rapacious farmer of the tithes in Sicily during the administration of Verres, B. c. 73, &c. (Cic. Verr. iii. 39, 43.) 3. L. Caesius, was one of Cicero's friends, and accompanied him during his proconsular administration of Cilicia, in B. c. 50. (Ad Quint. Frat. i. 1. ~ 4, 2. ~ 2.) He seems to be the same person as the Caesius who superintended the building of Q. Cicero's villa of the Manilianum. (Ad Quint. Frat. iii. 1. ~~ 1, 2.) There is a Roman denarius bearing the name L. Caesius (see above), but whether it belongs to our L. Caesius or not cannot be ascertained. 4. M. CAESIUS, of Arpinum, an intimate friend of Cicero, who held the office of aedile at Aruinum, the only municipium which had such a magistracy, in B. c. 47. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 11, 12.) 5. P. CAESIUs, a Roman eques of Ravenna, received the Roman franchise from Cn. Pompeius, the father of Pompey the Great. (Cic. pro Bleb. 22.) There is a letter of Cicero (ad Fiam. xiii. 51) addressed to P. Caesius (B. c. 47), in which Cicero recommends to him his friend P. Messienus. From the manner in which Cicero there speaks (pro nostra et pro paterna amicilia), it would almost seem as if there was some mistake in the praenomen, and as if the letter was addressed to M. Caesius of Arpinum. But it may be, that there had existed a friendship between Cicero and the father of Caesius, of which beyond this allusion nothing is known. 6. SEX. CAESIUs, a Roman eques, who is mentioned by Cicero (pro Flacc. 28) as a man of great honesty and integrity. [L. S.] T. CAE'SIUS, a jurist, one of the disciples of Servius Sulpicius, the eminent friend of Cicero. Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. un. ~ 44) enumerates ten disciples of Servius, among whom T. Caesius is mentioned, in a passage not free from the inaccuracy of expression which pervades the whole title De Origine Jturis. His words are these: "Ab hoc (Servio) plurimi profecerunt: fere tamen hi libros conscripserunt: ALFENUS VARUS, A. OFILIUS, T. CAESIUS, AUFsDusTuccA, AUFIDIUS NAMUSA, FLAVIUS PRIscUs, ATEIUS PACUVIUS, LABEO ANTISTIUs, Labeonis Antistii pater, CINNA, PUBLICIUS GELLIUS. Ex his decem libros octo conscripserunt, quorum omnes qui fuerunt libri digesti sunt ab Aufidio Namusa in centum quadraginta libros." It is not clear from this account whether (according to the usual interpretation of the passage) only eight of the ten were authors, or whether (as appears to be the more correct interpretation) all the ten wrote books, but not more than eight wrote books which were digested by Aufidius Namusa. In the computation of the eight, it is probable that the compiler himself was not included. T. Caesius is nowhere else expressly mentioned in the Digest, but " Ofilius, Cascellius, et Servii auditores, are cited Dig. 33. tit. 4. s. 6. ~ 1, and the phrase Servii auditores occurs also Dig. 33. tit. 7. s. 12, pr., and Dig. 33. tit. 7. s. 12, ~ 6. In Dig. 39. tit. 3. s. 1. ~ 6, where Servii auctores is the reading of the Florentine manuscript of the Digest, Servii auditores has been proposed as a conjectural emendation. Under these names it has been supposed that the eight disciples
Page 558 558 CAESONINUS. of Servius, or. rather Namusa's Digest of their works, is referred to. If so, it is likely that the eight included T. Caesius, and did not include A. Ofilius. Dirksen (Beitraege zur Kunde des Roem. Reckis, p. 23, n. 52, et p. 329), who thinks,this supposition unnecessary, does not, in our opinion, shake its probability. Gellius (vi. 5) quotes the words of a treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians from Alfenus, " in libro Digestorum trigesimo et quarto, Conjectaneorum [al. Conlectaneorum] autem secundo." As it is known from the Florentine Index, that Alfenus wrote forty books Digestorum, and as no other work of his is elsewhere mentioned, it has been supposed that the Conjectanea or Conlectanea cited by Gellius is identical with the compilation of Namusa in which were digested the works of Servii audclitores. It must be observed, however, that the Florentine Index ordinarily enumerates those works only from which the compiler of the Digest made extracts, and that the Roman jurists frequently inserted the same passages verbatim in different treatises. That the latter practice was common may be proved by glancing at the inscriptions of the fragments and the formulae of citation, as collected in the valuable treatise of Ant. Augustinus, de Nominjibus Propriis Pandectarunm. For example, in Dig. 4. tit. 4. s. 3. ~ 1, Ulpian cites Celsus, "Epistolarum libro undecimo et Digestorum secundo." (Bertrandi, BIOL NoguclCb, ii. 13; Guil. Grotii, Vitae JCtormmE, i. 11. ~ 9; Zimmern, R. R. G. i. ~ 79.) [J. T. G.] CAE'SIUS BASSUS. [BAssus.] CAE'SIUS CORDUS. [CORDUS.] CAE'SIUS NASI'CA. [NASICA.] CAE'SIUS TAURI'NUS. [TAORINUS.] CAESO'NIA, or according to Dion Cassius (lix. 23), MILONIA CAESONJA, was at first the mistress and afterwards the wife of the emperor Caligula. She was neither handsome nor young when Caligula fell in love with her; but she was a woman of the greatest licentiousness, and, at the time when her intimacy with Caligula began, she was already mother of three daughters by another man. Caligula was then married to Lollia Paullina, whom however he divorced in order to marry Caesonia, who was with child by him, A. D. 38. According to Suetonius (Cal. 25) Caligula married her on the same day that she was delivered of a daughter (Julia Drusilla); whereas, according to Dion Cassius, this daughter was born one month after the marriage. Caesonia contrived to preserve the attachment of her imperial husband down to the end of his life (Suet. Cal. 33, 38; Dion. Cass. lix. 28); but she is said to have effected this by love-potions, which she gave him to drink, and to which some persons attributed the unsettled state of Caligula's mental powers during the latter years of his life. Caesonia and her daughter were put to death on the same day that Caligula was murdered, A. D. 41. (Suet. Cal. 59; Dion Cass. lix. 29; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xix. 2. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CAESONI'NUS. [PIso.] CAESONI'NUS, SUI'LIUS, was one of the parties accused A. D. 48, when Messalina, the wife of Claudius, went so far in contempt of her husband as to marry the young eques, C. Silius. Tacitus says, that Caesoninus saved his life through his vices, and that on the occasion of Messalina's marriage he disgraced himself in the basest manner. (Tac. Ann. xi. 36.) [L. S.] CATETA. M. CAESO'NIUS, one of the judices at Rome, an upright man, who displayed his integrity in the inquiry into the murder of Cluentius, a. c. 74, when C. Junius presided over the court. He was aedile elect with Cicero in B. c. 70, and consequently would not have been able to act as judex in the following year, as a magistrate was not allowed to discharge the duties of judex during his year of office. This was one reason among others why the friends. of Verres were anxious to postpone his trial till B. c. 69. The praetorship of Caesonius is not mentioned, but he must have obtained it in the same year as Cicero, namely, B. c. 66, as Cicero writes to Atticus in 65, that there was some talk of Caesonius becoming a candidate with him for the consulship. (Cic. Verr. Act. i. 10; Pseudo-Ascon. in loc.; Cic. ad Ati. i. 1.) This Caesonius is probably the one whom Cicero speaks of in B. c. 45. (Ad Att. xii. 11.) CAESO'NIUS MA'XIMUS. [MAxsius.] L. CAESULE'NUS, a Roman orator, who was already an old man, when Cicero heard him. Cicero (Brut. 34) calls him a vulgar man, and adds, that he never heard any one who was more skilful in drawing suspicions upon persons, and in making them out to be criminals. He appears to have been one of the many low persons of those times, with whom accusation was a regular business. [L. S.] C. CAETRO'NIUS, legate of the first legion in Germany at the accession of Tiberius in A. D. 14. A mutiny had broken out among the soldiers, but they soon repented, and brought their ringleaders in chains before C. Caetronius, who tried and punished them in a manner which had never been adopted before, and must be considered as an usurpation of the soldiery. The legions (the first and twentieth) met with drawn swords and formed a sort of popular assembly. The accused individual was led to some elevated place, so as to be seen by all, and when the multitude declared him guilty, he was forthwith put to death. This sort of court-martial was looked upon in later times as a welcome precedent. (Tacit. Ann. i. 44; Ammian. Marc. xxix. 5.) [L. S.] CAFO or CAPHO, a centurion and one of Caesar's veteran soldiers, was a zealous supporter of Antony after the murder of Caesar in B. c. 44, and is accordingly frequently denounced by Cicero. (Phil. viii. 3, 9, x. 10, xi. 5.) CAIA'NUS or GAIA'NUS (raiavds), a Greek rhetorician and sophist, was a native of Arabia and a disciple of Apsines and Gadara, and he accordingly lived in the reign of the emperors Maximus and Gordianus. IHe taught rhetoric at Berytus, and wrote several works, such as On Syntax (Ilepl,.rcTaeEs), in five books, a System of Rhetoric (TE4Xvy 'Pe-ropun'), and Declamations (MEiercu); but no fragments of these works are now extant. (Suidas, s. v. raavo's; Eudoc. p. 100.) [L. S.] CAICUS (Kahcods), two mythical personages, one a son of Oceanus and Tethys (Hesiod, Theog. 343), and the other a son of Hermes and Ocyrrlsho, who threw himself into the river Astraeus, henceforth called Caicus. (Plut. de Flv. 21.) [L. S.] CAIE'TA, according to some accounts, the nurse of Aeneas (Virg. Aen. vii. 1; Ov. Met. xiv. 442), and, according to others, the nurse of Creusa or Ascanius. (Serv. ad Aen. 1. c.) The promontory of Caieta, as well as the port and town of this name on the western coast of Italy, were believed
Page 559 CALAMIS. to have been called after her. (Klausen, Aeneas u. d. Penat. p. 1044, &c.) [L. S.] CAIUS or GAIUS (TFd'os). 1. The jurist. [GAIns.] 2. A Platonic philosopher who is mentioned as an author by Porphyry (Vit. Plot. 14), but of his writings nothing is known. Galen (vol. vi. p. 532, ed. Paris) states, that he heard the disciples of Caius, from which we must infer that Caius lived some time before Galen. 3. A Greek rhetorician of uncertain date. Stobaeus has preserved the titles of, and given extracts from, six of his declamations. (Stobaeus, Florileg. vol. i. pp. 89, 266, vol. iii. pp. 3, 29, 56, &c., 104, 135, 305, &c.) 4. A presbyter of the church of Rome, who lived about A. D. 310. He was at a later time elected bishop of the gentiles, which probably means, that he received a commission as a missionary to some heathen people, and the power of superintending the churches that might be planted among them. (Phot. Cod. 48.) While he was yet at Rome he engaged in the celebrated disputation with Proclus, the champion of the Montanist heresy, and he subsequently published the whole transaction in the form of a dialogue. (Euseb. H. E. ii. 25, iii. 23, vi. 20.) Hie also wrote a work against the heresy of Artemon, and a third work, called Aaevpivos, appears likewise to have been directed against Artemon. (Euseb. II. E. v. 28; comp. Theodoret. I. E. iv. 21.) Caius is further called by Photius the author of a work riep' r-js 7ravros oo-laes, which some consider to be the same as the work Ilep'i ro7 aTravos, which is still extant, and is usually ascribed to Hippolytus. He denied the Epistle to the Hebrews to be the work of St. Paul, and accordingly counted only 13 genuine epistles of that apostle. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 65; Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. x. p. 693, &c.) [L. S.jI CAIUS CAESAR. [CALIGULA.] CALABER. [QUINTUS SMYRNAEUS.] CALACTI'NUS. [CAECILIUS CALACTINUS.] CA'LAMIS (K'Aaeis), a statuary and embosser, whose birth-place and age are not mentioned by any of the ancient authors. It is certain, however, that he was a contemporary of Phidias, for he executed a statue of Apollo Alexicacos, who was believed to have stopped the plague at Athens. (Paus. i. 3. ~ 3.) Besides he worked at a chariot, which Dinomenes, the son of Hiero. caused to be made by Onatas in memory of his father's victory at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 12. ~ 1, viii. 42. ~ 4.) This chariot was consecrated by Dinomenes after Hiero's death (B. c. 467), and the plague at Athens ceased B. c. 429. The 38 years between these two dates may therefore safely be taken as the time in which Calamis flourished. (Sillig, Cat. Art. s. v.) Calamis was one of the most diligent artists of all antiquity. He wrought statues in bronze, stone, gold, and ivory, and was, moreover, a celebrated embosser. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 12. s. 15, xxxvi. 4. s. 3.) Besides the Apollo Alexicacos, which was of metal(Sillig, Cat. Art. p. 117), there existed a marble statue of Apollo in the Servilian gardens in Rome (Plin. 1H. N. xxxvi. 4, 5), and a third bronze statue of Apollo, 30 cubits high, which Lucullus carried to Rome from the Illyrian town Apollonia. (Strab. vii. p. 319.) A beardless Asclepios in gold and ivory, a Nike, a Zeus Ammon (consecrated by Pindar at Thebes), a Dionysos, an Aphrodite, an Alcmene, and a Sosandra, are men CALAS. 559 tionied as works of Calamis. Besides the statues of gods and mortals he also represented animals, especially horses, for which he was very celebrated. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) Cicero gives the following opinion of the style of Calamis, which was probably borrowed from the Greek authors: "Quis enim eorum, qui haec minora animadvertunt, non intelligit, Canachi signa rigidiora esse, quam ut imitentur veritatem? Calamidis dura illa quidem, sed tamen molliora quam Canachi, nondum Myronis satis ad veritatem adducta." (Brut. 18; comp. Quintil. xii. 10.) [W. I.] CALAMI'TES (Kaa1gp-r1as), an Attic hero, who is mentioned only by Demosthenes (De Coron. p. 270), and is otherwise entirely unknown. Comp. Hesych. and Suid. s. v. KaAacmpdrs.) The commentators on Demosthenes have endeavoured in various ways to gain a definite notion of Calamites: some think that Calamites is a false reading for Cyamites, and others that the name is a mere epithet, and that larpo's is understood. According to the latter view, Calamites would be a hero of the art of surgery, or a being well skilled in handling the KidalA/os or reed which was used in dressing fractured arms and legs. Others again find in Calamites the patron of the art of writing and of writing masters. (Comp. Jahn, Jahrb. fur Philol. u. Paed. for 1838.) [L. S.] CA'LANUS (Kaaveos), one of the so-called gymnosophists of India, who followed the Macedonian army from Taxila at the desire of Alexander the Great; but when he was taken ill afterwards, he refused to change his mode of living, and in order to get rid of the sufferings of human life altogether, he solemnly burnt himself on a pyre in the presence of the whole Macedonian army, without evincing any symptom of pain. (Arrian, Anab. vii. 2, &c.; Aelian, V. H. ii. 4], v. 6; Plut. Alex. 69; Strab. xv. p. 686; Diod. xvii. 107; Athen. x. p. 437; Lucian, De M. Pereg. 25; Cic. Tusc. ii. 22, De Divinat. i. 22, 30; Val. Max. i. 8, Ext. 10.) His real name was, according to Plutarch (Alex. 65), Sphines. and he received the name Calanus among the Greeks, because in saluting persons he used the form icahE instead of the Greek XaipE. What Plutarch here calls tcaAe is probably the Sanscrit form calydna, which is commonly used in addressing a person, and signsifies good, just, or distinguished. Josephus (c. Apion. i. p. 484) states, that all the Indian philosophers were called Kdhau'ot, but this statement is without any foundation, and is probably a mere invention. (Lassen, in the Rhein. Museum. fiur Philol. i. p. 176.) [L. S.] CALAS or CALLAS (KAas, Ka'd as). 1. Son of the traitor Harpalus of Elimiotis, and first cousin to Antigonus, king of Asia, held a command in the army which Philip sent into Asia under Parmenion and Attalus, B. c. 336, to further his cause among the Greek cities there. In n. c. 335, Calas was defeated in a battle in the Troad by Memnon, the Rhodian, but took refuge in Rhaeteum. (Diod. xvi. 91, xvii. 7.) At the battle of the Granicus, B. c. 334, he led the Thessalian cavalry in Alexander's army, and was appointed by him in the same year to the satrapy of the Lesser or Hellespontine Phrygia, to which Paphlagonia was soon after added. (Arr. Anab. i. p. 14, e., ii. p. 31, d.; Curt. iii. 1. ~ 24; Diod. xvii. 17.) After this we do not hear of Calas: it would seem, however, that he died before the treason and flight of
Page 560 560 CALATINUS. his father in 325 [HARPALUS], as We know from Arrian that Demarchus succeeded him in the satrapy of the Hellespontine Phrygia during Alexander's life-time. (See Droysen, Gesch. der Nachf. Alex. p. 68, note 29; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. vii. p. 179, note 2.) 2. One of Cassander's generals, whom he sent with a portion of his forces to keep Polysperchon employed in Perrhaebia, while he himself made his way to Macedon to take vengeance on Olym-.pias, B. c. 317. Calas by bribes induced many of his opponent's soldiers to desert him, and blockaded Polysperchon himself in Naxium, a town of Perrhaebia, whence, on hearing of the death of Olympias, he escaped with a few attendants, and took refuge together with Aeacides in Aetolia, B. c. 316. (Diod. xix. 35, 36, 52.) [E. E.] CALATI'NUS, A. ATI'LIUS, a distinguished Roman general in the first Punic war, who was twice consul and once dictator. His first consulship falls in B. c. 258, when he obtained Sicily as his province, according to Polybius (i. 24), together with his colleague C. Sulpicius Paterculus but according to other authorities alone, to conduct the war against the Carthaginians. He first took the town of Hippana, and afterwards the strongly fortified Myttistratum, which he laid in ashes. (Zonar. viii. 11, where he is erroneously called Latinus instead of Calatinus.) Immediately after he attacked Camarina, but during the siege he fell into an ambush, and would have perished with his army, had it not been for the generous exertions of a tribune who is commonly called Calpurnius Flamma, though his name is not the same in all authorities. (Liv. Epit. 17, xxii. 60; Plin. H.N. xxii. 6; Oros. iv. 8; Florus, ii. 2. ~ 13, who erroneously calls Atilius Calatinus dictator; Aurel. Vict. De Vir. Illustr. 39; Gell. iii. 7; Frontin. Stratag. iv. 5. ~ 10.) After his escape from this danger, he conquered Camarina, Enna, Drepanum, and other places, which had till then been in the possession of the Carthaginians. Towards the close of the year he made an attack upon Lipara, where the operations were continued by his successor. On his return to Rome he was honoured with a triumph. In B. c. 254 he was invested with the consulship a second time. Shortly before this event the Romans had lost nearly their whole fleet in a storm off cape Pachynum, but Atilius Calatinus and his colleague Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina built a new fleet of 220 ships in the short space of three months, and both the consuls then sailed to Sicily. The main event of that year was the capture of Panormus. (Polyb. i. 38; Zonar. viii. 14.) In B. c. 249 Atilius Calatinus was appointed dictator for the purpose of carrying on the war in Sicily in the place of Claudius Glycia. But nothing of importance was accomplished during his dictatorship, which is remarkable only for being the first instance in Roman history of a dictator commanding an army. out of Italy. (Liv. Epit. 19; Suet. Tiber. 2; Zonar. viii. 15; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 17.) Several years later, in B. c. 241, he was chosen as mediator between the proconsul C. Lutatius Catulus and the praetor Q. Valerius, to decide which of the two had the right to claim a triumph, and he decided in favour of the proconsul. (Val. Max. ii. 8. ~ 2.) Beyond the fact that he built a temple of Spes nothing further is known about him. (Cic. De Leg. ii. 11, De Nat. Deor. ii. 23; Tacit. Ann. CALAVIUS. ii. 49; comp. Liv. xxiv. 47, xxv. 7.) A. Atilius Calatinus was a man highly esteemed both by his contemporaries and by posterity, and his tomb was adorned with the inscription " unum hunc plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse." (Cic. De Senect. 17, De Finib. ii. 35, pro Planc. 25.) [L.S.] CALA'VIUS, the name of a distinguished Campanian family or gens. In conjunction with some other Campanians, the Calavii are said to have set fire to various parts of Rome, B. c. 211, in order to avenge themselves for what the Campanians had suffered from the Romans. A slave of the Calavii betrayed the crime, and the whole family, together with their slaves who had been accomplices in the crime, were arrested and punished. (Liv. xxvi. 27.) 1, 2. Novius CALAVIUs and OviUS CALAVIUS are mentioned as the leaders of the conspiracy which broke out at Capua in B. c. 314. C. Maenius was appointed dictator to coerce the insurgents, and the two Calavii, dreading the consequences of their conspiracy, are believed to have made away with themselves. (Liv. ix. 26.) 3. OFILIUS CALAVIUS, son of Ovius Calavius, was a man of great distinction at Capua, and when in B. c. 321 the Campanians exulted over the defeat of the Romans at Caudium, and believed that their spirit was broken, Ofilius Calavius taught his fellow-citizens to look at the matter in another light, and advised them to be on their guard. (Liv. ix. 7.) 4. PACUVIUS CALAvlus, a contemporary of Hannibal, and a man of great popularity and influence, who, according to the Roman accounts, acquired his power by evil arts, and sacrificed everything to gratify his ambition and love of dominion. In B. c. 217, when Hannibal had gained his victory on lake Trasimenus, Pacuvius Calavius happened to be invested with the chief magistracy at Capua. He had good reasons for believing that the people of Capua, who were hostile towards the senate, intended on the approach of Hannibal to murder all the senators, and surrender the town to the Carthaginians. In order to prevent this and to secure his ascendancy over both parties, he had recourse to the following stratagem. He assembled the senate and declared against a revolt from Rome; first, because he was connected with the Romans by marriage, his own wife being a daughter of Appius Claudius, and one of his daughters married to a Roman. He then revealed to the senate the intentions of the people, and declared that lie would save the senators if they would entrust themselves to him. Fear induced the senators to do as he desired. He then shut all the senators up in the senate-house, and had the doors well guarded, so that no one could leave or enter the edifice. Upon this he assembled the people, told them that all the senators were his prisoners, and advised them to subject each senator to a trial, but before executing one, to elect a better and juster one in his stead. The sentence of death was easily pronounced upon the first senator that was brought to trial, but it was not so easy to elect a better one. The disputes about a successor grew fierce, and the people at last grew tired and were disgusted with their own proceedings, which led to no results. They accordingly ordered that the old senators should retain their'dignity and
Page 561 CALDUS. be liberated. Calavius, who by this stratagem had laid the senators under great obligations to himself and the popular party, not only brought about a reconciliation between the people and the senate, but secured to himself the greatest influence in the republic, which he employed to induce his fellowcitizens to espouse the cause of Hannibal. After the battle of Cannae, in B. c. 216, Hannibal took up his winter-quarters at Capua. Perolla, the son of Calavius, had been the strongest opponent of the Carthaginians, and had sided with Decius Magius, but his father obtained his pardon from Hannibal, who even invited father and son to a great entertainment which he gave to the most distinguished Campanians. But Perolla could not conquer his hatred of the Carthaginians, and went to the repast armed with a sword, intending to murder Hannibal. When Pacuvius Calavius left the banquet-room, his son followed him and told him of his plan; but the father worked upon the young man's feelings, and induced him to abandon his bloody design. (Liv. xxiii. 2-4, 8, 9.) [L. S.] CALA'VIUS SABI'NUS. [SABINUS.] CALCHAS (KdAXas), a son of Thestor of Mycenae or Megara, was the wisest soothsayer among the Greeks at Troy. (Hom. II. i. 69, &c., xiii. 70.) He foretold the Greeks the duration of the Trojan war, even before they sailed from Aulis, and while they were engaged in the war he explained to them the cause of the anger-of-Apollo. (II. ii. 322; Ov. Met. xii. 19, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 97; Paus. i. 43. ~ 1.) An oracle had declared that Calchas should die if he should meet with a soothsayer superior to himself; and this came to pass at Claros, for Calchas met the famous soothsayer Mopsus in the grove of the Clarian Apollo, and was defeated by him in not being able to state the number of figs on a wild fig-tree, or the number of pigs which a sow was going to give birth to-things which Mopsus told with perfect accuracy. Hereupon, Calchas is said to have died with grief. (Strab. xiv. p. 642, &c., 668; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 427, 980.) Another story about his death runs thus: a soothsayer saw Calchas planting some vines in the grove of Apollo near Grynium, and foretold him that he would never drink any of the wine produced by them. When the grapes had grown ripe and wine was made of them, Calchas invited the soothsayer among his other guests. Even at the moment when Calchas held the cup of wine in his hand, the soothsayer repeated his prophecy. This excited Calchas to such a fit of laughter, that he dropped the cup and choked. (Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. vi. 72.) A third tradition, lastly, states that, when Calchas disputed with Mopsus the administration of the oracle at Claros, he promised victory to Amphimachus, king of the Lycians, while Mopsus said that he would not be victorious. The latter prophecy was fulfilled; and Calchas, in his grief at this defeat, put an end to his life. (Conon, Narrat. 6.) Respecting the oracle of Calchas in Daunia, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Oraculum. [L. S.] CALDUS, the name of a family of the plebeian Caelia gens. The word caldus is a shortened form of calidus, and hence Cicero (de Invent. ii. 9) says, " aliquem Caldum vocari, quod temerario et repentino consilio sit." 1. C. CAELIUS CALDUS, a contemporary of L. Crassus, the orator. No member of his family had yet obtained any of the great offices, but he CALECAS. 561 succeeded in raising himself by his activity and eloquence, though his powers as an orator do not appear to have been very great. After having endeavoured in vain to obtain the quaestorship (Cic. pro Planc. 21), he was elected in B. c. 107, tribune of the plebs. His tribuneship is remarkable for a lex tabellaria, which was directed against the legate C. Popillius, and which ordained that in the courts of justice the votes should be given by means of tablets in cases of high treason. Cicero (De Leg. iii. 16) states, that Caldus regretted, throughout his life, having proposed this law, as it did injury to the republic. In B.c. 94, he was made consul, together with L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, in preference to a competitor of very high rank, though he himself was a novus homo: and after his consulship he obtained Spain as his province, as is usually inferred from coins of the gens Caelia which bear his name, the word His (pania) and the figure of a boar, which Eckhel refers to the town of Clunia. (One of these coins is figured in the Diet. of Ant. s. v. Epulones.) During the civil war between Marius and Sulla, B. c. 83, Caldus was a steady supporter of the Marian party, and in conjunction with Carrinas and Brutus, he endeavoured to prevent Pompey from leading his legions to Sulla. But as the three did not act in unison, Pompey made an attack upon the army of Brutus and routed it, whereby the plan of Caldus was completely thwarted. (Cic. de Orat. i. 25, Brut. 45, in Verr. v. 70, de Petit. Cons. 3, pro Muren. 8; J. Obsequens, 111; Ascon. Argum. in Cornel. p. 57, ed. Orelli; Plut. Pomp. 7; Cic. ad Att. x. 12, 14-16, de Orat. ii. 64; ad Herenn. ii. 13, though it is uncertain whether the Caelius mentioned in the last two passages is the same as C Caelius Caldus or not; comp. Eckhel, v. p. 175.) 2. C. CAELIUS CALDUS, a son of L. Caelius Caldus, and a grandson of No. 1, was appointed quaestor in B. c. 50, in Cilicia, which was then under the administration of Cicero. When Cicero departed from the province, he left the administration in the hands of Caldus, although he was not fit for such a post either by his age or his character. Among the letters of Cicero, there is one (ad Fam. ii. 19) addressed to Caldus at the time when he was quaestor designatus. (Cic. ad Fanm. ii. 15, ad Att. vi. 2, 4-6, vii. 1.) 3. CALDUS, the last member of the family who occurs in history. He was one of the Romans who were taken prisoner by the Germans in the defeat of Varus, A. D. 9, and seeing the cruel tortures which the barbarians inflicted upon the prisoners, he grasped the chains in which he was fettered and dashed them against his own head with such force, that he died on the spot. (Vell. Pat. ii. 120.) The name Caldus occurs on several coins of the Caelia gens. One of the most important is given, as is mentioned above, in the Diet. of Ant. [L.S.] CALE'CAS, JOANNES ('Iodvv3 s KaXKSas), was patriarch of Constantinople from A. D. 1333 to to 1347. (Cantacuz. Hist. Byz. iii. 21.) He was 2o
Page 562 562 CALENUS. a native of the town of Apri or Aprus in Thrace, and before he was made patriarch he held a high ecclesiastical office at the court of the emperor Andronicus. He delivered a great number of homilies at Constantinople, which created great sensation in their time, and sixty of which are said to be still extant in MS. But only two of them have been published by Grester (De Cruce, ii. p. 1363, &c., and 1477, &c.), and the latter under the erroneous name of Philotheus. (Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p. 497, &c., ed. Lond.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 591, &c.) [L. S.] CALE'CAS, MANUEL (MavovriA KaA'fcas), a relative of Joannes Calecas, appears to have lived about A. D. 1360, as he combated the doctrines of Palamas. He is said to have been a monk of the Dominican order, and was the author of several works. Though he himself was a Greek, he wrote against the Greek church and in favour of that of Rome, for which he is, of course, highly praised by the adherents of the Roman church. The following list contains those of his works which are published: - 1. " Libri iv adversus errores Graecorum de Processione Spiritus Sancti." The Greek original has not yet been printed, but a Latin translation was made at the command of Pope Martin V. by Ambrosius Camaldulensis, and was edited with a commentary by P. Stenartius, Ingolstadt, 1616, 4to. A reprint of this translation is contained in the Biblioth. Patr. vol. xxvi. p. 382, &c., ed. Lugdun. 2. " De Essentia et Operatione Dei" (nrepl oVtrias Kal Ei'vpyelas), was edited with a Latin translation and notes by Combefisius, in vol. ii. of his Auctarium Novissimum Bibl. Patr. pp. 1-67, ed. Paris, 1672, fol. This work is directed against the heresies of Palamas, and was approved by the synod of Constantinople of 1351. 3. " De Fide deque Principiis Catholicae Fidei" (repl 7triorews cal Trepi Tv 4dpyWv rijs KaGeoIAucKS trifTrewsc). This work, consisting of ten chapters, was edited with a Latin translation and notes by Combefisius, in his Auctarium mentioned above, ii. pp. 174-285. The Latin translation is reprinted in the Bibl. Patr. vol. xxvi. p. 345, &c., ed. Lugdun. About ten more of his works are extant in MS., but have never yet been published. (Wharton's Append. to Cave's Hist. Lit. i. p. 55, &c.; Fabric. Biblioth. Graec. xi. p. 453, &c.) [L. S.] CALENUS. [OLENUS.] CALE'NUS, the name of a family of the Fufia gens, is probably derived from Cales, a municipium in Campania; but whether the name merely indicated the origin of the family, or whether the first who bore it, derived it from having conquered the town of Cales is uncertain, though the latter is the more probable supposition. The name occurs on a coin of the Fufia gens. (Eckhel, v. p. 220, &c.) 1. Q. FUFIUS CALENUS is mentioned only by Cicero (Philip. viii. 4) as one who thought, that P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica was the greatest man in the republic, because he had delivered the state from the obnoxious Tib. Gracchus. From this sentiment it may be inferred, that Fufius Calenus occupied a considerable portion of the public land. 2. Q. FuFIus Q. F. C. N. CALENUS, son of No. 1, was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 61, and patronized P. Clodius, whom he endeavoured to save from condemnation for his violation of the mysteries of the Bona Dea. With this view he proposed a law, that Clodius should not be tried by special judges, but by the ordinary court. This CALENUS. bill was supported by Q. Hortensius, though ho thought it impossible that Clodius should be acquitted. However the law was passed, and Fufius Calenus gained his end. In B. c. 59, he was elected praetor by the influence of Caesar, in whose cause he continued to be very active ever afterwards. In this year he carried a law, that each of the three classes of judges, senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii, should give their votes separately, so that it might always be seen in what way each of them voted. Being generally known as the tool of Caesar, he also shared in the hatred which the latter drew upon himself, and was accordingly treated, says Cicero (ad Att. ii. 18), with contempt and hisses by all the good citizens. In B. c. 52, Calenus is stated to have supported the Clodian party after Clodius had been murdered by Milo, and in the year following we find him as legate of Caesar in Gaul. On the outbreak of the civil war in B. c. 49, Calenus hastened in the month of March to meet Caesar at Brundusium, and on his journey thither he called upon Cicero at his Formian Villa, on which occasion he called Pompey a criminal, and charged the senate with levity and folly. (Cic. ad Att. ix. 5.) When Caesar afterwards went to Spain, Calenus again followed him as legate; and after Caesar had gone to Epeirus, Calenus was sent to fetch over the remainder of the troops from Italy. But while he was crossing over from Epeirus to Italy with his empty ships, Bibulus captured most of them: Calenus himself escaped to the Italian coast and afterwards returned to Epeirus with Antony. Before the battle of Pharsalia Caesar sent him to Achaia, and there he took Delphi, Thebes, and Orchomenos, and afterwards Athens, Megara, and Patrae. In B. c. 47, Caesar caused him to be raised to the consulship. After the murder of Caesar, in B. c. 44, Calenus joined M. Antony, and during the transactions of the early part of B. c. 43, he defended Antony against Cicero. The speech which Dion Cassius (xlii. 1, &c.) puts into his mouth, does not, probably, contain much genuine matter, and is, perhaps, only an invention of the historian. After the war against Brutus and Cassius, Calenus served as the legate of M. Antony, and the legions of the latter were placed under his command in northern Italy. When the Perusinian war terminated, in B. c. 41, with the defeat of L. Antonius, Octavianus was anxious to get possession of the army of Calenus, which was stationed at the foot of the Alps; fortunately for Octavianus, Calenus just then died, and his son, who was a mere youth, surrendered the army to Octavianus without striking a blow. It is related by Appian (a. c. iv. 47), that during the proscription of (B. c. 43) the life of the great M. Terentius Varro was saved by Calenus, and it is not improbable that the letter of Varro to Fufius, which is still extant (Fragm. p. 199. ed Bipont.) was addressed to our Q. Fufius Calenus. (Cic. ad Fami. v. 6, ad Att. i. 14, 15, xi. 15, 16; Schol. Bobiens. pp. 330, 235; Ascon. ad Milon. p. 43, ed. Orelli; Cic. Philip. viii. 4, &c.; Caes. B. G. viii. 39, B. C. iii. 8, 26, 55; Dion Cass. xxxviii. 8, xlii. 14, 55, xlviii. 10, 20; Appian, B. C. ii. 58, v. 3, 12, 24, 33, 51, 61; comp. Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. p. 259.) 3. CALENUS, L. (FUFIUS), is mentioned only by Cicero (c. Verr. ii. 8) as -one of the witnesses against Verres. [L. S.]
Page 563 CALIDIUS, CALE'NUS, JU'LIUS, an Aeduan. After the battle of Cremona, in A. D. 69, in which the army of Vitellius was defeated by Antonius Primus, Julius Calenus, who had himself belonged to the Vitellian party, was sent to Gaul as a living proof of their defeat. (Tac. Hist. iii. 35.) [L. S.] CALE'NUS, M. VALE'RIUS CORVUS. [CORVUS.] CALE'TOR (KaXA'reop), a son of Clytius, slain at Troy by the Telamonian Ajax. (Hornm. I. xv. 419; Paus. x. 14. ~ 2.) Another person of this name, the father of Aphareus, occurs in II. xiii. 541. [L. S.] CA'LGACUS or GA'LGACUS, a British chief who distinguished himself among his countrymen in the war with Agricola. Tacitus (Agr. 29, &c.) gives a noble specimen of his love of liberty in the speech he puts into his mouth. [L. S.] CALIDIA'NUS, C. COSCONIUS. [CoscoNIus.] CALI'DIUS or CALLI'DIUS. 1. CN. CALIDIUS, a Roman knight in Sicily, of high rank and great influence, whose son was a Roman judex and senator, was robbed of some of his plate by Verres. (Cic. Verr. iv. 20.) 2. Q. CALIDIUS, tribune of the plebs in B. C. 99, carried a law in this year for the recall of Q. Metellus Numidicus from banishment. In gratitude for this service, his son Q. Metellus Pius, who was then consul, supported Calidius in his canvas for the praetorship in a. t. 80. Calidius was accordingly praetor in B. c. 79, and obtained one of the Spanish provinces; but, on his return to Rome, he was accused of extortion in his province by Q. Lollius (not Gallius, as the Pseudo-Asconius states), and condemned by his judges, who had been bribed for the purpose. As, however, the bribes had not been large, Calidius made the remark, that a man of praetorian rank ought not to be condemned for a less sum than three million sesterces. (Val. Max. v. 2. ~ 7; Cic. pro Plane. 28, 29; Cic. Verr. Act. i. 13; Pseudo-Ascon. ad loc.; Cic. Verr. iii. 25.) This Calidius may have been the one who was sent from Rome, about B. c. 82, to command Murena to desist from the devastation of the territories of Mithridates. (Appian, Mithr. 65.) 3. M. CAI DIUS, son of No. 2 (Pseudo-Ascon. ad Cic. Verr. Act. i. 13), a celebrated orator, studied under Apollodorus of Pergamus, who was also the teacher of the emperor Augustus. (Euseb. Chron. 01. 179. 2.) Cicero passes (Brut. 79, 80) a high panegyric upon Calidius' oratory, which he characterizes at considerable length, and particularly praises the clearness and elegance of his style. But while Calidius explained a thing most lucidly, and was listened to with the greatest pleasure, he was not so successful in carrying with him the feelings of his hearers and producing conviction. Velleius Paterculus (ii. 36) classes him with Cicero, Hortensius, and the other chief orators of his time, and Quintilian (xii. 10. ~ 10) also speaks of the "subtilitas" of Calidius. The first oration of Calidius of which we have mention was delivered in B.c. 64, when he accused Q. Gallius, a candidate for the praetorship, of bribery. Gallius was defended by Cicero, of whose oration a few fragments are extant. (Ascon. in Orat. in Tog. cand. p. 88, ed. Orelli; Cic. Brut. 80; Festus, s. v. Sufes.) In B. c. 57 Calidius was praetor, and in that year spoke in favour of restoring the house of Cicero, having previously supported CALIGULA. 563 his recall from banishment. (Quintil. x. i. ~ 23; Cic. post. Red. in Sen. 9.) In B. c. 54, he defended, in conjunction with Cicero and others, M. Aemilius Scaurus, who was accused of extortion. (Ascon. in Scaur. p. 20.) He also spoke in the same year on behalf of the freedom of the inhabitants of Tenedos, and in support of Gabinius. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11, iii. 2.) In B. c. 52, Calidius was one of the supporters of Milo, after the death of Clodius (Ascon. in AM/ilon. p. 35); and in the following year (51) he was a candidate for the consulship, but lost his election, and was accused of bribery by the two Gallii, one of whom he had himself accused in B. c. 64. (Cael. ap Cic. ad Fam. viii. 4, 9.) In the debate in the senate at the beginning of January, B. c. 49, Calidius gave it as his opinion that Pompey ought to depart to his provinces to prevent any occasion for war; and on the breaking out of the civil war immediately afterwards, he joined Caesar, by whom he was appointed to the government of the province of Gallia Togata. He died at Placentia, in his province, in B. c. 48. (Caes. B. C. i. 2; Euseb. Chron. 01. 180. 4.) (The fragments of the orations of Calidius are given in Meyer's Oratorum Roman. Fragm. p. 434, &c. 2nd ed.; comp. Ellendt's Prolegomena to his edition of Cicero's Brutus, p. cvii. and Westermann's Gesch. der Rim. Beredtsamkeit, ~ 69, not. 6-11.) The coin annexed refers to this M. Calidius. It bears on the obverse the head of Rome, and on the reverse Victory in a two-horse chariot, with the inscription M. CALID. Q. ME. CN. FL., that is, M. Calidius, Q. Metellus, and Cn. Fulvius, being triumvirs of the mint. CA'LIDUS, L. JU'LIUS (some MSS. have CALIDIUS, but this last is a gentile appellation and not a cognomen), is pronounced by Cornelius Nepos (Att 12) worthy of holding the first place among the Roman poets of his day, after the death of Catullus and Lucretius. This must, of course, be understood to refer to the period immediately anterior to the Augustan era. Calidus had great possessions in Africa, and was proscribed in consequence by Volumnius, one of the creatures of Antony, but his name was erased from the fatal list through the interposition of Atticus. [W. R.] CALI'GULA, the third in the series of Roman emperors, reigned from A. D. 37 to A. D. 41. His real name was Caius Caesar, and he received that of Caligula in the camp, from caligae, the foot dress of the common soldiers, when he was yet a boy with his father in Germany. As emperor, however, he was always called by his contemporaries Caius, and he regarded the name of Caligula as an insult. (Senec. De Constant. 18.) He was the youngest son of Germanicus, the nephew of Tiberius, by Agrippina, and was born on the 31st of August, A. D. 12. (Suet. Cal. 8.) The place of his birth was a matter of doubt with the ancients; according to some, it was Tibur; according to others, Treves on the Moselle; but Suetonius has proved from the public documents of Antium 202
Page 564 564 CALIGULA. that lie was born at that town. His earliest years were spent in the camp of his father in Germany, and he grew up among the soldiers, with whom he became accordingly very popular. (Tac. A nnal. i. 41, 69; Suet. Cal. 9; Dion Cass. lvii. 5.) Caligula also accompanied his father on his Syrian expedition, and after his return first lived with his mother, and, when she was exiled, in the house of Livia Augusta. When the latter died, Caligula, then a youth in his sixteenth year, delivered the funeral oration upon her from the Rostra. After this he lived some years with his grandmother, Antonia. Caligula, like his two elder brothers, Nero and Drusus, was hated by Sejanus, but his favour with Tiberius and his popularity as the son of Germanicus saved him. (Dion Cass. Iviii. 8.) After the fall of Sejanus in A. D. 32, when Caligula had just attained his twentieth year, Tiberius summoned him to come to Capreae. Here the young man concealed so well his feelings at the injuries inflicted upon his mother and brothers, as well as at the wrongs which he himself had suffered, that he did not utter a sound of complaint, and behaved in such a submissive manner, that those who witnessed his conduct declared, that there never was such a cringing slave to so bad a master. (Suet. Gal. 10; Tac. Annal. vi. 20.) But his savage and voluptuous character was nevertheless seen through by Tiberius. About the same time he married Junia Claudilla (Claudia), the daughter of M. Silanus, an event which Dion Cassius (lviii. 25) assigns to the year A. D. 35. Soon afterwards he obtained the quaestorship, and on the death of his brother Drusus was made augur in his stead, having been created pontiff two years before. (Dion Cass. Iviii. 8; Suet. Cal. 12.) After the death of his wife, in March A. D. 36, Caligula began seriously to think in what manner he might secure the succession to himself, of which Tiberius had held out hopes to him, without however deciding anything. (Dion Cass. Iviii. 23; Tac. Annal. vi. 45, &c.) In order to ensure his success, he seduced Ennia Naevia, the wife of Macro, who had then the command of the praetorian cohorts. He promised to marry her if he should succeed to the throne, and contrived to gain the consent and co-operation of Macro also, who according to some accounts introduced his wife to the embraces of the voluptuous youth. (Suet. Cal. 12; Tac. Annal. vi. 45; Dion Cass. Iviii. 28; Philo, Legat. ad Cai. p. 998, ed. Paris, 1640.) Tiberius died in March A. D. 37, and there can be little doubt but that Caligula either caused or accelerated his death. In aftertimes he often boasted of having attempted to murder Tiberius in order to avenge the wrongs which his family had suffered from him. There were reports that Caligula had administered to Tiberius a slow poison, or that he had withheld from him the necessary food during his illness, or lastly, that he had suffocated him with a pillow. Some again said, that he had been assisted by Macro, while Tacitus (AnnAl. vi. 50) mentions Macro alone as the guilty person. (Suet. Tib. 73, Cal. 12; Dion Cass. Iviii. 28.) When the body of Tiberius was carried from Misenum to Rome, Caligula accompanied it in the dress of a mourner, but he was saluted by the people at Rome with the greatest enthusiasm as the son of Germanicus. Tiberius in his will had appointed his grandson Tiberius as coheir to Caligula, but the CALIGULA. senate and the people gave the sovereign power to Caligula alone, in spite of the regulations of Tiberius. (Suet. Cal. 14; Dion Cass. lix. 1; comp. Joseph. Ant. Jzud. xviii. 6. ~ 9.) In regard to all other points, however, Caligula carried the will of Tiberins into execution: le paid to the people and the soldiers the sums which the late emperor had bequeathed to them, and even increased these legacies by his own munificence. After having delivered the funeral oration upon Tiberius, he immediately fulfilled the duty of piety towards his mother and his brother: he had their ashes conveyed from Pandataria and the Pontian islands to Rome, and deposited them in the Mausoleum with great solemnity. But notwithstanding the feeling which prompted him to this act, he pardoned all those who had allowed themselves to be used as instruments against the members of his family, and ordered the documents which contained the evidence of their guilt to be burnt in the Forum. Those who had been condemned to imprisonment by Tiberius were released, and those who had been exiled were recalled to their country. He restored to the magistrates their full power of jurisdiction without appeal to his person, and he also endeavoured to revive the old character of the comitia by allowing the people to discuss and decide the matters brought before them, as in former times. Towards foreign princes who had been stripped of their power and their revenues by his predecessor, he behaved with great generosity. Thus Agrippa, the grandson of Herod, who had been put in chains by Tiberius, was released and restored to his kingdom, and Antiochus IV. of Commagene received back his kingdom, which was increased by the maritime district of Cilicia. On the first of July A. D. 37, Caligula entered upon his first consulship together with Claudius, his father's brother, and held the office for two months. Soon after this he was seized by a serious illness in consequence of his irregular mode of living. He was, indeed, restored to health, but from that moment appeared an altered man. Hitherto the joy of the people at his accession seemed to be perfectly justified by the justice and moderation he shewed during the first months of his reign, but from henceforward he appears more like a diabolical than a human being-he acts completely like a madman. A kind of savageness and gross voluptuousness had always been prominent features in his character, but still we are not justified in supposing, as many do, that he merely threw off the mask which had hitherto concealed his real disposition; it is much more probable that his illness destroyed his mental powers, and thus let loose all the veiled passions of his soul, to which he now yielded without exercising any control over them. Immediately after his recovery he ordered Tiberius, the grandson of his predecessor, whom he had raised before to the rank of princeps juventutis, to be put to death on the pretext of his having wished the emperor not to recover from his illness; and those of his friends who had vowed their lives for his recovery, were now compelled to carry their vow into effect by putting an end to their existence. He also commanded several members of his own family, and among them his grandmother Antonia, Macro, and his wife Ennia Naevia, to make away with themselves. His thirst for blood seemed to increase with the number of his victims, and murdering soon ceased to be the consequence of his
Page 565 CALIGULA. CALIGULA. batred; it became a matter of pleasure and amusement with him. Once during a public fight of "wild beasts in the Circus, when there were no more criminals to enter the arena, he ordered persons to be taken at random from among the spectators, and to be thrown before the wild beasts, but that they might not be able to cry out or curse their destroyer, he ordered their tongues to be cut out. Often when he was taking his meals, he would order men to be tortured to death before his eyes, that he might have the pleasure of witnessing their agony. Once when, during a horse-race, the people were more favourably disposed to one of his competitors than to himself, he is said to have exclaimed, "Would that the whole Roman people had only one head," But his cruelty was not greater than his voluptuousness and obscenity. He carried on an incestuous intercourse with his own sisters, and when Drusilla, the second of them, died, he raved like a madman with grief, and commanded her to be worshipped as a divinity. No Roman lady was safe from his attacks, and his marriages were as disgracefully contracted as they were ignominiously dissolved. The only woman that exercised a lasting influence over him was Caesonia. A point which still more shews the disordered state of his brain is, that in his self-veneration he went so far as to consider himself a god: he would appear in public sometimes in the attire of Bacchus, Apollo, or Jupiter, and even of Venus and Diana; he would frequently place himself in the temple of Castor and Pollux, between the statues of these divinities, and order the people who entered the temple to worship him. He even built a temple to himself as Jupiter Latiaris, and appointed priests to attend to his worship and offer sacrifices to him. This temple contained his statue in gold, of the size of life, and his statue was dressed precisely as he was. The wealthiest Romans were appointed his priests, but they had to purchase the honour with immense sums of money. He sometimes officiated as his own priest, making his horse Incitatus, which he afterwards raised to the consulship, his colleague. No one but a complete madman would have been guilty of things like these. The sums of money which he squandered almost surpass belief. During the first year of his reign he nearly drained the treasury, although Tiberius had left in it the sum of 720 millions of sesterces. One specimen may serve to shew in what senseless manner he spent the money. That he might be able to boast of having marched over the sea as over dry land, he ordered a bridge of boats to be constructed across the channel between Baiae and Puteoli, a distance of three Roman miles and six hundred paces. After it was covered with earth and houses built upon it, he rode across it in triumph, and gave a splendid banquet on the middle of the bridge. In order to amuse himself on this occasion in his usual way, he ordered numbers of the spectators whom he had invited to be thrown into the sea. As the regular revenues of the state were insufficient to supply him with the means of such mad extravagance, he had recourse to robberies, public sales of his estates, unheard-of taxes, and every species of extortion that could be devised. In order that no means of getting money might remain untried, he established a public brothel in his own palace, and sent out his servants to invite men of all classes to avail themselves of it. On the birth of his daughter by Caesonia, he regularly acted the part of a beggar in order to obtain money to rear her. He also madd known that he would receive presents on new year's day, and on the first of January he posted himself in the vestibule of his palace, to accept the presents that were brought him by crowds of people. Things like these gradually engendered in him a love of money itself without any view to the ends it is to serve, and he is said to have sometimes taken a delight in rolling himself in heaps of gold. After Italy and Rome were exhausted by his extortions, his love of money and his avarice compelled him to seek other resources. He turned his eyes to Gaul, and under the pretence of a war against the Germans, he marched, in A. D. 40, with an army to Gaul to extort money from the wealthy inhabitants of that country. Executions were as frequent here as they had been before in Italy. Lentulus Gaetulicus and Aemilius Lepidus were accused of having formed a conspiracy and were put to death, and the two sisters of Caligula were sent into exile as guilty of adultery and accomplices of the conspiracy. Ptolemaeus, the son of king Juba, was exiled merely on account of his riches, and was afterwards put to death. It would be endless and disgusting to record here all the acts of cruelty, insanity, and avarice, of which his whole reign, with the exception of the first few months, forms one uninterrupted succession. He concluded his predatory campaign in Gaul by leading his army to the coast of the ocean, as if he would cross over to Britain; he drew them up in battle array, and then gave them the signal--to collect shells, which he called the spoils of conquered Ocean.. After this he returned to Rome, where he acted with still greater cruelty than before, because he thought the honours which the senate conferred. upon him too insignificant and too human for a god like him. Several conspiracies were formed against him, but were discovered, until at length Cassius Chaerea, tribune of a praetorian cohort, Cornelius Sabinus, and others, entered into one which was crowned with success. Four months after his return from Gaul, on the 24th of January A. D. 41, Caligula was murdered by Chaerea near the theatre, or according to others, in his own palace while he was hearing some boys rehearse the part they were to perform in the theatre. His wife and daughter were likewise put to death. His body was secretly conveyed by his friends to the horti Lamiani, half burnt, and covered over with a light turf. Subsequently, however, his sisters, after their return from exile, ordered the body to be taken out, and had it completely burnt and buried. (Sueton. Caligula; Dion Cass. lib. lix.; Joseph. Ant. xix. 1; Aurel. Vict. De Caes. 3; Zonar. x. 6.) In the coin annexed the obverse represents the head of Caligula, with the inscription c. CAESAR AVG. GERM. P. M. TR. POT., and the reverse that of Augustus, with the inscription DIvvs AVG. PATER PATRIAE. [L. S.]
Page 566 566 CALLIAS. CALTPPUS. [CALIPPUS.] CALLAESCHRUS. [ANTISTATES.] CALLAICUS, a surname of D. Junius Brutus. [BRUTUS, No. 15.] CALLAS. [CALAS.] CALLATIA'NUS, DEME'TRIUS (An? - 'rpeos KahXaTirav's), the author of a geographical work on Europe and Asia (7repi Eupcwsnrs ial ' Aoias) in twenty books, which is frequently referred to by the ancients. (Diog. Laert. v. 83; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AvlrtIdpa; Strab. i. p. 60; Dionys. Hal. de comp. Verb. 4; Lucian. MJacrob. 10; Schol. ad Thieocrit. i. 65, x. 19; Marcian. Heracl. passim.) [L. S.] CALLI'ADES (KahhtA1dl), is mentioned by Herodotus (viii. 51) as archon eponymus of Athens at the time of the occupation of the city by the Persian army, B. c. 480. [E. E.] CALLI'ADES (KahMAidis), a comic poet, who is mentioned by Athenaeus (xiii. p. 577), but about whom nothing further is known, than that a comedy entitled'"Ayroa was ascribed by some to Diphilus and by others to Calliades. (Athen. ix. p. 401.) From the former passage of Athenaeus it must be inferred, that Calliades was a contemporary of the archon Eucleides, B. c. 403, and that accordingly he belonged to the old Attic comedy, whereas the fact of the Agnoea being disputed between him and Diphilus shews that he was a contemporary of the latter, and accordingly was a poet of the new Attic comedy. For this reason Meineke (Hist. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 450) is inclined to believe that the name Calliades in Athenaeus is a mistake for Callias. [L. S.] CALLIADES (KaAAucis), the name of two artists, a painter spoken of by Lucian (Dial. lleretr. 8, p. 300), and a statuary, who made a statue of the courtezan Neaera. (Tatian, ad Graec. 55.) The age and country of both are unknown. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) [W. I.] CALLI'ANAX (Kaia'dva[), a physician, who probably lived in the third century B. c. He was one of the followers of Herophilus, and appears to have been chiefly known for the roughness and brutality of his manners towards his patients. Some of his answers have been preserved by Galen. To one of his patients who said he was about to die, he replied by the verse, El lc -re ArrcW Kaxxi7rats *yelvaTo: and to another who expressed the same fear he quoted the verse from Homer (II. xxi. 107), KdarOave ical IcapoKAos, o'rep o-o iroAAo dciL'vwv. (Galen, Comment. in Hippocr. " Epid. VI." iv. 9. vol. xvii. pt. ii. p. 145; Pallad. Comment. Hippocr. "E Epid. VI." ~ 8, apud Dietz, Schol. in Hiippocr. et Gal. vol. ii. p. 112.) [W. A. G.] CALLI'ARUS (KaAAlapos), a son of Odoedocus and Laonome, from whom the Locrian town of Calliarus was said to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] CA'LLIAS (KahhAas), a son of the Heracleid king Temenus, who, in conjunction with his brothers, caused his father to be killed by some hired persons, because he preferred Deiphontes, the husband of his daughter Hyrnetho, to his sons. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 5.) [L. S.] CA'LLIAS and HIPPONICUS (KaAhias, 'InrovIcos), a noble Athenian family, celebrated for their wealth, the heads of which, from the son of Phaenippus downwards [No. 2], received these names alternately in successive generations. (Aristoph. Av. 283; Schol. ad loc.; Perizon. ad Ael. CALLIAS. V. H. xiv. 16.) They enjoyed the hereditary dinity of torch-bearer at the Eleusinian mysteries, and claimed descent from Triptolemus. (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. ~ 6.) 1. HIPPONICUS I., the first of the family on record, is mentioned by Plutarch (Sol. 15, comp. Pol. Praec. 13) as one of the three to whom Solon, shortly before the introduction of his rELOard'XOa, B. c. 594, imparted his intention of diminishing the amount of debt while he abstained from interference with landed property. Of this information they are said to have made a fraudulent use, and to have enriched themselves by the purchase of large estates with borrowed money. Backh thinks, however (Publ. Econ. of Athens, b. iv. ch. 3), that this story against Hipponicus may have originated in the envy of his countrymen. 2. CALLIAS I., son of Phaenippus and probably nephew of the above, is mentioned by Herodotus (vi. 121) as a strong opponent of Peisistratus, and as the only man in Athens who ventured to buy the tyrant's property on each occasion of his expulsion. On the same authority, if indeed the chapter be not an interpolation (vi. 122; see Larcher, ad loc.), we learn, that he spentmuch money in keeping horses, was a conqueror at the Olympic and Pythian games, at the former in B. c. 564 (Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 283), and gave large dowries to his daughters, allowing them-a good and wise departure from the usual practice-to marry any of the Athenians they pleased. 3. HIPPONICUS II., surnamed Ammon, son of Callias I., is said to have increased his wealth considerably by the treasures of a Persian general, which had been entrusted to Diomnestus, a man of Eretria, on the first invasion of that place by the Persians. The invading army being all destroyed Diomnestus kept the money; but his heirs, on the second Persian invasion, transmitted it to Hipponicus at Athens, and with him it ultimately remained, as all the captive Eretrians (comp. Herod. vi. 118) were sent to Asia. This story is given by Athenaeus (xii. pp. 536, f., 537, a.) on the authority of Heracleides of Pontus; but it is open to much suspicion from its inconsistency with the account of Herodotus, who mentions only one invasion of Eretria, and that a successful one B. c. 490. (Herod. vi. 99-101.) Possibly the anecdote, like that of Callias AaicKcrAovuros below, was one of the modes in which the gossips of Athens accounted for the large fortune of the family. 4. CALLIAs II., son of No. 3, was present in his priestly dress at the battle of Marathon; and the story runs that, on the rout of the enemy, a Persian, claiming his protection, pointed out to him a treasure buried in a pit, and that he slew the man and appropriated the money. Hence the surname haiccKdrhovros (Plut. Aristeid. 5; Schol. ad Aristoph. Nub. 65; Hesych. and Suid. s. v. AacKKcdlrovTos), which, however, we may perhaps rather regard as having itself suggested the tale, and as having been originally, like Bae6rhovros, expressive of the extent of the family's wealth. (Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, b. iv. ch. 3.) His enemies certainly were sufficiently malignant, if not powerful; for Plutarch (Aristeid. 25), on the authority of Aeschines the Socratic, speaks of a capital prosecution instituted against him on extremely weak grounds. Aristeides, who was his cousin, was a witness on the trial, which must therefore have taken place before B. c. 468, the
Page 567 CALLIASS. probable date of Aristeides' death. In Herodotus (vii. 151) Callias is mentioned as ambassador from Athens to Artaxerxes; and this statement we might identify with that of Diodorus, who ascribes to the victories of Cimon, through the negotiation of Callias, B. c. 449, a peace with Persia on terms most humiliating to the latter, were it not that extreme suspicion rests on the whole account of the treaty in question. (Paus. i. 8; Diod. xii. 4; Wesseling, ad loc.; Mitford's Greece, ch. xi. sec. 3, note 11; Thirlvvall's Greece, vol. iii. pp. 37, 38, and the authorities there referred to; Bickh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, b. iii. ch. 12, b. iv. ch. 3.) Be this as it may, he did not escape impeachment after his return on the charge of having taken bribes, and was condemned to a fine of 50 talents, more than 12,0001., being a fourth of his whole property. (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 428; Lys. pro Aristoph. Bon. ~ 50.) 5. HIPPONICUS III., was the son of Callias II., and with Eurymedon commanded the Athenians in their successful incursion into the territory of Tanagra, B. c. 426. (Thuc. iii. 91; Diod. xii. 65.) He was killed at the battle of Delium, B. c. 424, where he was one of the generals. (Andoc. c. Alcib. p. 30.) It must therefore have been his divorced wife, and not his widow, whom Pericles married. (Plut. Peric. 24; cornp. Palm. ad Aristoph. Av. 283; Wesseling, ad Diod. xii. 65.) His daughter Hipparete became the wife of Alcibiades, with a dowry of ten talents, the largest, according to Andocides, that had ever before been given. (Andoc. c. Alcib. p. 30; Plut. Alcib. 8.) Another daughter of Hipponicus was married to Theodorus, and became the mother of Isocrates the orator. (Isocr. de Big. p. 353, a.) In Plato's " Cratylus," also (pp. 384, 391), Hermogenes is mentioned as a son of Ilipponicus and brother of Callias; but, as in p. 391 he is spoken of as not sharing his father's property, and his poverty is further alluded to by Xenophon (1IMem. ii. 10), he must have been illegitimate. (See Diet. of Ant. pp. 472, a., 598, b.) For Hipponicus, see also Ael. V. H. xiv. 16, who tells an anecdote of him with reference to Polycletus the sculptor. 6. CALLIAS III., son of Hipponicus III. by the lady who married Pericles (Plut. Peric. 24), was notorious for his extravagance and profligacy. We have seen, that he must have succeeded to his fortune in B. c. 424, which is not perhaps irreconcileable with the mention of him in the " Flatterers" of Eupolis, the comic poet, B. c. 421, as having recently entered on the inheritance. (Athen. v. p. 218, c.) In B. c. 400, he was engaged in the attempt to crush Andocides by a charge of profanation, in having placed a supplicatory bough on the altar of the temple at Eleusis during the celebration of the mysteries (Andoc. de Myst. ~ 110, &c.); and, if we may believe the statement of the accused, the bough was placed there by Callias himself, who was provoked at having been thwarted by Andocides in a very disgraceful and profligate attempt. In B. c. 392, we find him in command of the Athenian heavy-armed troops at Corinth on the occasion of the famous defeat of the Spartan Mora by Iphicrates. (Xen. HIell. iv. 5. ~ 13.) He was hereditary proxenus of Sparta, and, as such, was chosen as one of the envoys empowered to negotiate peace with that state in B. c. 371, on which occasion Xenophon reports an extremely absurd and self-glorifying speech of his (Hell. vi. 3. CALLIAS. 5067 ~ 2, &c., comp. v. 4. ~ 22.) A vain and silly dilettante, an extravagant and reckless profligate, he dissipated all his ancestral wealth on sophists, flatterers, and women; and so early did these propensities appear in him, that he was commonly spoken of, before his father's death, as the " evil genius'" (dA\iTjpros) of his family. (Andoc. deMyst. ~ 130, &c.; comp. Aristoph. Ran. 429, Av. 284, &c.; Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 502; Athen. iv. p. 169, a.; Ael. V. H. iv. 16.) The scene of Xenophon's " Banquet," and also that of Plato's " Protagoras," is laid at his house; and in the latter especially his character is drawn with some vivid sketches as a trifling dilettante, highly amused with the intellectual fencing of Protagoras and Socrates. (See Plat. Protag. pp. 335, 338; comp. Plat. Apol. p. 20, a., Theaet. p. 165, a., Cratyl. p. 391.) He is said to have ultimately reduced himself to absolute beggary, to which the sarcasm of Iphicrates (Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2. ~ 10) in calling him,jr.jrpa-yv'pTs instead of aq0oovxos obviously refers; and he died at last in actual want of the common necessaries of life. (Athen. xii. p. 537, c.; Lys. pro Aristoph. Bon. ~ 50.) Aelian's erroneous account of his committing suicide is clearly nothing but gossip from Athenaeus by memory. (AelV.V.H. iv. 23; Perizon. ad loc.) He left a legitimate son named Hipponicus. (Andoc. de Myst. ~ 126, which speech, from ~ 110 to ~ 131, has much reference to the profligacy of Callias.) [E. E.] CALLIAS (KaxAia?). 1. A soothsayer of the sacred Elean family of the lamidae. (Pind. Olymp. vi.), who, according to the account of the Crotonians, came over to their ranks from those of Sybaris, when he saw that the sacrifices foreboded destruction to the latter, B. c. 510. His services to Crotona were rewarded by an allotment of land, of which his descendants were still in possession when Herodotus wrote. (Herod. v. 44, 45.) 2. A wealthy Athenian, who, on condition of marrying Cimon's sister, Elpinice, paid for him the fine of fifty talents which had been imposed on Miltiades. (Plut. Cim. 4; Nepos, Cin. 1.) He appears to have been unconnected with the nobler family of Callias and Hipponicus, the 8c0ovexot. It seems likely that his wealth arose from mining, and that it was a son or grandson of his who discovered a method of preparing cinnabar, B. c. 405. (Bickh, Dissert. on the Mines of Laurion, ~ 23.) 3. Son of Calliades, was appointed with four colleagues to the command of the second body of Athenian forces sent against Perdiccas and the revolted Chalcidians, B. c. 432, and was slain in the battle against Aristeus near Potidaea. (Thucm i. 61-63; Diod. xii. 37.) This is probably the sanie Callias who is mentioned as a pupil of Zeno the Eleatic, from whose instructions, purchased for 100 minae, he is said to have derived much real advantage, (oe00s Kal EAdyiNlpos yEyovev. (PseudoPlat. Alcib. i. p. 119; Buttmann, ad loc.) 4. The Chalcidian, son of Mnesarchus, together with his brother Taurosthenes, succeeded his father in the tyranny of Chalcis, and formed an alliance with Philip of Macedon in order to support himself against Plutarchus, tyrant of Eretria, or rather with the view of extending his authority over the whole of Euboea-a design which, according to Aeschines, he covered under the disguise of a plan for uniting in one league the states of the island, and establishing a general Euboean congress at Chalcis. Plutarchus accordingly applied to Atherns
Page 568 568 CALLIAS. for aid, which was granted in opposition to the advice of Demosthenes, and an army was sent into Euboea under the command of Phocion, who defeated Callias at Tamynae, B. c. 350. (Aesch. c. Ctes. ~~ 85-88, de Fals. Leg. ~ 180; Dem. de Pac. ~ 5; Plut. Phoc. 12.) After this, Callias betook himself to the Macedonian court, where he was for some time high in the favour of the king; but, having in some way offended him, he withdrew to Thebes, in the hope of gaining her support in the furtherance of his views. Breaking, however, with the Thebans also, and fearing an attack both from them and from Philip, he applied to Athens, and through the influence of Demosthenes not only obtained alliance, and an acknowledgment of the independence of Chalcis, but even induced the Athenians to transfer to that state the annual contributions (orvadveLs) from Oreus and Eretria, Callias holding out great promises (apparently never realized) of assistance in men and money from Achaia, Megara, and Euboea. This seems to have been in B. c. 343, at the time of Philip's projected attempt on Ambracia. Aeschines of course ascribes his rival's support of Callias to corruption; but Demosthenes may have thought that Euboea, united under a strong government, might serve as an effectual barrier to Philip's ambition. (Aesch. c. Ctes. ~ 89, &c.; Dem. Philipp. iii. ~ 85; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. vi. p. 19.) In B. c. 341, the defeat by Phocion of the Macedonian party in Eretria and Oreus under Cleitarchus and Philistides gave the supremacy in the island to Callias. (Dem. de Cor. ~~ 86, 99, &c.; Philipp. iii. ~~ 23, 75, 79; Diod. xvi. 74; Plut. Dem. 17.) Callias seems to have been still living in B. c. 330, the date of the orations on "the Crown." See Aesch. c. Ctes. ~~ 85, 87, who mentions a proposal of Demosthenes to confer on him and his brother Taurosthenes the honour of Athenian citizenship. 5. One of the Thespian ambassadors, who appeared at Chalcis before the Roman commissioners, Marcius and Atilius, to make a surrender of their city, renouncing the alliance of Perseus, B. c. 172. In common with the deputies from all the Boeotian towns, except Thebes, they were favourably received by the Romans, whose object was to dissolve the Boeotian confederacy,-an object accomplished in the same year. (Polyb. xxvii. 1, 2; Liv. xlii. 43, 44; Clinton, Fast. ii. p. 80, iii. p. 398.) [E. E.] CA'LLIAS(KaXtias), literary. 1. A comic poet, was according to Suidas (s. v.) a son of Lysimachus, and bore the name of Schoenion because his father was a rope or basket maker (oroVvorrhdoKos). He belonged to the old Attic comedy, for Athenaeus (x. p. 453) states, that he lived shortly before Strattis, who appears to have commenced his career as a comic poet about B. c. 412. From the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Equit. 526) we further learn, that Callias was an emulator of Cratinus. It is, therefore, probable that he began to come before the public prior to B. c. 424; and if it could be proved that he was the same person as Calliades [CALLIADES], he would have lived at least till B. c. 402. We still possess a few fragments of his comedies, and the names of six are preserved in Suidas, viz. ALyuTrrios, 'A'raXcdvr (Zenob. iv. 7), KviKcAores (perhaps alluded to by Athen. ii. p. 57, and Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. p. 264), HFe aT (Athen. viii. p. 344; Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 31, 151; Diog. Laert. ii. 18), Ba'rpaXos, and 2XoAhd CALLIBLUS. eov7es. Whether he is the same as the Callias whom Athenaeus (vii. p. 672, x. pp. 448, 453) calls the author of a ypappqarTKc) rpa-yitaa, is uncertain. (Comp. Athen. iv. pp. 140, 176, vii. p. 300, xii. pp. 524, 667; Pollux, vii. 113; Etymol. M. s. v. Eliat; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Corn. Gr. p. 213, &c.) 2. Of Argos, a Greek poet, the author of an epigram upon Polycritus. (Antl. Graec. xi. 232; Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 3.) 3. Of Mytilene in Lesbos, a Greek grammarian who lived before the time of Strabo (xiii. p. 618), who mentions him among the celebrated persons born in Lesbos, and states that he wrote commentaries on the poems of Sappho and Alcaeus. (Comp. Athen. iii. p. 85.) 4. Of Syracuse, a Greek historian who wrote a great work on the history of Sicily. He lived, as Josephus (c. Apion. i. 3) expresses it, long after Philistus, but earlier than Timaeus, From the nature of his work it is clear that he was a contemporary of Agathocles, whom, however, the historian survived, as he mentioned the death of the tyrant. This work is sometimes called rv 7repi 'AyaOoicAEa, or 7repl 'AyaOoecAda riropiat, and sometimes also by Roman writers " Historia de Rebus Siculis." (Athen. xii. p. 542; Aelian, Hist. An. xvi. 28; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iii. 41; Macrob. Sat. v. 19; Dionys. i. 42; Fest. s. v. Romam.) It embraced the history of Sicily during the reign of Agathocles, from B. c. 317 to 289, and consisted of twenty-two books. (Diod. xxi. Exc. 12. p. 492.) The very few fragments which we possess of the work do not enable us to form an opinion upon it, but Diodorus (xxi. Exe. p. 561) states, that Callias was corrupted by Agathocles with rich bribes; that he sacrificed the truth of history to base gain; and that he went even so far in distorting the truth as to convert the crimes and the violation of the laws human and divine, of which Agathocles was guilty, into praiseworthy actions. (Comp. Suid. s. v. KaXtias.) There is another Callias of Syracuse, a contemporary of Demosthenes, who occupied himself with oratory, but who is mentioned only by Plutarch. (Dem. 5, Vit. X Orat. p. 844, c.) [L. S.] CA'LLIAS, an architect of the island of Aradus, contemporary with Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Vitruv. x. 16. ~ 5.) [W. I.] CALLI'BIUS (Ka2hAlios). 1. The Harmost who commanded the garrison with which the Spartans occupied Athens at the request of the Thirty tyrants, B. C. 404. The story told by Plutarch of his raising his staff to strike Autolycus the Athlete (whom the Thirty put to death for presuming to resent the insult), shews that he formed no exception to the coarse and overbearing demeanour so common with Spartan governors. The tyrants conciliated his favour by the most studious deference,-the above case is a strong instance of it, -and he allowed them accordingly to use his soldiers at their pleasure as the instruments of their oppression. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~~ 13, 14; Diod. xiv. 4; Plut. Lysand. 15.) 2. One of the leaders of the democratic party at Tegea, B. c. 370, who having failed in obtaining the sanction of the Tegean assembly for the project of uniting the Arcadian towns into one body, endeavoured to gain their point by an appeal to arms. They were, however, defeated by the oligarchical leader, Stasippus, and Proxenus, the col
Page 569 CALLICRATES. league of Callibius, was slain. Callibius on this retreated with his forces close to the walls of the city, and, while he affected to open a negotiation with Stasippus, waited for the arrival of a reinforcement for which he had sent from Mantineia. On its appearance, Stasippus and his friends fled from the city and took refuge in the temple of Artemis; but the party of Callibius unroofed the building and attacked them with missiles, and being thus obliged to surrender, they were taken to Tegea and put to death after the mockery of a trial. (Xen. Hell. vi. 5. ~ 6, &c.; comp. Paus. viii. 27.) fE. E.] CALLICLES (KaXXtcks), a physician, who lived probably in the third or second century B. c., and who is mentioned by Galen (De Meth. Med. ii. 7. vol. x. p. 142) as having belonged to the medical sect of the Empirici. [W. A. G.] CALLICLES (KXAKucM's). 1. A statuary of Megara, who lived about B. c. 400. (See Siebelis, ad Pans. iii. p. 29.) His principal works seem to have been Olympian victors (Paus. vi. 7. ~~ 1, 3), and philosophers. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ) 2. A painter of uncertain age and country (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. s. 37), is perhaps the same as the painter, Callicles, mentioned by Varro. (Fragm. p. 236, Bip.) [W. I.] CALLI'CRATES(KaAAuIpdrTy),historical. 1. A Spartan, is mentioned by Herodotus as the finest and handsomest man of all the Greeks of his time. Hle was slain by an arrow just before the armies engaged at Plataea (B. c. 479), and while the Greeks were waiting till the signs from the sacrifices should be favourable. (Herod. ix. 72.) In Herod. ix. 85, his name occurs among the Ip'Ves who were buried separately from the rest of the Spartans and from the Helots. The word ipfEes, however, can hardly be used here in its ordinary meaning of "youths," but has probably its original signification of "commanders." (See Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 315; Thirlwall's Greece, ii. p. 350, note.) 2. Callicrates is the name given to the murderer of Dion by Nepos (Dion, 8): he is called Callippus by Diodorus and Plutarch. [CALLIPPUS.] 3. An accomplished flatterer at the court of Ptolemy III. (Euergetes), who, apparently mistaking servility for knowledge of the world, affected to adopt Ulysses as his model. He is said to have worn a seal-ring with a head of Ulysses engraved on it, and to have given his children the names of Telegonus and Anticleia. (Athen. vi. p. 251, d.) 4. A man of Leontium in Achaia, who plays a somewhat disreputable part in the history of the Achaean league. By a decree of the Achaeans, solemnly recorded in B. c. 181, Lacedaemon had been received into their confederacy and the restoration of all Lacedaemonian exiles had been provided for, with the exception of those who had repaid with ingratitude their previous restoration by the Achaeans. The Romans, however, had sent to urge the recall of these men, and in the debate in the assembly on this question, B. c. 179, Callicrates contended, in opposition to Lycortas, that the requisition should be complied with, openly maintaining, that neither law, nor solemn record, nor anything else, should be more regarded than the will of Rome. The assembly, however, favoured the view of Lycortas, and appointed ambassadors, of whom Callicrates was one, to lay it before the Roman senate. But he grievously CALLICRATES. 569 abused his trust, and instigated the Romans to sap the independence of his country by giving their support in every city to the Roman or antinational party. Returning home with letters from the senate, pressing the recall of the exiles, and highly commendatory of himself, he was made general of the league, and used all his influence thenceforth for the furtherance of the, Roman cause. (Polyb. xxv. 1, 2, xxvi. 1-3.) In B. c. 174 he successfully resisted the proposal of Xenarchus, who was at that time general, for an alliance with Perseus. (Liv. xli. 23, 24.) Early in B. c. 168 he opposed the motion of Lycortas and his party for sending aid to the two Ptolemies (Philometor and Physcon) against Antiochus Epiphanes, recommending instead, that they should endeavour to mediate between the contending parties; and he carried his point by introducing a letter from Q. Marcius, the Roman consul, in which the same course was urged. (Polyb. xxix. 8-10.) On the conquest of Macedonia by the Romans, B. c. 168, more than 1000 of the chief Achaeans, pointed out by Callicrates as having favoured the cause of Perseus, were apprehended and sent to Rome, to be tried, as it was pretended, before the senate. Among these was Polybius, the historian; and he was also one of the survivors, who, after a detention of 17 years, were permitted to return to their country. (Polyb. xxx. 10, xxxi. 8, xxxii. 7, 8, xxxiii. 1; Liv. xlv. 31; Paus. vii. 10.) The baseness of Callicrates was visited on his head,-if, indeed, such a man could feel such a punishment, -in the intense hatred of his countrymen. Men deemed it pollution to use the same bath with him, and the very boys in the streets threw in his teeth the name of traitor. (Polyb. xxx. 20.) In B. c. 153 he dissuaded the league from taking any part in the war of the Rhodians against Crete, on the ground that it did not befit them to go to war at all without the sanction of the Romans. (Polyb. xxxiii. 15.) Three years after this, B. c. 150, Menalcidas, then general of the league, having been bribed by the Oropians with 10 talents to aid them against the Athenians, from whose garrison in their town they had received injury, engaged Callicrates in the same cause by the promise of half the sum. The payment, however, he evaded, and Callicrates retaliated on Menalcidas by a capital charge; but Menalcidas escaped the danger through the favour of Diaeus, his successor in the office of general, whom he bribed with three talents. In B. c. 149, Callicrates was sent as ambassador to Rome with Diaeus, to oppose the Spartan exiles, whose banishment Diaeus had procured, and who hoped to be restored by the senate. Callicrates, however, died at Rhodes, where they had touched on their way; " his death," says Pausanias, " being, for aught I know, a clear gain to his country." (Paus. vii. 11, 12.) [E. E.J CALLICRATES (KaAA ucpaiT71s),literary. 1. Is mentioned only once by Athenaeus (xiii. p. 586) as the author of a comedy called MooeXfwy, and from the connexion in which his name appears there with those of Antiphanes and Alexis, it may be inferred that he was a poet of the middle Attic comedy. (Meineke, Hist. Grit. Com. Gr. p. 418.) 2. A Greek orator who seems to have -lived about the time of Demosthenes, and to whom the tables of Pergamus ascribed the oration ica-rd A-jtooi'Ovovss 7rapardatWv, which was usually considered the work of Deinarchus. (Dionys. Deinarch.
Page 570 570 CALLICRATIDAS. 11.) But no work of Callicrates was known even as early as the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 3. A Greek historian who lived in and after the time of the emperor Aurelian. He was a native of Tyre, and wrote the history of Aurelian. Vopiscus (Aurel. 4), who has preserved a few fragments of the work, describes Callicrates as by far the most learned writer among the Greeks of his time. [L. S.] CALLI'CRATES (KaAAKrpa'rs). 1. An architect, who in company with Ictinus built the Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens. (Plut. Pericl. 13.) 2. A Lacedaemonian sculptor, celebrated for the smallness of his works. (Aelian, V. H. i. 17.) He made ants and other animals out of ivory, which were so small that one could not distinguish the different limbs. (Plin. H. N. vii. 21, xxxvi. 5. s. 4.) According to Athenaeus (ix. p. 782, B.), he also executed embossed work on vases. [W. I.] CALLICRA'TIDAS (KaX\NKpaTrias) was sent out in B. c. 406 to succeed Lysander as admiral of the Lacedaemonian fleet, and soon found that the jealousy of his predecessor, as well as the strong contrast of their characters, had left for him a harvest of difficulties. Yet he was not unsuccessful in surmounting these, and shewed that plain, straight-forward honesty may sometimes be no bad substitute for the arts of the supple diplomatist. The cabals of Lysander's partizans against him he quelled by asking them, whether he should remain where he was, or sail home to report how matters stood; and even those who looked back with most regret to the winning and agreeable manners of his courtly predecessor, admired his virtue, says Plutarch, even as the beauty of a heroic statue. His great difficulty, however, was the want of funds, and for these he reluctantly went and applied to Cyrus, to whom it is said that Lysander, in order to thwart his successor, had returned the sums he held; but the proud Spartan spirit of Callicratidas could not brook to dance attendance at the prince's doors, and he withdrew from Sardis in disgust, declaring that the Greek's were most wretched in truckling to barbarians for money, and that, if he returned home in safety, he would do his best to reconcile Lacedaemon to Athens. He succeeded, however, in obtaining a supply from the Milesians, and he then commenced against the enemy a series of successful operations. The capture of the fortress of Delphinium in Chios and the plunder of Teos were closely followed by the conquest of Methymna. This last place Conon attempted to save, in spite of his inferiority in numbers, but, arriving too late, anchored for the night at 'EKaTOvvao-TOL. The next morning he was chased by Callicratidas, who declared that he would put a stop to his adultery wills the sea, and was obliged to take refuge in Mytilene, where his opponent blockaded him by sea and land. Conon, however, contrived to send news to the Athenians of the strait in which he was, and a fleet of more than 150 sail was despatched to relieve him. Callicratidas then, leaving Eteonicus with 50 ships to conduct the blockade, proceeded with 120 to meet the enemy. A battle ensued at Arginusae, remarkable for the unprecedented number of vessels engaged, and in this Callicratidas was slain, and the Athenians were victorious. According to Xenophon, his steersman, Hermon, endeavoured to dissuade him from engaging with such superior num CALLIGENEIA. bers: as Diodorus and Plutarch tell it, the soothi sayer foretold the admiral's death. His answer at any rate, ) trap' 9va re o rady 'r aradprav, became famous, but is mentioned with censure by Plutarch and Cicero. On the whole, Callicratidas is a somewhat refreshing specimen of a plain, blunt Spartan of the old school, with all the guilelessness and simple honesty, but (it may be added) not without the bigotry of that character. Witness his answer, when asked what sort of men the lonians were: " Bad freemen, but excellent slaves." (Xen. Hell. i. 6. ~~ 1-33; Diod. xiii. 76-79, 97-99; Plut. Lysand. 5-7, Pelop. 2, Apophthegm. Lacon; Cic. de Off. i. 24, 30.) Aelian tells us (1V. H. xii. 43), that he rose to the privileges of citizenship from the condition of a slave (woA6wv); but see Mitford's Greece, ch. xx. sec. 2, note 4.) [E. E.] CALLICRA'TIDAS (Ka\\AKparilas), a disciple of Pythagoras. Four extracts from his writings on the subject of marriage and domestic happiness are preserved in Stobaeus. (Floril. lxx. 11, lxxxv. 16-18.) [A. G.] CALLI'CRITUS (KaX\iicprros), a Theban, was sent as ambassador from the Boeotians to the Roman senate, B. c. 187, to remonstrate against the requisition of the latter for the recall of Zeuxippus from exile. The sentence of banishment had been passed against him both for sacrilege and for the murder of Brachyllas [see p. 502, a.]; and Callicritus represented to the Romans on behalf of his countrymen, that they could not annul a sentence which had been legally pronounced. The remonstrance was at first unavailing, though ultimately the demand of the senate was not pressed. (Polyb. xxiii. 2.) It was probably the same Callicritus who strongly opposed in the Boeotian assembly the views of Perseus. He appears even to have gone to Rome to warn the senate of the king's schemes, and was murdered, by order of the latter, on his way back. (Liv. xlii. 13, 40.) [E. E.] CALLICTER (KaAAXicTap), surnamed Macrienor, a Greek poet, the author of four epigrams of little merit in the Greek Anthology. (Anthol. Graec. xi. 5, 6, 118, 333; Brunck, Anal. ii. pp. 294, 529.) [L. S.] CALLIDE'MUS (KaXAXl/pos), a Greek author about whom nothing is known, except that Pliny (H. N. iv. 12) and Solinus (17) refer to him as their authority for the statement, that the island of Euboea was originally called Chalcis from the fact of brass (XaAKc's) being discovered there first. [L.S.] CALLI'DIUS. [CALIDIUS.] CALLIGEITUS (KaXi-yeiros), a Megarian, and TIMAGORAS (Tepayfopas), a Cyzican, were sent to Sparta in B. c. 412 by Pharnabazus, the satrap of Bithynia, to induce the Lacedaemonians to send a fleet to the Hellespont, in order to assist the Hellespontine cities in revolting from Athens. The Lacedaemonians, however, through the influence of Alcibiades, preferred sending a fleet to Chios; but Calligeitus and Timagoras would not take part in this expedition, and applied the money which they brought from Pharnabazus to the equipment of a separate fleet, which left Peloponnesus towards the close of the year. (Thuc. viii. 6, 8, 39.) CALLIGENEIA (KaAAryel'ea), a surname of Demeter or of her nurse and companion, or of Gaea. (Aristoph. Thesm. 300, with the Schol.; Hesychb s. v,; Phot. Len. s. v.) [L. S,]
Page 571 CALLIMACHUS. CALLI'GENES (KaXXL h-yE ), the name of the physician of Philip, king of Macedonia, who attended him in his last illness at Amphipolis, B. c. 179, and concealed his death from the people till the arrival of Perseus, to whom he had sent intelligence of the great danger of the king. (Liv. xl. 56.) [W. A. G.] CALLI'MACHUS (KakhlXaXos). 1. Of the tribe of Aiantis and the Gfios of Aphidna, held the office of Polemarch, B. c. 490, and in that capacity commanded the right wing of the Athenian army at Marathon, where he was slain, after behaving with much gallantry. In the battle he is said to have vowed to Artemis a heifer for every enemy he should slay. By the persuasion of Miltiades he had given his casting vote for fighting, when the voices of the ten generals were equally divided on the question. This is the last recorded instance of the Polemarch performing the military duties which his name implies. Callimachus was conspicuously figured in the fresco painting of the battle of Marathon, by Polygnotus, in the a~roa 7rowKlA-. (Herod. vi. 109-114; Plut. Aristid. et Cat. Maj. 2, Sympos. i. 8. ~ 3; Schol. ad Aristoph. Eq. 658; Paus. i. 15.) 2. One of the generals of Mithridates, who, by his skill in engineering, defended the town of Amisus, in Pontus, for a considerable time against the Romans, in B. c. 71; and when Lucullus had succeeded in taking a portion of the wall, Callimachus set fire to the place and made his escape by sea. He afterwards fell into the hands of Lucullus at the capture of Nisibis (called by the Greeks Antioch) in Mygdonia, B. c. 68, and was put to death in revenge for the burning of Amisus. (Plut. Lucull. 19, 32; comp. Appian, Bell. AMithr. 78, 83; Dion Cass. xxxv. 7.) [E. E.] CALLI'MACHUS (KahkieaXos), one of the most celebrated Alexandrine grammarians and poets, was, according to Suidas, a son of Battus and Mesatme, and belonged to the celebrated family of the Battiadae at Cyrene, whence Ovid (lb. 53) and others call him simply Battiades. (Comp. Strab. xvii. p. 837.) He was a disciple of the grammarian Hermocrates, and afterwards taught at Eleusis, a suburb of Alexandria. He was highly esteemed by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who invited him to a place in the Museum. (Suid.; Strab. xvii. p. 838.) Callimachus was still alive in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, the successor of Philadelphus. (Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. ii. 26.) It was formerly believed, but is now established as an historical fact, that Callimachus was chief librarian of the famous library of Alexandria. This fact leads us to the conclusion, that he was the successor of Zenodotus, and that he held this office from about B. C..260 until his death about B. c. 240. (Ritschl, Die Alexandrin. Biblioth. 6c. pp. 19, 84, &c.) This calculation agrees with the statement of A. Gellius (xvii. 21), that Callimachus lived shortly before the first Punic war. He was married to a daughter of Euphrates of Syracuse, and had a sister Megatime, who was married to Stasenorus, and a son Callimachus, who is distinguished from his uncle by being called the younger, and is called by Suidas the author of an epic poem HIep vqj-Ov. Callimachus was one of the most distinguished grammarians, critics, and poets of the Alexandrine period, and his celebrity surpassed that of nearly all the other Alexandrine scholars and poets. CALLIMACHUS. 571 Several of the most distinguished men of that period, such as his successor Eratosthenes, Philostephanus, Aristophanes of Byzantium, Apollonius Rhodius, Ister, and Hermippus, were among his pupils. Callimachus was one of the most fertile writers of antiquity, and if the number in Suidas be correct, he wrote 800 works, though we may take it for granted that most of them were not of great extent, if he followed his own maxim, that a great book was equal to a great evil. (Athen. iii. p. 72.) The number of his works of which the titles or fragments are known to us, amounts to upwards of forty. But what we possess is very little, and consists principally of poetical productions, apparently the least valuable of all his works, since Callimachus, notwithstanding the reputation he enjoyed for his poems, was not a man of real poetical talent: labour and learning are with him the substitutes for poetical gdnius and talent. His prose works, on the other hand, which would have furnished us with some highly important information concerning ancient mythology, history, literature, &c., are completely lost. The poetical productions of Callimachus still extant are: 1. Hymns, six in number, of which five are written in hexameter verse and in the Ionic dialect, and one, on the bath of Pallas, in distichs and in the Doric dialect. These hymns, which bear greater resemblance to epic than to lyric poetry, are the productions of labour and learning, like most of the poems of that period. Almost every line furnishes some curious mythical information, and it is perhaps not saying too much to assert, that these hymns are more overloaded with learning than any other poetical production of that time. Their style has nothing of the easy flow of genuine poetry, and is evidently studied and laboured. There are some ancient Greek scholia on these hymns, which however have no great merit. 2. Seventy-three epigrams, which belong to the best specimens of this kind of poetry. The high estimation they enjoyed in antiquity is attested by the fact, that Archibius, the grammarian, who lived, at the latest, one generation after Callimachus, wrote a commentary upon them, and that Marianus, in the reign of the emperor Anastasius, wrote a paraphrase of them in iambics. They were incorporated in the Greek Anthology at an early time, and have thus been preserved. 3. Elegies. These are lost with the exception of some fragments, but there are imitations of them by the Roman poets, the most celebrated of which is the " De Coma Berenices" of Catullus. If we may believe the Roman critics, Callimachus was the greatest among the elegiac poets (Quintil. x, 1. ~ 58), and Ovid, Propertius, and Catullus took Callimachus for their model in this species of poetry. We have mention of several more poetical productions, but all of them have perished except a few fragments, and however much we may lament their loss on account of the information we might have derived from them, we have very little reason to regret their loss as specimens of poetry. Among them we may mention, 1. The ATita, an epic poem in four books on the causes of the various mythical stories, religious ceremonies, and other customs. The work is often referred to, and was paraphrased by Marianus; but the paraphrase is lost, and of the original we have only a few fragments. 2. An epic poem entitled 'EKcM, which was the name of an old woman who had received
Page 572 572 CALLIMACIIUS. Theseus hospitably when he went out to fight against the Marathonian bull. This work was likewise paraphrased by Marianus, and we still possess some fragments of the original. The works entitled FaAdrEta and FraVicos were in all probability likewise epic poems. It appears that there was scarcely any kind of poetry in which Callimachus did not try his strength, for he is said to have written comedies, tragedies, iambic, and choliambic poems. Respecting his poem Ibis see APOLLONIUS RHODIUS. Of his numerous prose works not one is extant entire, though there were among them some of the highest importance. The one of which the loss is most to be lamented was entitled fliva 7ra'vro4aTr@w 'v 'y'YpasfMdTrwv, or rivatcs TrV Iv E' do ra waeia oiaAauai"/dvTwv Kal v w' -e'uypa/av, in 120 books. This work was the first comprehensive history of Greek literature. It contained, systematically arranged, lists of the authors and their works. The various departments of literature appear to have been classified, so that Callimachus spoke of the comic and tragic poets, of the orators, law-givers, philosophers, &c., in separate books, in which the authors were enumerated in their chronological succession. (Athen. ii. p. 70, vi. p.252, xiii. p. 585, xv. p. 669; Diog. Laert. iv. 23, viii. 86.) It is natural to suppose that this work was the fruit of his studies in the libraries of Alexandria, and that it mainly recorded such authors as were contained in those libraries. His pupil Aristophanes of Byzantium wrote a commentary upon it. (Athen. ix. p. 408, viii. 336; Etym. Mag. s. v. Hiva4.) Among his other prose works we find mentioned the following:-1. Movoe-Eov,which is usually supposed to have treated of the Museum of Alexandria and the scholars connected with it. 2. rIepl dyw'vwv. 3. 'EOvcal dovogaoiai. 3. 0avfdAa' or Oaviod.r"ov rWv els irac-av 'nrv -ysv ial rdTrovs 6vrov ovvaycy?7, a work similar, though probably much superior, to the one still extant by Antigonus Carystius. 4. 'T'ro0sf4Iara a rTopLcd. 5. No6zpa JBapgapucd. 6. Krios'a v5rwov e!Kal 'rAQoewv. 7."Apyous oliciaoj'oi. 8. IHep! dc&wUov. 9. IIepi "'opvwv. 10. vvaywyd T7rorTauv, or repil nh'v Ev oleouvcvyp sro-raic^v, &c., &c. A list of his works is given by Suidas, and a more complete one by Fabricius. (Bibl. Grace. iii. p. 815, &c.) The first edition of the six hymns of Callimachus appeared at Florence in 4to., probably between 1494 and 1500. It was followed by the Aldine, Venice, 1513, 8vo., but a better edition, in which some gaps are filled up and the Greek scholia are added, is that of S. Gelenius, Basel, 1532, 4to., reprinted at Paris, 1549, 4to. A more complete edition than any of the preceding ones is that of H. Stephanus, Paris, 1566, fol. in the collection of " Poetae principes Heroici Carminis." This edition is the basis of the text which from that time has been regarded as the vulgate. A second edition by H. Stephanus (Geneva, 1577, 4to.) is greatly improved: it contains the Greek scholia, a Latin translation, thirty-three epigrams of Callimachus, and a few fragments of his other works. Henceforth scarcely anything was done for the text, until Th. Graevius undertook a new and comprehensive edition, which was completed by his father J. G. Graevius. It appeared at Utrecht, 1697, 2 vols. 8vo. It contains the notes of the previous editors, of R. Bentley, and the famous commentary of Ez. Spanheim. This edition CALLIMACHUS. is the basis of the one edited by J. A. Ernesti at Leiden, 1761, 2 vols. 8vo., which contains the whole of the commentary of Graevius' edition, a much improved text, a more complete collection of the fragments, and additional notes by Hemsterhuis and Ruhnken. Among the subsequent editions we need only mention those of Ch. F.Loesner (Leipzig, 1774, 8vo.), H. F. M. Volzer (Leipzig, 1817, 8vo.), and C. F. Blomfield (London, 1815, 8vo.). [L S.] CALLPMACHUS, a physician, who was one of the followers of Herophilus, and who must have lived about the second century B. c., as he is mentioned by Zeuxis. (Galen, Comment. in IIipvocr. " Epid. VI." i. 5. vol. xvii. pt. i. p. 827.) He wrote a work in explanation of the obsolete words used by Hippocrates, which is not now extant, but which is quoted by Erotianus. (Gloss. Hippocr. praef.) He may perhaps be the same person who is mentioned by Pliny as having written a work De Coronis. (II. N. xxi. 9.) [W. A. G.] CALLI'MACHUS (KaAA/layos), an artist of uncertain country, who is said to have invented the Corinthian column. (Vitruv. iv. 1. ~ 10.) As Scopas built a temple of Athene at Tegea with Corinthian columns in B. c. 396, Callimachus must have lived before that time. Pausanias (i. 26. ~ 7) calls him the inventor of the art of boring marble (Tros AiOovs Irpcros ý -vpd rmoe), which Thiersch (Epoch. Anm. p. 60) thinks is to be understood of a mere perfection of that art, which could not have been entirely unknown to so late a period. By these inventions as well as by his other productions, Callimachus stood in good reputation with his contemporaries, although he did not belong to the first-rate artists. He was so anxious to give his works the last touch of perfection, by elaborating the details with too much care, that he lost the grand and sublime. Dionysius therefore compares him and Calamis to the orator Lysias '('rs 6A7rTrdTsros 'eveca Kai T7s XdpIros), whilst he draws a parallel between Polycletus and Phidias and Isocrates, on account of the areMvov ial eteyaA6r6yXVOV Kalo di LW/arTo'Cv. (Judic. Isocr. c. 3.) Callimachus was never satisfied with himself. and therefore received the epithet tcaIcmdreXvos. (Paus. i. 26. ~ 7.) Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19) says the same, and gives an exact interpretation of the surname: " Semper calumniator sui nec finem habens diligentiae; ob id icaKiLTre-Xvos appellatus." Vitruvius says, that Callimachus " propter elegantiam et subtilitatem artis marmoreae ab Atheniensibus Kcar'drEXVos fuerat nominatus." Sillig (Cat. Art. p. 125) conjectures, after some MSS., that KaTa-T7qiTEXvos must be read instead of iceaKi"TEXVOS; but this is quite improbable on account of Pliny's translation, "calumniator sui." Whether the Kcard'r-Xvos of Vitruvius is corrupt or a second surname (as Siebelis supposes, ad Paus. i. 26. ~ 7), cannot be decided. So much is certain, that Callimachus' style was too artificial. Pliny (I. c.), speaking of a work representing some dancing Lacedaemonian women, says, that his excessive elaboration of the work had destroyed all its beauty. Pausanias (i. 26. ~ 7) describes a golden lamp, a work of Callimachus dedicated to Athene, which if filled with oil, burnt precisely one whole year without ever going out. It is scarcely probable that the painter Callimachus, mentioned by Pliny (1. c.), should be our statuary, although ho is generally identified with him, [W T.]
Page 573 CALLINUS. CALLIOPIUS. 573 CALLI'MEDON (KaXAlAe'Swv), surnamed d is involved in considerable difficulty, since the Kcipafos, or the crab, on account of his fondness Cimmerian invasion of Asia Minor, to which they for that kind of shell-fish (Athen. iii. p. 100, c.), allude, is itself very uncertain; for history records was one of the orators at Athens in the Macedo- three different inroads of the Cimmerians into Asia nian interest, and accordingly fled from the city to Minor. We cannot enter here into a refutation of Antipater, when the Athenians rose against the the opinions of others, but confine ourselves to our Macedonians upon the death of Alexander the own views of the case. From Strabo it is evident Great in B. c. 323. When the Macedonian supre- that Callinus, in one of his poems, mentioned Magmacy was reestablished at Athens by Antipater, nesia on the Maeander as still existing, and at war Callimedon returned to the city, but was obliged with the Ephesians. Now, we know that Magnesia to fly from it again upon the outbreak against was destroyed by the Treres, a Cimmerian tribe, Phocion in B. c. 317. The orators Hegemon and in B. c. 727, and consequently the poem referred to Pythocles were put to death along with Phocion, by Strabo must have been written previous to that and Callimedon was also condemned to death, but year, perhaps about B. c. 730, or shortly before escaped in safety. (Plut. Dem. 27, Phoc. 27, 33, Archilochus, who in one of his earliest poems men35.) Callimedon was ridiculed by the comic tioned the destruction of Magnesia. Callinus himpoets. (Athen. 1. c. p. 104, c. d., viii. p. 339, f., self, however, appears to have long survived that xiv. p. 614, d.) event; for there is a line of his (Fragm. 2, comp. CALLIMORPHUS (KaAAeloppos), an army- Fragm. 8, ed. Bergk) which is usually referred to surgeon attached to the sixth legion or cohort of the destruction of Sardis by the Cimmerians, about contarii, who lived probably in the second century B. c. 678. If this calculation is correct, Callinus after Christ. He wrote a work entitled 'la-ropia must have been in the bloom of life at the time of fapOwcal, Historia Parthica, which may perhaps the war between Magnesia and Ephesus, in which have been an account of Trajan's campaigns, A. D. he himself perhaps took a part. We possess only 114-116, and in which, according to Lucian a very few fragments of the elegies of Callinus, but (Quom. Histor. sit Conscrib. ~ 16), he asserted that among them there is one of twenty-one lines, which it was especially the province of a physician to forms part of a war-elegy, and is consequently the write historical works, on account of his connexion, most ancient specimen of this species of poetry exthrough Aesculapius, with Apollo, the author of all tant. (Stobaeus, Floril. li. 19.) In this fragment literature. [W. A. G.] the poet exhorts his- countrymen to courage and CALLI'NES (Kaxkiv'), a veteran officer in the perseverance against their enemies, who are usually royal companion-cavalry (rjs 'rinrov rrs &ratpucijs) supposed to be the Magnesians, but the fourth line of Alexander the Great, took an active part in the of the poem seems to render it more probable that reconciliation between him and his army in B. c. Callinus was speaking of the Cimmerians. This 324. (Arrian, Anab. vii. 11.) elegy is one of great beauty, and gives us the highCALLINI'CUS (KaXXiviKos), surnamed Suto- est notion of the talent of Callinus. It is printed rius, a Greek sophist and rhetorician, was a native in the various collections of the " Poetae Graeci of Syria, or, according to others, of Arabia Petraea. Minores." All the fragments of Callinus are colHe taught rhetoric at Athens in the reign of the lected in N. Bach's Callini, Tyrtaei et Asii Fragemperor Gallienus (A. D. 259-268), and was an menta (Leipzig, 1831, 8vo.) and Bergk's Poetae opponent of the rhetorician Genethlius. (Suid. s. vv. Lyrici Graeci, p. 303, &c. (Comp. Francke, CalliKaAi\ivLKos, IeVEOAios, and 'louALavds A0o'pvov.) nus, sive Qucestiones de Origine Carminis Elegiaci, Suidas and Eudocia (p. 268) mention several works Altona, 1816, 8vo.; Thiersch, in the Acta Philol. of Callinicus, all of which are lost, with the excep- Monacens. iii. p. 571; Bode, Gesci. der Lyrisch. tion of a fragment of an eulogium on Rome, which Dichitkunst, i. pp. 143-161.) is very inferior both in form and thought. It is 2. A disciple and friend of Theophrastus, who printed in L. Allatius' " Excerpt. Rhet. et Sophist." left him in his will a piece of land at Stageira and pp. 256-258, and in Orelli's edition of Philo, 3000 drachmae. Callinus was also appointed by "De VII Spect. Orb." Lipsiae, 1816, 8vo. Among the testator one of the executors of the will. (Diog. the other works of Callinicus there was one on the Laert. v. 52, 55, 56.) history of Alexandria, in ten books, mentioned by 3. Of Hermione, lived at a later period than the Suidas and Eudocia, and referred to by Jerome in preceding one, and was a friend of the philosopher the preface to his commentary on Daniel. (Fabric. Lycon, who bequeathed to him in his will the Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 36, vi. p. 54.) [L. S.] works which he had not yet published. (Diog. CALLINI'CUS SELEUCUS. [SELEUCUS.] Lairt. v. 70-74.) [L. S.] CALLI'NUS (KaxAivos). 1. Of Ephesus, the CALLIOPE. [MUSAE.] earliest Greek elegiac poet, whence either he or CALLIO'PIUS. In all, or almost all, the MSS. Archilochus is usually regarded by the ancients as of Terence, known not to be older than the ninth the inventor of elegiac poetry. As regards the century, we find at the end of each play the words time at which he lived, we have no definite state- " Calliopius recensui," from whence it has very nament, and the ancients themselves endeavoured to turally been inferred, that Calliopius was some determine it from the historical allusions which grammarian of reputation, who had revised and they found in his elegies. It has been fixed by corrected the text of the dramatist. Eugraphius, some at about B. c. 634, and by others at about indeed, who wrote a commentary upon the same B. c. 680, whereas some are inclined to place Cal- comedian about the year A. D. 1000, has the follinus as far back as the ninth century before the lowing note on the word plaudite at the end of the Christian aera, and to make him more ancient even Andria: " Verba sunt Calliopii ejus recitatoris, than Hesiod. The main authorities for determin- qui, cum fabulam terminasset elevabat aulaeum ing his age are Strabo (xiv. p. 647), Clemens Alex- scenae, et alloquebatur populum, Vos valete, Vos andrinus (Strom. i. p. 333), and Athenaeus (xii. plaudits sive favete;" but this notion is altogether p. 525). But the interpretation of these passages inconsistent with the established meaning of recen
Page 574 574 CALLIPPUS, sui. Barth, on the other hand, maintained, that Calliopius was a complimentary epithet, indicating the celebrated Flaccus Albinus or Alcuinus, whom in a MS. life of Willebrord he found designated as " Dominus Albinus magister optimus Calliopicus," i. e. totus a Calliope et Musis formatus; but the probability of this conjecture has been much weakened by Fabricius, who has shewn that Calliopius was a proper name not uncommon among writers of the middle ages. (Funccius, de Inerti ac Decrepita Linguae Latinae Senectute, c. iv. ~ xxxii.; Fabric. Bibl. Lat. lib. i. c. iii. ~~ 3 and 4; Eust. Swartii Analecta, iii. 11, p. 132; Barth. Advers. vi. 20; Ritschl, De emendat. Fab. Terentt, disput., Wratislav. 4to. 1838.) [W. R.] SCALLIPHANA, a priestess of Velia. In B. c. 98, the praetor urbanus C. Valerius Flaccus, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, brought a bill before the people, that Calliphana should be made a Roman citizen. This was done before the Velienses obtained the Roman franchise, and for the purpose of enabling the priestess of a foreign divinity at Rome to perform sacrifices on behalf of Romans also. (Cic. pro Balb. 24.) [L. S.] CALLIPHON (KaAALhhf), a philosopher, and most probably a disciple of Epicurus, who is mentioned several times and condemned by Cicero as making the chief good of man to consist in an union of virtue (honestas) and bodily pleasure (sbovi, voluptas), or, as Cicero says, in the union of the man with the beast. (Cic. de Fin. ii. 6, 11, iv. 18, v. 8, 25, de Of iii. 33, Tusc. v. 30, 31; Clem. Alex. Strom. 2. ~ 127.) [A. G.] CALLIPHON (KaAhhuAp ), a Samian painter, employed to decorate the temple of Artemis at Ephesus. (Paus. v. 19. ~ 1, x. 25. ~ 2.) [W. I.] CALLI'PPIDES (KaAAtwrriLns), of Athens, a celebrated tragic actor of the time of Alcibiades and Agesilaus. (Plut. Alcib. 32, Ages. 21; Athen. xii. p. 535.) He was particularly famous for his imitation of the actions of real life, which he carried so far as to become ridiculous, and to be stigmatized by the nickname of the ape (TriLOcor. See the Greek life of Sophocles; Apostolius, Proverb. xv. 39). A comedy of Strattis entitled Callippides seems to have been composed to ridicule our actor. (Meineke, Fragm. Com. Graec, i. p. 226); and it is not improbable that Cicero (ad Att. xiii. 12) may be alluding to Callippides the actor. (Orelli, Onomast. Tull. ii. p. 119.) [L. S.] CALLIPPUS (KdAXnr'7os), historical. 1. Of Athens, was a disciple of Plato, and thus became acquainted with Dion of Syracuse, who was likewise among the pupils of Plato. When Dion afterwards returned to Syracuse, Callippus accompanied him, and was ever after treated by him with distinction and confidence. Notwithstanding this, Callippus formed at last a conspiracy against the life of Dion. The plot was discovered by Dion's sister; but Callippus pacified them by swearing, that he had no evil intentions towards Dion. But in spite of this oath, he assassinated Dion during a festival of Persephone, the very divinity by whom he had sworn, B.c. 353. Callippus now usurped the government of Syracuse, but maintained himself only for thirteen months. The first attempt of Dion's friends to cause an insurrection of the people against the usurper was unsuccessful; but, a short time after, Hipparenus, a brother of the younger Dionysius, landed with a fleet at Syracuse, and Callippus, who was defeated CALLIPPUS. in the ensuing battle, took to flight. He now wandered about in Sicily from town to town, at the head of a band of licentious mercenaries, but could not maintain himself anywhere. At last he and Leptines, with their mercenaries, crossed over into Italy, and laid siege to Rhegium, which was occupied by a garrison of Dionysius the Younger. The garrison was expelled, and the citizens of Rhegium were restored to autonomy, and Callippus himself remained at Rhegium. He treated his mercenaries badly, and being unable to satisfy their demands, he was murdered by his own friends, Leptines and Polyperchon, with the same sword, it is said, with which he had assassinated Dion. (Plut. Dion. 28-58, de Sera Num. Vind. p. 553, d.; Diod. xvi. 31, 36, 45; Athen. xi. p. 508.) 2. Of Athens, took part in the Olympic games in B. c. 332. He bribed his competitors in the pentathlon to allow him to conquer and win the prize. But the fraud became known, and the Eleans condemned both Callippus and his competitors to pay a heavy fine. The Athenians, who considered the affair as a national one, sent Hyperides to petition the Eleans to desist from their demand. When the request was refused, the Athenians neither paid the fine nor did they frequent the Olympic games any longer, until at last the Delphic god declared that he would not give any oracle to the Athenians, unless they satisfied the demand of the Eleans. The fine was now paid, and the money was spent in erecting six statues to Zeus, with inscriptions by no means flattering to the Athenians. (Paus. v. 21. ~ 3, &c.) 3. Of Athens, a son of Moerocles, a brave commander of the Athenians in the war against the Gauls, B. c. 279. He was stationed with his Athenians at Thermopylae to guard the pass. (Paus. i. 3. ~ 4, x. 20. ~ 3.) 4. An admiral of king Perseus of Macedonia. He and Antenor were sent by the king, in B. c. 168, with a fleet to Tenedos, to protect the transports that came with provisions for the Macedonians from the islands of the Aegean. (Liv. xliv. 28.) [L. S.] CALLIPPUS (Ka'AAhtros), literary. 1. A comic poet, who is mentioned only by Athenaeus (xv. p. 668) as the author of a comedy entitled Pannychis. Person proposed to read in this passage Hipparchus instead of Callippus, because it is known that Hipparchus composed a comedy Pannychis. (Athen. xv. p. 691.) But this is not a sufficient reason for striking the name of Callippus from the list of comic writers. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Gr. p. 490.) 2. Of Athens, is mentioned by Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 23) as the author of a TiEyv- p5TropplKr, but nothing further is known about him. 3. A Stoic philosopher of Corinth, who was a pupil of Zeno, the founder of the school. (Diog. Laert.'vii. 38.) He seems to be the same person as the Callippus mentioned by Pausanias (ix. 29. ~ 2, 38. ~ 10) as the author of a work entitled o-vyypaq? els 'OpXoxevious, of which a few fragments are preserved there. 4. Surnamed Petaneus, is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (v. 57) as one of the witnesses to the will of Theophrastus. [L. S.] CALLIPPUS or CALIPPUS (KaAAaros or KdcAtaos), an astronomer of Cyzicus. He was a disciple of one of Eudoxus' friends, and followed him to Athens, where he became acquainted
Page 575 CALLIPPUS. with Aristotle (who mentions him Metaph. xi. 8), and assisted that philosopher in rectifying and completing the discoveries of Eudoxus. (Simplic. in lib. II. de Coel. p. 120, a.) His observations are frequently referred to by Geminus and Ptolemy in their meteorological calendars (see Gemiinus, Elem. Astron. cap. 16, in Petav. Uranolog. p. 64, &c. and Ptol. (pdo'rs dartXavcv dao-rpwv Kal o'vvaeywcy E7rurLpsaoLCuv, ibid. p. 71, &c.), and were probably made at Cyzicus, since Ptolemy (ad fin.) says, that Callippus observed at the Hellespont. Such calendars were fixed in public places, for common use, and hence called 7rapaTrjypara: they record the times of the different risings and settings of the fixed stars, with the rseo-Jpo-iat, or principal changes in the weather supposed to be connected with them, as deduced from the observations of various astronomers. Callippus invented the period or cycle of 76 years, called after him the Callippic. Several attempts had been previously made to discover intervals of time of moderate length, which should be expressible in whole numbers by means of each of the three natural units of time-the solar year, the lunar month, and the solar day: and, in particular, Meton, about a century before, had observed the remarkable approximation to equality between 19 years and 235 months, and had introduced the celebrated cycle of 19 years, which he also assumed to contain 6940 days. This would make the year = 365-5 days; and, therefore, Callippus, observing that the difference between this and the more correct value 3654 was -- - =?x^ = f---, proposed to quadruple the Metonic period, and then subtract one day. He supposed, that 76 years = 940 months = 27759 days; both of which suppositions are considerably nearer the truth than Meton's. (Geminus, El. Ast. cap. 6, Uranolog. p. 37.) If we take the mean values of the year and month, in days, to be 365-2422414 and 29-5305887215 respectively, then 76 years =27758d 91 50"1 54s, and 940 months = 27758d 18h 4m 54s nearly; but these numbers would not be strictly accurate in the time of Callippus. The Callippic period seems to have been generally adopted by astronomers in assigning the dates of their observations; and the frequent use which Ptolemy makes of it enables us to fix the epoch of the beginning of the first period with considerable certainty. It must have begun near the time of the summer solstice, since Ptolemy refers to an observation of that solstice made at the end of the 50th year (rýV' res 'TE yovr') of the first period (/-ey. orv'Trae. iii. 2, vol. i. p. 163, ed. Halma); and out of a number of other observations recorded by the same writer, all but two, according to Ideler, indicate the year B. c. 330, whilst four of them require the evening of June 28 for the epoch in question. It is not certain at what time the period came into civil use; it would naturally be employed not to supersede, but to correct from time to time, the Metonic reckoning. The inaccuracy of the latter must have become quite sensible in B. c. 330; and it is evident, from the praise which Diodorus (xii. 36) bestows upon it, that it could not have remained uncorrected down to his time. (Ideler, Hist. Untersuch. iiber die Astron. Beobachtungen der Alten, Berlin, 1806, p. 214, &c., Handbuch der Technischen Chronologie, Berlin, 1825, vol. i. p. 344, &c.; Petavius, Doctrin. Temp. ii. 16; Scaliger, De Emend. Temp. lib. ii.; Delambre, Hist. de 1'Astron. Ancienne, vol. i. p. 200.) [W. F. D.] CALLISTHENES. 575 CALLIPYGOS (KaAhirvuos), a surname of Aphrodite, of which the origin is related by Athenaeus. (xii. p. 554; comp. Alciphron, i. 39.) We still possess some representations of Aphrodite Callipygos, which are distinguished for their great softness, luxuriancy, and roundness of form. (Hirt, M/ythol. Bilderb. i. p. 59.) [L. S.] CALLI'RRHOE (KaAAMhWPd). 1. A daughter of Oceanus, who was the mother of Geryones and Echidna by Chrysaor. (Hesiod, ITeog. 351, 981; Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 10.) By Neilus she was the mother of Chione, and by Poseidon of Minyas. (Serv. ad Aen. iv. 250; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 686.) 2. A daughter of Achelous and wife of Alcmaeon, whom she induced to procure her the peplus and necklace of Harmonia, by which she caused her husband's death. [ALCMAEON.] Callirrhoe then requested Zeus, with whom she lived in close intimacy, to grant that her sons by Alcmaeon might grow up to manhood at once, in order that they might be able to avenge the death of their father. Zeus granted the request, and Amphoterus and Acarnan killed the murderers of their father, the sons of Phegeus, at Delphi, and afterwards Phegeus himself also. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 6.) 3. A daughter of Scamander, the wife of Tros, and mother of Ilus and Ganymedes. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 2.) 4. A maiden of Calydon, who, when she was loved by Coresus, a priest of Dionysus, rejected all the offers he made to her. At length, he implored his god to punish the cruel maid. Dionysus now visited the people of Calydon with a general madness, which raged there like a plague. The Dodonaean oracle, which was consulted about the mode of averting the calamity, answered, that Dionysus must be propitiated, and that Callirrhoe must be sacrificed to him, or some one else in her stead. The maiden endeavoured in vain to escape her fate; but when she was led to the altar, Coresus, instead of performing the sacrifice, felt his love for her revive so strongly, that he sacrificed himself in her stead. But she also now put an end to her life near a well which derived its name from her. (Paus. vii. 21. ~ 1.) There are two more mythical personages of this name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AAdGav8a; Plut. Parallel. Gr. et Rom. 23.) [L. S.] CALLISTE (KaAALhhor), a surname of Artemis, by which she was worshipped at Athens and Tegea. (Paus. i. 29. ~ 2, viii. 35. ~ 7.) [L. S.] CALLI'STHENES (KaAAhto-hr s). 1. A philosopher, born at Olynthus. His mother, Hero, was a cousin of Aristotle's, and by him Callisthenes was brought up, studying under him at Stageira, together, as we may infer, with Alexander, and certainly with Theophrastus, with whom Aristotle is said to have contrasted him, saying, that Theophrastus needed the rein, but Callisthenes the spur [but see p. 317, b.]. When Alexander set forth on his Asiatic expedition, B. c. 334, he took Callisthenes with him by Aristotle's recommendation. The latter, however, was aware of the faults of his kinsman's character, of his total want of tact and prudence, and of his wrong-headed propensity to the unseasonable exhibition of his independent spirit; and against these he warned him to guard in his intercourse with the king. The warning was given in vain. Callisthenes became indignant at Alexander's adoption of oriental customs, and especially at the requirement of the ceremony of adoration, which he deemed
Page 576 576 CALLISTHENES. derogatory to free Greeks and Macedonians; and it may be that he was the more open in the expression of his sentiments, because of the opposite extreme of supple flattery adopted by his opponent Anaxarchus. When Alexander was overwhelmed with remorse for the murder of Cleitus, both these philosophers were sent to console him; but the suggestions of Callisthenes, though apparently on this occasion more judicious than usual, were quite eclipsed by the bold adulation of Anaxarchus, who openly affirmed, that " whatever kings did, must therefore of necessity be lawful and just." Several anecdotes are recorded by Arrian and Plutarch, illustrative of the freedom of language in which Callisthenes indulged, and of his coarse and unconciliating demeanour-qualities which, while they alienated the king from him and procured him a number of enemies, rendered him also popular with many who looked on Alexander's innovations with a jealous eye; and the young men in particular are said to have flocked to hear his discourses, regarding him as the only free-spirited man in the royal retinue. It was this which ultimately proved fatal to him. When the plot of Hermolaus and others to assassinate Alexander was discovered, Callisthenes was involved in the charge. Aristobulus and Ptolemy indeed both asserted in their histories that Hermolaus and his accomplices, when under the torture, had named him as the chief instigator of their attempt; but this is rendered at least doubtful by a letter on the subject from Alexander himself to Craterus, which is preserved by Plutarch (Alex. 55), and in which the sufferers are expressly said to have denied that any one was privy to their design. It would seem more probable that the suspicions of Alexander were excited or revived, after the death of the traitors, by the suggestions of the enemies of Callisthenes, acting on a mind already exasperated against him. Every rash expression he had ever used, every rhetorical common-place he had ever uttered on the patriotism and glory of regicides, were raked up and made to tell against him. In another letter, written by Alexander to Antipater, subsequently to the one above-mentioned, and also quoted by Plutarch (I. c.) the king expresses his intention of " punishing the sophist and those who sent him out," the last words being, as Plutarch thinks, a clear allusion to Aristotle. The mode in which Callisthenes was put to death (about B. c. 328) is variously reported. Even the contemporary writers, Ptolemy and Aristobulus, differed on the point. Aristobulus recorded, that he was carried about in chains and died of disease; Ptolemy, that he was tortured and crucified. The former account, however, seems to agree with that of Chares of Mytilene, who was eoa-yyyesXes, or lord-in-waiting, to Alexander (see Philol. Mus. i. p. 373, &c.), and who related that he was kept in confinement with the intention of bringing him ultimately to trial in the presence of Aristotle; but that, after an imprisonment of seven months, he died of a disgusting disease arising from his excessive corpulence. The accounts preserved in Justin and Diogenes Lai'rtius (one of which is a perversion of the other, while the former is clearly a romance) are entitled to less credit. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 10-14; Plut. Alex. 52-55, Sull. 36; Curt. viii. 5-8; Freinsh. ad Curt. viii. 5. ~ 13, 8. ~ 21; Just. xii. 6, 7, xv. 3; Diog. Lairt. v. 4, 5, 39, Menag. ad Diog. CALLISTHENES. Lau'rt. v. 4, 5; Suidas, s. v. KaAireOvrýs; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. vi. pp. 317-325; Blakesley's Life of Aristotle, pp. 56, 73-84.) Some manuscripts are still extant, professing to contain writings of Callisthenes; but they are spurious, and none of his works have come down to us. Besides an account of Alexander's expedition (which he arrogantly said would be the main support of the conqueror's glory, and which is referred to in several places by Plutarch and Strabo), he also wrote a history of Greece, in ten books, from the peace of Antalcidas to the seizure of the Delphic temple by Philomelus. (B. c. 387-357.) Cicero mentions too a work of his on the Trojan war. The loss, however, of his writings we have not much reason to regret, if we may trust the criticisms passed on them by those to whom they were known. Thus Polybius censures him for his unskilfulness in his relation of military affairs; Cicero finds fault with his style as fitted rather for rhetorical declamation than for history, and contrasts it with that of Xenophon; and Strabo speaks disparagingly of his accuracy and veracity. He seems indeed to have been far more a rhetorician than either a philosopher or a historian, and, even as a rhetorician, to have had more of the spirit of Isocrates than of his own great master. His readiness and fluency, no less than his extreme indiscretion, are illustrated by the anecdote given by Plutarch (Alex. 53) of his speaking with great applause in praise of the Macedonians at a banquet, and then, on Alexander's challenging him to take the other side, launching forth into the bitterest invective against them. In philosophy he probably followed Aristotle, so far indeed as he threw himself into any system at all. The recension of Homer (-4,rort vipO]cos), kept by Alexander in a precious casket, and usually ascribed to Aristotle, was made, according to Strabo (xiii. p. 594), by Callisthenes and Anaxarchus. (Diod. iv. 1, xiv. 117, xvi. 14; Cic. ad Fam. v. 15, ad Q. Fratr. ii. 12, de Orat. ii. 14, de Div. i. 34, ii. 25; Strab. xi. p. 531, xii. p. 542, xiv. p. 680, xvii. p. 814; Plut. Alex. 27, 33; Polyb. xii. 17-21; Suidas, 1. c.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. p. 4804; Clint. Fast. iii. p. 376, note k.) 2. An Athenian orator, and, according to Plutarch, one of the eight whom Alexander, after the destruction of Thebes (a. c. 335), required to be delivered up to him,-on which occasion Demosthenes is said to have quoted the fable of the wolf, who demanded from the sheep the surrender of their dogs. Demades, however, who, it seems, received a fee of five talents for the service, succeeded in propitiating Alexander, and in saving all whose lives were threatened, except the general Charidemus. Arrian gives the number and list somewhat differently, and neither he nor Diodorus mentions Callisthenes. (Plut. Dem. 23, Alex. 13; Diod. xvii. 15; Arr. Anab. i. 10.) 3. A freedman of Lucullus, who, according to Cornelius Nepos (ap. Plut. Luczll. 43), administered to his master a certain drug (intended as a charm to increase his affection for him), which caused the failure of intellect that he laboured under in his latter years. [E. E.] CALLI'STHENES (Ka\AAwrOevqs), of Sybaris, is mentioned as the author of a history of the Galatians (raAarscai), of which Plutarch (De Flue. 6) quotes the thirteenth book. But the work must have been of much greater extent, since
Page 577 CALLISTIATUS. Stobaeus (Floril. c. 14) has preserved a fragment of it which belonged to the twenty-third book. [L. S.] CALLISTO (KaAuXo--rT), is sometimes called a daughter of Lycaon in Arcadia and sometimes of Nycteus or Ceteus, and sometimes also she is described as a nymph. (Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 1642; Apollod. iii. 8. ~ 2; comp. Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 1.) She was a huntress, and a companion of Artemis. Zeus, however, enjoyed her charms; and, in order that the deed might not become known to Hera, he metamorphosed her into a she-bear. But, notwithstanding this precaution, Callisto was slain by Artemis during the chase, through the contrivance of Hera. Areas, the son of Callisto, was given by Zeus to Maia to be brought up, and Callisto was placed among the stars under the name of Arctos. (Apollod. 1. c.) According to Hyginus, Artemis herself metamorphosed Callisto, as she discovered her pregnancy in the bath. Ovid ({Met. ii. 410, &c.) makes Juno (Hera) metamorphose Callisto; and when Areas during the chase was on the point of killing his mother, Jupiter (Zeus) placed both among the stars. The Arcadians shewed the tomb of Cailisto thirty stadia from the well Cruni: it was on a hill planted with trees, and on the top of the hill there was a temple of Artemis Calliste or Callisto. (Paus. viii. 35. ~ 7.) A statue of Callisto was dedicated at Delphi by the citizens of Tegea (x. 9. ~ 3), and in the Lesche of Delphi Callisto was painted by Polygnotus, wearing the skin of a bear instead of a dress. (x. 31. ~ 3.) While tradition throughout describes Callisto as a companion of Artemis, Miller (Dor. ii. 9. ~ 3) endeavours to shew that Callisto is only another form of the name of Artemis Calliste, as he infers from the fact, that the tomb of the heroine was connected with the temple of the goddess, and from Callisto being changed into a she-bear, which was the symbol of the Arcadian Artemis. This view has indeed nothing surprising, if we recollect that in many other instances also an attribute of a god was transformed by popular belief into a distinct divinity. Her being mixed up with the Arcadian genealogies is thus explained by Miller: the daughter of Lycaon means the daughter of the Lycaean Zeus; the mother of Areas is equivalent to the mother of the Arcadian people. [L. S.] CALLISTO, a female Pythagorean, to whom Theano, the wife of Pythagoras, addressed a letter on the proper way of governing a family. The letter is extant, and printed in the Aldine collection published at Rome in 1499, and at Geneva, with the Latin translation, in 1606. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 10.) [A. G.] CALLISTONICUS (KaXAoh'ir cos), a Theban statuary mentioned by Pausanias (ix. 16. ~ 1), made a statue of Tyche carrying the god Plutus. The face and the hands of the statue were executed by the Athenian Xenophon.. [W. I.] CALLI'STRATUS (KahXIorpa'ros), historical. 1. Son of Empedus, is mentioned by Pausanias as the commander of a body of Athenian cavalry in Sicily during the expedition of Nicias. When his countrymen were nearly cut to pieces at the river Assinarus, B. c. 413, Callistratus forced his way through the enemy and led his men safe to Catana. Thence returning to Syracuse, he attacked those who were plundering the Athenian camp, and fell, selling his life dearly. (Paus. vii. 16; comp. Thuc. vii. 84, 85.) 2. One of the body of knights under the com CALLISTRATUS. 577 mand of Lysimachus, who were employed by the government of the Ten to keep in check the exiles under Thrasybulus in the Peiraeeus. Lysimachus having massacred some countrymen, with whom he fell in as they were going from the Peiraeeus to their farms to procure provisions, the party in the harbour, having got Callistratus into their hands, retaliated by putting him to death, B. c. 403. (Xen. Hell. ii. 4. ~ 27.) In B. c. 410, this Callistratus had been treasurer of the goddess. Perhaps also he was the originator of the practice of paying the poorer citizens for their attendance at the assembly (,utr0s EdKccA7-La-LacKS); but B6ckh thinks that the introduction of this salary is more probably to be referred to the son of Empedus. (Publ. Econ. of Athens, bk. ii. ch. 14.) 3. An Athenian orator, son of Callicrates of Aphidna, and nephew of the notorious Agyrrhius. (Dem. c. Timocr. p. 742.) We first hear of him in B. c. 379, as connected with the oligarchical party, and as sending to Thebes to warn Leontiades of the intended attempt on the Cadmeia by the exiles under Pelopidas; and yet in the following year, 378, he was joined with Chabrias and Timotheus in the command of the forces which iwere despatched to the assistance of Thebes against Agesilaus. (Plut. de Gen. Socrat. 31; Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~ 34; Died. xv. 29.) Still, however, he appears as the supporter at Athens of Spartan interests. Thus, in 373, he joined Iphicrates in the prosecution of Timotheus, who had been most active against Sparta in the western seas, and had, in fact, by his restoration of the Zacynthian exiles, caused the renewal of war after the short peace of 374. (Dem. c. Timoth. pp. 1187, 1188; Xen. Hell. vi. 2. ~~ 11-13, comp. v. 4. ~ 64, &c., vi. 2. ~~ 2, 3.) In 373 also, but before the trial of Timotheus, Callistratus had been appointed commander, together with Iphicrates and Chabrias, of the forces destined for Corcyra,-and this at the request of Iphicrates himself, to whom (according to one mode of interpretating the words of Xenophon, ov i a'Aa ebrirsamjeloVy OVr) he had hitherto been opposed. (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. ~ 39; compare Schneid. Epimetr. ad loc.; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. p. 63, note 2; Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, p. 419, note 497, 2nd. edit.; Dem. c. Timoth. p. 1187.) Soon, however, he induced Iphicrates to consent to his returning to Athens, promising either to obtain for him a supply of money, or to bring about a peace; and in 371 accordingly we find him at Sparta with the ambassadors,-himself apparently without that title,-who were empowered to negotiate peace for Athens. On this occasion Xenophon records a speech delivered by him after those of Callias and Autocles, and the only pertinent and sensible one of the three. (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. ~~ 3, 10, &c.; see Died. xv. 38, 51, who in the former passage assigns the mission of Callistratus to B. c. 375, confounding the peace of 371 with that of 374, and placing the latter a year too soon.) Again, in 369, the year of the invasion of Laconia by Epaminondas, Callistratus induced the Athenians to grant the aid which the Spartans had sent to ask. (Dem. c. Neaer. p. 1353; comp. Xen. Hell. vi. 5. ~ 33, &c.) To B. c. 366 we may with most probability refer his famous speech on the affair of Oropus,-a speech which is said to have excited the emulation of Demosthenes, and caused him to devote himself to the study of oratory. It would seem that, after the seizure of 2p
Page 578 578 CALLISTRATUS. Oropus by a body of Oropian exiles and the consequent loss of it to Athens, the Athenians, having sent an army against it under Chares, were induced by Chabrias and Callistratus to compromise the matter by delivering the place as a deposit to the Thebans pending the adjustment of their claims. The Thebans refused afterwards to surrender it, and the consequence was the prosecution of the advisers of the compromise. At first the eloquence of Callistratus was successful, and they were acquitted; but the loss of so important a frontier town rankled in the minds of the people, and Callistratus appears to have been condemned to death in 361, and to have gone into banishment to Methone in Macedonia. In 356 (see Clinton on the year) he seems to have been still an exile, but he ultimately returned to Athens,-a step which the orator Lycurgus refers to as a striking instance of judicial infatuation,-and was put to death, though he had fled for refuge to the altar of the twelve gods. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. ~ 1, &c.; Diod. xv. 76; Plut. Dem. 5; IHermipp. ap. Gell. iii. 13; Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 156, ed. Tauchn.; Dem. c. Polycl. pp. 1221, 1222; Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 159; Aristot. Rhet. i. 7. ~ 13.) During his exile he is said to have founded the city of Datum, afterwards Philippi, and doubtless he "was the deviser of the plan for increasing the rent of the Macedonian harbour dues from 20 to 40 talents. (Isocr. de Pac. p. 164, a.; Pseudo-Aristot. Oecon. ii. 22; comp. Schneid. Epim. ad Xen. Hell. vi. 2. ~ 39; Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Attens, bk. iii. ch. 4.) Demosthenes appears to have admired him greatly as an orator, and Theopompus praises him for his public conduct, while he censures the profligacy of his private life. (Dem. de Cor. p. 301, de Fals. Leg. p. 436; comp. Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Grace. ap. Reiske, vol. viii. p. 140; Aristot. Rihet. i. 14. ~ 1, iii. 17. ~ 13; Theopomp. ap. Athen. iv. p. 166, e.) The author of the lives of the X Orators (1. c.) strangely confounds the present Callistratus with the son of Empedus, in which mistake he has been followed by some modern writers: others again have erroneously identified him with the Callistratus who was Archon Eponymus in 355. (See Ruhnken, 1. c.; Clint. Fast. ii. pp. 126, 378; B6ckh, Publ. Econ. bk. ii. ch. 14.) 4. An Elean, who came as an ambassador to Antiochus III. (the Great) at Chalcis, B. c. 192, to ask for aid to Elis against the Achaeans. The latter had declared for Rome, and decided on war with Antiochus, and the Eleans, friends to Antiochus, feared in consequence the invasion of their territory. The king sent them, for their defence, a thousand men under the command of Euphanes the Cretan. (Polyb. xx. 3; Liv. xxxv. 48-50, xxxvi. 5.) 5. Private secretary to Mithridates. He fell into the hands of the Romans when his master decamped so hastily from his position on the plains of Cabeira, B. c. 72; and the soldiers, who were bringing him before Lucullus, murdered him when they discovered that he had a large sum of money about his person. (Plut. Lucull. 17; comp. App. Bell. Mit/si. p. 227.) [E. E.] CALLI'STRATUS, literary. 1. A Greek grammarian, and a disciple of Aristophanes of Byzantium, whence he is frequently surnamed ' Apio-roducivos, (Athen. i. p. 21, vi. p. 263.) He must have lived about the middle of the second century before Christ, and have been a contempo CALLISTRATUS. rary of the famous Aristarchus. He appears to have devoted himself principally to the study of the great poets of Greece, such as Homer, Pindar, the tragedians, Aristophanes, and some others, and the results of his studies were deposited in commentaries upon those poets, which are lost, but to which occasionally reference is made in our scholia. Tzetzes (Chil. xi. 61) states, that the grammarian Callistratus was the first who made the Samians acquainted with the alphabet of twenty-four letters, but this is in all probability a fiction. (Comp. Schol. ad Hom. I1. vii. 185.) There are several more works mentioned by the ancients, which, it seems, must be attributed to our grammarian. Athenaeus (iii. p. 125) mentions the seventh book of a work called 2spiucra, and in another passage (xiii. p. 591), a work on courtezans (mrepl iralp(v), both of which belong probably to Callistratus the grammarian. Harpocration (s. v. MevEKcAhs KaAhhAirparos) mentions a work 7repl 'AOevCv, which some ascribed to Menecles and others to Callistratus, but the reading in the passage of Harpocration is uncertain, and Preller (Polem. Fragm. p. 173, &c.) thinks that KahAAKpdT-'rs ought to be read instead of KahhO'-pa-ros. A commentary of Callistratus on the Oparral of Cratinus is mentioned by Athenaeus (xi. p. 495). It is uncertain whether the Callistratus whose history of Samothrace is mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i. 68; comp. Schol. ad Pind. Nem. vii. 150) is the same as our grammarian. (R. Schmidt, Commentatio de Callistrato Aristoplhaneo, Halae, 1838, 8vo.; Clinton, Fast. Hellen. iii. p. 530.) 2. The author of a song upon Harmodius the tyrannicide, which appears to have enjoyed great popularity in antiquity. Its beginning is preserved in Suidas (s. v. Iap'olvios) and the Scholiast on Aristophanes. (Acharn. 956; comp. Hesych. s. v. 'Ap/ol5iov eAos.) The whole song is preserved in Athenaeus. (xv. p. 695; comp. Brunck, Anal. i. p. 155.) 3. A comic actor of the time of Aristophanes, in whose comedies Acharnenses, Aves, and Vespae Callistratus performed, as we learn from the scholia on those plays. [L. S.]. CALLI'STRATUS, a Roman jurist, who, as appears from Dig. 1. tit. 19. s. 3. ~ 2, and from other passages in the Digest, wrote at least as late as the reign (A. D. 198-211) of Severus and Antoninus (i. e. Septimius Severus and Caracalla). In a passage of Lampridius (Alex. Sev. 68) which, either from interpolation or from the inaccuracy of the author, abounds with anachronisms, Callistratus is stated to have been a disciple of Papinian, and to have been one of the council of Alexander Severus. This statement may be correct, notwithstanding the suspicious character of the source whence it is derived. The numerous extracts from Callistratus in the Digest occupy eighteen pages in Hommel's Palingenesia Pandectarunm; and the fact that he is cited by no other jurist in the Digest, may be accounted for by observing, that the Digest contains extracts from few jurists of importance subsequent to Callistratus. The extracts from Callistratus are taken from works bearing the following titles: 1. "Libri VI de Cognitionibus." 2. " Libri VI Edicti Monitorii." 3. " Libri IV de Jure Fisci," or (Dig. 48, tit. 20. s. 1) "de Jure Fisci et Populi." 4. "Libri III Institutionum." 5. " Libri II
Page 579 CALLISTRATUS. Quaestionum." The titles of the first three of these works require some explanation. 1. The treatise "de Cognitionibus" relates to those causes which were heard, investigated, and decided by the emperor, the governor of a province, or other magistrate, without the intervention of judices. This departure from the ordinary course of the civil law took place, even before Diocletian's generalabolition of the ordojudiciorumn, sometimes by virtue of the imperial prerogative, and in some cases was regularly practised for the purpose of affording equitable relief where the strict civil law gave no remedy, instead of resorting to the more tortuous system of legal fictions and equitable actions. (Herm. Cannegieter, Observ. Jar. Rom. lib. i. c. 9.) 2. What is meant by " Edictum Monitorium" is by no means clear. Haubold (de Edictis iMonitoriis ac Brevibus, Lips. 1804), thinks, that monitory edicts are not special writs of notice or summons directed to the parties in the course of a cause, but those general clauses of the edictum perpetuum which relate to the law of procedure, giving actions and other remedies on certain conditions, and therefore, tacitly at least, containing warnings as to the consequences of irregularity or nonfulfilment of the prescribed conditions. The fragments of Callistratus certainly afford much support to this view. Haubold distinguishes the edictum monitorium from the edictum breve, upon which Paulus wrote a treatise. The latter he supposes to consist of those new clauses, which, in process of time, were added as an appendage to the edictum perpetuum, after the main body of it had acquired a constant form. 3. The phrase "de Jure Fisci et Populi" appears anomalous, but it occurs elsewhere. (See Paulus. Recept. Sent. v. 12.) Lampridius also (Alex. Sev. 15) writes, that Alexander Severus "leges de jure populi et fisci moderatas et infinitas (?) sanxit." Probably under the phrase "jus populi" must here be understood the law relating to the aerarium, or to the area publica (which latter, practically as well as theoretically, was at the disposal of the senate) as distinguished from the fiscus, which was the emperor's own, not as res privata, but as property attached to the imperial dignity. (Vopisc. Aurelian. 20.) The principal commentator on Callistratus is Edm. Merillius, whose Commentarius ad Libros duo Quaestionum Callistrati is inserted in Otto's "Thesaurus," iii. 613-634. A dissertation by And. W. Cramer, de Juvenibus apud Callistraltum JCtum, appeared at Kiel, 8vo. 1814. Cujas (in his preface to his Latin translation of the 60th book of the Basilica, reprinted at the beginning of the 7th volume of Fabrot's edition) mentions among the commentators on the Basilica a jurist named Callistratus. Fabricius also supposes the Callistratus of the Basilica to have been different from the Callistratus of the Digest. Suarez naturally expresses strong doubts as to the existence of a later Callistratus; for there are many other asserted duplicate names, as Modestinus, Theophilus, Thalelaeus, Stephanus, Dorotheus, Cyrillus, Theodorus, Isidorus; but Reiz has shewn, in several instances, that the asserted later commentator, bearing the name of a prior jurist, is a fictitious entity. The name of the prior jurist has perhaps been sometimes attributed to the scholiast who cites him; but we believe it would appear, upon examination, that thle existence of two sets CALLISTUS. 579 of jurists of the same names but different dates has gained credit partly from the mendacious inventions and supposititious citations of Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli, and partly from a very general misunderstanding of the mode in which the scholia on the Basilica were formed. These scholia were really formed thus: extracts from ancient jurists and antecedent commentators on the collections of Justinian were appended to certain passages of the text of the Basilica which they served to elucidate. These extracts were sometimes interpolated or otherwise altered, and were mingled with glosses posterior to the Basilica. Thus, they were confounded with the latter, and were not unnaturally supposed to be posterior in date to the work which they explained. The determination of the question as to the existence of a duplicate Callistratus may be helped by the following list of the passages in the Basilica (ed. Fabrot), where the name is mentioned. It is taken from Fabr. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 440, and the parentheses () denote a reference not to the text, but to a Greek scholiast. " Callistratus JCtus, i. 257, ii. 36, 315, 512, iii. 206, iv. (263), 292, 358, 507, (568,) 810, 833, v. 10, 734, 778, 788, vi. (158), 436, 468, 490, 677, 680, 702, 703, vii. 439, 515, 537, 564, 585, 628, 687, 710, 715, 783, 803, 827, 833, 836, 837, 869, 871, 888." On reference to these passages, we find nothing to indicate a Graeco-Roman jurist Callistratus. (Bertrandus, de Jurisperitis, i. c. 27; Aug. Jenichen, Ep. Singular. de Callistrato JGto, 4to. Lips. 1742; Zimmern. R. R. G. i. ~ 101; Suarez, Notitia Basilicorum,ed.Pohl. Lips.1804, ~~ 34,41.)[J.T.G.] CALLI'STRATUS, a statuary, of uncertain country, who lived about B. c. 160, at which time the arts revived after a period of decay. (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) [W. I.] CALL1'STRATUS, DOMI'TIUS (Aopiunos KaoiarTpaoros), is mentioned seven times by Stephanus of Byzantium, as the author of a work on Heracleia (7rept 'HpaocXelas), which consisted of at least seven books. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 'OAuIAr.) If, as it appears, he is the same as the one mentioned by Athenaeus (vi. p. 263), he was a disciple of Aristophanes of Byzantium. (Comp. Schol. ad Aeschyl. Pers. 941, ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 1125, ii. 780; Snid. s. v. ADix6evos.) [L. S.] CALLISTUS (Ka'AAtoros). 1. A contemporary of the emperor Julian, who accompanied his sovereign on his expeditions, and afterwards celebrated his exploits in an epic poem, from which a statement is quoted by Nicephorus. (Hist. Eccles. vi. 34.) 2. Surnamed Syropulus, a Christian author who wrote a learned disputation against the Palamites, which was dedicated to the patriarch Euthymius. (Nic. Commenus, Praenot. Mystag. p. 158.) 3. A monk of mount Athos. During the war between Palaeologus and Cantacuzenus he was sent by the monks to Constantinople to endeavour to restore peace; but he was ill-treated there by the empress Anna and the patriarch Joannes. About the year A. D. 1354, the emperor Cantacuzenus made Callistus patriarch of Constantinople. The year after, when he was requested by the same emperor to crown his son Matthaeus, Callistus refused to comply with the request and withdrew to a monastery. As he refused to perform his duties as patriarch, Philotheus was appointed in his 2p2
Page 580 580 CALLIXENUS. place. But when afterwards Joannes Palaeologus had gained possession of the imperial throne, Callistus was restored to the patriarchal see. The year after his restoration he was sent as ambassador to the Servian princess Elizabeth to conclude a peace, and during this embassy he died near Pherae, the capital of the Servians. There is a Greek homily on the exaltation of the cross by one Callistus, which is printed with a Latin translation in Gretser (De Cruce, ii. p. 1347), but whether it is the work of our Callistus, or of another who was patriarch of Constantinople in A. D. 1406, is uncertain. There are some other works of a theological nature which are ascribed to one Callistus, but they have never been printed. (Wharton's Appendix to Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 46, &c., ed. London.) [L. S.] CALLISTUS, C. JU'LIUS, a freedman of Caligula, in whose reign he possessed very great influence and power, though in the end he was an accomplice in the conspiracy by which this emperor was murdered. In the reign of Claudius, Callistus continued to have great influence, and he endeavoured secretly, in conjunction with others, to counteract the attachment of Messalina to C. Silius; but Callistus was afraid of losing his position, and gave up opposing the scheme of Messalina. When she had been put to death, Callistus supported the designs of Lollia Paulina, who wished to become the emperor's wife; but he did not succeed in this point, for Claudius married Agrippina, who was supported by Pallas. This Callistus is undoubtedly the person to whom the physician Scribonius Largus dedicates his work; and from it we learn that the full name of Callistus was C. Julius Callistus. (Tac. Ann. xi. 29, 38, xii. 1, &c.; Dion Cass. lix. 19; Senec. Epist. 47; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xix. 1. ~ 10.) [L. S.] CALLI'TELES (KaXAnT-Er/s), thought by Pausanias (v. 27. ~ 5) to be a son or pupil of Onatas, in company with whom he wrought a Hermes carrying a ram. [W. I.] CALLI'XENUS (KaXX[ivos) was the mover in the Athenian OovxAo of the following decree against the generals who had conquered at Arginusae, B. c. 406,-a decree as false in its preamble as it was illegal and iniquitous in its substance: " Whereas the accusation against the generals, as well as their defence, has been heard in the previous assembly, be it enacted that all the Athenians give their votes on the case according to their tribes; and that for each tribe there be set two urns to receive the ballots of condemnation or acquittal. And if they be found guilty, let them suffer death; and let their property be confiscated, and a tenth of it be set apart for the goddess." The decree, in fact, took away from the accused the right of separate trials and a fair hearing; and, when it was brought before the assembly, Euryptolemus and some other friends of the generals threatened Callixenus with a prosecution for his illegal proposition, but were compelled by the clamours of the multitude to drop their proceedings. The Prytanes then refused to put the motion to the vote; but they too, with the single exception of Socrates (who was E'ir-Tord'rjs for that day) were obliged to give way before the invectives of Callixenus and the threats of the people. (Xen. Hell. i. 7. ~~ 8-16, Aiemorab. i. 1. ~ 18; Plat. Apol. p. 32, b.; Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. p. 368, ad fin.) Nat long after the death of the generals the Athe CALOCYRUS. nians decreed the institution of criminal accusations (TrpoeoAdi, see Diet. of Ant. s. v.) against Callixenus and the rest who had deceived them. lie and four others accordingly were compelled to give bail for their appearance, and were kept in confinement by their sureties. They contrived, however, to effect their escape, and took refuge with the Lacedaemonians at Deceleia. On the restoration of democracy at Athens, B. c. 403, Callixenus took advantage of the general amnesty to return: but the ban of his countrymen's hatred was upon him, -no man, it is said, would give him either water or light for his fire,-and he perished miserably of hunger. (Diod. xiii. 103; Xen. Hell. i. 7. ~ 35; Suid. s. v. 'Eva deiv; comp. Herod. vii. 231.) [E. E.] CALLIXENUS (KaAxi'yos), of Rhodes, a contemporary of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was the author of two works, which are lost. The one which bore the title of rcpl 'AAeav3peilas, consisted of at least four books, and was much used by Athenaeus. (Athen. v. p. 196, &c., ix. p. 387, xi. pp. 472, 474, 483; Harpocrat. s. v. ytvOPic?.) The second work appears to have been a catalogue of painters and sculptors (woypad wv ie ical dvpitaVoroui dayppa "), of which Sopater, in the twelfth book of his Eclogae had made an abridgement. (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 161; comp. Preller, Polem. Fragm. p. 178, &c.) [L. S.] CALLO (KaAo\&), an orphan who lived at Epidaurns about thirty years after the death of Alexander the Great, and was commonly considered to be a girl. She accordingly married, and lived with her husband for two years. After that time, she was taken seriously ill, and had to undergo an operation, the effect of which was that she became a man. She is one of the beings commonly called androgyne, and her case as described by Diodorus (xxxii. Ecl. i. p. 522) must be of interest to medical men. [L. S.] CALLON (KdAAwo,). 1. An artist of the island of Aegina, the pupil of Angelio and Tectaeus, who were themselves pupils of Dipoenus and Scyllis. (Paus. ii. 32. ~ 4.) As the latter two flourished B. c. 580, the age of Callon must be fixed at B. c. 516. This is confirmed by the statement of Pausanias (vii. 18. ~ 6), that Callon was a contemporary of Canachus, who we know flourished from B. c. 540 to 508. [CANACHUS.] There are two passages in Pausanias which seem to contradict this conclusion; but K. 0. Miiller (Aeginet. p. 100) and Thiersch (Epoch. Anm. p. 40) have clearly shewn that one of them is interpolated, and that the other, if explained properly, does not place Callon either in the time of the Messenian wars, or as late as the battle of Aegospotamos, as some interpreters had believed. (Comp. Sillig, Cat. Art. s. v.) We are acquainted with two works of Callon: the tripod ornamented by a statue of Cora and a xoanon of Athene. Quintilian (xii. 10) calls his works "duriora atque Tuscanicis proxima." 2. A native of Elis, who sculptured a Hermes at Olympia (Paus. v. 27. ~ 5) and a chorus of thirtyfive Messenian boys, together with their leader and the flute-player, who had all perished on the passage from Messana to Rhegium. The whole group was dedicated by the Messenians at Olympia. (Paus. v. 25. ~ 1.) Callon must have lived before B. c. 436. (Thiersch, Epoch. Anm. p. 62.) [W.I.] CALOCY'RUS, proconsul (d{firaros) or dux (6o4i, Basilica, v. 487), a Graeco-Roman jurist. In Basil. vol. iv. p. 403 (Fabrot), he is called
Page 581 CALO-JOANNES. CALO-JOANNES. 581 Calocyrus Sextus. By Jos. Sim. Assemani, in his to such a degree, that he ventured to abolish the extremely rare but very valuable work, Bibliotheca punishment of death, and deserved to be called the Juris Orientalis Canonici et Civilis, 5 vols. 4to. Byzantine Marcus Aurelius. His relations with Rome, 1762-6 (ii. c. 20, p. 403), Calocyrus is his brother Isaac were a model of brotherly affecsupposed to have been posterior to Cyrillus (whom tion, and though their friendship was on one occahe cites, Basil. vol. v. p. 44), and to have lived sion disturbed by the slander of some courtiers, it after the time of Alexius Comnenus. The passages was but for a short time. The reign of Caloin Fabrot's edition of the Basilica, where Calocyrus Joannes is a series of wars, and each war was a is mentioned, are given as follows in Fabricius, triumph for the Greek arms. But while Nicetas Bibl. Grace. vol. xii. p. 440: " Calocyrus JCtus, and Cinnamus, the chief sources, dwell with proii. 543; Calocyrus Sextus, iv. 403, v. 26, 39, 77, lixity on the description of so many glorious deeds, 180, 269, 292, 324, 325, 410, 423, 459, 587; they have neglected to give us a satisfactory expoProconsul (Fabroto interpreti Dux), v. 37, 44, 78, sition of the emperor's administration, and their 82, 121, 144, 179, 237, 238, 253, 263, 341, 414, chronology is very confused. This circumstance 430, 432, 436, 487, 537; Cyrillo Junior. v. 44." has probably induced Gibbon to relate the reign of Reiz (Excurs. xx. ad Theophilum, p. 1234) se- Calo-Joannes without any chronology except the lects the following passages under the head " Me- dates of his accession and his death. Le Beau, morabilia ex Scholiis Basilicorum, quae faciunt ad in his HIistoire du Bas Empire (vol. xix. 1. 86), indagandam aetatem JCtorum, maxime eorum qui gives a careful chronology which he has established sub Imperatore Justiniano Magno floruerunt." by comparing the Latin historians, especially GuiCalocyrus ad Basilica Comment. iv. 403, -v. 39, lielmus Tyrensis and Otho Frisingensis; and Du v. 292. Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli (Praenot. Cange (Familiae Byzantinae, pp. 178, 179) gives.Afyslag. p. 345) cites an interpretation (Synopsis an account of the different statements respecting Septima) by Calocyrus, of the Novells of Leo, and the year in which Calo-Joannes died. We follow (p. 371 of the same work) cites the notes of Sixtus Le Beau and Du Cange. or Sextus, JCtus and Nomophylax, on the Novells. The wars of Calo-Joannes with the different In both these passages, Papadopoli (or, as he is princes of the Turks lasted during his whole reign usually styled, Nic. Comnenus) probably refers to with scarcely any interruption. In the first camthe same person; but his gross infidelity (which is paign, in 1119, he took Laodiceia, and spared the exposed by Heimbach, Anecdota, i. pp. 219-222) lives of the garrison, and in 1120 he took Sozopolis. renders his testimony, when unsupported, nearly An invasion of the Petchenegues or Patzinacitae, worthless, who had crossed the Danube, called him to Thrace, (Suarez, Noiitia Basilicorum, ed. Pohl. ~ 42, p. and in 1122 he obtained a complete victory over 136, nn. (0) et (X); Stockmann ad Bachii Hist. them in Macedonia, giving the example at once of Jurisp. Rom. p. 675, citing Van Vryhoff, Observ. a general and a soldier. This war was finished to Jur. Civ. c. 26, p. 134, Amst. 1747, 8vo.; Heimbach, the advantage of the Greeks: the Petchenegues de Basilicorum Origine, &c. p. 74, &c.) [J. T. G.] returned into their Scythian steppes, and great CALO-JOANNES or JOANNES II. COM- numbers of them who had been made prisoners reNE'NUS (KaXo-lIwivves 6 KoItegoeds), one of the ceived lands from the emperor in the very districts greatest and best emperors of the East, the eldest which their brethren had laid waste. In 1123 he son and successor of Alexis I. Comnenus, was born took the field against the revolted Servians, who in 1088. His real name was Joannes. His were supported by Stephen II., king of Hungary, diminutive stature, tawny complexion, and ugly who took Belgrade and Branizova. But in the features, distinguished him, not to his advan- following year, 1124, Calo-Joannes advanced with tage, from among the other princes of the hand- a strong army, took Francochorium near Sirmiunm, some Comnenian race; and it would seem that conquered the country between the Save and the his name Calo-Joannes, or John the Handsome, Danube, and forced the king to desist from farther was a nickname, were we not justified in believing attempts on the Greek empire. According to the that that name was given him for the beauty of Greek historians, the advantages of this war were his mind. His virtues were acknowledged by his rather on the side of king Stephen; while, strange father, who, when urged on his death-bed to leave enough, the Hungarian annalists attribute both the empire to Bryennius, his excellent son-in-law, victories and advantages to the Greeks. Thence resisted the persuasion of his wife and his daughter Calo-Joannes turned once more against the Turks Anna, and appointed Calo-Joannes his successor. of Iconium, and took Castamonia- and Gangra, The new emperor ascended the throne on the 15th which his garrisons were, however, obliged to surof August, 1118. It is related under ANNA COM- render to the Turks a short time afterwards. The NENA and NICEPIHORUS BRYENNIUS, that their emperor was more fortunate, in 1131, against the conspiracy to depose Calo-Joannes and to make Armenians of Cilicia, or Armenia Minor, under. Bryennius emperor, proved abortive, and that the their prince Livo or Leo, who was vanquished in property of both was confiscated. The emperor several engagements; and in 1137, all his domiw-as especially protected by his younger brother, nions were annexed to the Greek empire, and reIsaac Sebastocrator, and by his minister, Axuch, a ceived the name of the fourth Arneniea. This con-. Turk who had been made prisoner during the reign quest brought him in contact with Raymond, prince of Alexis I., and who, joining great talents and of Antioch, who, according to the treaties made knowledge with honesty and affable manners, ad- between Alexis I. and. prince oemond I. of Anvanced from one eminent post to another, till he tioch, was obliged to recognize the Greek emperor became magnus domesticus, or prime minister, an as his liege lord, but refused doing so, till Calooffice which he held during the whole reign of Joannes compelled him, partly by negotiations, Calo-Joannes. The conspiracy of Anna and Bry- partly by threats. The emperor entered Antioch ennius was the only event that troubled the reign in 1138, and prince Raymond and the count of of Calo-Joannes, who won the hearts of his subjects Edessa held the bridles of his horse, as a token of
Page 582 582 CALPURNIA. their vassalship. During his stay in that town, the emperor was exposed to great danger by a sudden uproar of the people, who fancied that the town was about to be given over to the Greeks. The emperor saved himself by a sudden flight, and was going to storm Antioch, when prince Raymond came to his camp, made an apology for the reckless conduct of his subjects, and soothed the emperor's anger by a new protestation of his faith. CaloJoannes and Raymond now joined their troops, and made a successful campaign against the TurksAtabeks in Syria, whose emir Emad-ed-din had conquered Haleb. Calo-Joannes returned to Constantinople in 1141, defeating on his march the sultan of Iconium, from whom he took the fortified islands in the lake near Iconium, and exterminated the pirates and robbers who had infested the coasts from Cilicia to Lydia. Encouraged by so many victories, and supported by eminent generals and well-disciplined troops, who were in every respect equal to those of the Latin princes of the East, Calo-Joannes conceived the plan of conquering the Latin kingdoms and principalities of Jerusalem, Antioch, &c., and of driving out the Atabecks from Syria, all of which were provinces that had once belonged to the Eastern empire. In 1142 he set out for Cilicia at the head of a strong army, pretending that lie was going to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. In the spring of 1143, he was at Anazarba. While hunting one day in the forests on the banks of the Pyramus, he attacked a wild boar: he succeeded in piercing the beast with his spear, but in the struggle his quiver was upset, and he received a slight wound in his hand from one of the arrows. The weapon was poisoned, and as the emperor would not allow his hand to be amputated, he died from the effects of the wound, on the 8th of April, 1143. His successor was his fourth son, Manuel, whom the emperor appointed in preference to his third son, Isaac; his eldest sons, Alexis and Andronicus, had both died a short time before their father. The wife of Calo-Joannes was Irene the daughter of Wladislaw I. the Saint, king of Hungary, the sister of king Caloman, and the aunt of king Stephen I., with whom CaloJoannes made war: he married her before 1105, and she-died in 1124. (Nicetas, Joannes Comnenus; Cinnamus, i. ii. 1-5.) [W. P.] CALPETA'NUS, a physician at Rome, who lived probably about the beginning or middle of the first century after Christ, and who is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxix. 5) as having gained by his practice the annual income of two hundred and fifty thousand sesterces (about 19531. 2s. 6d.). This is considered by Pliny to be a very large sum, and may therefore give us some notion of the fortunes made by physicians at Rome about the beginning of the empire. [W. A. G.] CALPU'RNIA. 1. The daughter of L. Calpurnius Bestia, consul in B. c. 111, the wife of P. Antistius and the mother of Antistia, the first wife of Pompeius Magnus. On the murder of her husband in B. c. 82, by order of the younger Marius, Calpurnia put an end to her own life. (Vell. Pat. ii. 26; comp. ANTISTIUS, No. 6.) 2. The daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, consul in B. c. 58, and the last wife of the dictator Caesar, whom he married in B. c. 59. (Suet. Caes. 21; Plut. Caes. 14, Pomp. 47, Cat. Min. 33; Appian, B. C. ii. 14; Caes. B. G. i. 12.) Calpurnia seems not to have intermeddled in poli CALPURNIUS. tical affairs, and to have borne quietly the favours which her husband bestowed upon Cleopatra, ivhen she came to Rome in B. c. 46. The reports that had got abroad respecting the conspiracy against Caesar's life filled Calpurnia with the liveliest apprehensions; she was haunted by dreams in the night, and entreated her husband, but in vain, not to leave home on the fatal Ides of March, B. c. 44. (Appian, B. C. ii. 115; Dion Cass. xliv. 17; Vell. Pat. ii. 57; Suet. Caes. 81; Plut. Caes. 63.) CALPU'RNIA. 1. One of the favourite concubines of the emperor Claudius. She was prevailed upon by Narcissus to go to Ostia, where the emperor was tarrying, to inform him of the marriage of Messalina and C. Silius. (Tac. Ann. xi. 30.) 2. A woman of high rank, who was sent into exile by the jealousy of Agrippina, the wife of the emperor Claudius, who had accidentally spoken of her figure in terms of praise. She was recalled by Nero, in A. D. 60, for the purpose of making an exhibition of his clemency, after having just before caused his own mother to be murdered. (Tac. Ann. xii. 22, xiv. 72.) [L. S.] CALPU'RNIA GENS, plebeian, pretended to be descended from Calpus, the third of the four sons of Numa; and accordingly we find the head of Numa on some of the coins of this gens. (Plut. Nmen. 21; Hor. Asrs Poet. 292; Festus, s. v. Calpurnii; Eckhel, v. p. 160.) The Calpurnii are not mentioned till the time of the first Punic war, and the first of them who obtained the consulship was C. Calpurnius Piso in B. c. 180; but from this time their consulships are very frequent, and the family of the Pisones becomes one of the most illustrious in the Roman state. The family-names under the republic are BESTIA, BIBULUS, FLAMMA, and Piso, and some of the Pisones are distinguished by the surnames of Caesoninus and Frugi. CALPURNIA'NUS, DE'CIUS, praefect of the body-guard of the emperor Claudius, seems to have been compromised in the adulterous conduct of Messalina, and was put to death in consequence, A. D. 48. (Tac. Ann. xi. 35.) [L. S.] CALPURNIA'NUS, M. PU'PIUS PISO, consul in B. c. 61. [PIso.] CALPU'RNIUS, standard-bearer of the first legion in Germany at the accession of Tiberius, A. D. 14. When Munatius Plancus arrived in the camp of Germanicus in Germany, as the ambassador of the senate, the rebellious soldiers would have murdered him while he was embracing as a suppliant the sacred standards, had not Calpurnius checked the violence of the soldiers. (Tac. Ann. i. 39.) [L. S.] CALPU'RNIUS,surnamed SICULUS. Among the works of the Latin poets we find eleven pastorals which usually bear the title T. Calpurnii Siculi Bucoliconis Eclogae, to which is sometimes added Ad Nemesiantun CCarthiagimniensem. The author is generally believed to have lived towards the end of the third century, and the person to whom the work is addressed is supposed to be the Aurelius Olymnpius Nemesianus whose poem on hunting is still extant. It will be found, however, upon a careful investigation of authorities, that we not only know nothing whatsoever with regard to the personal history of Calpurnius, but that every circumstance connected with his name, his age, his works, and his friends, is involved in obscurity and doubt. In several MSS. he is designated as
Page 583 CALPURNIUS. TFins, in others as Gains, in a great number the pra enemen is altogether wanting, while the only evidence for the detersination of the epoch when ho flourished rests upon the gratuitous assumption that he is identical with the Junius or Jelius Ga-lpInnins commemorated hy Vopiscus in the life of Carus. In like manner we are left in uncertainty whether we ought to consider the term Sicules as a cognomen, or as an appellation pointing out his native country, or as an epithet hestowed upon him becanse he cultivated the same style of composition with the Syracusan Theocritus. Some have sought to prove, from internal evidence, that, like the Mantuan bard, he was raised from a hsmhls station hy the favour of some exalted patron, hut this hypothesis receives no support from the passages referred to, and those who have attempted in a similar manner to ascertain the precise epoch when he flourished have arrived at conflicting conclesious. Even if the dedication to Nemessanus is genuine, and this is far from certain, it does not necessarily follov, that this most he the same Nemessanus who was contemporary with Numerianus. The literary merits of Calpurnios may he hriefly discussed. In all that relates to the mechanism of his art he deserves much praise. His versification is smooth, flowing, and sonorous, and his diction for the most part pisre and elegant, although from heing toe elahorately finished it is sonetimes tinged with affectation. In all the higher departments he can advance no claim. to our admiration. He imitates closely the Eclogues of Virgil, and like Virgil is deficient in the simplicity, freshness, and reality which lend such a charm to the Idylls of Theocritus-a deficiency which he awkwardly endeavoens to supply hy occasionally foisting harsh and ncouth expressionos into the mouths of lis speakers. lie evidently was a careful student of Horace, Tibullus, Propertins, Juvenal, and Statius, for we can often detect their thoughts and even their expressions, unless, indeed, we are disposed to adopt the absurd notions advocated hy Ascensius, that he belonged to time Augustan age, and might thus have been copied hy the others instead of borrowing0 from them. In the oldest MSS. and editions the whole eleven eclogues are attribsted to Calposrnius. Ugoletus, upos the authority of a single MS., separated the last four from the rest, assigniing them to Nemesianus; but independent of thle feeble atthority upon which this change was introduced, the tone and spirit of the whole eleven is so exactly uniform, that we might at once conclude with confidence that they were productions of the same pen, and this has been satisfactorily established by Werusdorf. The Editie Princeps is without place or date, hut is usually found appended to the Silius Italicus printed at Rome iso 1471, by Sweynheim and Pasnartz. The snext us antiquity is that of Venice, 1472. The most valuable modern editions are those contained in the Poetas Latini Minores of Burmaun (Leida, 1731), asd in the Poetas Latini Minores of Werunsforff (Alteub. 1780), asd in Lemairs's Classics (Paris, 1824). The text has been recently revised with sucs care hy Gleeser. (Getting. 1842.) [W. R.] CALPU'RNIUS ASPRE'NAS, [AsPRENAS.] CALPU'RNIUS CRASSUS. [CResSue.] CALPU'RNIUS FABA'TUS. [FcaBvUs.] CALPU'R;NJUS FLACCUS. [F~accus.] CALVENA. 583 CALPI'RNIUS GALERIA'NUS. [GALERMANUS.] CALPU'RNIUS SALVIA'NUS.[SALVIANtTS.] CALVA, a surname of Venus at Rome, which is derived hy some from the verb clveere, to mock or annoy, and is helieved to refer to the caprices of lovers. Others relate, that Ancus Marcius dedicated the temple of Venus Calva near the Capitol at the time when his wife's hair began to fall off; whereas a third account connects the foundation of this temple with the war against the Gauls, during which the Roman women were said to have cut o-ff their hair for the purpose of miaking bo-w-strings of it. (Serv. ad Jee. i. 724; Lactant. i. 20, 27.) Hartung (Die R1ef. d. RJno. ii. p. 251) thinkrs the last account the most probable, and believes that the name referred to a real or symbolical cutting off of the hair of brides on their marriage day. (Comp. Pers. Sot. ii. 70, with the Schol.) [L. S.] CALVASTER, JU'LIUS, a laticlave tribune of the soldiers under Dositian, took part in the revolt of Antonins in Germ-any, but was pardoned because he pretended that Iis intercourse with Antonius was confined to a licentious connexion. (Dion Case. lxvii. 11; Suet. Doms. 10.) CALVE'NA, C. MATIUS, usually called Matins, without his cognomen Calvena, which he received on account of his baldness, belonged to the equestrian order, and was one of Caesar's most intimate friends. He was a learned, amiable, and accomplished nman; but, through Iis love of retirement aid literature, ho took no part in the civil var, and did net avail himself of Caesar's friesdship to obtain any public offices in the state. Unlike many, who called themselves the friends of Caesar, he took no part in the conspiracy against his life, but on the contrary was deeply affected by his death. lie immediately espoused the side of Octavianus, with whom he became very intimate and at his request, and in memory of his dTeparted friend, he presided over the games which Octavianus exhibited in a. c. 44, on the completion of the temple of Venus Genetrix, in honour of Caesar's victories. The conduct of Mllatins excited the wrath of Caesar's murderersa; and there is a beautiful letter of his to Cicero (ad Feas. xi. 28), in which he justifies lis conduct, avows his attachment to Caesar, and deplores his loss. Matius was also an intimate friend of Cicero and Trebatins. Cicero first speaks of him in a letter to Tieb-tius, written in B. c. 52, in which he congratulites the latter upoo having become a friend of I-tius, whom lie calls " soshvissiuus doctossnmusnque home " (ad Fasin. vii. 15); but Cicero himself iad been intimate with him sumn time before. Mmatius paid Cicero a visit at his Fornmian vil- in a. c. 49, when he was on lis way to join Caesar at Bromndusinm; and when Cicero returned to Italy after the battle of Pharsalia, in B. c. 48, greatly alarmic at t e reception which Caesar might give him, AMatius met him at Brundusium, did Ills best to console him, and promosed to exert his influence with Caesor tos otanilo his pardon. From that time till Caesar's death, Al-itins and Cicero appear to ha-ve seen a, good deal of one another; aid he is frequ ently mentioned by Cicero in thi period immediately following Caesar's death. (Cic. ad Alt. ix. 11, 12, 1h, a,, ad esiovi. 12,.d All. xiv. 1,2,5 4,95, 9, xv, 2, xvi. 11, hut the fullest information respecting Matius is ime ti tavo letters cod, Fessez vi. 27, 98.
Page 584 584 CALVINUS. Matius' friendship with Caesar is mentioned by Suctonius (Caes. 52), and his intimacy with Augustus by Pliny (H. N. xii. 2, s. 6), who erroneously calls him Cn. Matius, and who speaks of him as alive about 80 years before his time. Tacitus (Ann. xii. 60) also alludes to the power and influence which Matius possessed. This C. Matius is in all probability the same as the C. Matius (not Cn. as Gellius calls him), who translated the Iliad into Latin verse, and was the author of several other works. His version of the Iliad is first quoted by his contemporary Varro (L. L. vii. 95, 96, ed. Miiller), and is referred to by A. Gellius (vi. 6, ix. 14) and the Latin grammarians. Matius also wrote " Mimiambi," which were as celebrated as his translation of the Iliad, and were particularly admired for the elegance of the new words which he introduced in them. (Gell. xv. 25, xx. 8.) Matius also paid great attention to economics and agriculture, and wrote a work on the whole art and science of cookery, in three books, which were entitled respectively Cocus, Cetarius, Salgamaesrius. (Columella, xii. 4, 44.) It was probably from this Matius that the manlms Matianum derived its name (Plin. H. N. xv. 14, 15; Columella, v. 10, 19; Suet. Dom. 21; Macrob. Saturn. ii. 10; Athen. iii. p. 82, c.), and the OpsoZniaen Matianum, praised by Apicius (iv. 3). (Wernsdorf, Poet. Lat. Min. vol. iv. p. 568, &c.; Leutsch, in the Zeitschrift frii Allerthnumswissenscljft, 1834, p. 164, &c.) CALVE'NTIUS, an Insubrian Gaul, of the town of Placentia, and a merchant, whose daughter married L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, the father of L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, consul in B. c. 58. In his speech against the latter, Cicero upbraids him with the low origin of his mother, and calls him Caesoninus Semiplacentinus Calventius (in Pison, 6, 23; Ascon in Pison, p. 5, ed. Orelli; rcomp. Cic. de prov. Cons. 4, pro Sext. 9); and in a letter to his brother Quintus (iii. 1. ~ 4), Piso is also meant by the name of Calventius Marius. CA'LVIA CRISPINILLA. [CRIsPINILLA.] CALVFINA, JU'LIA, the sister of L. Silanus, was at first married to a son of Vitellius, but afterwards, for the sake of doing a favour to Agrippina, Vitellius accused her of incestuous intercourse with her brother, L. Silanus. There was, however, according to the concurrent testimony of the ancients, no ground whatever for that charge, except that Silanus was attached to his sister, aind perhaps expressed his love for her in too unguarded a manner, surrounded as he was by spies and enemies. When Silanus had put an end to his own life, Calvina was expelled from Italy. (Tac. Ann. xii. 4, 8; L. SILAN.us.) It is highly probable that this Calvina is the same as the Junia (Julia?) Calvina mentioned by Suetonius (Vesp. 23) as still alive towards the end of the reign of Vespasian, for it is stated there, that she belonged to the family of Augustus, and it is well known that the Silani were great-great-grandsons of Augustus. 1 L. S.] CALVI'NUS, the name of a family of the plebeian Domitia gens. 1. CN. DoMITIUS CALVINUS, consul in B.C. 332. (Liv. viii. 17.) 2. CN. DOMITIUs CN. F. CALVINUS, surnamed AMaxinmus, offered himself as a candidate for the curule aedileship in B. c. 304; but, although his father had been consul, Cn. Flaiius, the famous scribe of Appius Clasdius, was preferred to him,. CALVINUS. Five years later, however, B. c. 299, he was elected curule aedile. (Liv. x. 9, where instead of the praenomen C. we ought to read Cn.) He was raised to the consulship in B. c. 283, together with P. Cornelius Dolabella. The name of Calvinus scarcely appears during the year of his consulship, though he must have been very actively engaged, for Rome was just then threatened by a coalition of all her enemies in Italy. Stimulated by the Lucanians and Bruttians, and more especially by the Tarentines, the Etruscans, Gauls, Umbrians, and Samnites took up arms against her. The Senones, allied with the Etruscans, attacked the town of Arretium; and as the consuls were probably engaged in other parts of Italy, the praetor L. Caecilius was sent out to the relief of the place; but he lost a battle and his life near Arretium. His successor, TM'. Curius, sent ambassadors to the Senones to effect an exchange of prisoners, but the ambassadors were murdered by the Senones. In order to avenge this breach of the law of nations, the consul P. Cornelius Dolabella marched through the country of the Sabines and Picentians into that of the Senones, conquered their army and ravaged their country, to secure which a Roman colony was established in it. The events which we have just described are not mentioned by all authorities in the same succession. According to Orosius (iii. 22; comp. Liv. Epit. 12), the murder of the Roman ambassadors preceded the campaign of L. Caecilius; whereas, according to Appian, the campaign of Dolabella followed iminediately after the murder, and the object of the embassy was to remonstrate with the Senones for serving against the Romans, their allies. (Comnp. Niebuhr, -list. of Romes, iii. p. 427, &c.) In what manner Calvinus was engaged during this time, is not known. When the Boians saw that the Senones were expelled from their country, they began to dread the same fate, joined the remaining Senones and the Etruscans, and marched against Rome. Butin crossing the Tiber they met a Roman army, and in the ensuing battle most of the Etruscans were slain, and only a few of the Gauls escaped. Our accounts differ as to the Roman commanders in this battle; for sosme represent Dolabella and others Calvinus as the victorious general, whereas it is most probable that both consuls gained laurels on that day. It was undoubtedly to this victory that Calvinuis owed the surname of Maximus, and in B. c. 280 he wvas further honoured by being made dictator. On laying down this office in the same year, he was elected censor-the first instance of a plebeian being raised to that office. (Plin. 1H. N. xxxiii. 1; Polyb. ii. 19, 20; Liv. Epit. 13; Appian, Samsnit. 6, Gall. 11; Flor. i. 13; Eutrop. ii. 10; Dion Cass. Excerpt. Vat. p. 163, ed. Sturz; Fast. Cap.) 3. DOMITIus CALVINUS, probably a son of No. 2, conquered the Etruscan town of Luna, which was occupied by the Illyrians. He seems to have been praetor when he made the conquest. The year to which it belongs is unknown, though it is clear that the event must have occurred after the first Punic war, that is, after B. c. 240. (Frontin. Striteg. iii. 2. ~ 1; Liv. Epit. 20; Zonar. viii. 19, &c.) 4. CN. DoMITIUS, M. F. M. N. CALVINUS, appears, in B. c. 62, as legate of L. Valerius Flaccus in Asia, and in B. c. 59 as tribune of the people, in which capacity he supported the consul M. Bibulus against the other consul, C. Julius Caesar, and the
Page 585 CALVINUS. tribune Vatinius, who allowed himself to be used by Caesar as a tool. Three years later, Calvinus was praetor, and presided at the trials of L. Calpurnius Bestia, who was accused of ambitus, and of M. Caelius, who was charged with having attempted to poison Clodia. In B. c. 54 he offered himself as a candidate for the consulship, on which occasion he, as well as his competitors, was guilty of enormous bribery; and, in conjunction with C. Memmius, he entered into a most disgraceful compact with the consuls of the year, who were to preside at the elections. The two candidates prormised to procure for the consuls in office certain lucrative provinces by perjury, if they would lend them their assistance in the elections; and in case the plan with the provinces should fail, the candidates promised to give to the consuls a compensation in money of forty millions of sesterces. C. Memmius himself afterwards denounced the whole plan to the senate; but the appointment of a court to investigate the conduct of Calvinus was prevented by intrigues. The election of the consuls also was delayed on account of unfavourable auspices. In the beginning of October, however, all the candidates were to be tried for ambitus; but they escaped judgment by the interreign which the party of Pompey tried to use as a means for getting him appointed dictator. The interreign lasted for nearly nine months, and Calvinus, who had in the meantime gained the favour of Pompey by voting, for the acquittal of A. Gabinius, was at length made consul through the influence of Pompey. His colleague was M. Valerius Messalla. During the year of their consulship the disturbances at Rome continued: the candidates for the consulship for the year following, Milo, Hypsaeus, and Metellus Scipio, as well as P. Clodius, who sued for the praetorship, carried on their contests with bribes, and had recourse even to force and violence. The consuls were unable to get their successors elected; a decree of the senate which they effected, that no one should obtain a foreign province till five years after he had held the consulship or praetorship, did not produce the desired results. During an attempt of the consuls to get their successors elected in an assembly of the people, stones were thrown at the consuls, and Calvinus was wounded. For some years we now lose sight of Calvinus; but after the outbreak of the civil war in B. c. 49, we find him actively engaged in the service of Caesar's party, and commanding the cavalry under Curio in Africa. After the unfortunate battle on the Bagradas, he advised Curio to take to flight, and promised not to forsake him. In the year following, Caesar sent Calvinus with two legions from Illyricum to Macedonia, where he met Metellus Scipio, without however any decisive engagement taking place between them. But, according to Dion Cassius (xli. 51), he was driven by Faustus from Macedonia, and penetrated into Thessaly, where he gained a victory over Metellus Scipio, and took several towns. When Caesar broke up from Dyrrhachium to unite his forces with those of Calvinus, the latter was in the north of Macedonia, and had nearly fallen into the hands of Pompey, but succeeded in effecting his union with Caesar on the frontier of Thessaly. In the battle of Pharsalia Calvinus commanded the centre, and was faced by Metellus Scipio. After the close of the war in Thessaly, when Caesar went to Egypt, he entrusted to Calvinus CALVINUS. 5i35 the administration of the province of Asia and the neighbouring countries. While Caesar was engaged in the Alexandrine war, for which Calvinus sent him two legions from Asia, the latter became involved in a war with Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates; he was defeated in the neighbourhood of Nicopolis, and escaped with only a few remnants of his small army. After his return from Egypt, Caesar defeated Pharnaces near Zela, and Calvinus was sent to pursue the enemy, who was compelled to surrender Sinope. But soon after, a peace was concluded with him. As Caesar wanted to hasten to Italy, he left Calvinus behind to complete the settlement of the affairs in Asia. This does not appear to have occupied much time, for in the year following, B. c. 46, we find him engaged in Africa in besieging Considius at Thisdra, and in B. c. 45, he was present at Rome at the time when Cicero defended king Deiotarus. Caesar appointed Calvinus his magister equitum for the year following, but the murder of the dictator prevented his entering upon the office. During the war of Octavianus and Antony against the republicans, Calvinus was ordered by the former to bring over reinforcements from Brundusium to Illyricumn; but while crossing the Ionian sea, he was attacked by L Statius Murcus and Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. His ships were destroyed, and he himself succeeded with great difficulty in escaping back to Brundusium. In B. c. 40 he was elected consul a second time; but before the end of the year, he and his colleague were obliged to resign, in order to make room for others. In the year following, he fought as proconsul against the revolted Ceretani in Spain. Here he acted with the greatest rigour towards his own soldiers, and afterwards defeated the enemy without difficulty. His occupations in Spain, however, appear to have lasted for several years, for the triumph which he celebrated for his exploits in Spain is assigned in the triumphal Fasti to the year B. c. 36. The sums of money which he had raised in the towns of Spain were spent partly on the celebration of his triumph, and partly upon the restoration of the regia on the via sacra, which had been burnt down. (Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. p. 226; Dion Cass. xxxviii. 6, xl. 45, 46, 56, xlii. 46, 49, xlvii. 47, xlviii. 15, 32, 42; Plut. Pomp. 54, Caes. 44, 50, Brut. 47; Appian, B. C. ii. 76, 91, iv. 115, 116, Mithrid. 120; Caes. B. C. ii. 42, iii. 36, &c. 78, &c., 89, Bell. Alex. 34, &c., 86, 93; Liv. Epit. 112; Vell. Pat. ii. 78; Suet. Caes. 35, &c.; Fast. Cap.; Eckhel, v. p. 183.) [L. S.] CALVINUS, L. SE'XTIUS. 1. Consul in B. c. 124. In the year following, he had the administration of Gaul, and carried on a war against the Salluvii. After having conquered them, he founded the colony of Aquae Sextiae. (Liv. Epit. 61; Strab. iv. p. 180; Veil. Pat. i. 15.) 2. Is mentioned only by Cicero as an elegant orator, but of a sickly constitution, so that persons might have his advice whenever they pleased, but could employ him as their pleader in the courts only when his health permitted it. (Cic. Brut. 34.) He seems to be the same as the C. Sextius who was a friend of C. Caesar Strabo, and is described as one-eyed. (Cic. De Orat. ii. 60, 61.) Pighius thinks him to be also the same as the C. Sextius who was praetor in n. c. 99, and afterwards obtained Macedonia as his province. But in the passage of Cicero in which hie is mentioned (c. Pisonm
Page 586 586 CALVUS. 34) the better MSS. read Sentius instead of Sextius. [L. S.] CALVI'NUS, T. VETU'RIUS, was twice consul, in B. c. 334 and 321. In his second consulship he and his colleague Sp. Postumius Albinus commanded the Roman army at Caudium against the Samnites, where the Romans suffered the wellknown defeat, and passed under the yoke. The consuls concluded a treaty with the Samnites; but as this treaty was not approved of by the Romans, the consuls who had concluded it, and several other officers, were delivered up to the Samnites. (Liv. viii. 16, ix. 1, 6, 10; Appian, Samnit. 6; Cic. De Senec. 12, De 0f. iii. 30; comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 211, &c.) [L. S.] CALVI'SIUS, a client of Junia Silana. This lady had been grievously injured by Agrippina, and now resolved to take vengeance. She therefore sent Calvisius and a fellow-client to bring against Agrippina the charge of endeavouring to place Rubellius Plautus on the throne instead of Nero. It was so contrived that the charge came to the emperor's ears in a round-about way, and did not appear an intentional denunciation. Hereupon, Nero resolved to put Agrippina to death; but the monstrous deed was yet deferred for a few years, and Junia Silana and her two clients were sent into exile; but after the murder of Agrippina they were all recalled. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19, 21, 22, xiv. 12.) [L. S.] CALVI'SIUS. A person of this name was entrusted by Pliny the Younger with the task of informing the decuriones of Comum that Pliny was willing, as a matter of bounty, not of right, to effectuate the intention of one Saturninus, who, after leaving 400,000 sesterces to the respublica Comensium (a legacy which was legally void), gave the residue of his property to Pliny. (Ep. v. 7.) Hence Guil. Grotius (Vitae JCtoarum, ii. 5. ~ 16) has classed Calvisius among the jurists, although his duties might have been undertaken by any one of moderate discretion and delicacy of feeling. Upon the same slight ground, Guil. Grotius builds the supposition, that the Calvisius mentioned by Pliny was the author of the Aclio Calvisiana. This action was introduced, probably in the time of the republic, by some praetor of the name Calvisius (Hugo, R. R. G. p. 335), to protect the patron's rights of succession to a portion of his freedman's property against fraudulent alienations made in the lifetime of the freedman. (Dig, 38, tit. 5, s. 3. ~ 3; Heineccius, Hist. Jur. Rom. ~ 264.) [J. T. G.] CALVI'SIUS, FLA'VIUS, the governor of Egypt under M. Aurelius, took part in the revolt of Avidius Cassius, but was treated by the emperor with great leniency, and only banished to an island. (Dion Cass. lxxi. 28.) CALV'SIUS NEPOS. [NEPOS.] CALVI'SIUS SABI'NUS. [SABINUS.] CALUSI'DIUS, a soldier who distinguished himself by his insolence to Germanicus, when the legions in Germany revolted on the death of Augustus in A. D. 14. (Tac. Ann. i. 35, 43.) CALVUS, the "bald-head," the name of a family of the Licinia gens. 1. P. LICINIUS CALVUS, consular tribune in B.c. 400, and the first plebeian who was elected to that magistracy. (Liv. v. 12.) 2. P. LICINIUS CALVUs, a son of No. 1, was made consular tribune in B. c. 396, in the place and on the proposal of his father, who had been CALVUS. elected to this office, but declined it on account of his advanced age. (Liv. v. 18.) 3. C. LICINIUS CALVUS, a son of No. 2, was consular tribune in B. c. 377, and magister equitum to the dictator P. Manlius in B. c. 368,-an office which was then conferred upon a plebeian for the first time. (Liv. vi. 31, 39; Diod. xv. 57.) Plutarch (Camill. 39) considers this magister equitum to be the same as the famous law-giver C. Licinius Calvus Stolo, who was then tribune of the people; but it is inconceivable that a tribune should have held the office of magister equitum. Dion Cassius (Fragm. 33) likewise calls the magister equitum erroneously Licinius Stolo. (Comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 27, n. 35.) 4 C. LICINIus CALVUS, surnamed STOLO, which he derived, it is said, from the care with which he dug up the shoots that sprung up from the roots of his vines. He brought the contest between the patricians and plebeians to a crisis and a happy termination, and thus became the founder of Rome's greatness. He was tribune of the people from B.c. 376 to 367, and was faithfully supported in his exertions by his colleague L. Sextius. The laws which he proposed were: 1. That in future no more consular tribunes should be appointed, but that consuls should be elected as in former times, one of whom should always be a plebeian. 2. That no one should possess more than 500 jugers of the public land, or keep upon it more than 100 head of large and 500 of small cattle. 3. A law regulating the affairs between debtor and creditor, which ordained that the interest already paid for borrowed money should be deducted from the capital, and that the remainder of the latter should be paid back in three yearly instalments. 4. That the Sibylline books should be entrusted to a college of ten men (decemviri), half of whom should be plebeians, that no falsifications might be introduced in favour of the patricians. These rogations were passed after a most vehement opposition on the part of the patricians, and L. Sextius was the first plebeian who, in accordance with the first of them, obtained the consulship for the year B. c. 366. Licinius himself too received marks of the people's gratitude and confidence, by being elected twice to the consulship, in B. c. 364 and 361; but some years later he was accused by M. Popilius Laenas of having transgressed his own law respecting the amount of public land which a person might possess. Avarice had tempted him to violate his own salutary regulations, and in B. c. 357 he was sentenced to pay a heavy fine. (Plin. I. N. xvii. 1, xviii. 4; Varro, De Re Rust. i. 2; Liv. vi. 35, 42, vii. 1, 2, 9, 16; Florus, i. 26; Aur. Vict. De Vir.Illustr. 20; Plut. Camill. 39; Diod. xv. 82, 95; Zonar. vii. 24; Val. Max. viii. 6. ~ 3; comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 1, &c.) [L. S.] CALVUS, C. LICI'NIUS MACER, who, as a forensic speaker, was considered by his countrymen generally as not unworthy of being ranked with Caesar, Brutus, Pollio, and Messalla, while by some he was thought to rival even Cicero himself, and who as a poet is commonly placed side by side with Catullus, was born on the 28th of May, B. c. 82, on the same day with M. Coelius Rufus. (Plin. H. N. vii. 50.) He was the son of C. Licinius Macer, a man of praetorian dignity, who, when impeached (B. c. 66) of extortion by Cicero, finding that the verdict was against him, forthwith committed suicide before the formalities of the trial
Page 587 CALVUS. CALYDONIUS. 587 were fully completed, and thus averted the dishonour and ruin which would have been entailed upon his family by a public condemnation and by the confiscation of property which it involved. (Val. Max. ix. 12. ~ 7; Plut. Cic. 9; Cic. ad Att. i. 4.) This Licinius Macer was very probably the same person with the annalist of that name so frequently quoted by Livy and others, and with the orator mentioned in the Brutus (cc. 64, 67, comp. de Leg. i. 2. ~ 3), although there is not sufficient evidence to justify us in pronouncing with confidence on their identity. Young Calvus being thus at the age of sixteen bereft of his father, devoted himself to study with singular zeal, and submitted to extraordinary discipline, in order that the whole of his bodily strength might be concentrated upon intellectual pursuits. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 50.) But this excessive application seems to have enfeebled and exhausted his constitution, for he died in his early prime, certainly not later than in his 35th or 36th year (Cic. Brut. 82, ad Fan. xv. 21), leaving behind him twenty-one orations. The names of five only of these have been preserved: against Asitius; against Drusus; for Messius; for C. Cato, the prosecution against whom was conducted by Asinius Pollio; and against Vatinius, who was defended by Cicero. This last, which was divided into several parts, was his first effort at the bar, and was delivered when he had attained the age of 27. It is very frequently referred to by ancient writers in terms of strong commendation (e.g. Dial. de Orat. 34); and from Seneca (Controv. iii. 19) we learn, that so skilfully were the charges developed, so energetically were they urged upon the jury, and so powerful was the effect evidently produced, that the accused, unable to restrain his feelings, started up in the midst of the pleading, and passionately exclaimed, " Rogo vos, judices num, si iste disertus est, ideo me damnari oporteat?" The inconsiderable fragments which have been preserved of the above speeches are not of such a description as to enable us to form any estimate of the powers of Calvus; but we gather from the testimony of Cicero, Quintilian, and the author of the dialogue on the decline of eloquence, that his compositions were carefully moulded after the models of the Attic school, and were remarkable for the accuracy, tact, and deep research which they displayed, but were so elaborately polished as to appear deficient in ease, vigour, and freshness; and thus, while they were listened to with delight and admiration by men of education, they fell comparatively dead and cold upon an uncultivated audience. (Cic. ad Famn. xv. 21; Quintil. x. 1. ~111. x. 2. ~ 25, xii.. 1 ~ 11.; Dial. de Orat. 17, 21, 25; Senec. Controv. 1. c.) As a poet, he was the author of many short fugitive pieces, which, although of a light and sportive character (joca) and somewhat loose in tone, still bore the stamp of high genius-of elegies whose beauty and tenderness, especially of that on the untimely death of his mistress Quintilia, have been warmly extolled by Catullus, Propertius, and Ovid -and of fierce lampoons (famosa epigrammata) upon Pompey, Caesar, and their satellites, the bitterness of which has been commemorated by Suetonius. We have reason to believe, from the criticisms of Pliny (Ep. i. 16) and Aulus Gellius (xix. 9), that the poems of Calvus, like the lighter effusions of Catullus with which they are so often classed, were full of wit and grace, but were never theless marked by a certain harshness of expression and versification which offended the fastidious ears of those habituated to the unbroken smoothness of the poets of the Augustan court. They were undoubtedly much read, so that even Horace, whose contemptuous sneer (Sat. i. 10. 16) was probably in some degree prompted by jealousy, cannot avoid indirectly acknowledging and paying tribute to their popularity. As to their real merits, we must depend entirely upon the judgment of others, for the scraps transmitted to us are so few and trifling, none extending beyond two lines, that they do not enable us to form any opinion for ourselves. We hear of an Epithialamium (Priscian, v. 8. p. 196, ed. Krehl); of an Jo, in hexameter verse (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. vi. 47, viii. 4); and of a Hizipponacteum praeconimnm, levelled against the notorious Hermogenes Tigellius (Schol. Cruq. ad Hor. Sat. i. 3. 3; Cic. ad Fam. vii. 24); but with these exceptions, the very names of his pieces are lost. (Plin. Ep. iv. 14. ~ 9, iv. 27. ~ 3, v. 3; Catull. xcvi.; Propert. ii. 19, 40, ii. 25, 89; Ov. Am. iii. 9. 61; Senec. Controv. 1. c.; Sueton. Jul. Caes. 49, 73.) Calvus was remarkable for the shortness of his stature, and hence the vehement action in which he indulged while at the bar, leaping over the benches, and rushing violently towards the seats of his opponents, was in such ludicrous contrast with his stunted and insignificant person, that even his friend Catullus has not been able to resist a joke, and has presented him to us as the " Salaputium disertum," " the eloquent Tom Thumb." (Catull. liv.; Senec. Controv. 1. c.) With regard to his name, he is usually styled C. Licinius Calvus; but we find him called by Cicero (ad Q. Fr. ii. 4) Macer Licinius, probably after his father; and hence his full designation would be that which we have placed at the head of this article. The most complete account of Licinius Calvus is given in the essay of Weichert "De C. Licinio Calvo poeta" (Fragm. Poet. Latin. Lips. 1830); but it is so full of digressions that it is not very readable. See also Levesque de Burigny in the Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, vol. xxxi. [W. R.] CALVUS, ATHENODO'RUS. [ATHENODonus, No. 3.] CALVUS, L. CAECI'LIUS METELLUS, consul B. C. 142. [METELLUS.] CALVUS, CN. CORN'ELIUS SCIPIO, consul, B. c. 222. [ScIPIO.] CA'LYBE (KaAhxi), two mythical personages, one of whom was a nymph by whom Laomedon became the father of Bucolion (Hom. II. vi. 23; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 3), and the other a priestess of of Juno. (Virg. Aen. vii. 419.) [L. S.] CA'LYCE (KahNu,'cy), three mythical beings, the one a daughter of Aeolus and Enarete, and mother of Endymion (Apollod. i. 7. ~~ 3, 5); the second a daughter of Hecaton and mother of Cygnus by Poseidon (Hygin. Fab. 157); and the third is mentioned by Apollodorus (iii. 1. ~ 5) among the daughters of Danaus; but the whole passage is probably corrupt. [L. S.] CA'LYDON (KaAhvIe), a son of Aetolus and Pronoe, married to Aeolia, by whom he became the father of Epicaste and Protogeneia. He was regarded as the founder of the Aetolian town of Calydon. (Apollod. i. 7.~ 7; Steph.Byz. s.v.) [L.S.] CALYDO'NIUS (KaXvvw'tos), a surname of
Page 588 588 CAMBAULES. Dionysus, whose image was carried from Calydon to Patrae (Paus. vii. 21. ~ 1), and of Meleager, the hero in the Calydonian hunt. (Ov. JMet. viii. 231.) [L. S.] CALYNTHUS (KciaXvvos), a statuary of uncertain country, contemporary with Onatas, B. c. 468-448. (Paus. x. 13. ~ 5.) [W. I.] CALYPSO (KaA1v4i). Under this name we find in Hesiod (Theog. 359) a daughter of Oceanus and Tethys, and in Apollodorus (i. 2. ~ 7) a daughter of Nereus, while the Homeric Calypso is described as a daughter of Atlas. (Od. i. 50.) This last Calypso was a nymph inhabiting the island of Ogygia, on the coast of which Odysseus was thrown when he was shipwrecked. Calypso loved the unfortunate hero, and promised him eternal youth and immortality if he would remain with her. She detained him in her island for seven years, until at length she was obliged by the gods to allow him to continue his journey homewards. (Od. v. 28, &c., vii. 254, &c.) [L. S.] CAMATE'RUS, ANDRONI'CUS('Avapo'vnKos KaearTsipds), a relative of the emperor Manuel Comnenus (A. D. 1143 to 1180), who honoured him with the title of Sebastus, and promoted him to the offices of praefect of the city and praefect of the fiiyha, i. e. praefectus vigilum, or praefect of the imperial guards. Camaterus is said to have been a man of great intellect and a powerful speaker. lHe is the author of several theologico polemical works, an extract from one of which is all that has appeared in print. Among them we may mention one entitled 'Avr pp'jrTicad, a dialogue against the Latins. A portion of this work which relates to the Processio Spiritus Sancti, was subsequently refuted by J. Veccus, and both the original and the refutation are printed in L. Allatius' Graecia Orthodox. ii. p. 287, &c. His other works are still extant in MS. Andronicus Camaterus was the father of Joannes Ducas, to whom Eustathius dedicated his commentary on Dionysius Periegetes. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 675, with Wharton's Append. p. 24; Fabric. Bibl. Grac. xi. p. 278.) [L. S.] CAMATE'RUS, JOANNES ('Iwcivve-s KapaTrpds), patriarch of Constantinople from A. D. 1198 to 1204. We have four iambic lines in praise of him, which were written by Ephraemus, and are printed in Leo Allatius, De Consensu, &c. (i. p. 724.) Nicolaus Comnenus (I-Praenot. lMystag. p. 251) mentions an oration of his on homicide, and another, on the marriage of Consobrini, is printed in Freher's Jus Graecum (iv. p. 285). An epistle of J. Camaterus addressed to Innocent III. is printed in a Latin translation among the letters of Innocent, with the reply of the latter. In this letter Camaterus expresses his wonder at the Roman church assuming the title of the universal churich. Among the other works of his which are still extant in MS. there is an iambic poem inscribed to the emperor Manuel Comnenus, and entitled repp weScIaKov KVKicov ical TeV dh'Awv arcircawv TrCU iv ovpave?. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 693; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 154, &c., xi. p. 279, &c.) [L. S.] CAMBAULES (KaugadlAs), the leader of a horde of Gauls before they invaded Greece in B. c. 279. The barbarians were at first few in number, but when they reached Thrace their forces had increased to such an extent, that they were divided into three great armies, which were placed under Cerethrius, Brennus, and Bolgius; and Cambaules is no longer heard of. (Paus. x. 19. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CAMBYSES. CAMBY'LUS (KaC0^AXos), commander of the Cretans engaged in the service of Antiochus III. in B. c. 214. He and his men were entrusted with the protection of a fort near the acropolis of Sardis during the war against Achaeus, the son of Andromachus. He allowed himself to be drawn into a treacherous plan for delivering up Achaeus to Antiochus, by Bolis, who received a large sum of money from Sosibius, the agent of Ptolemy, for the purpose of assisting Achaeus to escape. But the money was divided between Bolis and Cambylus, and instead of setting Achaeus free, they communicated the plan to Antiochas, who again rewarded them richly for delivering Achaeus up to him. (Polyb. viii. 17-23; comp. ACHAEUS.) [L. S.] CAMBY'SES (Kaedv'erns). 1. The father of Cyrus the Great, according to IHerodotus and Xenophon, the former of whom tells us (i. 107), that Astyages, being terrified by a dream, refrained from marrying his daughter Mandane to a Mede, and gave her to Canmbyses, a Persian of noble blood, but of an unambitious temper. (Comp. Just. i. 4.) The father of Camibyses is also called ' Cyrus' by Herodotus (i. 111). In so rhetorical a passage as the speech of Xerxes (Herod. vii. 11) we must not look for exact accuracy in the genealogy. Xenophon (0yrop. i. 2) calls Cambyses the king of Persia, and he afterwards speaks of him (Cyrop. viii. 5) as still reigning after the capture of Babylon, B. c. 538. But we cannot of course rest much on the statements in a romance. The account of Ctesias differs from the above. [ASTYAGES.] 2. A son of Cyrus the Great, by Amytis according to Ctesias, by Cassandane according to Herodotus, who sets aside as a fiction the Egyptian story of his having had Nitetis, the daughter of Apries, for his mother. This same Nitetis appears in another version of the tale, which is not very consistent with chronology, as the concubine of Cambyses; and it is said that the detection of the fraud of Amasis in substituting her for his own daughter, whom Cambyses had demanded for his seraglio, was the cause of the invasion of Egypt by the latter in the fifth year of his reign, B. c. 525. There is, however, no occasion to look for any other motive than the same ambition which would have led Cyrus to the enterprise, had his life been spared, besides that Egypt, having been conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, seems to have formed a portion of the Babylonian empire. (See Jerem. xliii. xlvi.; Ezek. xxix.-xxxii.; Newton, On the Prophecies, vol. i. p. 357, &c.; comp. Herod. i. 77.) In his invasion of the country, Cambyses is said by Herodotus to have been aided by Phanes, a Greek of IHalicarnassus, who had fled from the service of Amasis; and, by his advice, the Persian king obtained the assistance of an Arabian chieftain, and thus secured a safe passage through the desert, and a supply of water for his army. Before the invading force reached Egypt, Amasis died and was succeeded by his son, who is called Psammenitus by Herodotus, and Amyrtaeus by Ctesias. According to Ctesias, the conquest of Egypt was mainly effected through the treachery of Combapheus, one of the favourite eunuchs of the Egyptian king, who put Cambyses in possession of the passes on condition of being made viceroy of the country. But Herodotus makes no mention either of this intrigue, or of the singular stratagem by which Polyaenus says (vii. 9), that Pelusium was taken almost without resistance. He tells us,
Page 589 CAMBYSES. however, that a single battle, in which the Persians were victorious, decided the fate of Egypt; and, though some of the conquered held out for a while in Memphis, they were finally obliged to capitulate, and the whole nation submitted to Cambyses. He received also the voluntary submission of the Greek cities, Cyrene and Barca [see p. 477, b.], and of the neighbouring Libyan tribes, and projected fresh expeditions against the Aethiopians, who were called the "long-lived," and also against Carthage and the Ammonians. Having set out on his march to Aethiopia, he was compelled by want of provisions to return; the army which he sent against the Ammonians perished in the sands; and the attack on Carthage fell to the ground in consequence of the refusal of the Phoenicians to act against their colony. Yet their very refusal serves to shew what is indeed of itself sufficiently obvious, how important the expedition would have been in a commercial point of view, while that against the Ammonians, had it succeeded, would probably have opened to the Persians the caravan-trade of the desert. (Herod. ii. 1, iii. 1-26; Ctes. Pers. 9; Just. i. 9; comp. Heeren's African Nations, vol. i. ch. 6.) Cambyses appears to have ruled Egypt with a stern and strong hand; and to him perhaps we may best refer the prediction of Isaiah: "The Egyptians will I give over into the hand of a cruel lord" (Is. xix. 4; see Vitringa, ad loc.); and it is possible that his tyranny to the conquered, together with the insults offered by him to their national religion, may have caused some exaggeration in the accounts of his madness, which, in fact, the Egyptians ascribed to his impiety. But, allowing for some over-statement, it does appear that he had been subject from his birth to epileptic fits (Herod. iii. 33); and, in addition to the physical tendency to insanity thus created, the habits of despotism would seem to have fostered in him a capricious self-will and a violence of temper bordering upon frenzy. He had long set the laws of Persia at defiance by marrying his sisters, one of whom he is said to have murdered in a fit of passion because she lamented her brother Smerdis, whom he had caused to be slain. Of the death of this prince, and of the events that followed upon it, different accounts are given by Herodotus and Ctesias. The former relates that Cambyses, alarmed by a dream which seemed to portend his brother's greatness, sent a confidential minister named Prexaspes to Susa with orders to put him to death. Afterwards, a Magian, who bore the same name as the deceased prince and greatly resembled him in appearance, took advantage of these circumstances to personate him and set up a claim to the throne [SMERDIS], and Cambyses, while marching through Syria against this pretender, died at a place named Ecbatana of an accidental wound in the thigh, B. c. 521. According to Ctesias, the name of the king's murdered brother was Tanyoxarces, and a Magian named Sphendadates accused him to the king of an intention to revolt. After his death by poison, Cambyses, to conceal it from his mother Amytis, made Sphendadates personate him. The fraud succeeded at first, from the wonderful likeness between the Magian and the murdered prince; at length, however, Amytis discovered it, and died of poison, which she had voluntarily taken, imprecating curses on Cambyses. The king died at Babylon of an accidental wound in the thigh, and Sphenda CAMENIATA. 589 dates continued to support the character of Tanyoxarces, and maintained himself for some time on the throne. (Herod. iii. 27-38, 61-66; Ctes. Pers. 10-12; Diod. Exc. de Virt. et Vit. p. 556, ed. Wess.; Strab. x. p. 473, xvii. pp. 805, 816; Just. i. 9.) Herodotus says (iii. 89), that the Persians always spoke of Cambyses by the name of aso7rdrs'T, in remembrance of his tyranny. [E. E.] CAMEIRUS (Kdi1.eipos), a son of Cercaphus and Cydippe, and a grandson of Helios. The town of Cameiros, in Rhodes, is said to have derived its name from him. (Diod. v. 57; Pind. 01. vii. 135, with the Schol.; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 315.) [L. S.] CAME'LIUS, one of the physicians of Augustus, who appears to have lived after Artorius, and to have been succeeded by Antonius Musa. Pliny in rather an obscure passage (H. N. xix. 38), tells us, that he would not allow the emperor to eat lettuce in one of his illnesses, from the use of which plant afterwards, at the recommendation of Antonius Musa, he derived much benefit. [W. A. G.] CAME'NAE, not Camoenae, were Roman divinities whose name is connected with carmen (an oracle or prophecy), whence we also find the forms Casmenae, Carmenae, and Carmentis. The Camenae were accordingly prophetic nymphs, and they belonged to the religion of ancient Italy, although later traditions represent them as having been introduced into Italy from Arcadia. Two of the Camenae were Antevorta and Postvorta. [ANTEVOrTA.] The third was Carmenta or Carmentis, a prophetic and healing divinity, who had a temple at the foot of the Capitoline hill, and altars near the porta Carmentalis. Respecting the festival celebrated in her honour, see Dict. of Ant. s. v. Carmentalia. The traditions which assigned a Greek origin to her worship at Rome, state that her original name was Nicostrate, and that she was called Carmentis from her prophetic powers. (Serv. ad Aen. viii. 51, 336; Dionys. i. 15, 32.) According to these traditions she was the mother of Evander, the Arcadian, by Hermes, and after having endeavoured to persuade her son to kill Hermes, she fled with him to Italy, where she gave oracles to the people and to Heracles. She was put to death by her son at the age of 110 years, and then obtained divine honours. (Dionys. i. 31, &c.) Hyginus (Fab. 277) further relates, that she changed the fifteen characters of the Greek alphabet, which Evander introduced into Latium, into Roman ones. The fourth and most celebrated Camena was Aegeria or Egeria. [AEGERIA.] It must be remarked here, that the Roman poets, even as early as the time of Livius Andronicus, apply the name of Camenae to the Muses. (Hartung, Die Relic;. d. Romi. ii. p. 198, &c.) [L. S.] CAMENIA'TA, JOANNES ('IWdvVw Kasevidra), cubuclesius, or bearer of the crosier, to the archbishop of Thessalonica, was an eye-witness of the capture of that town by the Arabs in A. D. 904 A. H. 189. Leo, a Syrian renegade, who held a command under the Arabs, made a descent in that year near Thessalonica, with a fleet of fifty-four ships chiefly manned with negro slaves, surprised, took, and plundered the town, then the second in the Greek empire, and sailed off with a great number of captives. Among these were Cameniata and several of his family, who would have been put to death by the Arabs, had not Cameniata saved his and their lives by shewing the victors a spot where the inhabitants hlad buried part of their riches.
Page 590 590 CAMERINUS. The Arabs, however, did not restore him to liberty, but carried him to Tarsus in Cilicia for the purpose of exchanging him for Arab prisoners who had been taken by the Greeks. At Tarsus, Cameniata wrote a description of the capture of Thessalonica, entitled 'Iwodvvov Keptove Ksal ovovKIXE1hiov T70 Kaygevuidrov els T.)v aiiWV TrS OraoreaAovsiKds, which is commonly called by its Latin title " De Excidio Thessalonicensi." It is divided into seventy-nine chapters, and is as important for the plunder of Thessalonica by the Arabs as the work of Joannes Anagnosta for the sack of the same town by the Turks in 1430. The Greek text of this elegant work was first published, with a Latin translation, by Leo Allatius in his:2VL ncra, 1653 -1658, where it is divided into forty-five sections. The second edition is by Combefisius, who published it with an improved Latin translation in his " Historiae Byzantinae Scriptores post Theophanem," Paris, 1685, fol., which forms part of the Parisian " Corpus Script. Hist. Byzant." Combefisius divided it into seventy-nine chapters. The third and last edition, in the Bonn Collection, was published by Em. Bekker together with Theophanes (continuatus), Symon Magister, and Georgius Monachus, Bonn, 1838, 8vo. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 683; Hanckius, De Script. Hist. Byzcnt. p. 403, &c.; the 'AAwaLs of loannes Cameniata.) [W.P.] CAMERI'NUS, the name of an old patrician family of the Sulpicia gens, which probably derived its name from the ancient town of Carmeria or Camerium, in Latium. The Camerini frequently held the highest offices in the state in the early times of the republic; but after B. c. 345, when Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus was consul, we do not hear of them again for upwards of 400 years, till Q. Sulpicius Camerinus obtained the consulship in A. D. 9. The family was reckoned one of the noblest in Rome in the early times of the empire. (Juv. vii. 90, viii. 38.) 1. SER. SULPICIUs P. F. CAMERINIUS CORNUTUS, consul B. C. 500 with M'. Tullius Longus in the tenth year of the republic. Livy says, that nothing memorable took place in that year, but Dionysius speaks of a formidable conspiracy to restore the Tarquins which was detected and crushed by Camerinus. After the death of his colleague, Camerinus held the consulship alone. Dionysius puts a speech into the mouth of Camerinus respecting a renewal of the league with the Latins in B. c. 496. (Liv. ii. 19; Dionys. v. 52, 55, 57, vi. 20; Cic. Brut. 16; Zonar. vii. 13.) 2. Q. SULPICIUS CAMERINUS CORNUTUS, consul B. c. 490 with Sp. Larcius Flavus. He was afterwards one of the embassy sent to intercede with Coriolanus when the latter was advancing against Rome. (Dionys. vii. 68, viii. 22.) 3. SER. SULPICIUS SER. F. SER. N. CAMERINUS CORNUTUS, consul B. c. 461, when the lex Terentillia was brought forward a second time for a reform in the laws. (Liv. iii. 10; Dionys. x. 1; Died. xi. 84; Plin. H. N. ii. 57.) This law, however, was successfully resisted by the patricians; but when in B. c. 454 it was resolved to send three ambassadors into Greece to collect information respecting the laws of the Greek states, Ser. Camerinus was one of their number, according to Dionysius (x. 52), though Livy calls him (iii. 31) Publius. The ambassadors remained three years in Greece, and on their return Ser. Camerinus was appointed a member of the decemvirate in B. c. CAMERS. 451. (Liv. iii. 33; Dionys. x. 56.) In B. c. 446 he commanded the cavalry under the consuls T. Quinctius Capitolinus and Agrippa Furius Medullinus in the great battle against the Volsi and Aequi fought in that year. (Liv. iii. 70.) 4. P. SUrLPICIUS CAMERINUS. (Liv. iii. 31.) See No. 3. 5. Q. SULPICIUS SER. F. SER. N. CAMERINUS CORNUTUS, son or grandson of No. 3, consular tribune in B. C. 402 and again in 398. (Liv. v. 8, 14; Diod. xiv. 38, 82.) 6. SER. SULPICIUS Q. F. Ser. N. CAMERINUS, son of No. 5, consul B. C. 393, and military tribune in 391, in the latter of which years he conducted the war against the Salpinates, and carried off a great quantity of booty from their territory. (Liv. v. 29, 32; Diod. xiv. 99, 107.) He was one of the three interreges in B. C. 387. (Liv. vi. 5.) 7. C. SULPICIUS CAMERINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 382, and censor in 380 with Sp. Postumius Regillensis Albinus. But no census was taken in this year, as Camerinus resigned his office on the death of his colleague. (Liv. vi. 22; Diod. xv. 41; Liv. vi. 27.) 8. SER. SULPICIUS CAMERINUS RUFUS, consul B. C. 345. (Liv. vii. 28; Died. xvi. 66.) 9. Q. SULPICIUS Q. F. Q. N. CAMERINUS, was consul in A. D. 9, the birth-year of the emperor Vespasian. (Suet. Vesp. 3; Plin. H. N. vii. 48. s. 49.) 10. SULPICIUS CAMERINUS, was proconsul of Africa together with Pomponius Silvanus, and on their return to Rome in A. D. 59, they were both accused on account of their extortions in their province, but were acquitted by the emperor Nero. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 52.) Soon afterwards, however, Nero put Camerinus and his son to death, according to Dion Cassius (lxiii. 18), for no other reason but because they ventured to make use of the surname Pythicus, which was hereditary in their family, and which Nero claimed as an exclusive prerogative for himself. It appears from Pliny (Ep. v. 3), that they were accused by M. Regulus. CAMERI'NUS, a Roman poet, contemporary with Ovid, who sang of the capture of Troy by Hercules. No portion of this lay has been preserved, nor do we find any allusion to the work or its author except in a single line of the Epistles from Pontus. The supposition, that the Excidium Trojae mentioned by Apuleius (de Orthograph. ~ 16) is the production in question, seems to rest on no evidence whatever. (Ov. Ep. es. Pont. iv. 16. 20.) [W. R.] CAMERI'NUS, SCRIBONIA'NUS, the assumed name of a runaway slave, whose real name was afterwards found out to be Geta. He made his appearance in the reign of Vitellius, and his object seems to have been to upset the government of Vitellius. He pretended to have been obliged to quit Rome in the time of Nero, and to have ever since lived concealed in Histria, because he belonged to the family of the Crassi, who had large possessions there. He succeeded in assembling around him the populace, and even some soldiers, who were misled by him or wished for a revolution. The pretender, however, was seized and brought before Vitellius; and when his real origin was discovered, he was executed as a common slave. (Tac. Hlist. ii. 72.) [L. S.] CAMERS, the name of two mythical personages in Virgil. (Aen. x. 562, xii. 224, &c.) [L. S.]
Page 591 CAMILLUS. CAMILLA, a daughter of king Metabus of the Volscian town of Privernum. When her father, expelled by his subjects, came in his flight to the river Amasenus, he tied his infant daughter, whom he had previously devoted to the service of Diana, to a spear, and hurled it across the river. He himself then swam after it, and on reaching the opposite bank he found his child uninjured. He took her with him, and had her suckled by a mare. IHe brought her up in pure maidenhood, and she became one of the swift-footed servants of Diana, accustomed to the chase and to war. In the war between Aeneas and Turnus she assisted the latter, and was slain by Aruns. Diana avenged her death by sending Opis to kill Aruns, and to rescue the body of Camilla. (Virg. Aen. vii. 803, &c., xi. 432, &c., 648, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 252.) Servius (ad Aen. xi. 543 and 558) remarks, that she was called Camilla because she was engaged in the service of Diana, since all youthful priestesses were called Camillae by the Etruscans. That there were such Camillae as well as Camilli at Rome is expressly stated by Dionysius. (ii. 21, &c.; Fest. s. v. Camillus.) [L. S.] CAMILLUS, a Gallic chief. [BRUTTUS, No. 17.] CAMILLUS, the name of a patrician family of the Furia gens. 1. M. FURIUS CAMILLUs, was, according to Livy (v. 1), elected consular tribune for the first time in B. c. 403. In this year Livy mentions eight consular tribunes, a number which does not occur any where else and we know from Plutarch (Cam. 2), that Camillus was invested with the censorship before he had held any other office. From these circumstances it has justly been inferred, that the censorship of Camillus and his colleague Postumius must be assigned to the year B. c. 403, and that Livy, in his list of the consular tribunes of that year, includes the two censors. (Comp. Val. Max. i. 9. ~ 1.) Therefore, what is commonly called the second, third, &c., consular tribunate of Camillus, must be regarded as the first, second, &c. The first belongs to B. c. 401; and the only thing that is mentioned of him during this year is, that he marched into the country of the Faliscans, and, not meeting any enemy in the open field, ravaged the country. His second consular tribunate falls in the year B. c. 398, in the course of which he acquired great booty at Capena; and as the consular tribunes were obliged by a decree of the senate to lay down their office before the end of the year, Q. Servilius Fidenas and Camillus were successively appointed interreges. In B. c. 396, when the Veientines, Faliscans, and Fidenates again revolted, Camillus was made dictator for the purpose of carrying on the war against them, and he appointed P. Cornelius Scipio his magister equitum. After defeating the Faliscans and Fidenates, and taking their camp, he marched against Veii, and succeeded in reducing the town, in the tenth year of the war. Here he acquired immense booty, and had the statue of Juno Regina removed to Rome, where it was set up in a special temple on the Aventine, which was consecrated in B. c. 391, the year in which he celebrated the great games he had vowed. On his return from Veii, he entered Rome in triumph, riding in a chariot drawn by white horses. In B. c. 394 he was elected consular tribune for the third time, and reduced the Faliscans. The story of the schoolmaster who attempted to betray the CAMILLUS. 691 town of Falerii to Camillus, belongs to this campaign. Camillus had him chained and sent back to his fellow-citizens, who were so much affected by the justice of the Roman general, that they surrendered to the Romans. (Liv. v. 27; comp. Val. Max. vi. 5. ~ 1, who calls Camillus consul on this occasion, although, according to the express testimony of Plutarch, he was never invested with the consulship.) In B. c. 391, Camillus was chosen interrex to take the auspices, as the other magistrates were attacked by an epidemic then raging at Rome, by which he also lost a son. In this year he was accused by the tribune of the plebs, L. Appuleius, with having made an unfair distribution of the booty of Veii; and, seeing that his condemnation was unavoidable, he went into exile, praying to the gods that, if he was wronged, his ungrateful country might soon be in a condition to stand in need of him. During his absence he was condemned to pay a fine of 15,000 heavy asses. The time for which he had prayed soon came; for the Gauls advanced through Etruria towards Rome, and the city, with the exception of the capitol, was taken by the barbarians, and reduced to ashes. In this distress, Camillus, who was living in exile at Ardea, was recalled by a lex curiata, and while yet absent was appointed dictator a second time, B. c. 390. He made L. Valerius Potitus his magister equitum, assembled the scattered Roman forces, consisting partly of fugitives and partly of those who had survived the day on the Allia, and marched towards Rome. Here he took the Gauls by surprise, and defeated them completely. He then entered the city in triumph, saluted by his fellowcitizens as alter Romulus, pater patriae, and conditor alter urbis. His first care was to have the temples restored, and then to rebuild the city. The people, who were at first inclined to quit their destroyed homes and emigrate to Veii, were prevailed upon to give up this plan, and then Camillus laid down his dictatorship. In B. c. 389 Camillus was made interrex a second time for the purpose of electing the consular tribunes; and, as in the same year the neighbouring tribes rose against Rome, hoping to conquer the weakened city without any difficulty, Camillus was again appointed dictator, and he made C. Servilius Ahala his magister equitum. He first defeated the Volscians, and took their camp; and they were now compelled to submit to Rome after a contest of seventy years. The Aequians were also conquered near Bola, and their capital was taken in the first attack. Sutrium, which had been occupied by Etruscans, fell in like manner. After the conquest of these three nations, Camillus returned to Rome in triumph. In B. c. 386 Camillus was elected consular tribune for the fourth time, and, after having declined the dictatorship which was offered him, he defeated the Antiates and Etruscans. In B. c. 384 he was consular tribune for the fifth, and in 381 for the sixth time. In the latter year he conquered the revolted Volscians and the Praenestines. During the war against the Volscians L. Furius Medullinus was appointed as his colleague. The latter disapproved of the cautious slowness of Camillus, and, without his consent, he led his troops against the enemy, who by a feigned flight drew him into a perilous situation and put him to flight. But Camillus now appeared, compelled the fugitives to
Page 592 392 CAMILLUS. stand, led them back to battle, and gained a complete victory. Hereupon Camillus received orders to make war upon the Tusculans for having assisted the Volscians; and, notwithstanding the former conduct of Medullinus, Camillus again chose him as his colleague, to afford him an opportunity of wiping off his disgrace. This generosity and moderation deserved and excited general admiration. In B. C. 368, when the patricians were resolved to make a last effort against the rogations of C. Licinius Stole, the senate appointed Camillus, a faithful supporter of the patricians, dictator for the fourth time. His magister equitum was L. Aemilius Mamercinus. But Camillus, who probably saw that it was hopeless to resist any further the demands of the plebeians, resigned the office soon after, and P. Manlius was appointed in his stead. In the following year, B. c. 367, when a fresh war with the Gauls broke out, Camillus, who was now nearly eighty years old, was called to the dictatorship for the fifth time. His magister equitum was T. Quinctius Pennus. He gained a great victory, for which he was rewarded with a triumph. Two years later, B. C. 365, he died of the plague. Camillus is the great hero of his time, and stands forth as a resolute champion of his own order until he became convinced that further opposition was of no avail. His history, as related in Plutarch and Livy, is not without a considerable admixture of legendary and traditional fable, and requires a careful critical sifting. (Plnt. Life of Camillus; Liv. v. 10, 12, 14, 17, 19, &c., 31, 32, 46, 49-55, vi. 1-4, 6, &c., 18, &c., 22, &c., 38, 42, vii. 1; Died. xiv. 93; Eutrop. i. 20; Val. Max. iv. 1. ~ 2; Gellius, xvii. 21; Cic. pro Dom. 32, de Re Publ. i. 3, Tuscul. i. 37, Fragm. p. 462; Ascon. pro Scaur. p. 30, ed. Orelli.) 2. SP. FuRus CAMILLMs, a son of No. 1. When the praetorship was instituted in B. c. 367, Camillus was one of the two who were first invested with it. (Liv. vii. 1; Suid. s. v. ITpaTwcp.) 3. L. FURItus M. F. CAMILLUS, a son of No. 1. In B. c. 350, when one of the consuls was ill, and the other, Popillius Laenas, returned from the Gallic war with a severe wound, L. Furius Camillus was appointed dictator to hold the comitia, and P. Cornelius Scipio became his magister equitum. Camillus, who was as much a patrician in his feelings and sentiments as his father, did not accept the names of any plebeians who offered themselves as candidates for the consulship, and thus caused the consulship to be given to patricians only. The senate, delighted with this, exerted all its influence in raising him to the consulship in B. c. 349. He then nominated Appius Claudius Crassus as his colleague, who however died during the preparations for the Gallic war. Camillus, who now remained sole consul, caused the command against the Gauls to be given to himself extra sortem. Two legions were left behind for the protection of the city, and eight others were divided between him and the praetor L. Pinarius, whom he sent to protect the coast against some Greek pirates, who in that year infested the coast of Latium. Camillus routed the Gauls in the Pomptine district, and compelled them to seek refuge in Apulia. This battle against the Gauls is famous in Roman story for the single combat of M. Valerius Corvus with a bold and presumptuous Gaul. After the battle, Camillus honoured the gallantry of Valerius with a present of ten oxen and a golden CAMISSARES. crown. Camillus then joined the praetor Pinarits on the coast; but nothing of any importance was accomplished against the Greeks, who soon after disappeared. (Liv. vii. 24-26; Cic. De Senect. 12; Gell. ix. 11.) 4. L. FURIus SP. F. M. N. CAMILL US, son of No. 2, consul in B. c. 338, together with C. Maenius. He fought in this year successfully against the Tiburtines, and took their town Tibur. The two consuls united completed the subjugation of Latium; they were rewarded with a triumph, and equestrian statues, then a rare distinction, were erected to them in the forum. Camillus further distinguished himself by advising his countrymen to treat the Latins with mildness. In B. c. 325 he was elected consul a second time, together with D. Junius Brutus Scaeva. In this year war was declared against the Vestinians, and Camillus obtained Samnium for his province; but while he was engaged in the war, he was attacked by a severe illness, and was ordered to nominate L. Papirius Cursor dictator to continue the war. (Liv. viii. 13, 16, &c., 29; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 5.) 5. M. FuRIus CAMILLUS, consul in A.D. 8 (Fast. Cap.), and proconsul of Africa in the reign of Tiberius, defeated in A. D. 17, the Numidian Tacfarinas, together with a great number of Numidians and Mauretanians. It is expressly stated, that after the lapse of several centuries, he was the first who revived the military fame of the Furii Camilli. The senate, with the consent of Tiberius, honoured him with the insignia of a triumph, a distinction which he was allowed to enjoy with impunity on account of his unassuming character. (Tac. Ann. ii. 52, iii. 20.) 6. M. FURIus CAMILLUS, surnamed SCRIBONIANUS, was consul in the reign of Tiberius, A. D. 32, together with Cn. Domitius. At the beginning of the reign of Claudius he was legate of Dalmatia, and revolted with his legions, probably in the hope of raising himself to the throne. But he was conquered on the fifth day after the beginning of the insurrection, A. D. 42, sent into exile and died in A. D. 53, either of an illness, or, as was commonly reported, by poison. (Tac. Ann. vi. 1, xii. 52, Hist. i. 89, ii. 75; Suet. Claud. 13.) 7. FutRIs CAMILLUS, likewise surnamed SCREBONIANUS, was sent into exile by the emperor Claudius, together with his mother Junia, A. D. 53, for having consulted the Chaldaeans about the time when Claudius was to die. (Tac. Ann. xii. 52, Hist. ii. 75.) [L. S.] C. CAMILLUS, a Roman jurist, and a particular friend of Cicero, who had a high opinion of his worldly prudence and judgment, and often consulted him on matters of business and law. At Cicero's table he was a frequent guest, and was remarkable for his love of news, and extreme personal neatness. His name often occurs in the letters of Cicero (ad Att. v. 8, vi. 1, 5, xi. 16, 23, xiii. 6, 33, ad Faim. ix. 20, xiv. 5, 14), from one of which (ad FaPm. v. 20) it appears, that Camillus was consulted by Cicero upon a matter connected with the jus praediatorium, which was a branch of the revenue law of Rome, and was so difficult and intricate that some jurists specially devoted themselves to its study. (Dict. of Ant. s.v. Praes.)[J.T.G.] CAMI'SSARES, a Carian, father of Datames, was high in favour with Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), by whom he was made satrap of a part of Cilicia bordering on Cappadocia. He fell in the war of
Page 593 CANACHUS. Artaxerxes against the Cadusii, B. c. 385, and was succeeded in his satrapy by his son. (Nep.Dat. 1; comp. Diod. xv. 8, 10; Plut. Artax. 24.) [E. E.] CAMOENAE. [CAMENAE.] CAMPA'NUS, one of the leaders of the Tungri in the war of Civilis against the Romans, in A. D. 71. (Tac. Hist. iv. 66.) [L. S.] CAMPA'NUS, a Roman jurist, quoted in the Digest, once by Valens (Dig. 38, tit. 1, s. 47), and once by Pomponius. (Dig. 40, tit. 5, s. 34. ~ 1.) As both Valens and Pomponius lived about the time of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, Campanus probably flourished about the commencement of the second century. Both the passages quoted from him relate to fideicommissa. A Cocceius Campanus, to whom was addressed a rescript of the emperors Severus and Antoninus (Dig. 36, tit. 1, s. 29), must have been of later date, though he is confounded with the jurist by Bertrandus. (Menag. Amoen. Jur. c. 38; Maiansius, ad 30 JCtos, ii p. 197.) [J. T. G.] CAMPASPE, called Pancaste (rlna-yIo') by Aelian, and Pacate (laitcacr) by Lucian, of Larissa, the favourite concubine of Alexander, and the first with whom he is said to have had intercourse. Apelles being commissioned by Alexander to paint Campaspe naked, fell in love with her, whereupon Alexander gave her to him as a present. According to some she was the model of Apelles' celebrated picture of the Venus Anadyomene, but according to others Phryne was the original of this painting. (Aelian, V. H. xii. 34; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. s. 36. ~ 12; Lucian, Imag. 7; Athen. xiii. p. 591; comp. ANADYOMENE.) CAMPE (Ka/-irn), a monster which was appointed in Tartarus to guard the Cyclops. It was killed by Zeus when he wanted the assistance of the Cyclops against the Titans. (Apollod. i. 2. ~ 1.) Diodorus (iii. 72) mentions a monster of the same name, which was slain by Dionysus, and which Nonnus (Dionys. xviii. 237, &c.) identifies with the former. [L. S.] CAMU'RIUS, a common soldier of the tenth legion, who was the murderer of the emperor Galba according to most authorities consulted by Tacitus. (Hist. i. 41.) [L. S.] CANA. [CANUS, Q. GELLIUS.] CANACE (Kavdic7), a daughter of Aeolus and Enarete, whence she is called Aeolis (Callim. Hymn. in Cer. 100), who had several children by Poseidon. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3, &c.) She entertained an unnatural love for her brother Macareus, and on this account was killed by her own father; but according to others, she herself, as well as Macareus, put an end to her life. (Hygin. Fab. 238, 242; Ov. Her. 11.) [L. S.] CA'NACHUS (KadaXos). 1. A Sicyonian artist, about whose age the greatest uncertainty long prevailed, as one work of his is mentioned which must have been executed before 01. 75, and another 80 years later, which seems to be, and indeed is, impossible. The fact is, that there were two artists of the name of Canachus, both of Sicyon, and probably grandfather and grandson. This was first suggested by Schorn (Ueb. d. Stud. d. Griech. Kiinstler, p. 199) and adopted by Thiersch (Epoch. Anm. pp. 38-44), K. 0. Miller, and Backh. The work which must have been finished B. c. 480, was a colossal statue of Apollo Philesius at Miletus, this statue having been carried to Ecbatana by Xerxes after his defeat in Greece, B. c. 479. Mill CANDACE. 593 ler (Kunstblatt, 1821, N. 16) thinks, that this statue cannot have been executed before B. c. 494, at which time Miletus was destroyed and burnt by Dareius; but Thiersch (1. c.) shews that the colossus might very well have escaped the general ruin, and therefore needs not have been placed there after the destruction of the city. Finding that all indications point to the interval between 01. 60 and 68 (B. c. 540-508), he has given these 32 years as the time during which Canachus flourished. Thus the age of our artist coincides with that of Callon, whose contemporary he is called by Pausanias (vii. 18. ~ 6). He was likewise contemporary with Ageladas, who flourished about 01. 66 [AGELADAS]; for, together with this artist and with his own brother, Aristocles, he executed three Muses, who symbolically represented the diatonic, chromatic, and enharmonic styles of Greek music. Besides these works, we find the following mentioned: Riding (KIXevri`ovres) boys (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19); a statue of Aphrodite, wrought in gold and ivory (Paus. ii. 10. ~ 4); one of Apollo Ismenius at Thebes, made of cedar, and so very like the Apollo Philesius of Miletus, which was of metal, that one could instantly recognize the artist. (Paus. I.c., ix. 10. ~ 2.) For Cicero's judgment of Canachus's performances, see CALAMIS. 2. A Sicyonian artist, probably the grandson of the former, from whom he is not distinguished by the ancients. He and Patrocles cast the statues of two Spartans, who had fought in the battle of Aegospotamos, B. c. 405. (Paus. x. 9. ~ 4.) [W. I.] CANA'NUS, IOANNES ('IWcovvw Kavaods), lived in the first part of the fifteenth century, and wrote a description of the siege of Constantinople, by Sultan Miirad II. in A. D. 1422 (A. H. 826). The title of it is Any+rais 7rpl eoi iv KwvarravnrvovrWAeW t 'yeYov aros roaxreov iCra -t rv1A' 'eros (A. M. 6930), 'Tre d 'Aeoupar TieHLs (Bei) nraperEree vacry pAerTd 'vvdfJews papeia,, &c. It was first published with a Latin translation, by Leo Allatius, together with Georgius Acropolita and Joel, and accompanied with the notes by the editor and by Theodore Douza, Paris, 1651, fol. The best edition is that of Immanuel Bekker, appended to the edition of Phranzes, Bonn, 1838, with a new Latin translation. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. pp. 773, 774.) [W. P.] CANDA'CE (Kavi&dac), a queen of that portion of Aethiopia which had MeroP for its metropolis. In B. c. 22, she invaded Egypt, being encouraged by supposing that the unsuccessful, expedition of Aelius Gallus against Arabia, in B. c. 24, had weakened the Romans. She advanced into the Thebai'd, ravaging the country, and attacked and captured the Roman garrisons at Elephantine, Syene, and Philae; but Petronius, who had succeeded Gallus in the government of the province, compelled her to retreat, and defeated her with great loss in her own territory near the town of Pselcha. This place he took, and also Premnis and Nabata, in the latter of which the son of the queen commanded. After he had withdrawn, Candace attacked the garrison he had left in Premnis; but Petronius hastily returned, and again defeated her. On this she sent ambassadors to Augustus, who was then at Samos, and who received them favourably, and even remitted the tribute which had been imposed on their country. Strabo, who tells us that Candace was a woman of a manly spirit, also favours us with the information 2Q
Page 594 594 CANDIDUS. that she was blind of one eye. (Strab. xvii. pp. 819-821; Dion Cass. liii. 29, liv. 5.) Her name seems to have been common to all the queens of Aethiopia (Plin. H. N. vi. 29; Joseph. Ant. viii. 6. ~ 5; Acts, viii. 27); and it appears from Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ii. 1. ~ 10), that it was customary for the Aethiopians to be governed by women, though Oecumenius thinks (Comm. in Acts, 1. c.), that Candace was only the common name of the queen-mothers, the nation regarding the sun alone as their father and king, and their princes as the sun's children. [E. E.] CANDAULES (KavcaSasiS), known also among the Greeks by the name of Myrsilus, was the last Heracleid king of Lydia. According, to the account in Herodotus and Justin, he was extremely proud of his wife's beauty, and insisted on exhibiting her unveiled charms, but without her knowledge, to Gyges, his favourite officer. Gyges was seen by the queen as he was stealing from her chamber, and the next day she summoned him before her, intent on vengeance, and bade him choose whether he would undergo the punishment of death himself, or would consent to murder Candaules and receive the kingdom together with her hand. IHe chose the latter alternative, and became the founder of the dynasty of the Mermnadae, about B. c. 715. In Plato the story, in the form of the well-known fable of the ring of Gyges, serves the purpose of moral allegory. Plutarch, following in one place the story of Herodotus, speaks in another of Gyges as making war against Candaules with the help of some Carian auxiliaries. (1-erod. i. 7--13; Just. i. 7; Plat. de Repub. ii. pp. 359, 360; Cic. de Off. iii. 9; Plut. Quiaest. Graec. 45, Sympos. i. 5. ~ 1; comp. Thirlwall's Greece, vol. ii. p. 158.) Candaules is mentioned by Pliny in two passages as having given Bularchus, the painter, a large sum of money (" panri rependit auro") for a picture representing a battle of the Magnetes. (Plin. H. N. vii. 38, xxxv. 8; comp. Diet. of Ant. p. 682.) [E. E.] CA'NDIDUS (Kd'v6tos), a Greek author, who lived about the time of the emperors Commodus and Severus, about A. D. 200, and wrote a work on the Hexameron, which is referred to by Eusebius. (Hist. Eccl. v. 27; comp. Hieronym. De Scriptor. Eccl. 48.) [L. S.] CA'NDIDUS, an Arian who flourished about the middle of the fourth century, the author of a tract " De Generatione Divina," addressed to his friend Marius Victorinus, who wrote in reply "De Generatione Verbi Divini sive Confutatorium Candidi Ariani ad eundem." Mabillon published in his Analecta (Paris, 1685, fol.) a "Fragmentum Epistolae Candidi Ariani ad Marium Victorinum," which Oudin first pointed out to be in reality a portion of the "1 De Generatione Divina." Both are printed in tlie Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland, vol. viii. [VICTORINus.] (Oudin, De Script. Eccld. vol. i. p. 528; Schinemann, Bibl. Patrum Latinorum, c. iv. 13 and 14, Lips. 1792.) [W. R.] CA'NDIDUS ISAURUS (Kaivsros 'Itavpos), a Byzantine historian, a native of Isauria, whence his surname Isaurus. He lived in the reign of the emperor Anastasius, and held a high public office in his native country. He is called a man of great influence and an orthodox Christian, which is inferred from his advocating the decrees of the council of Chalcedon. His history of the Byzantine empire, in three books, which is now lost, began CANINIA GENS. with the election of the emperor Leo the Thracian, and came down to the death of Zeno the Isaurian. It therefore embraced the period from A. D. 457 to 491. A summary of its contents is preserved in Photius (cod. 79), to whom we are also indebted for the few facts concerning the life of Candidus which we have mentioned, and who censures the style of the historian for its affectation of poetical beauties. A small fragment of the work is preserved by Suidas (s. v. XEpt(iw). The extant fragments of Candidus are printed in the appendix to " Eclogae Historicorum de Reb. Byz.," ed. Labbe, which forms an appendix to " Excerpta de Legationibus, &c." ed. D. Hoeschelius, published by C. A. Fabrotus, Paris, 1648. They are also contained in the edition of Dexippus, Eunapius, &c. published in the Bonn collection of Byzantine writers. (Comp. Hanke, Byz. Rer. Script. ii. 3, p. 672, &c.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 543.) [L. S.] CA'NDIDUS, VESPRO'NIUS, one of the consular envoys despatched by Didius Julianus and the senate in A. D. 192, for the purpose of inducing the troops of Septimius Severus to abandon their leader, who had been declared a public enemy. Not only did Candidus fail in accomplishing the object of his mission, but he very narrowly escaped being put to death by the soldiers, who recollected the harshness he had formerly displayed towards those under his command. We find him, nevertheless, at a subsequent period (193) employed as a legate by Severus, first in Asia Minor, against Pescennius Niger, and afterwards (194) against the Arabians and other barbarous tribes on the confines of Syria and Mesopotamia. On both occasions he did good service; for, by his exhortations and example, the fortune of the day was turned at the great battle of Nicaea; and, acting in conjunction with Lateranus, lie reduced to submission the turbulent chiefs of Adiabene and Osroene. (Dion Cass. lxxiii. 16, lxxiv. 6, lxxv. 2; Spartian. Julian. 5.) [W. R.] CANDYBUS (Ka'v8v@os), a son of Deucalion, from whom Candyba, a town in Lycia, was believed to have received its name. (Steph. Byz. s.v.) LL.S.] CANE'THUS (KdcnyOos), two mythical personages, one a son of Lycaon, and the second the son of Atlas and father of Canthus in Euboea, from whom a mountain in Euboea near Chalcis derived its name. (Apollod. iii. 8. ~ 1; Apollon. Rhod. i. 78; Strab. x. p. 447.) [L. S.] CANI'DIA, whose real name was Gratidia, as we learn from the scholiasts, was a Neapolitan hetaira beloved by Horace; but when she deserted him, he revenged himself upon her by holding her up to contempt as an old sorceress. This was the object of the 5th and 17th Epodes, and of the 8th Satire of the first book. The Palinodia in the 16th ode of the 1st book is supposed to refer to these poems. Horace attacks her by the name of Canidia because her real name Gratidia conveyed the idea of what was pleasing and agreeable, while the assumed one was associated with gray hairs and old age. (Comp. Hor. Sat. ii. 1. 48; Schol. Acr. and Cruqu. ad loc. and ad Sat. i. 8. 24.) P. CANI'DIUS CRASSUS. [CRAssus.] CANPNA, C. CLAU'DIUS, consul in B. c. 285 and 273. [CLAUDIUS.] CANI'NIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned in early Roman history. It came into notice at the beginning of the second century before Christ. C. Caninius Rebilus, practor in B. c. 171, was the
Page 595 CANOBUS. first member of the gens who obtained any of the curule offices; but the first Caninius who was consul was C. Caninius Rebilus in B. c. 45. The chief families are those of GALLUS and REBILUS: we also meet with the surname of SATRIUS, and a Caninius Sallustius is mentioned who was adopted by some member of this gens. [SALLUSTIUS.] C. CA'NIUS, a Roman knight, who defended P. Rutilius Rufus, when he was accused by M. Aemilius Scaurus in B. c. 107. Cicero relates an amusing tale of how this Canius was taken in by a banker at Syracuse, of the name of Pythius, in the purchase of some property. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 69, de Off. iii. 14.) CA'NIUS RUFUS. [RUFUS.] CANNU'TIUS. [CANUTIUS.] CANO'BUS or CANO'PUS (KdvcwGos or Ka'nw7ros), according to Grecian story, the helmsman of Menelaus, who on his return from Troy died in Egypt, in consequence of the bite of a snake, and was buried by Menelaus on the site of the town of Canobus, which derived its name from him. (Strab. xvii. p. 801; Conon, Narrat. 8; Nicand. Ther. 309, &c.; Schol. ad Aelian. V. H. xv. 13; Steph. Byz. s. v.; Tac. Annal. ii. 60; Dionys. Perieg. 13; Amm. Marcell. xxii. 16; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iv. 287.) According to some accounts, Canobus was worshipped in Egypt as a divine being, and was represented in the shape of a jar with small feet, a thin neck, a swollen body, and a round back. (Epiphan. Ancorat. ~ 108; Rufin. Hist. Eccles. ii. 26; Suid. s. v. Kdvworos.) The identification of an Egyptian divinity with the Greek hero Canobus is of course a mere fiction, and was looked upon in this light even by some of the ancients themselves. (Aristid. Orat. Aegypt. vol. ii. p. 359, &c. ed. Jebb.) On the Egyptian monuments we find a number of jars with the head either of some animal or of a human being at the top, and adorned with images of gods and hieroglyphics. (Discription de l'Egypte, L pl. 10, ii. pl. 36, 92; Montfaucon, l'Antiquitde eapliq. vol. ii. p. 2, pl. 132-134.) Such jars are also seen on Egyptian, especially Canobian, coins. (Vaillant, Hist. Ptolem. p. 205.) They appear to have been frequently used by the Egyptians in performing religious rites and sacrifices, and it may CANTACUZENUS. 595 be that some deities were symbolically represented in this manner; but a particular jar-god, as worshipped at Canobus, is not mentioned by any writer except Rufinus, and is therefore exceedingly doubtful. Modern critics accordingly believe, that the god called Canobus may be some other divinity worshipped in that place, or the god Serapis, who was the chief deity of Canobus. But the whole subject is involved in utter obscurity. (See Jablonsky, Panth. Aegypt. iii. p. 151; Hug, Untersuchungen iiber den VMythus, &c.; Creuzer, Dionysius, p. 109, &c., Symbol. i. p. 225, &c.) [L. S.] CANTACUZE'NUS, the name of one of the most illustrious of the Byzantine families. It is probable that the Cantacuzeni belonged to the nobility at Constantinople long before the time of its supposed founder, who lived in the latter part of the eleventh and the early part of the twelfth century. There are at present several Greek nobles who style themselves princes Cantacuzeni, but it is very doubtful whether they are descended from the imperial Cantacuzeni, of whom, however, there are probably descendants living in Italy, although they have dropt the name of their ancestors. 1. The first Cantacuzenus who became distinguished in history was the commander of the Greek fleet in the reign of Alexis I. Comnenus. He besieged Laodiceia, and was victorious in Dalmatia in the war with Bohemond in 1107. 2. JOANNES CANTACUZENUS, the son or grandson of No. 1, married Maria Comnena, the daughter of Andronicus Comnenus Sebastocrator and the niece of the emperor Manuel Comnenus, and was killed in a war with the Turks-Seljuks about 1174. 3. MANUEL CANTACUZENUS, son of No. 2, blinded by the emperor Manuel. 4. JOANNES CANTACUZENUS, perhaps the son of No. 3, blinded by the emperor Andronicus Comnenus, but nevertheless made Caesar by the emperor Isaac Angelus, whose sister Irene he had married. He was killed in a war with the Bulgarians after 1195. 5. THEODORUS, perhaps the brother of the preceding, was one of the most courageous opponents of Andronicus I. Comnenus; he was killed in 1183. 6. MANUEL CANTACUZENUS, dux under John Vatatzes, emperor of Nicaea; died subsequently to the year 1261: his children probably were, 1. Cantacuzenus, praefect of the Peloponnesus; died thirty years of age, during the reign of Androni< II., the elder (1283-1328); married Theodora I laeologina (Tarchaniota), who died in 1342. 1. Joannes VI. Cantacuzenus, emperor in 1347. [JOANNES VI.] He married Irene, daughter of Andronicus Asan Protovestiarius, and granddaughter of Joannes Asan, king of Bulgaria. 2. Cantacuzenus. I Nicephorus. 3. A daughter 2. Nicephorus 3. A daughter, married ConSebastocrator. stantinus Acropolita. I A 1. Matthaeus Asanes Cantacuzenus, co-emperor in 1355, and abdicated in the same year. [MATTHAEUS.] He died before his father. He married Irene Palaeologina. a 2. Thomas. 3. Manuel, duke of Sparta, died 1380. 4. Andronicus, died 1348. 5. Maria, married Nicephorus Ducas Angelus, despot of Acarnania. 6. Theodora, married Urnhan, sultan of the TurksOsmanlis. 7. Helena, maiTied Joannes V Palaeologus, emperor. 2Q2
Page 596 596 CANULEIUS. CANUSIUS. 1.Joannes, 2. Demetrius 3. George Suche- 4. Theodora, 5. Helena, married 6. Irene, married despot. Sebasto- tai, a great a nun. David Comnenus, George Brancrator. general and last emperor of kowicz, prince admiral. Trebizond. of Servia. Manuel, prince of Messene, submitted to Sultan Mohammed II. about 1460. He fled to Hungary, where he died. He married Maria, surnamed Cluchia, but no issue is known. There are several other Cantacuzeni conspicuous in Byzantine history, whose parentage cannot be correctly established. (Du Cange, Familiae Byzantinae, p. 258, &c.) [W. P.] CA'NTHARUS (KdvOapos), a comic poet of Athens. (Suid. s. v.; Eudoc. p. 269.) The only thing we have to guide us in determining his age is, that the comedy entitled Symmachia, which commonly went by the name of Plato, was ascribed by some to Cantharus, whence we may infer, that he was a contemporary of Plato, the comic poet. Besides some fragments of the Symmachia, we possess a few of two other comedies, viz. the Medeia (Suid. and Mich. Apostol. s. v. 'Apdagos avAT7rris; Pollux, iv. 61), and Tereus. (Athen. iii. p. 81; Mich. Apostol. s. v. 'AOqvatc.) Of two other comedies mentioned by Suidas, the MvpjriLKes and the 'ArJo'Ves, no fragments are extant. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Comr. Graec. p. 251.) [L. S.] CA'NTHARUS (KdvOapos), a statuary and embosser of Sicyon, the son of Alexis and pupil of Eutychides. (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 3.) According to Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19), there flourished an artist Eutychides about nB.c. 300. If this was the teacher of Cantharus, as is probable, his father Alexis cannot have been the artist of that name who is reckoned by Pliny (I. c.) amongst the pupils of the older Polycletus, for this Polycletus was already an old man at B. c. 420. Cantharus, therefore, flourished about B. c. 268. He seems to have excelled in athletes. (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 3, vi. 17. ~ 5.) [W. I.] CANTHUS (Kciaos), an Argonaut, is called a son of Canethus and grandson of Abas, or a son of Abas of Euboea. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 78; Orph. Argon. 139; Val. Flacc. i. 453.) He is said to have been killed in Libya by Cephalion or Caphaurus. (Hygin. Fab. 14; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1495; Val. Flacc. vi. 317, vii. 422.) [L. S.] L. CANTI'LIUS, a scribe or secretary of one of the pontiffs, committed incest with a Vestal virgin in the second Punic war, B. c. 216, and was flogged to death in the comitium by the pontifex maximus. (Liv. xxii. 57.) M. CA'NTIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 293, accused L.:Postumius Megellus, who avoided a trial by becoming the legatus of Sp. Carvilius Maximus, the conqueror of the Samnites in this year. (Liv. x. 46.) CANULEIA GENS, plebeian. Persons of this name occur occasionally in the early as well as the latter times of the republic; but none of them ever obtained the consulship. The only surname in the Gens is DIVES: all the other Canuleii are mentioned without any cognomen. [CANULEIUS.] CANULEIUS. 1. C. CANULEIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 445, was the proposer of the law, establishing connubium between the patricians and plebs, which had been taken away by the laws of the twelve tables. He also proposed a law giving the people the option of choosing the consuls from either the patricians or the plebs; but to preserve the consulship in their order, and at the same time make some concessions to the plebs, the patricians resolved, that three military tribunes, with consular power, should be elected indifferently from either order in place of the consuls. (Liv. iv. 1-6; Cic. de Rep. ii. 37; Florus, i. 25; Dionys. xi. 57, 58.) 2. M. CANULEIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 420, accused C. Sempronius Atratinus, who had been consul in B. c. 423, on account of his misconduct in the Volscian war. [ATRATINUS, No. 5.] Canuleius and his colleagues introduced in the senate this year the subject of an assignment of the public land. (Liv. iv. 44.) 3. L. CAN ULEIUS, one of the five Roman legates sent by the senate to the Aetolians, B. c. 174. (Liv. xli. 25.) 4. CANULEIUs, a Roman senator, who had been one of the ambassadors sent into Egpyt previously to B. c. 160. (Polyb. xxxi. 18.) 5. C. CANULEIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 100, accused P. Furius, who was so much detested by the people, that they tore him to pieces before he commenced his defence. (Appian, B. C. i. 33; comp. Cic. pro Rabir. 9; Dion Cass. Frag. 105, p. 43, ed. Reimar.) 6. L. CANULEIUS, one of the publicani, engaged in farming the duties paid on imported and exported goods at the harbour of Syracuse, when Verres was governor of Sicily, B. c. 73-71. (Cic. Verr. ii. 70, 74.) 7. M. CANULEIUS, defended by Hortensius and Cotta, but on what occasion is unknown. (Cic. Brut. 92.) 8. CANULEIUS, mentioned in one of Cicero's letters in B. c. 49 (ad Att. x. 5), is otherwise unknown. 9. L. CANULEIUS, one of Caesar's legates in the war with Pompey, B. c. 48, was sent by Caesar into Epeirus in order to collect corn. (Caes. B. C. iii. 42.) CANUS, Q. GELLIUS, a friend of T. Pomponius Atticus, was struck out of the proscription in B. c. 43 by Antony on account of the friendship of the latter with Atticus. (Nepos, Alt. 10; comp. Cic. ad Att. xiii. 31, xv. 21.) The Cana to whom there was some talk of marrying young Q. Cicero, was probably the daughter of this Gellius Canus. (Ad Att. xiii. 41, 42.) CANUS, JU'LIUS, a Stoic philosopher, who promised his friends, when he was condemned to death by Caligula, to appear to them after his death, and inform them of the state of the soul after quitting the body. He is said to have fulfilled this promise by appearing in a vision to one of his friends named Antiochus. (Senec. de Anismi Tranqu. 14; Plut. ap. Syncell. p. 330, d.) CANU'SIUS or GANU'SIUS (Favova'os), ap
Page 597 CAPANEUS. parently a Greek historian, who seems to have been a contemporary of Julius Caesar; for it is on the authority of Canusius that Plutarch (Caes. 22) relates, that when the senate decreed a supplication on account of the successful proceedings of Caesar in Gaul, B. c. 55, Cato declared that Caesar ought to be delivered up to the barbarians, to atone for his violation of the laws of nations. [L. S.] P. CANU'TIUS, or CANNU'TIUS, was born in the same year as Cicero, B. c. 106, and is described by the latter as the most eloquent orator out of the senatorial order. After the death of P. SSulpicius Rufus, who was one of the most celebrated orators of his time, and who left no orations behind him, P. Canutius composed some and published them under the name of Sulpicius. Canutius is frequently mentioned in Cicero's oration for Cluentius as having been engaged in the prosecution of several of the parties connected with that disgraceful affair. (Cic. Brut. 56, pro Cluent. 10, 18, 21, 27.) TI. CANU'TIUS or CANNU'TIUS, tribune of the plebs in the year that Caesar was assassinated, B. c. 44, was a violent opponent of Antony. When Octavianus drew near to Rome towards the end of October, Canutius went out of the city to meet him, in order to learn his intentions; and upon Octavianus declaring against Antony, Canutius conducted him into the city, and spoke to the people on his behalf. Shortly afterwards, Octavianus went into Etruria and Antony returned to Rome; and when the latter summoned the senate on the Capitol on the 28th of November, in order to declare Octavianus an enemy of the state, he would not allow Canutius and two of his other colleagues to approach the Capitol, lest they should put their veto upon the decree of the senate. After the departure of Antony from Rome to prosecute the war against Dec. Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul, Canutius had full scope for indulging his hostility to Antony, and constantly attacked him in the most furious manner (continuae rabie lacerabat, Vell. Pat. ii. 64). Upon the establishment of the triumvirate in the following year, B. c. 43, Canutius is said by Velleius Paterculus (1. c.) to have been included in the proscription and put to death; but this is a mistake, for he was engaged in the Perusinian war, B. c. 40. As Octavianus had deserted the senatorial party, Canutius became one of his enemies, and accordingly joined Fulvia and L. Antonius in their attempt to crush him in B. c. 40; but falling into his hands on the capture of Perusia, Canutius was put to death by his orders. (Appian, B. C. iii. 41; Dion Cass. xlv. 6, 12; Cic. ad Fanm. xii. 3, 23, Philipp. iii. 9; Appian, B. C. v. 49; Dion Cass. xlviii. 14.) The C. Canutius, whom Suetonius (de Clar. Rhet. 4) mentions, is in all probability the same as this Ti. Canutius. Whether the Canutius spoken of in the Dialogue " De Oratoribus" (c. 21) is the same as either P. or Ti. Canutius, or a different person altogether, is quite uncertain. CA'PANEUS (Kawravew's), a son of Hipponous and Astynome or Laodice, the daughter of Iphis. (Hygin. Fab. 70; Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 181; ad Pind. Nem. ix. 30.) He was married to Euadne or laneira, who is also called a daughter of Iphis, and by whom he became the father of Sthenelus. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. vi. 46; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8.) JIe was one of the seven heroes who marched from Argos against Thebes, where he had his station at CAPELLA. 597 the Ogygian or Electrian gate. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 6; Aeschyl. Sept. c. Theb. 423; Paus. ix. 8. ~ 3.) During the siege of Thebes, he was presumptuous enough to say, that even the fire of Zeus should not prevent his scaling the walls of the city; but when he was ascending the ladder, Zeus struck him with a flash of lightning. (Comp. Eurip. Phoen. 1172, &c.; comp. Soph. Antig. 133; Apollod. iii. 6. ~7; Ov. Met. ix. 404.) While his body was burning, his wife Euadne leaped into the flames and destroyed herself. (Apollod. iii. 7. ~ 1; Eurip. Suppl. 983, &c.; Philostr. Icon. ii. 31; Ov. Ars Am. iii. 21; Hygin. Fab. 243.) Capaneus is one of those heroes whom Asclepius was believed to have called back into life. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3.) At Delphi there was a statue of Capaneus dedicated by the Argives. (Paus. x. 10. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CAPELIA'NUS. [GORDIANUS.] CAPELLA, a Roman elegiac poet named by Ovid, concerning whom we know nothing. (Ovid, Ep. ex Pont. iv. 16. 36.) [W. R.] CAPELLA, ANTI'STIUS, the preceptor of the emperor Commodus. (Lamprid. c. 1.) [W.R.] CAPELLA, MARTIA'NUS MINEUS FELIX, is generally believed to have flourished towards the close of the fifth century of our era, although different critics have fixed upon different epochs, and some, in opposition to all internal evidence, would place him as high as the reigns of Maximinus and the Gordians. In MSS. he is frequently styled Afer Carthaginiensis; and since, when speaking of himself, he employs the expression "Beata alumnum urbs Elissae quem videt," it seems certain that the city of Dido was the place of his education, if not of his birth also. The assertions, that he rose to the dignity of proconsul, and composed his book at Rome when far advanced in life, rest entirely upon a few ambiguous and probably corrupt words, which admit of a very different interpretation. (Lib. ix. ~ 999.) Indeed, we know nothing whatever of his personal history, but an ancient biography is said to exist in that portion of Barth's Adversaria which has never yet been published. (Fabric. Bibl. Lat. iii. c. 17.) The great work of Capella is composed in a medley of prose and various kinds of verse, after the fashion of the Satyra Menippea of Varro and the Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter; while, along with these, it probably suggested the form into which Boethius has thrown his Consolatio Philosophiae. It is a voluminous compilation, forming a sort of encyclopaedia of the polite learning of the middle ages, and is divided into nine books. The first two, which may be regarded as a mystical introduction to the rest, consist of an elaborate and complicated allegory, entitled the Nuptials of Philology and Mercury, while in the remaining seven are expounded the principles of the seven liberal arts, which once were believed to embrace the whole circle of philosophy and science. Thus, the third book treats of Grammar; the fourth of Dialectics, divided into Metaphysics and Logic; the fifth of Rhetoric; the sixth of Geometry, consisting chiefly of an abstract of Geography, to which are appended a few simple propositions on lines, surfaces, and solids; the seventh of Arithmetic, devoted in a great measure to the properties of numbers; the eighth of Astronomy; and the last of Music, including Poetry. We find here an immense mass of learning, but the materials are ill-selected, ill-arranged, and ill-digested; though from amidst much that is dull
Page 598 598 CAPELLA. and frivolous, we can occasionally extract curious and valuable information, derived without doubt from treatises which have long since perished. Thus, for example, in one remarkable passage (viii. ~ 857) we detect a hint of the true constitution of the solar system. It is here so distinctly maintained that the planets Mercury and Venus revolve round the sun, and not round the earth, and their position with regard to these bodies and to each other is so correctly described, that the historians of science have considered it not improbable that Copernicus, who quotes Martianus, may have derived the first germ of his theory from this source. The style is in the worst possible taste, and looks like a caricature of Apuleius and Tertullian. It is overloaded with far-fetched metaphors, and has all the sustained grandiloquence, the pompous pretension, and the striving after false sublimity, so characteristic of the African school, while the diction abounds in strange words, and is in the highest degree harsh, obscure, and barbarous. Some allowance must be made, however, for the circumstances under which the book has been transmitted to us. It was highly esteemed during the middle ages, and extensively employed as a manual for the purposes of education. Hence it was copied and re-copied by the monks, and being of course in many places quite unintelligible to them, corruptions crept in, and the text soon became involved in inextricable confusion. The oldest MSS. are those in the Bodleian library, in the British Museum, in the public library of the University of Cambridge, and in the library of Corpus Christi College in the same university. A MS. exposition of Capella, written by Jo. Scotus, who died in 875, is mentioned by L'Abbe (Bibl. Nov. MSS. p. 45); another, the work of Alexander Neckam, who belongs to the thirteenth century, is described by Leland (Commentar. de Script. Brit. p. 214); and Perizonius possessed a commentary drawn up by Remigius Antissiodorensis about the year 888. In modern times, Ugoletus had the merit of first bringing Capella to light; and the editio princeps was printed at Vicenza by Henricus de S. Urso, in fol. 1499, under the care of Franciscus Bodianus, who in a prefatory letter boasts of having corrected 2000 errors. This was followed by the editions of Mutina, 1500, fol.; of Vienna, with the notes of Dubravius, 1516, fol.; of Basle, 1532, fol.; of Lyons, 1539, 8vo.; of Basle, with the scholia, &c., of Vulcanius, 1577, fol. in a vol. containing also the Origines of Isidorus. But all these were thrown into the shade by that of Leyden, 8vo. 1599, with the remarks of Hugo Grotius, who wrote his commentary when a boy of fourteen, with the assistance probably of Joseph Scaliger, by whom he was advised to undertake the task. This edition was with justice considered the best, until the appearance of that by U. F. Kopp, 4to. Francf. 1836, which is immeasurably superior, in a critical point of view, to all preceding ones, and contains also a copious collection of the best notes. The last book was included by Meibomius in his "Auctores Vet. Musicae," Amst. 4to. 1652; the first two were published separately by Walthard, Bern, 1763, 8vo., and by J. A. Goetz at Nuremberg, 8vo. 1794, with critical and explanatory remarks. The poetical passages are inserted in the Collectio Pisaurensis, vol. vi. p. 69. The popularity of Capella in the middle ages is attested by Gregorius Turonensis, Joannes Saris CAPITO. buriensis, Nicolaus Clemangius, and others. A number of clever emendations will be found in the notes of Heinsius upon Ovid; and Munker, in his commentary on Hyginus, has given several important readings from a Leyden MS. There is an interesting analysis of the work by F. Jacobs in Ersch and Gruher's Encycloplidie. [W. R.] CAPELLA, STATI'LIUS, a Roman eques, who at one time kept Flavia Domitilla, afterwards the wife of Vespasian. (Suet. Vesp. 3.) [L. S.] CAPER (Ka7rpos), of Elis, the son of one Pythagoras, who acquired great renown from obtaining the victory in wrestling and the pancratium on the same day, in the Olympic games. (01. 142, B. c. 212.) IHe is said to have been the first after Heracles, according to Pausanias, or the second, according to Africanus, who conquered in these two contests on the same day. (Paus. v. 21. ~ 5, vi. 15. ~~ 3, 6; Euseb. 'EAA. dA. p. 42, ed. Scaliger; Krause, Olympia, p. 306.) CAPER, FLAVIUS, a Roman grammarian of uncertain date, whose works "de Latinitate," &c., are quoted repeatedly with the greatest respect by Charisius, Rufinus, Servius, and others, but especially by Priscian. We possess two very short tracts entitled " Flavii Capri grammatici vetustissimi de Orthographia libellus," and "Caper de Verbis mediis." Barthius (Advers. xxi. 1, xxxv. 9) has conjectured, with much plausibility, that these are not the original works of Caper, but meagre abridgements by a later hand. Servius (ad Virg. Aen. x. 344) cites "Caper in libris enucleati sermonis," and (ad Aen. x. 377) " Caper in libris dubii generis." St. Jerome (Adv. Rufin. ii.) speaks of his grammatical " commentarii" as a book in common use; and Agroetus, who wrote a supplement to the " Libellus de Orthographia et Proprietate ac Differentia Sermonum," refers to his annotations on Cicero as the most celebrated of his numerous productions. He is also frequently ranked among the scholiasts upon Terence, but apparently on no good grounds. (Schopfen, de Terentio, &c., Bonn, 1821.) Caper was first published among a collection of Latin grammarians printed at Venice about 1476, and reprinted in 1480, 1491, and often afterwards. The best edition is that contained in the " Grammat. Latin. Auct. Antiqu." by Putschius (pp. 2239-2248), Hanov. 1605. [W. R.] CA'PETUS SI'LVIUS. [SILVIUS.] CAPHA. [THEODOSIA.] CAPHO. [CAFO.] CA'PITO, the father of Betilienus Bassus, or Cassius Betillinus as Dion Cassius calls him, was compelled to be present at the execution of his son by order of Caligula, and was then put to death himself. (Dion Cass. lix. 25.) [BAssUs, p.471, b.] CA'PITO (Ka7r-rwv,). 1. Of Alexandria, is called by Athenaeus (x. p. 425) an epic poet, and the author of a work 'EpwTlucd, which consisted of at least two books. In another passage (viii. p. 350) he mentions a work of his entitled rrpos (lAo'7raTrrov aroeuvlt.ov,EAara, from which he quotes a statement. It is not improbable that the Capito of whom there is an epigram in the Greek Anthology (v. 67, ed. Tauchn.) may be the same person as the epic poet. 2. A native of Lycia, is called by Suidas (s. v. Kari'rwv) and Eudocia (p. 267) an historian, and the author of a work on Isauria ('Ioauvpcac), which consisted, according to Suidas, of eight books, and is frequently referred to by Stephanus of Byzan
Page 599 CAPITO. tmni. The latter writer (s. v. W/yaSa), quotes the fifteenth book of it; but the reading in that passage seems to be incorrect, and one MS. has E instead of rsErescaietcarwc. This Capito also made a Greek translation of the sketch of Roman history which Eutropius had drawn up from Livy. The translation, which is mentioned by Suidas (1. c.) and Lydus (De Allagistr. Prooem.), is lost, and his work or works on Lycia and Pamphylia have likewise perished. (Comp. Tschucke's preface to his edition of Eutropius, p. lxvi. &c.) [L. S.] CA'PITO (KaTrivcwv), a physician, who probably lived in the first or second century after Christ, and who appears to have given particular attention to diseases of the eyes. His prescriptions are quoted by Galen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. iv. 7. vol. xii. p. 731) and A'tius (ii. 3. 77, p. 332). He may perhaps be the same person as Artemidorus Capito [ARTEMIDORUS], but this is quite uncertain. [W. A. G.] CAPITO, C. ATEIUS, was tribune of the people in B. c. 55, and with his colleague, Aquillius Gallus, opposed Pompey and Crassus, who were consuls that year. Capito in particular opposed a bill, which the tribune Trebonius brought forward, concerning the distribution of the provinces, but in vain. Capito and Gallus afterwards endeavoured to stop the levy of the troops and to render the campaigns, which the consuls wished to undertake, impossible; and when Crassus, nevertheless, continued to make preparations for an expedition against the Parthians, Capito announced awful prodigies which were disregarded by Crassus. Appius, the censor, afterwards punished Capito with a nota censoria, as he was charged with having fabricated the prodigies by which he had attempted to deter Crassus from his undertaking. Dion Cassius (xxxix. 34) says, that Capito, as tribune, also counteracted the measures adopted by the consuls in favour of Caesar; but some time afterwards Cicero (ad Famil. xiii. 29), who speaks of him as his friend, says that he favoured the party of Caesar, though it may be inferred from the whole tone of the letter of Cicero just referred to, that Capito had made no public declaration in favour of Caesar, as Cicero is at so much pains to induce Plancus to interfere with Caesar on behalf of Capito. It is not improbable that our Capito, whom Tacitus (Ann. iii. 45) calls a praetorian, is the same as the one whom Appian (B. C. v. 33, 50) mentions as a legate of Antony. (Comp. Dion Cass. xxxi. 42, xxxix. 33-39; Appian, B. C. ii. 18; Plut. Crass. 19; Cic. de Divinat. i. 16.) [L. S.] CA'PITO, C. ATE'IUS, an eminent Roman jurist, was the son of the preceding. He became a disciple of the jurist Ofilius, who is said by Pomponius to have been more learned than Trebatius. Labeo, too, his elder contemporary and subsequent rival, had studied under Ofilius, but had received his elementary education from Trebatius, and had listened to all the other eminent jurists of the day. Labeo and Capito became the highest legal authorities at Rome, and were reckoned the ornaments of their profession. Differing in opinion on many important points, they were the founders of two legal schools, analogous to the sects of philosophers. They were men of very opposite dispositions and political principles-Labeo, a sturdy and hereditary republican; Capito, a time-serving adherent CAPITO. 599 to the new order of things. The complaisance of Capito found favour with Augustus, who accelerated his promotion to the consulship, in order, says Tacitus (Aim. iii. 75), that he might obtain precedence over Labeo. It may be that Capito was made consul before the proper age, that is, before his 43rd year. He was consul suffectus with C. Vibius Postumus in A. D. 5. Several writers erroneously confound the jurist with C. Fonteius Capito, who was consul with Germanicus in A. D. 12. Pomponius says (as we interpret his words), that Labeo refused the offer of Augustus to make him the colleague of Capito. " Ex his Ateius consul fuit: Labeo noluit, quum offerretur ei ab Augusto consulatus, et honorem suscipere." (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 47.) We cannot agree with the commentators who attempt to reconcile the statement of Pomponius with the inference that would naturally be drawn from the antithesis of Tacitus: " Ili [Labeoni], quod praeturam intra stetit, commendatio ex injuria, huic [Capitoni] quod consulatum adeptus est, odium ex invidia oriebatur." In A. D. 13, Capito was appointed to succeed Messalla in the important office of " curator aquarum publicarum," and this office he held to the time of his death. (Frontinus, de Aqitaed. 102, ed Diederich.) Capito continued in favour under Tiberius. In A. D. 15, after a formidable and mischievous inundation of the Tiber, he and Arruntius were intrusted with the task of keeping the river within its banks. They submitted to the senate whether it would not be expedient to divert the course of the tributary streams and lakes. Deputies from the coloniae and municipal towns, whose interests would have been affected by the change, were heard against the plan. Piso led the opposition, and the measure was rejected. (Tac. Ann. i. 76, 79.) The grammarian, Ateius Philologus, who was a freedman, was probably (if we may conjecture from his name and from some other circumstances) the freedman of Capito. [ATEIUS, p. 392, b.] The few recorded incidents of Capito's life tend to justify the imputation of servility which has been attached to his name; while Labeo, as if for the sake of contrast, appears to have fallen into the opposite extreme of superfluous incivility. Tiberius, in an edict relating to new years' gifts (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Strena) had employed a word, which recurred to his memory at night, and struck him as of doubtful Latinity. In the morning he summoned a meeting of the most celebrated verbal critics and grammarians in Rome, among whom Capito was included, to decide upon the credit of the word. It was condemned by M. Pomponius Marcellus, a rigid purist, but Capito pronounced that "it was good Latin, or if not, that it would become so." " Capito does not speak the truth," rejoined the inflexible Marcellus, " You have the power, Caesar, to confer a citizenship on men but not on words." (Suet. de Ill. Gram. 22; Dion. Cass. lvii. 17.) We agree with Van Eck in holding that in Capito's conduct on this occasion there is nothing that deserves blame. There was a faint condemnation lurking in his prophecy as to the future, and, peradventure he spoke the truth, for the authority of an emperor so fastidious in his diction as Tiberius, might fairly be expected to confer on a word, if not full citizenship, at least a limited jus Latii. In the story of the (unknown) word, we dis
Page 600 60(A CAPITO. cern the spirit of a courtier, without anything to call for serious blame, but Tacitus relates an incident which exhibits Capito in the shameful character of a hypocrite playing the game of a hypocrite-of a lawyer perverting his high authority, and using the pretence of adherence to constitutional freedom in order to encourage cruel tyranny. L. Ennius, a Roman knight, was accused by some informer of treason, for having melted down a small silver statue of the emperor, and converted it into common plate. Tiberius employed his right of intercession to stop the accusation. Capito complained of such an interference with the jurisdiction of the senate, and deprecated the impunity of such an atrocious delinquent as L. Ennius. " Let the emperor," said he, " be as slow as he likes in avenging his merely private griefs, but let his generosity have some limits-let it stop short of giving away the wrongs of the state." The men understood each other. The mock magnanimity of the emperor was proof against the mock remonstrance of the lawyer. (Tac. Ann. iii. 70.) Shortly after this disgraceful scene Capito died, A. D. 22. It is remarkable that, notwithstanding the great legal reputation of Capito, not a single pure extract from any of his works occurs in the Digest, though there are a few quotations from him at second hand. His works may have perished before the time of Justinian, though some of them must have existed in the fifth century, as they are cited by nMacrobius. It may be that he treated but little of private law, and that his public law soon became superannuated. Capito is quoted in the Digest by his contemporary Labeo: Dig. 23, tit. 3, s. 79, 1; 32, s. 30, ~ 6; by Proculus, 8, tit. 2, s. 13, 1; byJavolenus, 34. tit. 2, s. 39, ~ 32; by Ulpian, 23, tit. 2, s. 29 (where mention is made of Capito's consulship), by Paulus, 39, tit. 3, s. 2, ~ 4; 39, tit. 3, s. 14; though, in this last-mentioned passage, the Florentine manuscript has Antaeus, but there is no where else the slightest record of a jurist named Antaeus. In Dig. 23, tit. 2, s. 79, ~ 1, and 34, tit. 2, s. 39, ~ 2, Capito is quoted as himself quoting Servius Sulpicius, who thus appears at third hand. There are judicial fragments of Capito preserved in other authors (Gellius, Festus, Nonius, Macrobius). A collection of such fragments is given by Dirksen in his Bruchstilcke aus der Schriften der R6mnisclen Juristen, pp. 83-92. Capito was learned in every department of law, public, private, and sacred. He wrote 1. Conjectanea, which must have been exceedingly voluminous, as the 259th book is cited by Gellius. (xiv. 8.) Each book seems to have had a separate title. At least, the 9th book is said by Gellius (iv. 14) to have been inscribed de judiciis publicis, and it is undoubtedly the same book which is cited (x 6), as if it were a separate treatise, by the name Commentarius de Judiciis Publicis. Possibly the Conjectaneorum libri were composed of all the separate works of Capito, collected and arranged under proper heads and subdivisions. The books of the ancient jurists, so far as we can judge by remaining specimens, were not long. Labeo left 400 behind him. 2. A treatise De Pontificio Jure, of which the 5th book is quoted by Gellius (iv. 6), and the 6th by Festus (s. v. Mundus). It is probably the same treatise, or a part of the same treatise, which is cited by Macrobius (Saturns. iii. CAPITO. 10) under the name De Jure SacriJciorum. 3. A treatise, De Officio Senatorio. (Gell. iv. 10.) Frontinus (De Aquaeduct. 97) cites Capito on the law of the public waters of Rome, and it is very likely that he wrote specially on a subject with which his official duties connected him. We have already seen Capito in the character of a verbal critic. The meaning and proper usage of words constitute a branch of study of considerable importance to a jurist, who has to interpret wills and other private dispositions of property, and to construe laws. There is a title de Significatione Verborum in the Digest. The subject engaged the attention of Labeo, and we are strongly disposed to believe that it was treated of by Capito. In Pliny (H. N. xiv. 15), Capito is cited as agreeing with the jurist Scaevola, and with Laelius (Aelius?) in holding (as Plautus, Pseud. ii. 4. 51, seems to have held), that the word myrrhina comprehended sweets (dulcia), as well as wines. In another passage of Pliny (H. N. xviii. 28), we find Capito tracing the variations in meaning of the words coquuzs and pistor. In Servius (ad Virg. Aen. v. 45), Varro and Ateius are cited as holding a peculiar opinion on the distinction between Divus and Deus. We take Ateius here to be the jurist Capito, for Ateius is the name by which he is generally denoted in the Digest; but it is not impossible that the freedman Ateius Philologus may be meant. Aymarus Rivallius, one of the earliest writers on the history of Roman law (v. 2) says, that Capito wrote commentaries on the 12 Tables, but no authority is produced for this assertion, which, however, is followed by Val. Forster (in i. Zileti Tractatus Tractatuum p. 48), and Rutilius. (De Jurisp. c. 48.) Gellius (xiii. 12) cites a certain epistle of Capito, the authenticity of which has been called in question. It speaks in the past tense of Labeo, who died in the beginning of the reign of Tiberius. It commends the great legal learning of Labeo, while it charges him ivith a love of liberty so excessive, that he set no value upon anything " nisi quod justum sanctumque esse in Romanis antiquitatibus legisset." It then relates an instance of Labeo's refusing to obey the summons of a tribune, while he admitted the right of a tribune to arrest. Gellius thereupon takes occasion to shew, very clearly and satisfactorily, from Varro, why it was that tribunes, having power to arrest, had not the apparently minor and consequential power of summons. That Capito should charge Labeo with adherence to the strict letter of constitutional law seems to be at variance with the character of the two jurists as drawn by Pomponius: " Capito kept to that which he received from his instructors; Labeo, who possessed an intellect of a different order, and had diligently cultivated other departments of human knowledge besides law, introduced many innovations." (Dig. 1. tit. 2, s. 2. ~ 47.) For the purpose of reconciling these apparently conflicting testimonies, it has been supposed that Capito was a follower of the Old in private law, and Labeo in public law; while, on the contrary, in public law, Capito was an advocate of the New; in private law, Labeo. Capito and Labeo became the founders of two celebrated schools of Roman law, to which most of the distinguished jurists belonged. Their respective followers, mentioned by Pomponius, are
Page 601 CAPITO. CAPITO. 601 Of Antistius Labeo. Of C. Ateius Capzto. M. Cocceius Nerva Masurius Sabinus. pater. C. Cassius Longinus. Sempronius Proculus. Longinus. Nerva filius. Caelius Sabinus. Pegasus. Priscus Javolenus. P. Juventius Celsus Aburnus Valens. pater. Tuscianus. Celsus filius. Salvius Julianus. Neratius Priscus. To the list of Capito's followers may be added with certainty, Gains; with the highest probability, Pomponius; and, with more or less plausible conjecture, a few others, as T. Aristo. The schools, of which Capito and Labeo were the founders, took their respective names from distinguished disciples of those jurists. The followers of Capito were called from Masurius Sabinus, Sabiniani; and afterwards, from Cassius Longinus, Cassiani. The followers of Labeo took from Proculus (not Proculeius), the ill-formed name Proculeiani (so spelt, not Proculiani, in all old manuscripts wherever it occurs). From a misunderstanding of the phrase Pegasianum jus, (meaning, the legal writings of Pegasus,) in the scholiast on Juvenal (iv. 77), some have supposed that the followers of Labeo were also called from Pegasus, Pegasiani. (Diet. ofAnt.s.v. Jurisconsulti.) The controversy as to the characteristic differences between these schools has been endless, and most writers on the subject have endeavoured to refer those differences to some general principle. When continental jurists were disputing about the relative importance of equity, as compared with strict law, the Roman schools were supposed to be based upon a disagreement between the admirers of equity and the admirers of strictness. Those who thought Labeo the better man were anxious to enlist him upon their side of the question. According to Mascovius and Hommel, Labeo was the advocate of sound and strict interpretation; according to Bach and Tydemann, Capito was an opponent of that enlightened equity which seeks to penetrate beyond the literal husky rind. When modern jurists were divided into the philosophical (dyslogistically, unhistorical), and the historical (dyslogistically, unphilosophical), schools, Capito and Labeo were made to belong to one or other of these parties. Dirksen (Beitriige zur Kentniss des RMnischen Rechts,pp. 1-159) and Zimmern (R.R. G. 1. ~ 66) think, that the schools differ chiefly in their mode of handling legal questions; that the votaries of Sabinus look for something external to hang their reasoning upon, whether it be ancient practice, or the text of a law, or the words of a private disposition, or analogy to a positive rule, and only at last, in default of all these, resort to the general principles of right and the natural feelings of equity: whereas the votaries of Proculus on the other hand, looking, in the first instance, more freely to the inner essence of rules and institutions, and anxious to construct law on the unchanging basis of morality, sometimes by an apparent deviation from the letter, arrive at results more correspondent with the nature of the subject. Puchta (Inst. 1. ~ 98) refers the original divergence to the personal characters of the founders, the acquiescence of Capito in received doctrines, the liberal and comprehensive intellect of Labeo, urgingphilosophical progress and scientific developement. Whether the original differences rested on general principles, or whether they consisted in discordant opinions upon isolated particular points, it is clear that the political opposition between Capito and Labeo had not long any important influence on their respective schools, for Cocceius Nerva, the immediate successor of Labeo, did not adopt the political opinions of his master, which, as the empire became consolidated, must have soon grown out of fashion, the more especially, since jurists now began to receive their authorization from the prince. Proculus was a still stronger imperialist than Nerva. Even in private law, the subsequent leaders on either side modified, perhaps considerably, the original differences, and introduced new matters of discussion. The distinction of the schools is strongly manifested in Gaius, who wrote under Antoninus Pius, but soon after that time it seems to have worn out from the influence of independent eclecticism. Even in earlier times, a jurist was not necessarily a bigoted supporter of every dogma of his school. Thus, we find a case in Gains (iii. 140) where Cassius approves the opinion of Labeo, while Proculus follows that of Ofilius, the master of Capito. Not every question, on which the opinions of Roman jurists were divided, was a school question. When Justinian found it necessary to settle fifty disputed questions in the interval between the first and second editions of his Constitutionum Codex, he was obliged to look back to ancient controversies, and sometimes to annul by express sanction that which was already antiquated in practice. The consideration of this fact alone shews that, from his L. Decisiones, it would be wrong to infer, as some have done, that the old separation of the schools existed in his time; but further, there is no proof that any of the questions he settled were ever party questions of the schools. Though the distinctions of the schools gradually wore out, as eminent and original men arose, who thought for themselves, there is no proof that there was ever a distinct middle school. A school of Miscelliones has been imagined in consequence of a passage of Festus, which, however, has nothing to do with the profession of the law: " Miscelliones appellantur, qui non certae sunt sententiae, sed variorum mixtorumque judiciorum." Cujas, from a false reading of Servius (ad Virg. Aen. iii. 68), imagined the existence of an eclectic sect of Herciscundi. Servius, speaking of the opinions of the ancients concerning the soul, says that some believed that consciousness ceased with death; others, that the soul was immortal; while the Stoics, pursuing a middle course, held that it was buried in the earth, and lived as long as the body endured. " Stoici vero, terris condi, i. e. medium secuti, tam diu durare dicunt, quamdiu durat et corpus." Cujas, for terris condi, deciphered, as he thought, in his nearly illegible copy, herciscundi, a technical word, which appears in the Familiae herciscundae causa. (Dig. 10. tit. 2.) The error of Cujas, in referring a name so strangely gotten to an eclectic sect of Roman jurists, gained general reception among the civilians of his day, on account of his great learning and authority. Though Capito is little quoted-not once by his own follower, Gains-though there are many (60) more citations bearing the name of Labeo in the Digest, and a vast number of citations of Labeo in fragments bearing the name of other jurists-the conclusions of Capito's school seem, in a majority of
Page 602 602 CAPITO. cases, to have prevailed in practice. This proceeded partly, perhaps, from the great authority acquired by Masurius Sabinus, and from the numerous commentators who wrote libri ad Sabinum. Among these, indeed, were some of the opposite party. According to Blume's celebrated hypothesis, first suggested by Jac. Godefroi, one of the great divisions in most of the titles of the Digest consisted of extracts from the writings of annotations on Sabinus. Some Sabinian influence may also have been exerted upon Roman jurisprudence through the labour of the Sabinian Salvius Julianus in recasting the praetor's edict. But there never was any general determination in favour of either school. In some points, Proculus and his party were preferred. For example, Gaius (ii. 21) mentions a rescript of Hadrian, and(ii. 195) another of Antoninus Pius, against certain theoretical conclusions of the Sabinians (' nostri praeceptores') and in favour of the " diversae scholae auctores." The agreement of the majority of the jurists authorized by the emperor jura condere, rather than the creed of this or that sect, became under the empire the test of legal orthodoxy. (Plin. H. N. xiv. 15; Rutilius, c. 48, in Franckii Vitae Tei'(partitae JCtoruam, contains several questionable statements, without giving his authorities. He enters into conjectures as to the family of the jurist, and treats of several Romans of the name of Capito. Bertrand, ii. 51. 3; Guil. Grot. i. 12. 6; Ant. Augustinus, de Nominibus Propriis Pandectarunm, in Otto's Thesaurus, i. 226; Chr. Thomasii, Comparatio Antistii Labeonis et A/eii Capitonis, 4to. Lips. 1683; Corn. Van Eck, de Vita, Moribus, et S/udiis M. Antistii Labeonis et C. Ateii Capitonis, ed. Oelrichs, Thes. Nov. Diss. i. 825-856; And. M. Molleri, Selecta quaedaen, 4c., ib. vol. ii. torn. ii. pp. 111-126; Maiansius, ad XXX JCtos, ii. 167-186; Zimmern. R. R. G. i. ~ 82, 83.) [J. T. G. ] CA'PITO, CLAU'DIUS, a Roman orator, a contemporary of the younger Pliny. (Ep. vi. 13.) CA'PITO, COSSUTIA'NUS, a Roman advocate in the reigns of Claudius and Nero, who appears to have used his profession as a mere means for enriching himself. For this reason he and some of his profession opposed a law by which advocates were to be forbidden to accept any fees from their clients. In A. D. 56 he obtained Cilicia as his province, and there he acted with the same avarice and impudence as he had done before at Rome. In the year following, the Cilicians accused him of extortion, and he was condemned, in consequence of which he lost his senatorial rank. But this he afterwards received back, through the mediation of Tigellinus, his father-in-law; and shortly after, A. D. 62, he accused the praetor Antistius Sosianus of high treason. In A. D. 66, Annaeus Mela, the brother of the philosopher Seneca, and father of the poet Annaeus Lucan, left a large legacy to Tigellinus and Cossutianus Capito, the latter of whom came forward in the same year as the accuser of Thrasea Paetus, for Thrasea had formerly supported the cause of the Cilicians against him, and had been instrumental in bringing about his condemnation. Capito was rewarded by Nero for this base act with an immense sum of money. (Tac. Ann. xi. 6, &c., xiii. 33, xiv. 48, xvi. 17, 21, 22, 26, 28, 33; Juv. Sat. viii. 93, &c.) [L. S.] CA'PITO, FONTEIUS. 1. T. FONTEIUS CAPITO, was praetor in n. c. 178, and obtained the CAPITO. command in Hispania Ulterior, which was left to him also for the year following, with the title of proconsul. (Liv. xl. 59, xli. 2, 19.) 2. P. FONTEIUS CAPITO, was praetor in B. c. 169, and obtained Sardinia as his province. (Liv. xliii. 13, 17.) 3. C. FONTEIUS CAPITO, a friend of M. Antony, accompanied Maecenas, in B. c. 37, when he was sent by Octavianus to Antony to restore friendship between Octavianus and Antony. Capito remained with Antony, and was soon after sent by him to Egypt, to fetch Cleopatra to Syria. He is probably the same person as the C. Fonteius Capito who was appointed consul suffectus, in B. c. 33, together with M'. Acilius. There is a coin of his extant with the heads of Antony and Cleopatra, and on which Capito is called propraetor, and bears the praenomen Caius. (Horat. Sat. i. 5. 32; Plut. Anton. 36; Eckhel, Doctr. Nuzn. v. p. 219.) 4. C. FONTEIUS CAPITO, a son of C. Fonteius Capito, the friend of M. Antony. [No. 3.] He was consul in A. D. 12, together with Germanicus, and afterwards had, as proconsul, the administration of the province of Asia. Many years later, in A. D. 25, he was accused by Vibius Serenus, apparently on account of his conduct in Asia; but, as no sufficient evidence was adduced, he was acquitted. (Fasti Cap.; Suet. Cal. 8; Tac. Ann.iv. 36.) 5. C. FONTEIUS CAPITO, consul in A. D. 59 together with C. Vipsanius. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 1; Plin. H. N. ii. 72, vii. 20; Solin. 6.) 6. L. FONTEIUS CAPITO, consul in A. D. 67 together with C. Julius Rufus, as we learn from the Fasti Siculi and the Chronicon of Cassiodorus; but whether he is the same as the Fonteius Capito who was put to death in Germany in the reign of Galba, A. D. 68, on the ground of having attempted to excite an insurrection, is uncertain. (Tac. HI-ist. i. 7, 37, 52, iii. 62, iv. 13; Suet. Galb. 11; Plut. Galb. 15, where spovrrj'os should be changed into 4ovrrj'os.) It is uncertain to which of the Capitos the two following coins belong: the praenomen Publius would lead us to refer them to No. 2. The former contains on the obverse a head of Mars with a trophy behind it and the inscription P. FONTaIVS P. F. CAPITO III. VIR., and on the reverse a man riding on horseback at full gallop, with two men below fighting, and the inscription MAN. FONT. Ti. MI,. The latter coin contains on the obverse the head of Concordia with the inscription P. FONTEIVS CArITo III. Via. CONCORDIA, and on the reverse a double portico with the inscription T. DIDI. IMP. VIL. PVBL. [L. S.]
Page 603 CAPITOLINUS. CA'PITO, INSTEIUS, a centurion in the Roman army which carried on the war under Domitius Corbulo against the Parthian Vologeses, A. D. 54. The king, after being defeated, sent hostages who were delivered up to Capito. He is probably the same whom we meet with three years later, in those same regions as praefectus castrorum, to whom Corbulo entrusted some of the smaller fortresses in Armenia. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 9,39.) [L. S.] CA'PITO, LUCI'LIUS, procurator of Asia in A. D. 23, was accused by the provincials of malversation, and was tried by the senate. (Tac. Ann. iv. 15; Dion Cass. Ivii. 23.) [L. S.] CA'PITO, C. MA'RIUS, occurs on several coins of the Maria gens, a specimen of which is given below, but this Marius Capito is not mentioned by any ancient writer. The obverse represents the head of Ceres, the reverse a man ploughing. 00. CA'PITO, VIRGYNIUS. During the war between the supporters of Vitellius and Vespasian, A. D. 69, Virginius Capito sent a slave to L. Vitellius, the emperor's brother, promising to surrender to him the citadel of Terracina, if he would receive the garrison. The slave was afterwards hanged for having assisted in carrying out a treacherous design. (Tac. Hist. iii. 77, iv. 3.) [L. S.] CAPITOLI'NUS, a family-name in several Roman gentes, which was no doubt originally given to a person who lived on the hill Capitolinus. In the same way Aventinensis, Caeliomontanus, Esquilinus, frequently occur as the names of families at Rome. [L. S.] CAPITOLI'NUS, JU'LIUS. We possess a volume containing the biographies of various Roman emperors and pretenders to the purple, compiled by writers who flourished towards the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth century, dedicating their works for the most part to Diocletian or Constantine. The number of pieces is in all thirty-four. They reach from Hadrian to the death of Carinus, that is, from A. D. 117 to A. D. 284, extending over a space of 167 years, and forming a sort of supplement to the Caesars of Suetonius, which terminate with Domitian. No immediate connexion, however, is established with the last-named work, since Nerva and Trajan are passed over; nor is the series absolutely complete, even within its own proper limits, for there is a gap of nine years, from the third Gordian to Valerianus, that is, from A. D. 244 to A. D. 253, including the reigns of Philippus, Decius, Gallus, and Aemilianus. It is by no means unlikely, indeed, that these, as well as Nerva and Trajan, may originally have formed a part of the whole, and that the existing blanks are owing to the mutilation of the MS. which formed the archetype; but this is merely a probable conjecture. The authors of the collection are commonly classed together under the title "Historiae Augustae Scriptores sex," their names being Aelius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Vulcatius Gallicanus, Aelius Lampridius, Trebellius CAPITOLINUS. 603 Pollio, and Flavius Vopiscus. In consequence of the confusion which prevails in the MSS. it is impossible to assign each section with absolute certainty to its real owner, and no trustworthy conclusion can be drawn from comparing the styles of the different portions, for the lives do not exhibithe well-digested result of careful and extensive research, but are in many instances evidently made up of scraps derived from different sources and possessing different degrees of merit, loosely tacked together, and often jumbled into a rough mass destitute of form and symmetry. Hence we find numerous repetitions of frivolous details, a strange mixture of what is grave and valuable with the most puerile and worthless rubbish, and a multitude of irreconcileable and contradictory statements freely admitted without remark or explanation. We have history here presented to us in its lowest and crudest shape-a total want of judgment in the selection and classification of facts; an absence of all unity of purpose, no attempt being made to establish a relation between the circumstances recorded and the character of the individual under discussion; and a total disregard of philosophical combination and inference. The narratives have all the bareness and disjointed incoherence of a meagre chronicle without possessing simplicity and methodical arrangement. These strictures may perhaps be slightly modified in favour of Vopiscus, who appears to have had access to valuable public records, and to have taken some pains to extract what was most interesting, although he often exhibits as little discretion as the rest in working up his raw materials. But, notwithstanding all these defects, this compilation is of no small importance in enabling us to form a just conception of an important period of Roman history. We have no reason to question the general accuracy of the great events recorded, although blended with idle rumours and false details; nor the general fidelity of the portraits of the leading men, although the likenesses may be in some instances flattered and in others caricatured, according to the predilections of the artist. The antiquarian, above all, will here discover a mass of curious statements with regard to the formal administration of public affairs and the history of jurisprudence, together with a multitude of particulars illustrating the state of literature and the arts, the social usages and modes of thought and feeling which prevailed among the different classes of the community during this stormy period. Nay,the veryfrivolous minuteness with which these writers descant upon matters connected with the private life and habits of the personages who pass under review, although unworthy of the dignity of history, opens up to us a very singular region for observation and inquiry, the more interesting because usually inaccessible. In these departments also we may receive the information conveyed without suspicion, for upon such topics there could be no conceivable motive for falsehood or misrepresentation; and the worst we have to fear is, that the love of the marvellous may occasionally have given rise to exaggeration in describing the fantastic extravagance and profusion so characteristic of that epoch. Nine biographies bear the name of Capitolinus 1. Antoninus Pius, 2. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 3. L. Verus, 4. Pertinax, 5. Clodius Albinus, 6. Opilius Macrinus, 7. the two Maximini, 8. the three Gordiani, 9. Maximus and Balbinus. Of
Page 604 604 CAPITOLINUS. these Antoninus Pius and L. Verus are inscribed to Diocletian, who is also addressed in M. Aurelius (c. 19); Pertinax and Maximus with Balbinus bear no inscription; the rest are inscribed to Constantine. Salmasius, following the authority of the Palatine MSS., assigns the first five to Spartianus, and acknowledges the sixth, seventh, and 8th only, as the genuine productions of Capitolinus; but these are points on which it is foolish, in the absence of all satisfactory evidence, internal or external, to hazard even an opinion. The editio princeps of the Historiae Augustae Scriptores was printed at Milan in 1475 by Philip de Lavagna, in a folio volume divided into three parts, of which the first contains Suetonius; the second a piece entitled de exordio Nervae, followed by the Augustan Historians; the third Eutropius and Paulus Diaconus. It is excessively rare, and bears a high price. It was reprinted at Venice by Bernardinus, fol. 1489, and by Rubeus, fol. 1490. These lives are also to be found in various miscellanies containing the history of the Caesars which appeared during the 16th century; but they were first brought out in an independent form at Paris, 4to. 1603, under the inspection of Isaac Casaubon; this was followed by the edition of Salmasius, fol. Par. 1620, which exhibits a text greatly improved by a careful examination of MSS. and copious notes containing a prodigious but illdigested mass of erudition. The most useful edition is that by Schrevelius (Lugd. Bat. 1671); but much remains to be done, for palpable corruptions appear in every page. (Dodwell, Praelect.Academ. 8vo, Oxford, 1692; Heyne, Opuse. Academ. vol. vi. p. 52, &c.; Gu. de Moulines, Mimoires sur les Ecrivains de l'Histoire A uguste, in M6moires de l'Acadimie de Berlin, 1750; Godofred. Muscovius, Oratio de Usu et Praestantia Hist. August. in Jure Civili, in his Opusc. Juridica ct Philolog. 8vo. Lips. 1776; H. E. Dirksen, Die Script. Histor. August. 8vo. Lips. 1842.) [W. R.] CAPITOLI'NUS, P. MAE'LIUS, twice consular tribune, in B. c. 400 and 396. (Liv. v. 12, 18.) [L. S.] CAPITOLI'NUS, MA'NLIUS. 1. M. MANLIUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 434. (Liv. iv. 23.) 2. L. MANLIUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 422. (Liv. iv. 42.) 3. A. MANLIUS A. F. CN. N. CAPITOLINUS VULso, thrice consular tribune, in B. C. 405, 402, and 397. In B. c. 390 he was one of the ambassadors whom the senate sent to Delphi, to dedicate there the golden crater which Camillus had vowed. In the straits of Sicily the ambassadors fell in with pirates of Lipara and were made prisoners, but they were restored to freedom and treated with distinction at Lipara, when it became known who they were. (Liv. iv. 61, v. 8, 16, 28.) 4. M. MANLIUS T. F. A. N. CAPITOLINUS, the famous deliverer of the Capitol from the Gauls, was consul in B. c. 392 with L. Valerius Potitus. An insignificant war was carried on in that year against the Aequians, for which Manlius was honoured with an ovation, and his colleague with a triumph. Rome was visited at the time by a pestilence, and as the two consuls were seized with it, they were obliged to abdicate, and an interreign followed. In B. c. 390, when the Gauls one night endeavoured to ascend the Capitol, Manlius,whose residence was on the Capitol, was roused from his CAPITOLINUS. sleep by the cackling of the geese, and on discovering the cause of it, he and as many men as he could collect at the moment hastened to the spot where the Gauls were ascending, and succeeded in repelling them. This gallant and successful deed was rewarded the next day by the assembled people with all the simple and rude honours and distinctions which were customary at the time. He is said to have received the surname of Capitolinus from this circumstance; but this is probably a mistake, as it had become a regular family-name in his gens before his time, and he would thus have inherited it from his father. In B. c. 387 he was appointed interrex, but two years later, B. C. 385, he abandoned the cause of the patricians, to whom he belonged, and placed himself at the head of the plebeians, who were suffering severely from their debts and the harsh and cruel treatment they experienced from their patrician creditors. The motive, however, from which Manlius came forward to support them was not pure; it appears that after his delivery of the Capitol he was so intoxicated with his exploit, that he could not bear seeing any man placed on an equality with or raised above himself, and it is even believed that he harboured the scheme of making himself tyrant or king of Rome. With such or similar intentions he excited the plebeians against their oppressors, who became so alarmed that they resolved upon the appointment of a dictator, A. Cornelius Cossus. While the dictator was absent from Rome, Manlius had recourse to violence to rescue the plebeians from the hands of their creditors, and conducted himself altogether like a complete demagogue. When the dictator returned to the city in order to put a stop to the proceedings of Manlius, he summoned Manlius to appear before him. The rebel came accompanied by a host of plebeians; but the dictator had him arrested by one of his viators and consigned to prison as a seditious citizen. The plebeians, though they did not venture anything against the orders of the dictator, displayed their grief by putting on mourning for their champion, and gathering around his prison. The attempts of the senate to allay the indignation of the plebeians by assignments of land, only irritated them the more, as they regarded these favours as bribes to betray their patron, and the insurrection rose to such a height, that the senate and patricians saw themselves obliged to liberate Manlius. By this step, however, nothing was gained; the plebeians now had a leader, and the insurrection instead of decreasing spread further and further. In the year following, B. c. 384, the Romans had not to fight against any foreign enemy, and as Manlius did not scruple to instigate the plebs to open violence, the consular tribunes of the year received orders, viderent ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Manlius was charged with high-treason, and brought before the people assembled in the campus Martius, but as the Capitol which had once been saved by him could be seen from this place, the court was removed to the Poetelinian grove outside the porta Nomentana. Here Manlius was condemned, notwithstanding his former military glory and his appeals to the gratitude of the people, and the tribunes threw him down the Tarpeian rock. The members of the Manlia gens considered that he had brought disgrace upon them, and accordingly resolved that none of them should ever have in future the praenomen of Marcus. (Liv. v.
Page 605 CAPITOLINUS. 31, 47, vi. 5, 11, 14-20; Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 27, Philipp. i. 13, ii. 44; Gell. xvii. 21; Dion Cass. Frag. 31, p. 15, ed. Reimar, xlv. 32; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 24.) 5. A. MANLIUS A. F. A. N. CAPITOLINUS, four times consular tribune, in B. c. 389, 385, 383, and 370. In his first tribuneship Rome was attacked by several enemies at once, and A. Manlius obtained the command of one of the three armies then raised for guarding the city. In the second tribuneship he persuaded the senate to appoint a dictator to carry on the war against the Volscians, Latins, and Hernicans. (Liv. vi. 1, 11, 21, 36.) 6. C. MANLIUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c, 385. (Liv. vi. 30.) 7. P. IMANLIUS A. F. A. N. CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. C. 379. He was created dictator in B. c. 368, as the successor of M. Furius Camillus, for the purpose of restoring peace between the two orders, and during his government the Licinian laws were carried. In the year following he was elected consular tribune a second time. (Liv. vi. 30, 38, &c.; Plut. Camill. 39, 42.) 8. L. MANLIUS A. F. A. N. CAPITOLINUS IMPERIOSUS, was dictator in B. c. 363 clavi figendi causa. (Liv. vii. 3.) 9. CN. MANLIUS L. F. A. N. CAPITOLINUS IMPERIOSus, was consul in B. c. 359 with M. Popillius Laenas, and carried on a war with the Tiburtines. Two years later, B. c. 357, he was again called to the consulship, during which he had to carry on a war against the Faliscans and Tarquinienses. In B. c. 351 he was censor with C. Marcius Rutilus, and during the war with the Auruncans in 345, he was magister equitum to the dictator L. Furius Camillus. (Liv. vii. 12, 16, 22, 28.) [L. S.] CAPITOLI'NUS, PETI'LLIUS, was according to the Scholiast on Horace (Sat. i. 4. 94) entrusted with the care of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, and was accused of having stolen the crown of Jupiter, but was acquitted by the judges in consequence of his being a friend of Augustus. The Scholiast states that Petillius received the surname of Capitolinus from his being placed over the Capitol; but whether this be so, or whether it was a regular family-name of the gens, so much is certain, that the annexed coin of the gens refers to the connexion of one of the Petilliiwith the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, for the obverse represents the head of Jupiter, and the reverse the temple. 00 0 CAPITOLI'NUS, QUI'NCTIUS. 1. T. QUINCTIUS CAPITOLINUS BARBATUS, was consul in B. c. 471 with App. Claudius Sabinus Regillensis. During the disputes about the Publilian law, he opposed his colleague and conciliated the plebeians, and the law was carried. He then conducted the war against the Aequians, and his great popularity with the soldiers enabled him to conquer the enemy, who did not venture to meet the Romans, but allowed them to ravage the coun CAPITOLINUS. 605 try. The immense booty acquired in this campaign was all distributed among the soldiers. He obtained the consulship a second time in B. c. 468, during which year he again carried on a war against the Volscians and Aequians, and by his presence of mind saved the Roman camp, which was attacked by the enemy during the night. After this war he was honoured with a triumph. In B. c. 365 he was made consul a third time. The war against the Aequians and Volscians was still continued, and Capitolinus, who was stationed on mount Algidus and there heard of the ravaging inroads of the Aequians in the Roman territory, returned to Rome and delivered his fellow-citizens from their terror. The senate proclaimed a justitium, and the consul again marched out to protect the Roman frontier; but as he did not meet with the enemy, who had in the meantime been defeated by his colleague Q. Fabius, Capitolinus returned to Rome four days after he had left it. The consulship was given him for the fourth time in B. c. 446, together with Agrippa Furius. During the quarrels which were then going on at Rome between the patricians and plebeians, the Aequians and Volscians again took up arms, began ravaging Latium, and advanced up to the very walls of the city. The people of Rome were too distracted among themselves to take the field against the enemy, but Capitolinus succeeded in allaying the discontent of the plebs, and in rousing the nation to defend itself with all energy. The supreme command of the Roman army was given him with the consent of his colleague, and he routed the enemy in a fierce contest. In B. c. 443 he obtained his fifth consulship. In this year the censorship was instituted at Rome as an office distinct from the consulship. While his colleague M. Geganius Macerinus was engaged in a war against Ardea, Capitolinus gained equal laurels at home by acting as mediator between the patricians and plebeians, with both of whom he had acquired the highest esteem. The extraordinary wisdom and moderation he had shewn on all occasions, obtained for him the sixth consulship in B. c. 439, together with Agrippa Menenius. Rome was at that time visited by a famine, and when he pointed out the necessity of appointing a dictator under the circumstances, the dignity was offered him, but he declined it on account of his advanced age, recommending L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, who was accordingly raised to that dignity. In B. c. 437, he accompanied the dictator Mam. Aemilius Mamercinus as legate in his campaign against Fidenae, and a few years later he came forward as a suppliant for the son of the dictator Cincinnatus, who was tried before the comitia, and the prayer of the aged Quinctius procured his acquittal. After this time we hear no more of him. (Liv. ii. 56-60, 64, iii. 2, &c., 66, &c., iv. 8, 10, 13, 17, 41; Dionys. ix. 43, &c., 57, 61, xi. 63; Zonar. vii. 19.) 2. T. QUINCTIUS CAPITOLINUS BARBATUS, a son of No. 1, was consul in B. C. 421, together with N. Fabius Vibulanus. (Liv. iv. 43.) 3. T. QUINCTIUS T. F. T. N. CAPITOLINUS PARBATUS, a son of No. 2, consular tribune in B. c. 405. (Liv. iv. 61; Zonar. vii. 20.) 4. T. QUINCTIUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 385, and magister equitum in the same year to the dictator Q. Cornelius Cossus. (Liv. vi. 11.) 5. T. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 388. [CINCINNATUS.]
Page 606 606 CAPRARIUS. 6. T. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 368. [CINCINNATUS.] 7 T. QUINCTIUS T. F. PENNUS CAPITOLINUS CRISPIN us, was appointed dictator in B. c. 361, to conduct the war against the Gauls, as Livy thinks, who is supported by the triumphal fasti, which ascribe to him a triumph in this year over the Gauls. In the year following he was magister equitum to the dictator, Q. Servilius Ahala, who likewise fought against the Gauls. In B. c. 354 he was consul with M. Fabius Ambustus, and in that year the Tiburtines and Tarquinienses were subdued. In B. c. 351, he was appointed consul a sesecond time, and received the conduct of the war against the Faliscans as his province, but no battle was fought, as the Romans confined themselves to ravaging the country. (Liv. vii. 9, 11, 18, 22.) 8. T. QUINCTIUS PENNUS CAPITOLINUS CRISPINUS. In B. c. 214, when M. Claudius Marcellus went to Rome to sue for his third consulship, he left Capitolinus in Sicily in command of the Roman fleet and camp. In B. c. 209, he was elected praetor, and obtained Capua as his province. The year after, B. c. 208, he was elected consul together with M. Claudius Marcellus, and both consuls were commissioned to carry on the war against Hannibal in Italy. In a battle which was fought in the neighbourhood of Tarentum, Capitolinus was severely wounded and retreated. He was afterwards carried to Capua and thence to Rome, where he died at the close of the year, after having proclaimed T. Manlius Torquatus dictator. (Liv. xxiv. 39, xxvii. 6, 7,21, 27, 28, 33; Polyb. x. 32.) 9. T. QUINCTIUS T. F. PENNUS CAPITOLINUS CRISPINUS, consul in B. c. 9. (Fast. Cap.) [L. S.] CAPITOLI'NUS, P. SE'XTIUS, surnamed VATICANUS, was consul in B. c. 452 with T. Menenius Agrippa. In this year the ambassadors who had been sent to Athens for the purpose of consulting its laws and institutions, returned to Rome, and in the year following P. Sextius was one of the decemvirs appointed to draw up a new code of laws. Festus (s. v. peculatus) mentions a lex multaticia which was carried by P. Sextius and his colleague during their consulship. (Liv. iii. 32, &c.; Dionys. x. 54.) [L. S.] CAPITOLI'NUS, SP. TARPE'IUS MONTA'NUS, consul in B. c. 454 with A. Aternius Varus. A lex de multae sacrameento which was carried in his consulship, is mentioned by Festus (s. v. peculatus, comp. Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 35; Liv. iii. 31; Dionys. x. 48, 50). After the close of their office both consuls were accused by a tribune of the people for having sold the booty which they had made in the war against the Aequians, and giving the proceeds to the aerarium instead of distributing it among the soldiers. Both were condemned notwithstanding the violent opposition of the senate. In B. c. 449, when the Roman army advanced towards Rome to revenge the murder of Virginia, and had taken possession of the Aventine, Sp. Tarpeius was one of the two ambassadors whom the senate sent to the revolted army to remonstrate with them. In the year following, he and A. Aternius, though both were patricians, were elected tribunes of the plebs by the cooptation of the college to support the senate in its opposition to the rogation of the tribune L. Trebonius. (Liv. iii. 50, 55.) [L. S.] CAPRA'RIUS, a surname of Q. Caecilius Metellus, consul B. c. 113. [METELLUS.] CAPTA. CAPRATINA, a surname of Juno at Rome, of which the origin is related as follows:-When the Roman state was in a very weak condition, after the ravages of the Gauls, the neighbouring people under Postumius Livius advanced from Fidenae before the gates of Rome, and demanded Roman women in marriage, threatening to destroy Rome completely unless their demand was complied with. While the Roman senate was yet deliberating as to what was to be done, a slave of the name of Tutela or Philotis, offered to go with her fellowslaves, in the disguise of free women, to the camp of the enemy. The stratagem succeeded, and when the Latins in their camp, intoxicated with wine, had fallen asleep, the slaves gave a signal to the Romans from a wild fig-tree (caprificus). The Romans now broke forth from the city, and defeated the enemy. The senate rewarded the generosity of the female slaves by restoring them to freedom, and giving to each a dowry from the public treasury. The day on which Rome had thus been delivered, the 7th of July, was called nonae Caprotinae, and an annual festival was celebrated to Juno Caprotina in all Latium, by free women as well as by female slaves, with much mirth and merriment. The solemnity took place under the ancient caprificus, and the milky juice flowing from the tree was offered as a sacrifice to the goddess. (Macrob. Sat. i. 11; Varro, DeLing. Lat. vi. 18; Plut. Romul. 29, Camil. 33.) [L. S.] CAPRE'OLUS, succeeded Aurelius in the episcopal see of Carthage in the year 430, at the period when all Africa was overrun and ravaged by the Vandals. The state of the country rendering it impossible to send a regular deputation to the council of Ephesus, summoned, in 431 for the purpose of discussing the doctrines of Nestorius, Capreolus despatched thither his deacon Besula, with an epistle, in which he deplores the circumstances which compelled his absence, and denounces the tenets of the patriarch of Constantinople. Capreolus is believed to have died before 439, the year in which Carthage was stormed by the Vandals. We possess, 1. Epistola ad Synodumsn Ephesinam, written, as we have seen above, in 431. It is extant both in Greek and Latin. 2. Epistola de uzna Christi veri Dei et Hominis Persona contra recens damnatum Haeresimn Nestorii, a long and learned letter, addressed to two persons named Vitalis and Constantius, or Tonantius, who had written from Spain to consult Capreolus concerning the controversy which was then agitating the church. It is contained in the Varior. Opusc. of Sirmond, vol. i. Paris, 1675, 8vo. Both of the above works, together with the epistle of Vitalis and Tonantius to Capreolus, will be found in the Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland, vol. ix. p. 490. 3. A fragment in reply to the letter addressed by Theodosius to Augustin with regard to the council of Ephesus, is preserved by Ferrandus in his " Epistola ad Pelagium et Anatolium," and quoted by Galland. 4. Tillemont believes Capreolus tobe the author of the Sermo de Tempore Barbarico, on the invasion of Africa by the Vandals, usually included among the works of St. Augustin. Galland, Bib. Patrum. vol. ix. Prolegg. p. 31; Schoenemann, Bibl. Patrum Latinorum, c. v. 32, who enumerates all the editions. [W. R.] CAPTA or CAPITA, a surname of the Minerva
Page 607 CARACALLA. worshipped on the Caelian hill at Rome. Its origin was not known. Ovid (Fast. iii. 837, &c.) proposes various conjectures about it. [L. S.] CAPUSA, the son of Oesalces, who was the uncle of Masinissa. While the latter was in Spain fighting on behalf of the Carthaginians, his father Gala died, and was succeeded in the sovereignty by his brother Oesalces. Oesalces also dying shortly afterwards, his son Capusa obtained the throne; but as he had not much influence among his people, one Mezetulus laid claim to the kingdom, and defeated and killed Capusa in battle. (Liv. xxix. 29.) CAPYS (KaTrvs). 1. A son of Assaracus and Hieromnemone, and father of Anchises. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 2; Horn. II. xx. 239; Virg. Aen. vi. 768; Diod. iv. 75.) 2. One of the companions of Aeneas, from whom the town of Capua was said to have derived its name. (Virg. Aen. x. 145.) This Capys was a Trojan, and is mentioned by Virgil among those Bassi Julia Domna Augusta, second wife of L. Septimius Severus Augustus. M. Aurelius Antoninus L. (vel. P.) SeptiAugustus, commonly mius Geta Aucalled CARACALLA. gustus. CARACALLA. 607 who were of opinion that the wooden horse should be thrown into the water. (Aen. ii. 35.) Livy (iv. 37) states, that according to some traditions the town of Capua, which was previously called Vulturnum, derived its name from a Samnite chief of the name of Capys. [L. S.] CAPYS SPLVIUS. [SILvlus.] CAR (Kdp), a son of Phoroneus, and king of Megara, from whom the acropolis of this town derived its name Caria. (Paus. i. 39. ~ 4, 40. ~ 5.) His tomb was shewn as late as the time of Pausanias, on the road from Megara to Corinth. (i. 44. ~ 9.) Another mythical personage of the name of Car, who was a brother of Lydus and Mysus, and was regarded as the ancestral hero of the Carians, is mentioned by Herodotus. (i. 171.) [L. S.] CARACALLA or CARACALLUS. The genealogy of this emperor and of many other historical personages will be readily understood from the following table. An account of each individual is given in its proper alphabetical place. Janus. I Julia Maesa Augusta, wife of Julius Avitus. Julia Soemias Au- Julia Mamaea Augusta, gusta, wife of Sex. wife of Gessius MarVarius Marcellus. cianus. M. Aurelius Antoninus M. Aurelius Severus Augustus, commonly Alexander Auguscalled Elagabalus. tus. Caracalla or Caracallus, son of Septimius Seve- ries and honours, put on the manly gown at Anrus and his second wife Julia Domna, was born tioch in 201, entered upon his first consulship in at Lyons on the 4th or 6th of April, A. D. 188. 202, and, returning through Egypt to Rome, was while his father was governor of Gallia Lugdu- married in the course of a few months to Plautilla, nensis. The child was originally called Bas- daughter of Plautianus, the praetorian praefect. sianus after his maternal grandfather, but when The political events from this date until the death Severus thought fit to declare himself the adopted of Severus, which took place at York, on the 4th offspring of M. Aurelius, he at the same time of February, A. D. 211, are given in the life of that changed the name of his boy to M. Aurelius Anto- prince, whose acuteness and worldly knowledge ninus, a designation retained by him ever after. were so conspicuous, that he could not, under any Caracalla or Caracallus, which never appears on circumstances, have failed to fathom the real chamedals or inscriptions, was a nickname derived racter of his son, who assuredly was little of a hyfrom a long tunic or great coat with a hood, worn pocrite. But, although the youth was known to by the Gauls, which he adopted as his favourite have tampered with the troops, and once, it is said, dress after he became emperor, and introduced into was detected in an open attempt to assassinate his the army. These vestments found great favour, father, no punishment was inflicted, and parental especially among the lower orders, and were known fondness prevented the feeble old man from taking as Antoninianae Caracallae. any steps which might save the empire from being Young Bassianus is said to have been remark- cursed with such a ruler. Geta, however, was able in early life for a gentle and pleasing address, named joint heir of the throne, having been preAt this period he was beloved alike by his parents viously elevated to the rank of consul and dignified and the people, and displayed no indication of that with the appellations of Caesar and Augustus. ferocious temper which subsequently rendered him The great object of Caracalla was now the dethe scourge of the world. At the age of eight (196) struction of this colleague, towards whom lie enterhe received the title of Caesar and Princeps Juven- tained the most deadly hatred. Having failed in tutis, in Maesia, while his father was marching persuading the army to set aside the claims of his from the East to encounter Albinus, and the year rival, he, on various occasions, sought his life sefollowing (197) he was admitted an extraordinary cretly while they were journeying from Britain to member of the pontifical college. After the over- Rome with the ashes of their father; but these throw of Albinus, we find him styled Destinatus treacherous schemes were all frustrated by the viImperator; and in 198, when ten years old, he gilance of Geta, who was well aware of his danger, was invested with the tribunician power, and cre- and fear of the soldiery prevented open violence. ated Augustus. He accompanied Severus in the A pretended reconciliation now took place: they expedition against the Parthians, sharing his victo- entered the city together, together bestowed a do
Page 608 608 CARACALLA. native on the guards and the people, and a negotiation was commenced for a peaceful partition of the empire. But the passions of Caracalla could no longer be restrained. During an interview held in the chamber of Julia, soldiers, who had been craftily concealed, rushed forth and stabbed the younger son of the empress in his mother's arms, while the elder not only stood by and encouraged, "but with his own hands assisted in completing the deed. The murderer sought to appease the irritated troops by pretending that he had only acted in self-defence; but was eventually compelled to purchase their forbearance by distributing among them the whole wealth accumulated during his father's reign. The senate he treated with wellmerited contempt, and, feeling now secure, proceeded to glut his vengeance by massacring all whom he suspected of having favoured the pretensions or pitied the fate of Geta, whose name was forthwith erased from the public monuments. The number of persons sacrificed is said to have amounted to twenty thousand of both sexes, among the number of whom was Papinianus, the celebrated jurist. But these crimes brought their own retribution. From this moment Caracalla seems never to have enjoyed tranquillity for a single hour. Never were the terrors of an evil conscience more fearfully displayed. After endeavouring in vain to banish remorse by indulgence in all the dissolute pleasures of Rome, by chariot-racing and gladiatorial shows and wild beast hunts, to each of which in turn he devoted himself with frantic eagerness; after grinding the citizens to the earth by taxes and extortions of every description; and after plundering the whole world to supply the vast sums lavished on these amusements and on his soldiers, he resolved if possible to escape from himself by change of place. Wandering with restless activity from land to land, he sought to drown the recollection of his past guilt by fresh enormities. Gaul, Germany, Dacia, Thrace, Asia, Syria, and Egypt, were visited in succession, and were in succession the scene of varied and complicated atrocities. His sojourn at Alexandria was marked by a general slaughter of the inhabitants, in order to avenge certain sarcastic pleasantries in which they had indulged against himself and his mother; and the numbers of the slain were so great, that no one ventured to make known the amount, but orders were given to cast the bodies instantly into deep trenches, that the extent of the calamity might be more effectually concealed. The Greeks now believed that the furies of his brother pursued him with their scourges. It is certain that his bodily health became seriously affected, and his intellects evidently deranged. He was tormented by fearful visions, and the spectres of his father and the murdered Geta stood by him, in the dead'of night, with swords pointed to his bosom. Believing himself spell-bound by the incantations of his foes, he had recourse to strange rites in order to evoke the spirits of the dead, that from them he might seek a remedy for his tortures; but it was said that none would answer to his call except the kindred soul of Commodus. At last, he sought the aid of the gods, whom he importuned by day and night with prayers and many victims; but no deity would vouchsafe a word of comfort to the fraticide. While in this excited and unhappy condition, he demanded in marriage the daughter of Artabanus, the Parthian king; but the negotiation having CARACTACUS. been abruptly broken off, he suddenly passed the Euphrates in hostile array. The enemy were totally unprepared to resist an invasion so unexpected, and could offer no effectual resistance. Mesopotamia was wasted with fire and sword, Arbela was captured, and the emperor, after digging up the sepulchres of the Parthian kings and scattering their bones, returned to winter at Edessa. Having treacherously gained possession of the person of Abgarus, king of the Osroeni, he seized upon his territory, and took the field in spring with the intention of carrying his arms beyond the Tigris. His course was first directed towards Carrhae, that he might offer homage at a, celebrated shrine of the Moondeity in that neighbourhood; but during the march he was assassinated, at the instigation of Macrinus, the praetorian praefect, by a veteran named Martialis, on the 8th of April, 217, in the thirtieth year of his age and the seventh of his reign. The chronology of the last years of Caracalla is full of difficulty, and it is almost impossible to arrange the different events recorded in their proper order with anything like certainty. We hear of an expedition against the Alemanni and another against the Getae. The former, commemorated by the epithet Germanicus, terminated in a -purchased peace; the latter appears to have been partially successful. The portion of Dion Cassius which refers to this period consists of disjointed and imperfect chapters, between which we can seldom establish any connexion. They contain, however, much curious information, to which considerable additions have been made by the fragments recently discovered by Mai. Dion tells us, that after death Caracalla was usually spoken of under the insulting name of Tarantus, taken from a gladiator remarkable from his short stature, ugly features, and sanguinary disposition. The historian himself, having explained this term (Ixxviii. 9), invariably employs it in the subsequent portions of his work. We must not omit to observe, that Gibbon, following Spanheim and Burmann, ascribes to Caracalla the important edict which communicated to all free inhabitants of the empire the name and privileges of Roman citizens, while several ancient authors attribute this document to M. Aurelius. The truth seems to be, that M. Aurelius was the author of a very broad and liberal measure in favour of the provincials, clogged, however, by certain conditions and restrictions which were swept away by Caracalla, in order that he mght introduce an uniform system of taxation and extort a larger revenue in return for a worthless privilege. (Dion Cass. lxxvii. lxxviii.; Herodian. iv.; Spartian. Vit. Caracall.; Aurel. Vict. Epit. xxi., Caes. xxi.; Eutrop. xxi.; Gruter, Corp. Inscr. pp. cxci. cclxvii. ccc. Mlxxxv.; Gibbon, chap. vi.; Joh. P. Mahneri, Comm. de Marc. Aur. Antonino Constitution. de Civitate Universo Orbi Romanae data, Hall. 1772, quoted by Wenck; comp. Milman's Gibbon, vol. i. p. 281.) A coin of Caracalla's, which has been accidentally omitted here, is given under his brother GETA. [W. R. ] CARA'CTACUS (or, as Dion Cassius calls him, Kapda'raos or KarapdaKaros), was a king of the British tribe of the Silures, and by various prosperous enterprises had raised himself above all the other British chiefs. He appears to have been a most formidable enemy of the Romans. When they made their last attack upon him, he transferred the war into the country of the Ordovices,
Page 609 CARANUS. CARAUSIUS. and there took a position which was as favourable to himself as it appeared detrimental to the Romans. When Caractacus, in addition to this, had also fortified himself with artificial means, he exhorted his men either to die or to conquer in the approaching battle. The Roman propraetor, P. Ostorius, who saw the disadvantages under which the Romans were labouring, would not have ventured upon an engagement, had not the courage of his soldiers and officers demanded it. The superior military skill of the Roman legions overcame all the difficulties, and a splendid victory was gained: the wife and daughters of Caractacus fell into the hands of the Romans, and his brothers surrendered. Caractacus himself sought the protection of Cartimandua, queen of the Brigantes; but she betrayed him, and he was delivered up to the Romans, and carried to Rome, A. D. 51, after the war in Britain had lasted for nine years, as Tacitus says. The emperor Claudius wished to exhibit to the people this old and formidable foe in his humiliation, and ordered Caractacus and the members of his family, with their clients and ornaments, to be led in a sort of triumph before an assembly of the people and an array of soldiers. The emperor himself was present. The relatives of Caractacus walked by his side cast down with grief, and entreated the mercy of the Romans; Caractacus alone did neither of these things, and when he approached the seat of the emperor, he stopped and addressed him in so noble a manner, that Claudius pardoned him and his friends. They appear, however, not to have returned to Britain, but to have spent the remainder of their life in Italy. (Tac. Ann. xii. 33-38 Hist. iii. 45; Dion Cass. Ix. 20.) [L. S.] CARA'NUS (K'ipavos or Kapavos). 1. A Heracleid of the family of the Temenidae, and according to some accounts, the founder of the Argive dynasty in Macedonia, about the middle probably of the eighth century B. c., since he was brother to Pheidon, the Argive tyrant. The legend tells, that he led into Macedonia a large force of Greeks, and, following a flock of goats, entered the town of Edessa in the midst of a heavy storm of rain and a thick mist, unobserved by the inhabitants. Remembering the oracle which had desired him " to seek an empire by the guidance of goats," he fixed here the seat of government, and named the place Aegae in commemoration of the miracle. Herodotus gives a different tradition of the origin of the dynasty, and his account seems to have been adopted by Thucydides, who speaks of Archelaus I. as the ninth king, and therefore does not reckon Caranus and the other two who come before Perdiccas I. in the lists of Dexippus and Eusebius. MUller thinks that the two traditions are substantially the same, the one in Herodotus being the rude native legend, while the other, of which Caranus is the hero, was the Argive story; and lie further suggests that Kipavos is perhaps only another form of Koipavos. (Diod. Fraym. ix. p. 637, ed. Wess.; Piut. A lex. 2; Just. vii. 1, xxxiii. 2; Clinton, Fast. ii. p. 221; Miller, Dor. i. 7. ~ 15, App. i. ~ 15,' and the authorities there referred to; Herod. viii. 137-139; Thuc. ii. 100.) Pausanias, in mentioning that the Macedonians never erected trophies when victorious, records the national tradition by which they accounted for it, and which related, that a trophy set up by Caranus, in accordance with Argive custom, for a victory over his neighbour Cisseus, was thrown down and destroyed by a lion from Olympus; whereby, it was said, the king learnt that its erection had been of evil counsel, as deepening the enmity of the conquered. (Paus. ix. 40.) 2. Mentioned by Justin (xi. 2) as a son of Philip and a half-brother of Alexander the Great. The latter suspected him of aiming at the throne, and put him to death soon after his accession, B. c. 336. 3. A Macedonian of the body called eraipn or guards (comp. Polyb. v. 53, xxxi. 3), was one of the generals sent by Alexander against Satibarzanes when lie had a second time excited Aria to revolt. Caranus and his colleagues were successful, and Satibarzanes was defeated and slain, in the winter of B. c. 330. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 25, 28; Curt. vi. 6. ~ 20, &c., vii. 3. ~ 2, Freinsheim, ad loc., vii. 4. ~ 32, &c.; comp. Diod. xvii. 81.) In B. c. 329, Caranus was appointed, together with Andromachus and Menedemus, under the command of the Lycian Pharnuches, to act against Spitamenes, the revolted satrap of Sogdiana. Their approach compelled him to raise the siege of Maracanda; but, in a battle which ensued, he defeated them with the help of a body of Scythian cavalry, and forced them to fall back on the river Polytimetus, the wooded banks of which promised shelter. The rashness however or cowardice of Caranus led him to attempt the passage of the river with the cavalry under his command, and the rest of the troops plunging in after him in haste and disorder, they were all destroyed by the enemy. (Arr. Anab. iv. 3, 5; comp. Curt. vii. 6. ~ 24, 7. ~ 31, &c.) [E. E.] CARAU'SIUS, M. AURE'LIUS VALE'RIUS. Maximianus Herculius having equipped a naval force at Boulogne for the purpose of repressing the outrages of the Franks, who cruising from place to place in their light sloops were devastating the coasts of Holland, Gaul, and Spain, gave the command of the armament to a certain Carausius, a man of humble extraction, born in Menapia, a district between the Scheldt and Meuse, who had been bred a pilot and had distinguished himself as a soldier in the war against the Bagaudae. Carausius was by no means deficient in zeal and energy, but after a time his peculiar tactics and rapidly increasing wealth gave rise to a suspicion, probably not ill founded, that he permitted tlhe pirates to commit their ravages unmolested, and then watching for their return, seized the ships laden with plunder and appropriated to his own use the greater portion of the spoils thus captured. Herculius accordingly gave orders for his death, but the execution of this mandate was anticipated by the vigilance of the intended victim, who having crossed the channel with the fleet, which was devoted to his interests, and having succeeded in gaining over the troops quartered in Britain, established himself in that island and assumed the title of Augustus. His subsequent measures were characterised by the greatest vigour and prudence. A number of new galleys was constructed with all speed, alliances were formed with various barbarous tribes, who were carefully disciplined as sailors, and the usurper soon became master of all the western seas. After several ineffectual attempts to break his power, Diocletian and Maximianus found it necessary to acknowledge him as their colleague in the empire, an event commemorated by a medal bearing as a device three busts with appropriate emblems and the legend CARAVSIVS. ET,. FRATRES. svi., while on the reverse we read the words PAXr 2a
Page 610 610 CARAUSIUS. CARBO. AVGGG., or, in some cases, LAETITIA. AVGGG., or iv. 6-8, 12, v. 4, 11, vi. 5, 8, vii. 9, viii. 25; HILARITAS. AVGGG. On a second coin we find a Genebrier, I'Histoire de Carausius prouvee par les laurelled head with IMP. c. CARAVSIVS. P. F. AVG., MeIdailles, Paris, 4to. 1740; Stukely, M1edallia and on the reverse Jovi. ET. HERCVLI. CONS. AVG., History of Carausius, London, 4to. 1757-59, full indicating Jovius Diocletianus and Herculius Maxi- of the most extravagant conjectures and invenminianus, and to a third we are indebted for the tions.) [W. R.] name M. AURELIUS VALERIUS, an appellation probably borrowed from his recently adopted brother. These transactions took place about A. D. 287, and for six years the third Augustus maintained his authority without dispute; but upon the Ti elevation of Constantius the efforts of the new f i & i4 Caesar were at once directed to the recovery of \. Britain. Boulogne fell after a protracted siege, ] '-g0 and Constantius was making active and extensive preparations for a descent upon the opposite coast, when Carausius was murdered by his chief officer, COIN OF CARAUSIUS. Allectus. This happened in 293. Such are the only facts known to us with regard to this remark- CARAVA'NTIUS, the brother of Gentius, able man. Of his private character and domestic king of the Illyrians, against whom the praetor L. policy we are unable to speak, for the abusive Anicius Gallus was sent in B. c. 168. Caravanepithets applied to him so liberally by the panegy- tius fell into the hands of Gallus, and with his rists indicate nothing except the feelings entertained brother Gentius and the rest of the royal family at the imperial court, which could have been of no walked before the chariot of Gallus in his triumph friendly description. (Eutrop. ix. 21; Aurel. Vict. in the following year. (Liv. xliv. 30, 32, xlv. 43.) Caes. xxxix., Epit. xxxix., who calls this emperor CARBO, the name of a plebeian family of the Charausio; Oros. vii. 25; Panegyr. Vet. ii. 12, Papiria gens. STEMMA CARBONUM. 1. C. Papirias Carbo, Pr. B. c. 168. 2. C. Papirius Carbo, 3. Cn. Papirius Carbo, 4. M. Papirius 5. P. Papirius Cos. B. c. 120. Cos. B. c. 113. Carbo. Carbo. 6. C. Papirius Carbo Arvina, 7. Cn. Papirius Carbo, Cos. Trib. Pleb. B. c. 90. B. c. 85, 84, 82. 1. C. PAPIRIUS CARBO, praetor in B. C. 168, aristocratical party, was found one morning dead in when he obtained the province of Sardinia; but his bed. Among the various suspicions then afloat he appears not to have gone into his province, as as to the cause of his death, one was that Carbo the senate requested him to remain at Rome and had murdered him, or at least had had a hand in there to exercise jurisdiction in cases between the deed; and this report may not have been citizens and peregrini. (Liv. xliv. 17, xlv. 12.) wholly without foundation, if we consider the 2. C. PAPIRmJU CARBO, born about B. c. 164, character of Carbo. After his tribuneship, Carbo a son of No. 1, and a contemporary and friend of continued to act as the friend and supporter of the the Gracchi; but though he apparently followed Gracchi. Upon the death of C. Gracchus, L. in the footsteps of Tib. Gracchus, yet his motives Opimius, his murderer, who was consul in B. c. widely differed from those of his noble friend, and 121, put to death a great number of the friends of towards the end of his life he shewed how little the Gracchi: but at the expiration of his consulhe had acted upon conviction or principle, by de- ship he was accused of high treason by the tribune serting his former friends and joining the ranks of Q. Decius, and Carbo, who was now raised to the their enemies. After the death of Tiberius Grac- consulship himself (B. C. 120), suddenly turned chus he was appointed his successor as triumvir round, and not only undertook the defence of Opiagrorum dividendorum, and shortly after, in B. c. mius, but did. not scruple to say, that the murder ] 31, he was elected tribune of the people. During of C. Gracchus had been an act of perfect justice. the year of his tribuneship he brought forward This inconsistency drew upon him the contempt of two new laws: 1. That a person should be allowed both parties, so that, as Cicero says, even his reto be re-elected to the tribuneship as often as turn to the aristocratical party could not secure might be thought advisable: this law, which was him their protection. The aristocracy could not strenuously opposed by P. Cornelius Scipio Afri- forget that he was suspected of having murdered canus the younger, was supported by C. Gracchus; Scipio, and seem to have been waiting for an opand 2. A lex tabellaria, which ordained that the peo- portunity to crush him. In B. c. 119 the young ple should in future vote by ballot in the enactment orator L. Licinius Crassus brought a charge against and repeal of laws. In his tribuneship he continued him, the exact nature of which is not known, to hold the office of triumvir agrorum dividen- but as Carbo foresaw his condemnation, he put an dorum. The difficulties connected with carrying end to his life by taking cantharides. Valerius out the division of land according to the Sempro- Maximus (iii. 7. ~ 6) states, that he was sent into nian agrarian law created many disturbances at exile. Carbo was a man of great talents, and his Aome, and S.cipio Africanus, the champion of the oratorical powers are mentioned by Cicero with great
Page 611 CARBO. praise, although he otherwise abominates the man. There can be no doubt that Carbo was a person of no principle, and that he attached himself to the party from which he hoped to derive most advantages. (Liv. Epit. 59, 61; Appian, B. 0. i. 18, 20; Veil. Pat. ii. 4; Cic. De Amicit. 25, De Leg. iii. 16, Ad Fam. ix. 21, De Orat. ii. 2, 25, 39, 40, i. 10, iii. 7, 20, Brut. 27, 43, 62, Tuscul. i. 3; Tacit. Orat. 34.) 3. CN. PAPIRIUS CARBo, a son of No. 1, was consul in B. c. 113, together with C. Caecilius Metellus. He was according to Cicero (ad Fam. ix. 21) the father of Cn. Papirius Carbo, who was thrice consul [No. 7], whereas this latter is called by Velleius Paterculus (ii. 26) a brother of No. 6. This difficulty may be solved by supposing that our Cn. Papirius Carbo and C. Papirius Carbo [No. 2] were brothers, so that the word fraler in Velleius is equivalent to frater patrtelis or cousin. (Perizon. Animadv. Hist. p. 96.) In his consulship the Cimbrians advanced from Gaul into Italy and Illyricum, and Carbo, who was sent against them, was put to flight with his whole army. He was afterwards accused by M. Antonius, we know not for what reason, and put an end to his own life by taking a solution of vitriol (atramentume sutorium, Cic. ad Fain. ix. 21; Liv. LEpit. 63). 4. M. PAPIRIUS CARBO, a son of No. 1, is mentioned only by Cicero (ad Fam. ix. 21) as having fled from Sicily. 5. P. PAPIRIUS CARBO, a son of No. 1, is likewise mentioned only by Cicero (ad Fam. ix. 21) as having been accused by Flaccus and condemned. 6. C. PAPIRIUS CARBO, with the surname ARVINA, was a son of No. 2 (Cic. Brut. 62), and throughout his life a supporter of the aristocracy, whence Cicero calls him the only good citizen in the whole family. He was tribune of the people in B. c. 90, as we may infer from Cicero (Brut. 89), though some writers place his tribuneship a year earlier, and others a year later. In his tribuneship Carbo and his colleague, M. Plautius Silvanus, carried a law (lex Plaitia et Papiria), according to which a citizen of a federate state, who had his domicile in Italy at the time the law was passed, and had sent in his name to the praetor within sixty days after, should have the Roman franchise. Carbo distinguished himself greatly as an orator, and though according to Cicero he was wanting in acuteness, his speeches were always weighty and carried with them a high degree of authority. We still possess a fragment of one of his orations which he delivered in his tribuneship, and which Orelli (Onom. Tull. ii. p. 440) erroneously attributes to his father. [No. 2.] In this fragment (Cic. Orat. 63) lie approves of the death of M. Livius Drusus, who had been murdered the year before, B. c. 91. Cicero expressly states, that lie was present when the oration was delivered, which shews incontrovertibly, that it cannot belong to C. Papirius Carbo, the father, who died long before Cicero was born. He was murdered in B. C. 82, in the curia Hostilia, by the praetor Brutus Damasippus [BRUTus, No. 19], one of the leaders of the Marian party. (Cic. pro Arch. 4, Brut. 62, 90, Ad Famr. ix. 21, De Orat. iii. 3; Schol. Bobiens. p. 353, ed. Orelli; Vell. Pat. ii. 26; Appian, B. C. i. 88.) 7. CN. PAPIRIUS CN. F. C. N. CARBo, a son of No. 3 and cousin of No. 6, occurs in history for the first time in B. c. 92, when the consul Appius CARBO. 611 Claudius Pulcher made a report to the senate about his seditious proceedings. (Cic. De Legg. iii. 19.) He was one of the leaders of the Marian party, and in n. c. 87, when C. Marius returned from Africa, he commanded one of the four armies with which Rome was blockaded. In B. c. 86, when L. Valerius Flaccus, the successor of Marius in his seventh consulship, was killed in Asia, Carbo was chosen by Cinna for his colleague for B. c. 85. These two consuls, who felt alarmed at the reports of Sulla's return, sent persons into all parts of Italy to raise money, soldiers, and provisions, for the anticipated war, and they endeavoured to strengthen their party, especially by the new citizens, whose rights, they said, were in danger, and on whose behalf they pretended to exert themselves. The fleet also was restored to guard the coasts of Italy, and in short nothing was neglected to make a vigorous stand against Sulla. When the latter wrote to the senate from Greece, the senate endeavoured to stop the proceedings of the consuls until an answer from Sulla had arrived. The consuls declared themselves ready to obey the commands of the senate, but no sooner had the ambassadors to Sulla quitted Rome, than Cinna and Carbo declared themselves consuls for the year following, that they might not be obliged to go to Rome to hold the comitia for the elections. Legions upon legions were raised and transported across the Adriatic to oppose Sulla; but great numbers of the soldiers began to be discontented and refused fighting against their fellow-citizens. A mutiny broke out, and Cinna was murdered by his own soldiers. Carbo now returned to Italy with the troops which had already been carried across the Adriatic, but he did not venture to go to Rome, although the tribunes urged him to come in order that a successor to Cinna might be elected. At length, however, Carbo returned to Rome, but the attempts at holding the comitia were frustrated by prodigies, and Carbo remained sole consul for the rest of the year. In B. c. 83, Sulla arrived in Italy. Carbo, who was now proconsul of Gaul, hastened to Rome, and there caused a decree to be made, which declared Metellus and all the senators who supported Sulla, to be enemies of the republic. About the same time the capitol was burnt down, and there was some suspicion of Carbo having set it on fire. While Sulla and his partizans were carrying on the war in various parts of Italy, Carbo was elected consul a third time for the year B. c. 82, together with C. Marius, the younger. Carbo's army was in Cisalpine Gaul, and in the spring of 82 his legate, C. Carrinas, fought a severely contested battle with Metellus, and was put to flight. Carbo himself, however, pursued Metellus, and kept him in a position in which he was unable to do any thing; hearing of the misfortunes of his colleague Marius at Praeneste, he led his troops back to Ariminum, whither he was followed by Pompey. In the mean time Metellus gained' another victory over an army of Carbo. Sulla. after entering Rome and making some of the most necessary arrangements, marched out himself against Carbo. In an engagement on the river Glanis, several of the Spaniards, who had joined his army a little while before, deserted to Sulla, and Carbo, either to avenge himself on those who remained with him, or to set a fearful example, ordered all of therm to be put to death. At 2o2
Page 612 C12 CARCINUS. length a great battle was fought at Clusium between Carbo and Sulla: it lasted for a whole day, but the victory was not decided. Pompey and Crassus were engaged against Carrinas in the neighbourhood of Spoletium, and when Carbo sent out an army to his relief, Sulla, who was informed of the route which this army took, attacked it from an ambuscade and killed nearly 2000 men. Carrinas himself however escaped. Marcius, who was sent by Carbo to the relief of Praeneste, was likewise attacked from an ambuscade by Pompey, and lost many of his men. His soldiers, who considered him to be the cause of their defeat, deserted him, with the exception of a few cohorts, with which he returned to Carbo. Shortly after Carbo and Norbanus made an attack upon the camp of Metellus near Faventia, but time and place were unfavourable to them, and they were defeated: about 10,000 of their men were slain, and 6000 deserted to Metellus, so that Carbo was obliged to withdraw to Arretium with about 1000 men. The desertion and treachery in the party, which had hitherto supported the cause of Marius, increased every day: Norbanus despairing of success fled to Rhodes, where he put an end to his life soon afterwards; and when Carbo found that the relief of Praeneste, whither he had sent two legions under Damasippus, was hopeless, he too resolved to quit Italy, although he had still large forces at his command, and his generals, Carrinas, Marcius, and Damasippus, were continuing the war in Italy. Carbo fled to Africa. After his party in Italy had been completely defeated, Pompey was sent against the remains of it in Sicily, whither Carbo then repaired. From thence he went to the island of Cossyra,wwhere he was taken prisoner by the emissaries of Pbmpey. His companions were put to death at once, but Carbo himself was brought in chains before Pompey at Lilybaeum, and after a bitter invective against him, Pompey had him executed and sent his head to SUla, B. c. 82. (Appian, B. C. i. 69-96; Liv. Epit. 79, 83, 88, 89; Plut. Sall. 22, &c., Pomp. 10, &c.; Cic. c. Verr. i. 4, 13; Pseudo-Ascon. in Verr. p. 129, ed. Orelli; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21; Eutrop. v. 8, 9; Oros. v. 20; Zonar. x. 1.) 8. PAPIRIUs CARBO, a son of Rubria, who is mentioned only by Cicero (ad Fam. ix. 21), and is ironically called there a friend of Cicero. Who he was is unknown. [L. S.] CARCI'NUS, the father of Agathocles. [AGATHOCLES.] CARCINUS (Kapcivos). 1. Suidas mentions three distinct poets of this name. The first he calls a native of Agrigentum in Sicily; the second an Athenian, and son of Theodectes or Xenocles; and the third simply an Attic poet. The first of these poets is not mentioned any where else, and his existence is more than doubtful. The investigations of Meineke on the poets of the name Carcinus have shewn incontrovertibly that we have to distinguish between two tragic poets of this name, both of whom were natives of Athens. The first, or elder one, who was a very skilful scenic dancer (Athen. i. p. 22), is occasionally alluded to by Aristophanes (Nub. 1263, Pax, 794, with the Schol.); but his dramas, of which no fragments have come down to us, seem to have perished at an early time. The younger Carcinus was a son either of Theodectes or of Xenocles; and if the latter statement CARFULENUS. be true, he is a grandson of Carcinus the elder. (Comp. Harpocrat. s. -v KapcKivas.) He is in all probability the same as the one who spent a great part of his life at the court of Dionysius II. at Syracuse. (Diog. Laeirt. ii. 7.) This supposition agrees with the statement of Suidas, according to whom Carcinus the son of Xenocles lived about B. c. 380; for Dionysius was expelled from Syracuse in B. c. 356. (Comp. Diod. v. 5, where Wesseling is thinking of the fictitious Carcinus of Agrigentum.) The tragedies which are referred to by the ancients under the name of Carcinus, probably all belong to the younger Carcinus. Suidas attributes to him 160 tragedies, but we possess the titles and fragments of nine only and some fragments of uncertain dramas. The following titles are known: Alope (Aristot. Ethic. Nicom. v-i. 7), Achilles (Athen. v. p. 189), Thyestes (Aristot. Poet. 16), Semele (Athen. xiii. p. 559), Amphiaraus (Aristot. Poet. 17), Medeia (Aristot. Rhet. ii. 23), Oedipus (Aristot. Rhet. iii. 15), Tereus (Stobaeus, Serm. ciii. 3), and Orestes. (Phot. Lex. p. 132.) As regards the character of the poems of Carcinus, it is usually inferred, from the phrase Kapiivov 7roe)Lf'ara, used to designate obscure poetry (Phot. Lex. s. v.), and is also attested by other authorities (Athen. viii. p. 351), that the style of Carcinus was of a studied obscurity; though in the fragments extant we can scarcely perceive any trace of this obscurity, and their style bears a close resemblance to that of Euripides. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. coin. Graec. p. 505, &c.) 2. Of Naupactus, is mentioned by Pausanias (x. 38. ~ 6) among the cyclic poets; and Charon of Lampsacus, before whose time Carcinus must have lived, attributed to him the epic poem NaveradKrta, which all others ascribed to a Milesian poet. 3. A Greek rhetorician, who is referred to by Alexander (De Fig. Diet.), but of whom nothing further is known. [L. S.] CA'RCIUS, the commander of a portion of the fleet of Octavianus in the war against Sext. Pompeius, B. c. 36. (Appian, B. C. v. 111.) [L. S.] CA'RDEA, a Roman divinity presiding over and protecting the hinges of doors (cardo). What Ovid (Fast. vi. 101, &c.) relates of Carna belongs to Cardea: the poet seems, in fact, in that passage to confound three distinct divinitiesCarna, Cardea, and Crane, the last of whom he declares to be merely an ancient form of Carna. Cardea was beloved by Janus, and after yielding to his embraces, the god rewarded her by giving her the protection of the hinges of doors, and the power of preventing evil daemons from entering houses. She especially protected little children in their cradles against formidable night-birds, which witches used to metamorphose themselves into, and thus to attack children by night time, tearing them from their cradles and sucking the blood out of them. Cardea exercised this power by means of white thorn and other magic substances, and 'is said to have done so first in the case of Procas, prince of Alba. (Tertull. de Cor. 13.) [L. S.] CARDIA'NUS HIERO'NYMUS. [HIERONYMUS.] CARE'NES or CARRHE'NES, a general of the Parthians who was defeated in a battle with Gotarzes in A. D. 49. (Tac. Ann. xii. 12-14.) [L. S.] D. CARFULE'NUS, called Carsuleius by Appian, served under Julius Caesar in the Alexandrine war (B. c. 47), in which he is spoken of as
Page 613 CARINUS, a man of great military skill. (Hirt. B. Alex. 31.) He was tribune of the plebs at the time of Caesar's death (B. c. 44); and as he was a supporter of the aristocratical party, and an opponent of Antony, was excluded from the senate by the latter on the 28th of November. (Cic. Philipp. iii. 9.) [Ti. CANUTIUS.] Hle took an active part in the war against Antony in tile following year, and fell in the battle of Mutina, in which Antony was defeated. (Appian, B. C. iii. 66, &c.; Cic. ad Fam. x. 33, xv. 4.) CARI'NAS. [CARRINAS.] CARPNUS, M. AURE'LIUS, the elder of the two sons of Carus. Upon the departure of his father for the Persian war (A. D. 282), he was appointed supreme governor of all the Western provinces, and received the titles of Caesar and Imperator. After the death of Carus in 283, he assumed the purple conjointly with his brother, and upon receiving intelligence of the untimely fate of Numerianus and the elevation of Diocletian to the throne by the army of Asia, he set forth in all haste from Gaul to encounter his rival. The opposing hosts met in Maesia, several engagements followed, and at length a decisive battle was fought near Margum, in which Carinus gained the victory, but, in the moment of triumph, was slain by some of his own officers, whose honour he had wounded in the course of his profligate indulgences. Historians agree in painting the character of this emperor in the darkest colours. When roused he was unquestionably not deficient in valour and military skill, as was proved by the vigour with which he repressed certain seditious movements in Gaul, and by the successful conduct of his last campaign. But during the greater part of his short career he abandoned himself to the gratification of the most brutal passions, and never scrupled at any act of oppression or cruelty. State affairs were totally neglected-the most upright of those by whom he was surrounded were banished or put to death, and the. highest offices bestowed upon degraded ministers of his pleasures. Nine wives were wedded and repudiated in quickl succession, and the palace, filled with a throng of players, dancers, harlots, and panders, presented a constant scene of riot and intemperance. It was bitterly observed, that in this prince the sensual enormities of Elagabalus were seen combined with the cold ferocity of Domitian. His only claims upon the affection of the populace consisted in the prodigal magnificence displayed in the celebration of games in honour of his brother and himself. These appear to have transcended in fantastic splendour all previous exhibitions, and the details transmitted to us by Vopiscus are of a most strange and marvellous description. Chronologers are at variance with regard to the precise date of the death of Carinus. Eckhel seems inclined to fix it at the close of the year 284, but it is generally referred to the May following. (Vopisc. Casrin.; Aurel. Vict. Caes. xxxviii., Epit. xxxviii.; Zonar. xii. 30; Eutrop. ix. 12.) [W. R.] CARNA. 613 T. CARI'SIUS, defeated the Astures in Spain, and took their chief town, Lancia, about B. c. 25; but in consequence of the cruelty and insolence of Carisius, the Astures took up arms again in B. c. 22. (Florus, iv. 12. ~ 55, &c.; Oros. vi. 21; Dion Cass. liii. 25, liv. 5.) There are several coins bearing the name of Carisius upon them, two specimens of which are given below. The former has on the obverse the head of a woman, and on the reverse a sphinx, with the inscription T. CARIsivS III. VIR: the latter has on the obverse the head-of Augustus, with the inscription IMP. CAESAR AVGVST., and on the reverse the gate of a city, over which is inscribed IMIRITA, and around it the words P. CARIsivs LEG. PROPR. There is nothing in the former coin except the praenomen Titus to identify it with the subject of this article; but the latter one would appear to have been struck by the conqueror of the Astures, and perhaps Dion Cassius has made a mistake in calling him Titus. The word IMIRITA, which is also written EMERITA and IIMIIRITA on some of the coins, seems to refer to the fact mentioned by Dion Cassius (liii. 26), that after the conquest of the Cantabri and Astures, Augustus dismissed many of his soldiers who had served their time (emeriti), and assigned them a town in Lusitania, to which he gave the name of Augusta Emerita. (Eckhel, v. p. 162, &c.) CA'RIUS (Kaipos), the Carian, a surname of Zeus, under which he had a temple at Mylassa in Caria, which belonged to the Carians, Lydians, and Mysians in common, as they were believed to be brother nations. (Herod. i. 171, v. 66; Strab. xiv. p. 659.) In Thessaly and Boeotia, Zeus was likewise worshipped under this name. (Phot. Lex. s. v.) [L. S.] CARMA'NOR (KapeAa'vwp), a Cretan of Tarrha, father of Eubulus and Chrysothemis. He was said to have received and purified Apollo and Artemis, after they had slain the monster Python, and it was in the house of Carmanor that Apollo formed his connexion with the nymph Acacallis. (Paus. ii. 7. ~ 7, 30. ~ 3, x. 16. ~ 2, 7. ~ 2; comp. Muller, Dor. ii. 1. ~ 5, 8. ~ 11.) [L. S.] CARME (KdpIje), a daughter of Eubulus, who became by Zeus the mother of Britomartis. (Paus. ii. 30. ~ 2.) Antoninus Liberalis (40) describes her as a grand-daughter of Agenor, and daughter of Phoenix. [L. S.] CARMENTA, CARMENAE, CARMENTIS. [CAMENAE.] CARNA or CARNEA, a Roman divinity,
Page 614 614 CARNEADES. whose name is probably connected with caro, flesh, for she was regarded as the protector of the physical well-being of man. It was especially the chief organs of the human body, without which man cannot exist, such as the heart, the lungs, and the liver, that were recommended to her protection. Junius Brutus, at the beginning of the commonwealth, was believed to have dedicated to her a sanctuary on the Caelian hill, and a festival was celebrated to her on the first of June, which day was called fabrariae calendae, from beans (fabae) and bacon being offered to her. (Macrob. Sat. i. 12; Varro, ap. Nonium, s. v. Mactare; Ovid, Fast. vi. 101, &c., who however confounds Cardea with Carna.) [L. S.] CARNE'ADES (Kapveda'ais). 1. The son of Epicomus or Philocomus, was born at Cyrene about the year B. c. 213. He went early to Athens, and attended the lectures of the Stoics, and learnt there logic from Diogenes. His opinions, however, on philosophical subjects differed from those of his master, and he was fond of telling him, " if I reason right, I am satisfied; if wrong, give back the mina," which was the fee for the logic lectures. He was six years old when Chrysippus died, and never had any personal intercourse with him; but he deeply studied his works, and exerted all the energy of a very acute and original mind in their refutation. To this exercise he attributed his own eminence, and often repeated the words El n ' yrap iv Xpvrio-Iros, ohcV d iv?'cyo. He attached himself as a zealous partizan to the Academy, which had suffered severely from the attacks of the Stoics; and on the death of Hegesinus, he was chosen to preside at the meetings of Academy, and was the fourth in succession from Arcesilaus. His great eloquence and skill in argument revived the glories of his school; and, defending himself in the negative vacancy of asserting nothing (not even that nothing can be asserted), carried on a vigorous war against every position that had been maintained by other sects. In the year B. c. 155, when he was fifty-eight years old, he was chosen with Diogenes the Stoic and Critolaus the Peripatetic to go as ambassador to Rome to deprecate the fine of 500 talents which had been imposed on the Athenians for the destruction of Oropus. During his stay at Rome, he attracted great notice from his eloquent declamations on philosophical subjects, and it was here that, in the presence of Cato the Elder, he delivered his famous orations on Justice. The first oration was in commendation of the virtue, and the next day the second was delivered, in which all the arguments of the first were answered, and justice was proved to be not a virtue, but a mere matter of compact for the maintenance of civil society. The honest mind of Cato was shocked at this, and he moved the senate to send the philosopher home to his school, and save the Roman youth from his demoralizing doctrines. Carneades lived twenty-seven years after this at Athens, and died at the advanced age of eightyfive, or (according to Cicero) 90, B. c. 129. He is described as a man of unwearied industry. He was so engrossed in his studies, that be let his hair and nails grow to an immoderate length, and was so absent at his own table (for he would never dine out), that his servant and concubine, Melissa, was constantly obliged to feed him. In his old CARNEADES. age, he suffered from cataract in his eyes, which he bore with great impatience, and was so little resigned to the decay of nature, that he used to ask angrily, if this was the way in which nature undid what she had done, and sometimes expressed a wish to poison himself. Carneades left no writings, and all that is known of his lectures is derived from his intimate friend and pupil, Cleitomachus; but so true was he to his own principles of witholding assent, that Cleitomachus confesses he never could ascertain what his master really thought on any subject. He, however, appears to have defended atheism, and consistently enough to have denied that the world was the result of anything but chance. In ethics, which more particularly were the subject of his long and laborious study, he seems to have denied the conformity of the moral ideas with nature. This he particularly insisted on in the second oration on Justice, in which he manifestly wished to convey his own notions on the subject; and he there maintains that ideas of justice are not derived from nature, but that they are purely artificial for purposes of expediency. All this, however, was nothing but the special application of his general theory, that man did not possess, and never could possess, any criterion of truth. Carneadces argued that, if there were a criterion, it must exist either in reason (Aoyeos), or sensation (aeffo8t(ris), or conception ((pavracia). But then reason itself depends on conception, and this again on sensation; and we have no means of judging whether our sensations are true or false, whether they correspond to the objects that produce them, or carry wrong impressions to the mind, producing false conceptions and ideas, and leading reason also into error. Therefore sensation, conception, and reason, are alike disqualified for being the criterion of truth, But after all, man must live and act, and must have some rule of practical life; therefore, although it is impossible to pronounce anything as absolutely true, we may yet establish probabilities of various degrees. For, although we cannot say that any given conception or sensation is in itself true, yet some sensations appear to us more true than others, and we must be guided by that which seems the most true. Again, sensations are not single, but generally combined with others, which either confirm or contradict them; and the greater this combination the greater is the probability of that being true which the rest combine to confirm; and the case in which the greatest number of conceptions, each in themselves apparently most true, should combine to affirm that which also in itself appears most true, would present to Carneades the highest probability, and his nearest approach to truth. But practical life needed no such rule as this, and it is difficult to conceive a system more barren of all help to man than that of Carneades. It is not, indeed, probable that he aspired to any such designs of benefiting mankind, or to anything beyond his own celebrity as an acute reasoner and an eloquent speaker. As such he represented the spirit of an age when philosophy was fast losing the earnest and serious spirit of the earlier schools, and was degenerating to mere purposes of rhetorical display. (Diog. Laert. iv. 62-66; Orelli, Onom. Tdll. ii. p. 130, &c., where are given all the. passages of Cicero, in which Carneades is mentioned; Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. vii. 1690
Page 615 CARPINATIUS. CARRINAS. 615 &c.; Ritter, Gesch. Phil. xi. 6; Brucker, Hist. PMhl. puty-manager of the company of publicani, who i. p. 759, &c., vi. p. 237, &c.) farmed the scripstira (see Dict. of Ant. s. v.) in 2. An Athenian philosopher and a disciple of Sicily during the government of Verres, with whom Anaxagoras. (Suidas, s. v. Kapvea'dis.) he was very intimate. He is called by Cicero a 3. A Cynic philosopher in the time of Apollonius second Timarchides, who was one of the chief Tyanaeus. (Eunapius, Prooem.) agents of Verres in his robberies and oppressions. 4. A bad elegiac poet mentioned by Diogenes (Cic. Verr. 70, 76, iii. 71.) Laertius (iv. 66). [A. G.] CA'RPIO, an architect, who, in company with CARNEIUS (Kapve'os), a surname of Apollo Ictinus, wrote a book concerning the Parthenon. under which he was worshipped in various parts (Vitr. vii. praef. 12.) [W. I.] of Greece, especially in Peloponnesus, as at Sparta CARPO'PHORI (Kap7ropo'por),the fruitbearers, and Sicyon, and also in Thera, Cyrene, and Magna a surname of Demeter and Cora, under which they Graecia. (Paus. iii. 13. ~ 2, &c., ii. 10. ~ 2, were worshipped at Tegea. (Paus. viii. 53. ~ 3.) 11. ~ 2; Pind. Pyth. v. 106; Plut. Sympos. viii. Demeter Carpophoros appears to have been wor1; Paus. iii. 24. ~ 5, iv. 31. ~ 1, 33. ~ 5.) The shipped in Paros also. (Ross, Reisen aruf den origin of the name is explained in different ways. Griech. Inseln, i. p. 49.) [L. S.] Some derived it from Carnus, an Acarnanian sooth- CARRHE'NES. [CARRENES.] sayer, whose murder by Hippotes provoked Apollo CARRI'NAS or CARI'NAS, the name of a to send a plague into the army of Hippotes while Roman family, but the gens to which it belonged he was on his march to Peloponnesus. Apollo is nowhere mentioned: Havercamp (Thes. Morell. was afterwards propitiated by the introduction of p. 497) supposes it to be a cognomen of the Albia the worship of Apollo Carneius. (Paus. iii. 13. gens. ~ 3; Schol. ad Theocrit. v. 83.) Others believed 1. C. CARRINAS, is mentioned first as the comthat Apollo was thus called from his favourite mander of a detachment of the Marian party, with Carnus or Carneius, a son of Zeus and Europa, which he attacked Pompey, who was levying whom Leto and Apollo had brought up. (Paus. troops in Picenum to strengthen the forces of 1. c.; Hesych. s.. Kapveos.) Several other Sulla in B. c. 83, immediately after his arrival in attempts to explain the name are given in Pausa- Italy. In the year after, B. c. 82, Carrinas was nias and the Scholiast on Theocritus. It is evident, legate of the consul Cn. Papirius Carbo [CAoRo, however, that the worship of the Carneian Apollo No. 7.], and fought a battle on the river Aesis, in was very ancient, and was probably established in Umbria, against Metellus, in which however he was Peloponnesus even before the Dorian conquest. beaten. He was attacked soon after in the neighRespecting the festival of the Carneia see Diet. of bourhood of Spoletium, by Pompey and Crassus, Ant. s. v. Kdpvesa. [L. S.] two of Sulla's generals, and after a loss of nearly CARNEIUS (KapvEos), a Cynic philosopher, 3000 men, he was besieged by the enemy, but who is surnamed Cynulcus (Kivov'Xcos), that is, found means to escape during a dark and stormy the leader of dogs or Cynics, or, in other words, night. After Carbo had quitted Italy, Carrinas the leader and teacher of Cynic philosophers. He and Marcius continued to command two legions; was a native of Megara, but nothing further is and after joining Damasippus and the Samnites, known of him. (Athen. iv. p. 156.) [L. S.] who were still in arms, they marched towards the CARN[U'LIUS, was accused, in the reign of passes of Praeneste, hoping to force their way Tiberius, of some crime not now known, and put through them and relieve Marius, who was still an end to his own life to escape the cruel tortures besieged in that town. But when this attempt inflicted by Tiberius upon other victims. When failed, they set out against Rome, which they Tiberius heard of his death, he was grieved at hoped to conquer without difficulty, on account of losing an opportunity of killing a man in his own its want of provisions. They encamped in the way, and exclaimed Carnulius m'e evasit. (Suet, neighbourhood of Alba. Sulla, however, hastened Tib. 61.) [L. S.] after them, and pitched his camp near the Colline CARPA'TIIUS, JOANNES ('IooiWsV Kap- gate. A fearful battle was fought here, which 7Ardtos), a bishop of the island of Carpathos, of un- began in the evening and lasted the whole night, certain date. At the request of the monks of India until at last Sulla took the camp of the enemy. he wrote to them a consolatory work in 100 chap- Carrinas and the other leaders took to flight, but ters, entitled rpds rods d r vs 'Ivslas sorrpoTpe'avras he and Marcius were overtaken, and put to death 1povuaXovs rapa0KrTrued1v. (Phot. Cod 201.) This by command of Sulla. Their heads were cut off work is still extant, and a Latin translation of it and sent to Praeneste, where they were carried by J. Pontanus is printed at the end of his "Diop- round the walls to inform Marius of the destructrae Philippi Solitarii," Ingolstadt, 1654, 4to., tion of his friends. (Appian, B. C. i. 87, 90, 92, and in the "Bibliotheca Patrum," xii. p. 535, &c., 93; Plut. Pomp. 7; Oros. v. 21; Eutrop. v. 8.) The Greek original, as well as some other ascetic 2. C. CARRINAS, a son of No. 1, was sent by works of his, are still extant in MS. (Fabric. Caesar, in B. c. 45, into Spain against Sext. PomBibl. Grace. x. p. 738, &c., xi. p. 173.) [L. S.] peius, but as he did not accomplish anything, he CARPA'THIUS PHILO. [PHILO.] was supersedbd by Asinius Pollio. In 43, after CARPHY'LLIDES (KapqvAA1iSjs), a Greek the establishment of the triumvirate, Carrinas was poet, of whom there are extant two elegant epi- appointed consul for the remainder of the year, grams in the Greek Anthology. (vii. 260, ix. 52.) together with P. Ventidius. Two years later, The name of the author of the second epigram is a. c. 41, he received from Octavianus the admisometimes written Carpyllides; but whether this nistration of the province of Spain, where he had is a mere mistake, or whether Carpyllides is a dif- to carry on war with the Mauretanian Bocchus. ferent person from Carphyllides, cannot be ascer- In 36, he was sent with three legions against Sext. tamed. [L. S.] Pompeius in Sicily; and about 31, we find him L. CARPINA'TIUS, the pro-magister or de- as proconsul in Gaul, where he was successful
Page 616 616 CARTHALO. against the Morini and other tribes, and drove the Suevi across the Rhine back into Germany. For those exploits he was honoured with a triumph in 29. (Appian, B. C. iv. 83, v. 26, 112; Dion Cass. xlvii. 15, li. 21, 22.) 3. CARRINAS, whom Cicero speaks of in B. c. 45, as an unpleasant person, who visited him in his Tusculanum. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 33.) 4. CARRINAS SECUNDUS, a rhetorician of the time of Caligula, by whom he was expelled from Rome for having, by way of exercise, declaimed against tyrants on one occasion. (Dion Cass. lix. 20; Juven. vii. 204.) He is probably the same as the Secundus Carinas whom Nero, in B. c. 65, sent to Asia and Achaia to plunder those countries, and carry the statues of the gods from thence to Rome. (Tacit. Ann. xv. 45.) [L. S.] CARSIGNA'TUS (Kapoa-yvaros), a Galatian prince, who was at one time allied with Pharnaces. When the latter threatened to invade Galatia, and Carsignatus had in vain endeavoured to maintain peace, he and another Galatian, Gaezotoris, marched against him, but the war was prevented by a Roman embassy. (Polyb. xxv. 4.) [L. S.] CARSULEIUS. [CARFULENUS.] L. CARTEIUS, a friend of C. Cassius, who was with him in Syria in B. c. 43. (Cass. ap. Cic. ad Fam. xii. 11.) CA'RTHALO (Kap0doivN). 1. A commander of the Carthaginian fleet in the first Punic war, who was sent by his colleague Adherbal, in B. c. 249, to burn the Roman fleet, which was riding at anchor off Lilybaeum. While Carthalo was engaged in this enterprise, Himilco, the governor of Lilybaeum, who perceived that the Roman army on land was anxious to afford their support to the fleet, sent out his mercenaries against the Roman troops, and Carthalo endeavoured to draw the Roman fleet into an engagement. The latter, however, withdrew to a town on the coast and prepared themselves for defence. Carthalo was repulsed with some loss, and after having taken a few transports, he retreated to the nearest river, and watched the Romans as they sailed away from the coast. When the consul L. Junius Pullus, on his return from Syracuse, had doubled Pachynum, he ordered his fleet to sail towards Lilybaeum, not knowing what had happened to those whom he had sent before him. Carthalo informed of his approach, immediately sailed out against him, in order to meet him before he could join the other part of the fleet. Pullus fled for refuge to a rocky and dangerous part of the sea, where Carthialo did not venture to attack him; but he took his station at a place between the two Roman fleets to watch them and prevent their joining. Soon after a fearful storm arose which destroyed the whole of the Roman fleet, while the Carthaginians, who were better sailors, had sought a safe place of refuge before the storm broke out. (Polyb. i. 53, 54.) 2. The Carthaginian commander of the cavalry in the army of Hannibal. In B. c. 217, he fought against L. Hostilius Mancinus, in the neighbourhood of Casilinum, and put him to flight. The Romans, under Mancinus, who were merely a reconnoitering band which had been sent out by the dictator, Q. Fabius, at last resolved to make a stand against the enemy, but nearly all of them were cut to pieces. This Carthalo is probably the noble Carthaginian of the same name, whom CARTIMANDUA. Hannibal, after the battle of Cannae, in B. c. 21 6, sent to Rome with ten of the Roman prisoners to negotiate the ransom of the prisoners, and to treat about peace. But when Carthalo approached Rome, a lictor was sent out to bid him quit the Roman territory before sunset. In B. c. 208, when Tarentum was re-conquered by the Romans, Carthalo was commander of the Carthaginian garrison there. He laid down his arms, and as he was going to the consul to sue for mercy, he was killed by a Roman soldier. (Liv. xxii. 15, 58, xxvii. 16; Appian, de Bell. Annib. 49; Dion Cass. Fragm. 152, ed. Reimar.) 3. One of the two leaders of the popular party at Carthage after the close of the second Punic war. He held an office which Appian calls boetharchus, and which seems to have been a sort of tribuneship; and while in his official capacity he was travelling through the country, he attacked some of the subjects of Masinissa, who had pitched their tents on controverted ground. He killed several of them, made some booty, and excited the Africans against the Numidians. These and other acts of hostility between the Carthaginians and Masinissa called for the interference of the Romans, who however rather fostered the hostile feeling, than allayed it. The result was an open war between the Carthaginians and Masinissa. When at length the Romans began to make preparations for the third Punic war, the Carthaginians endeavoured to conciliate the Romans by condemning to death the authors of the war with Masinissa; and Carthalo was accordingly executed. (Appian, de Bell. Pun. 63, 74.) [L. S.] CARTI'LIUS, an early Roman jurist, who probably lived not later than the time of Caligula, as in Dig. 28, tit. 5, s. 69, he is cited by Proculus, who adopts his opinion in the case in question in preference to that of Trebatius. The case was this-Let A. or B, whichever wishes, be my heir. They both wish. Cartilius says, Both take: Trebatius, Neither. In Dig. 13, tit. 6, s. 5, ~ 13, he is cited by Ulpian. It was Ant. Augustinus who (Emend. 3, 9) first brought these passages into notice, and rescued the name of Cartilius from oblivion. In the former passage the Haloandrine editions of the Digest have Carfilius, and, in the latter, an early corrector of the Florentine manuscript, not being familiar with the name Cartilius, enclosed it in brackets as a mark of condemnation. The jurist Cartilius is evidently different from the Catilius, not Cartilius Severus, who was praepositus Syriae, praefectus urbi, and great-grandfather of the emperor M. Antoninus. (Plin. Ep. i. 22; iii. 12; Spart. lHadr. 5, 15, 22; Capitol. Anton. Pins 2; M. Ant. 1; Dion Cass. ix. 21.) The name of this Catilius appears in the Fasti, A. D. 121, as consul for the second time, three years after the death of Trajan. Ills first consulate does not appear in the Fasti, and therefore it may be inferred that he was consul sffectus. If the rescript of Trajan, cited Dig. 29, tit. 1, s. 24, were addressed, according to the Ealoandrine reading, to Catilius Severus, it is probably referable to the time of the proconsulate succeeding his first consulship. (Bertrandus, 2, 22, 1. Maiansius, ii. p. 273-287.) [J. T. G.] CARTIMANDUA, or CARTISMANDUA, queen of the Brigantes in Britain, about A. D. 50, in which year she treacherously delivered up to the Romans Caractacus, who had come to seek her
Page 617 CARUS. protection. By this act of treachery towards her own countrymen, she won the favour of the Romans, and increased her power. Hence, says Tacitus, arose wealth and luxury, and Cartimandua repudiated her own husband Venutius to share her bed and throne with Vellocatus,the arm-bearer of her husband. This threw her state into a civil war, a portion of herpeople supporting Venutius against the adulterer. Venutius collected an army of auxiliaries, defeated the Brigantes, and reduced Cartimandua to the last extremity. She solicited the aid of the Romans, who rescued her from her danger; but Venutius remained in possession of her kingdom, A. D. 69. (Tac. Ann. xii. 36, 40, Hist. iii. 45.) [L.S.] CARVI'LIA GENS, plebeian, came into distinction during the Samnite wars. The first member of the gens who obtained the consulship was Sp. Carvilius in B. c. 293, who received the surname of MAXIMUS, which was handed down as a regular family-name. For those whose cognomen is not mentioned, see CARVILIUs. The following coin is referred to this gens, and the three names upon it, CAR. OGVL. VER., are those of three triumvirs of the mint. CARVI'LIUS. 1. and 2. L. CARVILIUS and SP. CARVILIUS, tribunes of the plebs B. c. 212, accused M. Postumius. [PosTUMIUS.] (Liv. xxv. 3.) 3. SP. CARVILIUS, was sent by Cn. Sicinius to Rome in B. c. 171, when Perseus despatched an embassy to the senate. When the senate ordered the ambassadors to quit Italy within eleven days, Carvilius was appointed to keep watch over them, till they embarked on board their ships. (Liv. xlii. 36.) 4. C. CARVILIus of Spoletium, negotiated on behalf of the Roman garrison the surrender of Uscana, a town of the Penestae, to Perseus in B. c. 169. (Liv. xliii. 18, 19.) CARUS, a Roman poet, and a contemporary of Ovid, who appears to have written a poem on Hercules. (Ovid, Epist. ex Pont. iv. 16. 7.) CARUS, M. AURE'LIUS, according to Victor, whose account is confirmed by Sidonius Apollinaris and Zonaras, was a native of Narbonne in Gaul; but Vopiscus professes to be unable to speak with certainty either of his lineage or birth-place, and quotes the conflicting statements of older authorities, who variously represented that he was born at Milan; or in Illyria, of Carthaginian ancestors; or in the metropolis, of Illyrian parents. He himself undoubtedly claimed Roman descent, as appears from a letter addressed by him when proconsul of Cilicia to his legate Junius, but this is not inconsistent with the supposition that he may have belonged to some city which was also a colony. After passing through many different stages of civil and military preferment, he was appointed praefect of the praetorians by Probus, who entertained the highest respect for his talents and integrity. When that prince was murdered by the soldiers at Sirmium in A. D. 282, Carus was unanimously hailed as his successor, and the choice CARUS. 617 of the troops was confirmed by the senate. The new ruler, soon after his accession, gained a victory over the Sarmatians, who had invaded Illyricum and were threatening Thrace and even Italy itself. Having conferred the title of Caesar upon both his sons, he nominated Carinus, the elder, governor of all the Western provinces, and, accompanied by Numerianus, the younger, set out upon an expedition against the Persians which had been planned by his predecessor. The campaign which followed was most glorious for the Roman arms. The enemy, distracted by internal dissensions, were unable to oppose a vigorous resistance to the invaders. All Mesopotamia was quickly occupied, -Seleucia and Ctesiphon were forced to yield. But the career of Carus, who was preparing to push his conquests beyond the Tigris, was suddenly cut short, for he perished by disease, or treachery, or, as the ancient historians commonly report, by a stroke of lightning, towards the close of 283, after a reign of little more than sixteen months. The account of his death, transmitted by his secretary Junius Calphurnius to the praefect of the city, is so confused and mysterious that we can scarcely avoid the surmise that his end was hastened by foul play, and suspicion has rested upon Arrius Aper, who was afterwards put to death by Diocletian on the charge of having murdered Numerianus. According to the picture drawn by the Augustan historian, Carus held a middle rank between those preeminent in virtue or in vice, being neither very bad nor very good, but rather good than bad. His character undoubtedly stood high before his elevation to the throne: no credit is to be attached to the rumour that he was accessary to the death of his benefactor, Probus, whose murderers he sought out and punished with the sternest justice, and the short period of his sway was unstained by any great crime. But the atrocities of Carinus threw a shade over the memory of his father, whom men could not forgive for having bequeathed his power to such a son. (Vopisc. Carus; Aurel. Vict. Caes. xxxviii., Epit. xxxviii.; Zonar. xii. 30; Eutrop. ix. 12.) [W. R.] CARUS, JU'LUS, one of the murderers of T. Vinius when Galba was put to death in A. D. 69. (Tac. Hist. i. 42.) CARUS, ME'TIUS, one of the most infamous informers under Domitian. (Tac. Agric. 45; Juv. i. 36; Martial, xii. 25; Plin. Ep. i. 5, vii. 19, 27.) CA'RUS, SEIUS, son of Fascianus, at one time praefectus urbi, was put to death by Elagabalus under the pretext that he had stirred up a mutiny among some of the soldiers quartered in the camp under the Alban Mount, but in reality because he was rich, elevated in station, and high in intellect. He was brought to trial in the palace and there executed, no one appearing to give evidence against him except his accuser the emperor. (Dion Cass. Ixxix. 4.) [W. R.]
Page 618 618 CASCA. CARYA'TIS (Kapvarts), a surname of Artemis, derived from the town of Caryae in Laconia. Here the statue of the goddess stood in the open air, and maidens celebrated a festival to her every year with dances. (Paus. iii. 10. ~ 8, iv. 16. ~ 5; Serv. ad Virq. Eclog. viii. 30.) [L. S.] CARY'STIUS, ANTI'GONUS. [ANTIGONUS of CARYSTUS.] CARY'STIUS (Kapvo'-Tos), a Greek grammarian of Pergamus, who lived after the time of Nicander (Athen. xv. p. 684), and consequently about the end of the second century B. c. He is mentioned as the author of several works: 1. 'IoropIKad VrogVYeuara, sometimes also called simply -nro/wg'jaTa, an historical work of which great use was made by Athenaeus, who has preserved a considerable number of statements from it. (i. p. 24, x. p. 434, &c., xi pp. 506, 508, xii. pp. 542, 548, xiii. p. 577, xiv. p. 639; comp. Schol. ad Aristophl. Av. 575, ad Tleocrit. xiii. 22.) It must have consisted of at least three books, as the third is referred to by Athenaeus. 2. Iepi 8tSiao-Kahl\V, that is, an account of the Greek dramas, of the time and place of their performance, of their success, and the like. (Athen. vi. p. 235; the Greek Life of Sophocles,) 3. e-pi 2l W dov, or a commentary on the poet Sotades. (Athen. xiv. p. 620.) All these works are lost. [L. S.] CARYSTUS (Kdpvo-ros), a son of Cheiron and Chariclo, from whom the town of Carystus in Euboea was believed to have derived its name. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyi. iv. 181; Eustath. ad Horm. p. 281.) [L. S.] CASCA, the name of a plebeian family of the Servilia gens. 1. C. SERVILIUS CASCA, was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 212. In that year M. Postumius, a farmer of the public revenue, and a relation of Casca, was accused of having defrauded the republic, and his only hope of escaping condemnation was Casca, who, however, was either too honest or too timid to interpose on his behalf. (Liv. xxv. 3.) 2. P. SERVILIUS CASCA, one of the conspirators against Caesar, who aimed the first stroke at his assassination, B. c. 44. He was in that year tribune of the plebs, and soon afterwards fled from Rome, as he anticipated the revenge which Octavianus was going to take. His leaving Rome as tribune was against the constitution, and his colleague, P. Titius, accordingly carried a decree in the assembly of the people, by which he was deprived of his tribuneship. He fought in the battle of Philippi, and died shortly afterwards. (Appian B. C. ii. 113, 115, 117; Dion Cass. xliv. 52, xlvi. 49; Cic. Plilipp. xiii. 15, ad Ait. i. 17, ad Brut. i. 18; Plut. Brut. 17, 45.) 3. C. SERVILIUS CASCA, a brother of the preceding, and a friend of Caesar, notwithstanding which he was likewise one of the conspirators against the life of the dictator. (Appian, B. C. ii. 113; Plut. Caes. 66; Suet. Caes. 82; Dion Cass. xliv. 52; Cic. Philipp. ii. 11.) CASCELLIUS. The foregoing coin of the Servilia gens belongs either to No. 2 or No. 3; it contains on the obverse the head of Neptune, and on the reverse a figure of Victory. [L. S.] A. CASCE'LLIUS, an eminent Roman jurist, contemporary with Trebatius, whom he exceeded in eloquence, though Trebatius surpassed him in legal skill. Their contemporary, Ofilius, the disciple of Servius Sulpicius, was more learned than either. Cascellius, according to Pliny the Elder (H. N. viii. 40), was the disciple of one Volcatius, who, on a certain occasion, was saved by a dog from the attack of robbers. Pomponius (Dig. 1, tit. 2, s. 2, ~ 45), according to the Florentine manuscript, writes thus-" Fuit Cascellius, Mucius, Volusii auditor: denique in illius honorem testamento P. Mucium nepotem ejus reliquit heredem." This may be understood to mean that, at the end of a long life, Cascellius made the grandson of his fellow-pupil his heir, but a man is more likely to honour his praeceptor than his fellow-pupil, and, on this construction, the Latinity is harsh, both in the use of the singular for the plural, and in the reference of the word illius to the former of the two names, Mucius and Volusius, which are connected merely by collocation. Hence the conjectural reading of Balduinus adopted by Bertrandus (de Vitis Jurisp. 2, 19), viz. " Fuit Cascellius Mucii et Volcatii auditor," has gained the approbation of many critics. Cascellius was a man of stern republican principles: of Caesar's proceedings he spoke with the utmost freedom. Neither hope nor fear could induce him, B. c. 41, to compose legal forms for the donations of the triumvirs, the fruits of their proscriptions, which he looked upon as wholly irregular and illegal. His independence and liberty of speech he ascribed to two things, which most men regarded as misfortunes, old age and childlessness. In offices of honour, he never advanced beyond the first step, the quaestorship, though he survived to the reign of Augustus, who offered him the consulship, which he declined. (Val. Max. vi. 2, ~ 12, Dig. 1. c.) Cascellius is frequently quoted at second hand in the Digest, especially by Javolenus. In Dig. 35, tit. 1, s. 40, s. 1, and 32, s. 100, ~ 1, we find him differing from Ofilius. In the latter passage, the case proposed was this:-A man leaves by will two specific marble statues, and all his marble. Do his other marble statues pass? Cascellius thought not, and Labeo agreed with him, in opposition to Ofilius and Trebatius. In Dig. 38, tit. 5, s. 17, ~ 5, the following words occur in a quotation from Ulpian, " Labeo quarto Posteriorum scripsit, nee Aristo, vel Aulus, utpote probabile, notant." For Aulus here it is not unlikely that Paulus ought to be read, for Cascellius is no where else in the Digest called Aulus simply. Moreover, he was of older standing than Labeo, and the only work of Cascellius extant in the time of Pomponius (who was anterior to U1 -pian), was a book of legal bons rmots (benedictoruma liber). In conversation, Cascellius was graceful, amusing, and witty. Several of his good sayings are preserved. When a client, wishing to sever a partnership in a ship, said to him, " Navem dividere volo," his answer was, " You will destroy your ship." He probably remembered the story of the analogous quibble on the words of a treaty, which,
Page 619 CASPERIUS. to the disgrace of the Romans, deprived Antiochus the Great of his whole fleet. Vatinius, an unpopular personage, for whom it is to be presumed that Cascellius had no great liking, had been pelted with stones at a gladiatorial show, and consequently got a clause inserted in the edict of the aediles, " ne quis in arenam nisi pomum mitteret." About this time, the question was put to Cascellius, whether a nux pinea were a pomum, it being a legal doubt whether fruits with hard as well as with soft external rind, were included in the term. " Si in Vatinium missurus es, pomum est." (Quintil. vi. 3; Macrob. Satiurn. ii. 6.) Horace (Ars Poet. 371, 372) pays a compliment to the established legal reputation of Cascellius"---nec scit quantum Cascellius Aulus, Et tamen in pretio est." The old scholiast on this passage remarks, that Gellius mentions Cascellius with praise, but this seems to be a mistake, unless the lost portions of Gellius should bear out the scholiast's assertion. He probably confounds the jurist with Caesellius Vindex, the grammarian, who is frequently cited by Gellius. The name of the jurist is often corruptly spelt Caesellius, Ceselius, &c. When an interdictum recuperandae possessionis was followed by an action on a sponsio, if the claimant were successful in recovering on the sponsio, he was entitled as a consequence to the restitution of possession by what was called the Cascellianum or secutorium judicium. (Gaius, iv. 166, 169.) It is likely that this judicium was devised by A. Cascellius. Cicero (pro Balbo, 20) and Val. Maximus (viii. 12, ~ 1) say, that Q. Mucius Scaevola, the augur, a most accomplished lawyer, when he was consulted concerning jus praediatorimn, used to refer his clients to Furius and Cascellius, who, being themselves praediatores, and consequently personally interested in that part of the law, had made it their peculiar study. The quotations from our Cascellius in the Digest, do not point to praediatorian law, and a consideration of dates goes far to prove, that Cascellius praediator, was not our jurist, but perhaps his father. The old augur died when Cicero was very young, but our Cascellius might still have been his disciple. (Amm. Marc. xxx. 6; Rutilius, Vitae JCiorzom, 36; Bertrandus, de Juzrisp. ii. 19; Guil. Grotius, i. 10; Strauch. Vitae aliquot JCtorusm, p. 62; Menagius, Amoen. Jurs. c. 8; D'Arnaud, Vitae Scaevolasrum, ~ 4, p. 14; Heineccius, Hist. Jur. Rom. ~~ 190, 191; Edelmann, [Stockmann,] De Benedictis A. Cascellii, Lips. 1803; Bynkershoek, Praetermissa ad Pomponium, p. 57; Lagemans, de Aulo Cascellio JCto. Lug. Bat. 1823; Zimmern, R. R. G. i. pp. 299, 300.) [J. T. G.] CA'SIUS (Kdoeor), a surname of Zeus, derived from mount Casion not far from Pelusium, on which the god had a temple. (Strab. xvi. p. 760; Plin. IH. N. iv. 20, v. 14.) [L. S.] CA'SMILUS. [CADMILUS.] CASPE'RIUS, a centurion who served under the praefect Caelius Pollio, and commanded the garrison of a stronghold called Gorneae in A. D. 52, during a war between the Armenians and Hiberians. Caelius Pollio acted the part of a traitor towards the Armenians, but found an honest opponent in Casperius, who endeavoured, though in vain, to induce the Hiberians to raise the siege. In A. D. 62 we find -him still serving as centurion CASSANDER. 619 in Armenia, and Corbulo sent him as ambassador to Vologeses to expostulate with him respecting his conduct. (Tac. Ann. xii. 45, xv. 5.) [L. S.] CASPE'RIUS AELIA'NUS. [AELIANUS.I CASSANDA'NE (Kaoovaidvn), a Persian lady of the family of the Achaemenidae, daughter of Pharnaspes, who married Cyrus the Great, and became by him the mother of Cambyses. She died before her husband, who much lamented her loss, and ordered a general mourning in her honour. (Herod. ii. 1, iii. 2.) [E. E.] CASSANDER (Kaio-avipos). 1. King of Macedonia, and son of Antipater, was 35 years old before his father's death, if we may trust an incidental notice to that effect in Athenaeus, and must, therefore, have been born in or before B. c. 354. (Athen. i. p. 18, a.; Droysen, Gesch. der Nachifolger Alexanders, p. 256.) His first appearance in history is on the occasion of his being sent from Macedonia to Alexander, then in Babylon, to defend his father against his accusers: here, according to Plutarch (Alex'. 74), Cassander was so struck by the sight, to him new, of the Persian ceremonial of prostration, that he could not restrain his laughter, and the king, incensed at his rudeness, is said to have seized him by the hair and dashed his head against the wall. Allowing for some exaggeration in this story, it is certain that he met with some treatment from Alexander which left on his mind an indelible impression of terror and hatred,-a feeling which perhaps nearly as much as ambition urged him afterwards to the destruction of the royal family. The story which ascribed Alexander's death to poison [see pp. 201, 320], spoke also of Cassander as the person who brought the deadly water to Babylon. With respect to the satrapy of Caria, which is said by Diodorus, Justin, and Curtius to have been given to Cassander among the arrangements of B. c. 323, the confusion between the names Cassander and Asander is pointed out in p. 379, a. (Comp. Diod. xviii. 68.) On Polysperchon's being appointed to succeed Antipater in the regency, Cassander was confirmed in the secondary dignity of Chiliarch (see Wess. ad Diod. xviii. 48; Philolog. Mus. i. 380),-an office which had previously been conferred on him by his father, that he might serve as a check on Antigonus, when (B. c. 321) the latter was entrusted by Antipater with the command of the forces against Eumenes. Being, however, dissatisfied with this arrangement, he strengthened himself by an alliance with Ptolemy Lagi and Antigonus, and entered into war with Polysperchon. For the operations of the contending parties at Athens in B. c. 318, see p. 125, b. The failure of Polysperchon at Megalopolis, in the same year, had the effect of bringing over most of the Greek states to Cassander, and Athens also surrendered to him, on condition that she should keep her city, territory, revenues, and ships, only continuing the ally of the conqueror, who should be allowed to retain Munychia till the end of the war. He at the same time settled the Athenian constitution by establishing 10 minae (half the sum that had been appointed by Antipater) as the qualification for the full rights of citizenship (see Bbickh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, i. 7, iv. 3); and the union of clemency and energy which his general conduct exhibited, is said to have procured him many adherents. While, however, he was successfully advancing his cause in the south, intelli
Page 620 620 CASSANDER. gence reached him that Eurydice and her husband Arrhidaeus had fallen victims to the vengeance of Olympias, who had also murdered Cassander's brother Nicanor, together with 100 of his principal friends, and had even torn from its tomb the corpse of lollas, another brother of his, by whom she asserted (the story being now probably propagated for the first time), that Alexander had been poisoned. Cassander immediately raised the siege of Tegea, in which he was engaged, and hastened with all speed into Macedonia, though he thereby left the Peloponnesus open to Polysperchon's son [ALEXANDER], and cutting off from Olympias all hope of aid from Polysperchon and Aeacides [CALAS, ATARRHIAS], besieged her in Pydna throughout the winter of B. c. 317. In the spring of the ensuing year she was obliged to surrender, and Cassander shortly after caused her to be put to death in defiance of his positive agreement. The way now seemed open to him to the throne of Macedon, and in furtherance of the attainment of this object of his ambition, he placed Roxana and her young son, Alexander Aegus, in custody at Amphipolis, not thinking it safe as yet to murder them, and ordered that they should no longer be treated as royal persons. He also connected himself with the regal family by a marriage with Thessalonica, half-sister to Alexander the Great, in whose honour he founded, probably in 316, the town which bore her name; and to the same time, perhaps, we may refer the foundation of Cassandreia in Pallene, so called after himself. (Strab. Exc. e Lib. vii. p. 330.) Returning now to the south, he stopped in Boeotia and began the restoration of Thebes in the 20th year after its destruction by Alexander (B. e. 315), a measure highly popular with the Greeks, and not least so at Athens, besides being a mode of venting his hatred against Alexander's memory. (Comp. Paus. ix. 7; Plut. Polit. Praec. c. 17; for the date see also Polem. ap. Athen. i. p. 19, c.; Casnub. ad. loc.; Clinton, Fasti, ii. p. 174.) Thence advancing into the Peloponnesus, he retook most of the towns which the son of Polysperchon had gained in his absence; and soon after he succeeded also in attaching Polysperchon himself and Alexander to his cause, and withdrawing them from that of Antigonus, against whom a strong coalition had been formed. [See pp. 126, a, 187, b.] But in B. c. 313, Antigonus contrived, by holding out to them the prospect of independence, to detach from Cassander all the Greek cities where he had garrisons, except Corinth and Sicyon, in which Polysperchon and Cratesipolis (Alexander's widow) still maintained their ground; and in the further operations of the war Cassander's cause continued to decline till the hollow peace of 311, by one of the terms of which he was to retain his authority in Europe till Alexander Aegus should be grown to manhood, while it was likewise provided that all Greek states should be independent. In the same year Cassander made one more step towards the throne, by the murder of the young king and his mother Roxana. In B. c. 310, the war was renewed, and Polysperchon, who once more appears in opposition to Cassander, advanced against him with Hercules, the son of Alexander the Great and Barsine, whom, acting probably under instructions from Antigonus, he had put forward as a claimant to the crown; but, being a man apparently with all the CASSANDER. unscrupulous cruelty of Cassander without his talent and decision, he was bribed by the latter, who promised him among other things the government of the Peloponnesus, to murder the young prince and his mother, a. c. 309. [BARSINE, No. 1.] At this time the only places held by Cassander in Greece were Athens, Corinth, and Sicyon, the two latter of which were betrayed to Ptolemy by Cratesipolis, in B. c. 308; and in 307, Athens was recovered by Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, from Demetrius the Phalerean, who had held it for Cassander from B. c. 318, with the specious title of " Guardian" (lrqueA1rT's'). In B. c. 306, when Antigonus, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy took the name of king, Cassander was saluted with the same title by his subjects, though according to Plutarch (Demetr. 18) he did not assume it himself in his letters. During the siege of Rhodes by Demetrius in 305, Cassander sent supplies to the besieged, and took advantage of Demetrius being thus employed to assail again the Grecian cities, occupying Corinth with a garrison under Prepelaus, and laying siege to Athens. But, in B. c. 304, Demetrius having concluded a peace with the Rhodians, obliged him to raise the siege and to retreat to the north, whither, having made himself master of southern Greece, he advanced against him. Cassander first endeavoured to obtain peace by an application to Antigonus, and then failing in this, he induced Lysimachus to effect a diversion by carrying the war into Asia against Antigonus, and sent also to Seleucus and Ptolemy for assistance. Meanwhile Demetrius, with far superior forces remained unaccountably inactive in Thessaly, till, being summoned to his father's aid, he concluded a hasty treaty with Cassander, providing nominally for the independence of all Greek cities, and passed into Asia, B c. 302. In the next year, 301, the decisive battle of Ipsus, in which Antigonus and Demetrius were defeated and the former slain, relieved Cassander from his chief cause of apprehension. After the battle, the four kings (Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus) divided among theme the dominions of Antigonus as well as what they already possessed; and in this division Macedonia and Greece were assigned to Cassander. (Comp. Daniel. viii.; Polyb. v. 67; App. Bell. Syr. p. 122, adfin.) To B. c. 299 or 298, we must refer Cassander's invasion of Corcyra, which had remained free since its deliverance by Demetrius, B. c. 303, from the Spartan adventurer Cleonymus (comp. Liv. x. 2; Diod. xx. 105), and which may perhaps have been ceded to Cassander as a set-off against Demetrius' occupation of Cilicia, from which he had driven Cassander's brother Pleistarchus. The island, however, was delivered by Agathocles of Syracuse, who compelled Cassander to withdraw from it. In B. c. 298, we find him carrying on his intrigues in southern Greece, and assailing Athens and Elatea in Phocis, which were successfully defended by Olympiodorus, the Athenian, with assistance from the Aetolians. Not being able therefore to succeed by force of arms, Cassander encouraged Lachares to seize the tyranny of Athens, whence however Demetrius expelled him; and Cassander's plans were cut short by his death, which was caused by dropsy in the autumn of B. c. 297, as Droysen places it; Clinton refers it to 296. (Diod. xviii.--xx. xxi. Exc. 2; Plut. Phocion, Pyrrlus, Demetlrius;
Page 621 CASSANDRA. Just. xii.-xv.; Arrian, Anab. vii. 27; Paus. i. 25, 26, x. 34; Droysen, Gesch. der Nachf. Alexanders; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. vii.) It will have appeared from the above account that there was no act, however cruel and atrocious, from which Cassander ever shrunk where the objects he had in view required it; and yet this man of blood, this ruthless and unscrupulous murderer, was at the same time a man of refinement and of cultivated literary tastes,-one who could feel the beauties of Homer, and who knew his poems by heart. (Caryst. ap. Athen. xiv. p. 620, b.) For a sketch of his character, eloquently drawn, see Droysen, pp. 256, 257. The head on the obverse of the annexed coin of Cassander is that of Hercules. 10e K - 2. A Corinthian, who with his countryman Agathynus, having unsuspiciously entered the port of Leucas with four ships of Taurion's squadron, was treacherously seized there by the Illyrians, and sent to Scerdilaidas the Illyrian king. The latter had thought himself wronged by Philip V. of Macedonia, in not receiving the full sum agreed on for his services in the social war, and had sent out 15 cutters to pay himself by piracy, B. c. 218. (Polyb. v. 95.) 3. An Aeginetan, who, at the Achaean congress, held at Megalopolis, B. c. 186, followed Apollonides in dissuading the assembly from accepting the 120 talents proffered them as a gift by king Eumenes II. [See p. 237, a.] He reminded the Achaeans, that the Aeginetans, in consequence of their adherence to the league, had been conquered and enslaved by P. Sulpicius (a. c. 208), and that their island, having been given up by Rome to the Aetolians, had been sold by them to Attalus, the father of Eumenes. He called on Eumenes to shew his good-will to the Achaeans rather by the restoration of Aegina than by gifts of money, and he urged the assembly not to receive presents which would prevent their ever attempting the deliverance of the Aeginetans. The money of the king of Pergamus was refused by the congress. (Polyb. xi. 6, xxiii. 7, 8; comp. Liv. xxvii. 33; Plut. Arat. 34.) 4. An officer in the service of Philip V. of Macedon, whom the king, exasperated by the Romans calling on him to give up Aenus and Maroneia in Thrace, employed as his chief instrument in the cruel massacre of the Maronites, B. c. 185. Being desired by the Romans to send Cassander to Rome for examination before the senate on the subject of the massacre, he caused him to be poisoned on his way, in Epeirus, to prevent any untoward revelations. (Polyb. xxiii. 13, 14; Liv. xxxix. 27, 34.) [E. E.] CASSANDRA (Kao-oaa'pa), also called Alexandra (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 5, 26. ~ 3), was the fairest among the daughters of Priam and Hecabe. There are two points in her story which have furnished the ancient poets with ample materials to dilate upon. The first is her prophetic power, concerning which we have the following traditions: Cassandra CASSIA GENS. 621 and Hellenus, when yet children, were left by their parents in the sanctuary of the Thymbraean Apollo. The next morning they were found entwined by serpents, which were occupied with purifying the children's ears, so as to render them capable of understanding the divine sounds of nature and the voices of birds, and of thereby learning the future. (Tzetz. Argum. ad Lycoph.; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 663.) After Cassandra had grown up, she once again spent a night in the temple of the god. He attempted to surprise her, but as she resisted him, he punished her by causing her prophecies, though true, to be disbelieved by men. (Hygin. Fab. 93.) According to another version, Apollo initiated her in the art of prophecy on condition of her yielding to his desires. The maiden promised to comply with his wishes, but did not keep her word, and the god then ordained that no one should believe her prophecies. (Aeschyl. Agamn. 1207; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 247.) This misfortune is the cause of the tragic part which Cassandra acts during the Trojan war: she continually announces the calamities which are coming, without any one giving heed to what she says; and even Priam himself looks upon her as a mad woman, and has her shut up and guarded.. (Tzetz. 1. c.; Lycoph. 350; Serv. ad Aen.ii. 246,) It should, however, be remarked, that Homer knows nothing of the confinement of Cassandra, and in the Iliad she appears perfectly free. (II. xxiv. 700; comp. Od. xi. 421, &c.) During the war Othryoneus of Cabesus sued for her hand, but was slain by Idomeneus (II. xiii. 363); afterwards Coroebus did the same, but he was killed in the taking of Troy. (Paus. x. 27. ~ 1; Virg. Aen. ii. 344, 425.) The second point in her history is her fate at and after the taking of Troy. She fled into the sanctuary of Athena, and embraced the statue of the goddess as a suppliant. But Ajax, the son of Oileus, tore her away from the temple, and according to some accounts, even ravished her in the sanctuary. (Strab. vi. p. 264; comp. AJAX.) When the Greeks divided the booty of Troy, Cassandra was given to Agamemnon, who took her with him to Mycenae. Here she was killed by Clytaemnestra, and Aegisthus put to death her children by Agamemnon, Teledamus, and Pelops. (Aeschyl. Agam. 1260; Paus. ii. 16. ~ 5; Hom. II. xiii. 365, xxiv. 699; Od. xi. 420.) She had a statue at Amyclae, and a temple with a statue at Leuctra in Laconia. (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 5, 26. ~ 3.) Her tomb was either at Amyclae or Mycenae (ii. 16. ~ 5), for the two towns disputed the possession of it. There is another mythical heroine Cassandra, who was a daughter of Iobates, king of Lycia. (Schol. ad Homn. II. vi. 155; comp. BELLEROPHON.) [L. S.] CA'SSIA GENS, originally patrician, afterwards plebeian. We have mention of only one patrician of this gens, Sp. Cassius Viscellinus, consul in B. c. 502, and the proposer of the first agrarian law, who was put to death by the patricians. As all the Cassii after his time are plebeians, it is not improbable either that the patricians expelled them from their order, or that they abandoned it on account of the murder of Viscellinus. The Cassia gens was reckoned one of the noblest in Rome; and members of it are constantly mentioned under the empire as well as during the re
Page 622 622 CASSIANUS. public. (Comp. Tac. Ann. vi. 15.) The chief family in the time of the republic bears the name of LONGINUS: the other cognomens during that time are HEMINA, PARMENSIS, RAVILLA, SABACO, VARUS, VISCELLINUS. Under the empire, the surnames are very numerous: of these an alphabetical list is given below. The few persons of this gens mentioned without any cognomen are given under CASSIUS. CASSIA'NUS (KaOa-ravo's), a Christian writer who was, according to Clemens of Alexandria (ap. HIieron. Catal. Script. Eccles. 38), the author of a chronological work (Xpovoypacpia). He may be the same as the Julius Cassianus from whose work "De Continentia" a fragment is quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. vi. 13), and is perhaps also no other person than the Cassianus whose first book of a work entitled E'ryiTtLKcO is quoted by Clemens of Alexandria. (Strom. i. p. 138.) [L. S.] CASSIA'NUS, otherwise called JOANNES MASSILIENSIS and JOANNES EREMITA, is celebrated in the history of the Christian church as the champion of Semipelagianism, as one of the first founders of monastic fraternities in Western Europe, and as the great lawgiver by whose codes such societies were long regulated. The date of his birth cannot be determined with certainty, although A. D. 360 must be a close approximation, and the place is still more doubtful. Some have fixed upon the shores of the Euxine, others upon Syria, others upon the South of France, and all alike appeal for confirmation of their views to particular expressions in his works, and to the general character of his phraseology. Without pretending to decide the question, it seems on the whole most probable that he was a native of the East. At a very early age he became an inmate of the monastery of Bethlehem, where he received the first elements of religious instruction, and formed with a monk named Germanus an intimacy which exercised a powerful influence over his future career. In the year 390, accompanied by his friend, he travelled into Egypt, and after having passed seven years among the Ascetics who swarmed in the deserts near the Nile, conforming to all their habits and practising all their austerities, he returned for a short period to Bethlehem, but very soon again retired to consort with the eremites of the Thebald. In 403 he repaired to Constantinople, attracted by the fame of Chrysostom, and received ordination as deacon from his hands. When that great prelate was driven by persecution from his see, Cassianus and Germanus were employed by the friends of the patriarch to lay a statement of the case before Pope Innocent I., and since Pelagius is known to have been at Rome about this period, it is highly probable that some personal intercourse may have taken place between him and his future opponent. From this time there is a blank in the history of Cassianus until the year 415, when we find him established as a presbyter at Marseilles, where he passed the remainder of his life in godly labours, having founded a convent for nuns and tile celebrated abbey of St. Victor, which while, under his controul is said to have numbered five thousand inmates. These two establishments long preserved a high reputation, and served as models for many similar institutions in Gaul and Spain. The exact year of his death is not known, but the event must be placed after 433, at least the chronicle of Prosper CASSIANUS. represents him as being alive at that epoch. He was eventually canonized as a saint, and a great religious festival used to be celebrated in honour of him at Marseilles on the 25th of July. The writings of Cassianus now extant are1. "1 De Institutis Coenobiorum Libri XII.," composed before the year 418 at the request of Castor [CASTon], bishop of Apt, who was desirous of obtaining accurate information with regard to the rules by which the cloisters in the East were governed. This work is divided into two distinct parts. The first four books relate exclusively to the mode of life, discipline, and method of performing sacred offices, pursued in various monasteries; the remainder contain a series of discourses upon the eight great sins into which mankind in general and monks in particular are especially liable to fall, such as gluttony, pride, passion, and the like. Hence Photius (Cod. cxcvii.) quotes these two sections as two separate treatises, and this arrangement appears to have been adopted to a certain extent by the author himself. (See Praef. Collatt. and Collat. xx. 1.) The subdivision of the first part into two, proposed by Gennadius, is unnecessary and perplexing. 2. " Collationes Patrum XXIV.," twenty-four sacred dialogues between Cassianus, Germanus, and Egyptian monks, in which are developed the spirit and object of the monastic life, the end sought by the external observances previously described. They were composed at different periods between 419 and 427. The first ten are inscribed to Leontius, bishop of Frejus, and to Helladius, abbot of St. Castor, the following seven to Honoratus, afterwards bishop of Aries, the last seven to Jovinianus, Minervius, and other monks. In the course of these conversations, especially in the 13th, we find an exposition of the peculiar views of Cassianus on certain points of dogmatic theology, connected more especially with original sin, predestination, free-will, and grace, constituting the system which has been termed Semipelagianism because it steered a middle course between the extreme positions occupied by St. Augustin and Pelagius; for while tile former maintained, that man was by nature utterly corrupt and incapable of emerging from his lost state by any efforts of his own, the latter held, that the new-born infant was in the state of Adam before the fall, hence morally pure and capable in himself of selecting between virtue and vice; while Cassianus, rejecting the views of both, asserted, that the natural man was neither morally dead nor morally sound, but morally sick, and therefore stood in need of medical aid, that aid being the Grace of God. Moreover, according to his doctrine, it is necessary for man of his own free will to seek this aid in order to be made whole, but at the same time the free-will of man cannot set limits to the Grace of God which may be exerted on behalf of those who seek it not, as in the case of the Apostle Paul and others. Cassianus certainly rejected absolute predestination and the limitation of justification to the elect, but his ideas upon these topics are not very clearly expressed. Those who desire full information with regard to Semipelagian tenets will find them fully developed in the works enumerated at the end of this article. 3. " De Incarnatione Christi Libri VII.," a controversial tract in confutation of the Nestorian heresy, drawn up about 430 at the request of Leo,
Page 623 CASSIANUS. at that time archdeacon and afterwards bishop of Rome. The following essays have been ascribed erroneously, or at all events upon insufficient evidence, to Cassianus: -" De spirituali Medicina Monachi seu Dosis medica ad exinaniendos Animi Affectus;" " Theologica Confessio et De Conflictu Vitiorum et Virtutum;" " Vita S. Victoris Martyris," &c. There are no grounds for believing that he wrote, as some have asserted, a Regula Monastica, now lost. The attentive reader of this father will soon perceive that he was thoroughly engrossed with his subject, and paid so little attention to the graces of style, that his composition is often careless and slovenly. At the same time his diction, although it bears both in words and in construction a barbaric stamp deeply impressed, is far superior to that of many of his contemporaries, since it is plain, simple, unaffected, and intelligible, devoid of the fantastic conceits, shabby finery, and coarse paint, under which the literature of that age so often strove to hide its awkwardness, feebleness, and deformity. The earliest edition of the collected works of Cassianus is that of Basle, 1559, fol., in a volume containing also Joannes Damascenus. It was reprinted in 1569 and 1575. These were followed by the edition of Antwerp, 1578, 8vo. The most complete and best edition is that printed at Frankfort, 1722, fol., with the commentaries and preliminary dissertations of the Benedictine Gazaeus (Gazet), and reprinted at Leipzig in 1733, fol. The edition superintended by Gazet himself was published at Douay in 1618, 3 vols. fol., and again in an enlarged form at Arras in 1628. The Institutiones appeared at Basle in 1485 and 1497, fol., and at Leyden, 1516, fol. The existence of the Venice edition of 1481, mentioned by Fabricius, is doubtful. The Institutiones and Collationes appeared at Venice, 1491, fol.; at Bologna, 1521, 8vo.; at Leyden, 1525, 8vo., at Rome, 1583 and 1611, 8vo. The De Incarnatione, first published separately at Basle in 1534, and reprinted at Paris in 1545 and 1569, is included in Simler's " Scriptores veteres Latini de una Persona et duabus Naturis Christi," Zurich, 1572, fol. There is a translation of the Institutiones into Italian by Buffi, a monk of Camaldoli, Venice, 1563, 4to., of the Collationes into French by De Saligny, Paris, 1663, 8vo., and of the Institutiones, also by De Saligny, Paris, 1667, 8vo. For a full and elaborate disquisition on the life, writings, and doctrines of Cassianus, consult the two essays by Dr. G. F. Wiggers, De Joanne Cassiano Massiliensi, qui Semipelagianismi Auctor vulgo perhibetur, Rostochii, 1824, 1825, 4to., and his article " Cassianus" in the Encyclopaedia of Ersch and Gruber. See also Geffken, Historia Semipelagianismi antiquissima, Gottingae, 1826. Besides these, we have among the older writers Commentarius de Joanne Cassiano, by Cuper, in the Acta SS. m. Jul. v. p. 488; also S. Joannes Cassianus illustrauts, by Jo. Bapt. Guesnay, Leyden, 1652, 4to.; and Dissertatio de Vita, Scriptis et Doctrina Joannis Cassiani, Abbatis Mlassiliensis, Semipelagianorum Principis, by Ouden, in his Comment. de Script. Eccl. vol. i. p. 1113. See also Tillemont, xiv. 157; Schroeck, Kirclhengesch. viii. 383; Schoenemann, Bibliotleca Patrum Latinorum CASSIODORUS. 623 cap. v. 26 (Lips. 1792); Baehr, Gesc7ichte der R6omisclwn Literatur, Suppl. Band, ii. Abtheil. p. 328. [W. R.] CASSIA'NUS BASSUS. [BASSUS.] CASSIEPEIA or CASSIOPEIA (Kaoro-tereL or Kaeo'7rela), the wife of Cepheus in Aethiopia, and mother of Andromeda, whose beauty she extolled above that of the Nereids. This pride became the cause of her misfortunes, for Poseidon sent a monster into the country which ravaged the land, and to which Andromeda was to be sacrificed. But Perseus saved her life. (Hygin. Fab. 64; comp. ANDROMEDA.) According to other accounts Cassiepeia boasted that she hirself surpassed the Nereids in beauty, and for this reason she was represented, when placed among the stars, as turning backwards. (Arat. Phaen. 187, &c.; Manil. Astron. i. 355.) [L. S.] CASSIODO'RUS, MAGNUS AURE'LIUS, or CASSIODO'RIUS, for the MSS. vary between these two forms of the name, although the former has been generally adopted, was born about A. D. 468, at Scylaceum (Squillace), in the country of the Bruttii, of an ancient, honourable, and wealthy Roman family. His father was at one period secretary to Valentinian the Third, but retired from public life upon the death of that prince and the extinction of the Western Empire. Young Cassiodorus was soon discovered to be a boy of high promise, and his talents were cultivated with anxious assiduity and care. At a very early age his genius, accomplishments, and multifarious learning, attracted the attention and commanded the respect of the first barbarian king of Italy, by whom he was chosen Comes rerym privatarum and eventually Comes sacrarum largitionum, an appointment which placed him at the head of financial affairs. But when Odoacer after a succession of defeats was shut up in Ravenna by Theodoric, Cassiodorus withdrew to his estates in the south, and hastened to recommend himself to the conqueror by persuading his countrymen and the Sicilians to submit without resistance. Hence, after the murder of his former patron, he was received with the greatest distinction by the new sovereign, was nominated to all the highest offices of state in succession, and under a variety of different titles (for the parade and formality of the old court were studiously maintained), regulated for a long series of years the administration of the Ostrogothic power with singular ability, discretion, and success, possessing at once the full confidence of his master and the affection of the people. Perceiving, however, that Theodoric, enfeebled by age, was beginning to yield to the selfish suggestions of evil counsellors and to indulge in cruelty towards his Italian subjects, Cassiodorus wisely resolved to seek shelter from the approaching storm, and, resigning all his honours, betook himself to the country in 524, thus avoiding the wretched fate of Boethius and Symmachus. Recalled after the death of Theodoric, he resumed his position, and continued to discharge the duties of chief minister under Amalasontha, Athalaric, Theodatus, and Vitiges, exerting all his energies to prop their tottering dominion. But when the triumph of Belisarius and the downfall of the Ostrogoths was no longer doubtful, being now 70 years old, he once more retired to his native province, and having founded the monastery of Viviers (Coenobium Vivarienses. Castellense), passedl the remainder of his life, which
Page 624 624 CASSIODORUS. was prolonged until he had nearly completed a century, in the seclusion of the cloister. Here his activity of mind was no less conspicuous than when engaged in the stirring business of the world, and his efforts were directed towards the accomplishment of designs not less important. The great object which he kept steadily in view and prosecuted with infinite labour and unflagging zeal, was to elevate the standard of education among ecclesiastics by inducing them to study the models of classical antiquity, and to extend their knowledge of general literature and science. To accomplish this he formed a library, disbursed large sums in the purchase of MSS., encouraged the monks to copy these with care, and devoted a great portion of his time to labour of this description and to the composition of elementary treatises on history, metaphysics, the seven liberal arts, and divinity, which have rendered him not less celebrated as an author and a man of learning than as a politician and a statesman. The leisure hours which remained he is said to have employed in the construction of philosophical toys, such as sun-dials, water-clocks, everlasting lamps, and the like. The benefit derived from his precepts and example was by no means confined to the establishment over which he presided, nor to the epoch when he flourished. The same system, the advantages of which were soon perceived and appreciated, was gradually introduced into similar institutions, the transcription of ancient works became one of the regular and stated occupations of the monastic life, and thus, in all probability, we are indirectly indebted to Cassiodorus for the preservation of a large proportion of the most precious relics of ancient genius. The following is a list of all the writings of Cassiodorus with which we are acquainted:1. " Variarum (Epistolarum) Libri XII.," an assemblage of state papers drawn up by Cassiodorus in accordance with the instructions of the sovereigns whom he served. In the first ten books the author always speaks in the person of the ruler for the time being; in the last two, in his own. The first five contain the ordinances of Theodoric, the sixth and seventh regulations (formulae) with regard to the chief offices of the kingdom, the eighth, ninth, and tenth, the decrees promulgated by the immediate successors of Theodoric, the eleventh and twelfth the edicts published by Cassiodorus himself during the years 534-538, when praefect of the praetorium. This collection is of the greatest historical importance, being our chief and most trustworthy source of information in regard to everything connected with the constitution and internal discipline of the Ostrogothic dominion in Italy. We must not, however, expect to find much that is attractive or worthy of imitation in the style of these documents. While we cannot help admiring the ingenuity displayed in the selection and combination of phrases, moulded for the most part into neat but most artificial forms, and polished with patient toil, we at the same time feel heartily wearied and disgusted by the sustained affectation and declamatory glitter which disfigure every page. The language is full of strange and foreign words, and little attention is paid to the delicacies of syntax, but Funccius is too harsh when he designates it as a mere mass of Gothic solecisms. Perhaps the best description which can be given of the general effect produced CASSIODORUS. upon the reader by these compositions is contained in the happy expression of Tiraboschi, who characterises the diction of Cassiodorus as " barbara eleganza." The Editio Princeps of the " Variarum" was printed under the inspection of Accursius by Henr. Sileceus, at Augsburg, in the month of May, 1533 (fol.), the disquisition " De Anima" being included in the same volume. 2. " Chronicon," a dull, pompous, clumsy summary of Universal History, extending from the creation of the world down to A. D. 519, derived chiefly from Eusebius, Hieronymus, Prosper, and other authorities still accessible. It was drawn up in obedience to the orders of Theodoric, and by no means deserves the respect with which it was regarded in the middle ages, since it is carelessly compiled and full of mistakes. 3. " Historiae Ecclesiasticae Tripartitae ex tribus Graecis Scriptoribus, Sozomeno, Socrate, ac Theodoreto ab Epiphanio Scholastico Versis, per Cassiodorum Senatorem in Epitomen redactae Libri XII." The origin of this work is sufficiently explained by the title. It contains a complete survey of ecclesiastical history from Constantine down to the younger Theodosius. This, like the Chronicon, is of little value in the present day, since the authorities from which it is taken are still extant, and are infinitely superior both in matter and manner to the epitomizer. Prefixed we have an introduction, in which Cassiodorus gives full scope to his taste for inflated grandiloquence. The editio princeps of the Ecclesiastical History was printed by Johannes Schussler, at Augsburg, 1472, fol. 4. " Computus Paschalis sive de Indictionibus, Cyclis Solis et Lunae," &c., containing the calculations necessary for the correct determination of Easter. This treatise belongs to the date 562, and this is the latest year in which we can prove the author to have been alive. 5. " De Orthographia Liber," compiled by Cassiodorus when 93 years old from the works of nine ancient grammarians,-Agnaeus Cornutus, Velius Longus, Curtius Valerianus, Papirianus, Adamantius Martyrius, Eutyches, Caesellius, Lucius Caecilius Vindex, and Priscianus, in addition to whom we find quotations from Varro, Donatus, and Phocas. 6. " De Arte Grammatica ad Donati Mentem," of which a fragment only has been preserved. This tract, together with the preceding, will be found in the " Grammaticae Latini Auctores antiqui" of Putschius, Hanov. 1605, p. 2275 and p. 2322. 7. " De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberalium Literarum," in two books, a compilation from the best authorities, much esteemed and studied during the middle ages. It contains a compendium of the seven liberal arts which were at one time supposed to embrace the whole circuit of human knowledge, -Grammar, Rhetoric, Dialectics, Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy, Music. Angelo Mai has recently published from a Vatican MS. some chapters, hitherto unedited, which seem to have formed the conclusion of the work. (Classzcorum Auctorum e Vat. Codd. vol. iii. p. 349.) 8. " De Anima," on the name, origin, nature, qualities, abode, and future existence of the soul, together with speculations upon other topics connected with the same subject.
Page 625 CASSIODORUS. 9. " De Institutione Divinarum Literarum," an introduction to the profitable reading of the Holy Scriptures, intended for the use of the monks. This is perhaps the most pleasing of all our author's works. His profound and varied knowledge is here displayed to the best advantage, his instructions are conveyed in more plain and simple phraseology than he elsewhere employs, while a truly Christian tone and spirit pervades the whole. 10. " Expositio in Psalmos sive Commenta Psalterii," extracted chiefly from the " Enarrationes" of St. Augustin, although we gather from internal evidence that the exegetical treatises of Hilarius, Ambrosius, Hieronymus, and others upon the same subject, had been carefully consulted. As a matter of course we detect in the copy the same features which distinguish the original, the same love of overstrained allegorical interpretation, the same determination to wring from the plainest and least ambiguous precepts some mystical and esoteric doctrine. 11. The " Expositio in Cantica Canticorum," although breathing a spirit similar to the commentary just described, and set down in all MSS. as the production of Cassiodorus, is throughout so different in style and language from all his other dissertations, that its authenticity has with good reason been called in question. 12. " Complexiones in Epistolas Apostolorum, in Acta et in Apocalypsim." Short illustrations of the apostolic Epistles, the Acts, and Revelations, first brought to light by Scipio Maffei, published by him at Florence from a Verona MS. in 1721, and reprinted at London with the notes of Chandler in 1722, and at Rotterdam in 1723, all in 8vo. These annotations are not considered by theologians of any particular value. In addition to the above we frequently find two tracts included among the writings of Cassiodorus, one a rhetorical essay entitled " De Schematibus et Tropis," and the other " De Amicitia Liber." Of these the former is now generally ascribed to the venerable Bede, while the latter is believed to have been composed by Petrus Blesensis, archdeacon of London, an ecclesiastic of the twelfth century. Among his lost works we may name, 1. " Libri XII De Rebus Gestis Gothorum," known to us only through the abridgement of Jornandes; 2. " Liber Titulorum s. Memorialis," short abstracts, apparently, of chapters in holy writ; 3. " Expositio Epistolae ad Romanos," in which the Pelagian heresy was attacked and confuted. The last two, together with the " Complexiones" and several other treatises already mentioned, are enumerated in the preface to the " De Orthographia Liber." The first edition of the collected works of Cassiodorus is that published at Paris in 1584, 4to., with the notes of Fornerius; the best and most complete is that published by D. Garet at Rouen, 1679, 2 vols. fol., and reprinted at Venice in 1729. On his life we have Vita Cassiodori, prefixed to the edition of Garet; La Vie de Cassidore avec un Abrege de l'-Iistoire des Princes qu'il a servi et des Remarques sur ses Ouvrages, by F. D. de Sainte Marthe, Paris, 1694, 8vo.; and Leben Cassiodor's, by De Buat, in the first volume of the transactions of the Royal Academy of Munich, p. 79. There is frequently much confusion in biographical disquisitions between Cassiodorus the father and Cassiodorus the son, the former having been supposed by many to be thie individual who held office under CASSIUS. 625 Odoacer, and the latter not to have been born until 479. But the question seems to be set at rest by the 4th epistle of the 1st book of the Variarum, where the father and son are clearly distinguished from each other; and since the latter unquestionably enjoyed a place of trust under Odoacer, whose downfall took place in 490, the young secretary, although still " adolescens," could not by any possibility have been born so late as 479. Some remarks upon this point will be found in Osann, Beitr'ige zur Gr. und Rom. Literatur Geschichte, vol. ii. p. 160, Cassel. 1839. The different dignities with which he was invested are enumerated, and their nature fully explained, in Manso, Geschlichte des Ostgotlischen Reichs. [W. R.] CASSI'PHONE (KaIo-,o vn), a daughter of Odysseus by Circe, and sister of Telegonus. After Odysseus had been restored to life by Circe, when he had been killed by Telegonus, he gave Cassiphone in marriage to Telemachus, whom, however, she killed, because he had put to death her mother Circe. (Schol. ad Lycoph. 795, &c.) [L. S.] CASSIVELAUNUS, a British chief, who fought against Caesar in his second campaign against Britain, B. c. 54. He ruled over the country north of the river Tamesis (Thames), and as by his perpetual wars with his neighbours he had acquired the reputation of a great warrior, the Britons gave him the supreme command against the Romans. After the Britons and Romans had fought in several engagements, the former abstained from attacking the Romans with their whole forces, which emboldened Caesar to march into the dominions of Cassivelaunus: he crossed the Thames, though its passage had been rendered almost impossible by artificial means, and put the enemy to flight; but he continued to be much harassed by the sallies of the Britons from their forests. The Trinobantes, however, with whom Cassivelaunus had been at war, and some other tribes submitted to the Romans. Through themn Caesar became acquainted with the site of the capital of Cassivelaunus, which was not far off, and surrounded by forests and marshes. Caesar forthwith made an attack upon the place and took it. Cassivelaunus escaped, but as one or two attacks which he made on the naval camp of the Romans were unsuccessful, he sued for peace, which was granted to him on condition of his paying a yearly tribute and giving hostages. (Caes. B. G. v. 11-23; Dion Cass. xl. 2, 3; Polyaen. Strat. viii. Caes. 5; Beda, Eccles. Hist. Gent. Anyl. i. 2.) [L. S.] CA'SSIUS. 1. C. CAssims, tribune of the soldiers, B. c. 168, to whose custody the Illyrian king Gentius was entrusted by the praetor Anicius, when he fell into the hands of the latter in the Illyrian war. (Liv. xliv. 31.) 2. L. CAssIUS, proconsul in Asia in B. c. 90, which province he probably received after his praetorship with the title of proconsul, as we know that he never obtained the consulship itself. In conjunction with M'. Aquillius he restored Ariobarzanes to Cappadocia, and Nicomedes to Bithynia; but when Ariobarzanes was again driven out of his kingdom by Mithridates in the following year, Cassius made preparations to carry on war against the latter. He was, however, obliged to retire before Mithridates, and fled to Rhodes, where he was when Mithridates laid siege to the place. He afterwards fell into the 2s
Page 626 626 CASSIUS. hands of the king of Pontus, though on what occasion is not mentioned, but was restored to freedom at the end of the first Mithridatic war. (Appian, Mithir. 11, 17, 24, 112.) 3. L. CASSIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 89, at the time of the Marsic war, when the value of landed property was depreciated, and the quantity of money in circulation was comparatively small. Debtors were thus unable to pay the money they owed, and as the praetor A. Sempronius Asellio decided against the debtors in accordance with the old laws, the people became exasperated, and L. Cassius excited them still more against him, so that he was at length murdered by the people while offering a sacrifice in the forum. (Val. Max. ix. 7. ~ 4; comp. Liv. Epit. 74.) 4. Q. CASSIUs, legate of Q. Cassius Longinus in Spain in B. c. 48, and probably the same to whom Antony gave Spain at the division of the provinces at the end of B. c. 44. (Hirt. B. Alex. 52, 57; Cic. Philipp. iii. 10.) CA'SSIUS (Kacrieos), a Sceptic philosopher, who wrote against Zeno the Stoic. (Diog. Laeirt. vii. 32, 34; Galen, Hypothes. Empir. 3.) [L. S.] CA'SSIUS, AGRIPPA, is called a most learned writer. He lived about A. D. 132, in the reign of the emperor Hadrian, and wrote a very accurate refutation of the heresies of Basilides the Gnostic and his son Isidorus. A fragment of this work is preserved in Eusebius. (Hist. Eccles. iv. 7; comp. Hieron. Script. Eccles. 21, Indic. Haeres. 2; Theodoret, De Haerel. Fab. i. 4.) [L. S.] CA'SSIUS APRONIA'NUS. [APRoNIANUS, No. 2.] CA'SSIUS ASCLEPIO'DOTUS. [ASCLEPIODOTUS.] CA'SSIUS, AVI'DIUS, one of the most able and successful among the generals of M. Aurelius, was a native of Cyrrhus in Syria, son of a certain Heliodorus, who in consequence of his eminence as a rhetorician had risen to be praefect of Egypt. While Verus was abandoning himself to all manner of profligacy at Antioch, the war against the Parthians was vigorously prosecuted by Cassius, who closed a most glorious campaign by the capture of Seleuceia and Ctesiphon. He subsequently quelled a formidable insurrection in Egypt, organized by a tribe of marauders who dwelt among the fens; and having been appointed governor of all the Eastern provinces, discharged his trust for several years with fidelity and firmness. The history of his rebellion and his miserable death are narrated under M. AURELIUS. If we can believe in the authenticity of the documents produced by Gallicanus, the conduct of Cassius excited the suspicion of Verus at a very early period, but Antoninus refused to listen to the representations of his colleague, ascribing them doubtless, and with good cause, to jealousy. (In addition to the notices contained in Dion Cassius lxxi. 2, 21, &c., we have a formal biography from the pen of one of the Augustan historians, named Vulcatius Gallicanus, but the style of this production is not such as to inspire much confidence in its author.) [W. R.] CA'SSIUS BARBA. [BARBA.] CA'SSIUS BETILLI'NUS. [BAssus, BETILIENUS.] CA'SSIUS CHAEREA. [CHAEREA.] CA'SSIUS CLEMENS. [CLEMENs.] CA'SSIUS DION. [DION CASSIUS.] CA SSIUS, DIONY'SIUS (Atovraos KIdaooios), CASSIUS. a native of Utica, lived about B. c. 40. He translated the great work of the Carthaginian Mago on agriculture from the Punic into Greek, but in such a manner that he condensed the twenty-eight books of the original into twenty, although he made numerous additions to it from the best Greek writers on agriculture. He dedicated this work to the praetor Sextilius. Diophanes of Bithynia, again, made a useful abridgement of the work in six books, which he dedicated to king Deiotarus. The work of Dionysius Cassius is mentioned among those used by Cassianus Bassus in compiling the Geoponica at the command of Constantinus Porphyrogeneta. (Varro, De Re Rust. i. 1; Columella, i. 1; Athen. xiv. p. 648; Plin. H, N. xx. 44; Geoponica, i. 11.) Cassius also wrote a work P1iOTOjuLCKd. (Schol. ad Nicand. 520; Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Truv'c.) With the exception of the extracts in the Geoponica, the works of Cassius have perished. [L. S.] CA'SSIUS IATROSOPIHISTA, or CA'SSIUS FELIX, the author of a little Greek medical work entitled 'IarpiKal'Arropuia KtCal po\ijuaara voiK/ca', Quaestiones Medicae et Problemnata Naturalia. Nothing is known of the events of his life, nor is it possible to identify him with certainty with any of the individuals of this name. With respect to his date, it can only be said that he quotes Asclepiades, who lived in the first century B. c., and that he is generally supposed to have lived himself in the first century after Christ. His title latrosophistca is explained in the Didt. qf Ant. His work consists of eighty-four questions on medical and physical subjects, with the solutions, and contains much curious matter. It was first published in Greek at Paris, 1541, 12mo., and translated into Latin the same year by Hadrianus Junius, Paris, 4to. A Greek and Latin edition appeared in 1653, 4to. Lips., together with the work of Theophylactus Simocatta; and the Greek text alone is inserted in the first volume of Ideler's Physici et Medici Graeci Minores, Berol. 1841, 8vo. The work is also to be found in various old editions of Aristotle. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 169, ed. vet.; Choulant, Handbuchl der Biicherkunde fiur die Aeltere Medicin.) [W. A. G.] CA'SSIUS LONGUS. [LONGUS.] CA'SSIUS PARMENSIS, so called, it would appear, from Parma, his birth-place, is in most works upon Roman literature styled 0. Cassius Severus Parmensis, but erroneously, since there is no authority whatsoever for assigning the praenomen of Caius or the cognomen of Severus to this writer. Horace (Serm. i. 10. 61), when censuring careless and rapid compositions, illustrates his observations, by referring to a Cassizus Etruscus, whom he compares to a river in flood rolling down a turbid torrent, and adds, that the story ran that this poet, his works, and book-boxes, were all consigned together to the flames. Here Acro, Porphyrio, and the Scholiast of Cruquius agree in expressly declaring that the person spoken of is Cassius Parmensis, and the latter makes mention of a tragedy by him, called Thyestes, as still extant. Again, Horace (Ep. i. 4. 3), when writing to Albius, who is generally believed to be Tibullus, questions him with regard to his occupations, and asks whether he is writing anything " quod Cassii Parmensis opuscula vincat." Here the old commentators quoted above again agree in asserting that this Cassius served as tribune of the soldiers
Page 627 CASSIUS. in the army of Brutus and Cassius, that he returned to Athens after their defeat, that L. Varus was despatched by Augustus to put him to death, and, after executing the order, carried off his portfolio; whence a report became current, that the Thyestes published by Varus was really the work of Cassius stolen and appropriated by his executioner. To this narrative Acro and the Scholiast of Cruquius add, that he composed in various styles, and that his elegies and epigrams were especially admired. These two passages and the annotations upon them have been the foundation of a lengthened controversy, in which almost all writers upon Roman literature have taken part. A variety of opinions have been expressed and hypotheses propounded, many of them supported with great learning and skill. A full account of these will be found in the essay of Weichert "De Lucii Varii et Cassii Parmensis Vita et Carminibus," (Grimae, 1836;) who, after patient examination, has shewn by many arguments, that the following conclusions are the most probable which the amount and nature of the evidence at our disposal will enable us to form: 1. Cassius Etruscus and Cassius Parmensis were two separate personages. It is the intention of Horace to hold up the first to ridicule, while his words imply a compliment to the second. 2. Cassius Parmensis was one of the conspirators who plotted the death of Caesar. He took an active part in the war against the triumvirs, and, after the defeat and death of Brutus and Cassius, carried over the fleet which he commanded to Sicily, and joined Sextus Pompeius, with whom he seems to have remained up to the period of the great and decisive sea-fight between Mylae and Naulochus. He then surrendered himself to Antonius, whose fortunes he followed until after the battle of Actium, when he returned to Athens, and was there put to death by the command of Octavianus. These facts are fully established by the testimony of Appian (B. C. v. 2) and of Valerius Maximus (i. vii. ~ 7), who tells the tale of the vision by which Cassius was forewarned of his approaching fate, and of Velleius (ii. 88), who distinctly states, that as Trebonius was the first, so Cassius Parmensis was the last, of the murderers of Caesar who perished by a violent end. The death of Cassius probably took place about B. c. 30; and this fact alone is sufficient to prove that Cassius Parmensis and Cassius Etruscus were different persons; the former had held a high command in the struggle in which Horace had been himself engaged, and had perished but a few years before the publication of the epistles; the former is spoken of as one who had been long dead, and almost if not altogether forgotten. 3. We have seen that two of the Scholiasts on Horace represent that Cassius composed in different styles. We have reason to believe that he wrote tragedies, that the names of two of his pieces were Thyestes and Brutus, and that a line of the latter has been preserved by Varro (L. L. vi. 7, ed. Mi'ller). In like manner, a single line of one of his epigrams is quoted by Quintilian (v. 2. ~ 24), and a single sentence from an abusive letter addressed to Octavianus is to be found in Suetonius (Aug. 4); in addition to which we hear from Pliny of an epistle to Antonius. (Plin. lH.N. xxxi. 8.) Many persons, and among these Drumann, believe that the CASTICUS. 627 letter to be found in Cicero (ad Fam. xii. 13) is from the pen of Cassius Parmensis, and strong arguments may be adduced in support of this opinion; but, on the whole, we are led to conclude from its tone, that it proceeded from some person younger and holding a less distinguished position than Cassius Parmensis at that time occupied. We have a little poem in hexameters, entitled Orpheus, in which it is set forth, that the Thracian bard, although at first an object of ridicule to his contemporaries, by assiduous study and undeviating perseverance, at length acquired that heavenly skill by which he was enabled to charm the ears of listening rocks and woods, and draw them in his train. These verses were first published by Achilles Statius in his edition of Suetonius, " de Clar. Rhetor." and we are there told by the editor that they were found among the Bruttii and communicated to him by a very learned youth, Suetonius Quadrimanus; they were published again by Fabricius in his notes to Senec. Here. Oct. 1034, as having been discovered anew at Florence by Petrus Victorius, and are to be found in Burmann's Anthologia (i. 112, or n. 112, ed. Meyer), in Wernsdorf's Poetae Latini Minores (vol. ii. p. 310), and many other collections. Various conflicting opinions were long entertained with regard to the author of this piece, which commonly bears prefixed the name of Cassius Parmensis or Cassius Severus, but is now proved to have been written by Antonius Thylesius, a native of Cosenza in Calabria, a distinguished poet of the sixteenth century. See the edition of his works by F. Daniele, Naples, 1762, and the authorities quoted by Meyer in his edition of the Anthologia. An edition in a separate form was printed at Frankfort, 1585, 8vo., and two years afterwards " Cassius of Parma his Orpheus with Nathan Chitraeus his commentarie abridged into short notes translated by Roger Rawlins of Lincoln's Inn, 8vo. Lond. 1587." [W. R.] CA'SSIUS SCAEVA. [SCAEVA.] CA'SSIUS SEVE'RUS. [SEVERUS.] CASSO'TIS (Kao'ocrmis), a Parnassian nymph, from whom was derived the name of the well Cassotis at Delphi, the water of which gave the priestess the power of prophecy. (Paus. x. 24. ~ 5.) [L. S.] CASTA'LIA (Kaoraeda), the nymph of the Castalian spring at the foot of mount Parnassus. She was regarded as a daughter ofAchelous (Paus. x. 8.~ 5), and was believed to have thrown herself into the well when pursued by Apollo. (Lutat. ad Stat. Theb. i. 697.) Others derived the name of the well from one Castalius, who was either a simple mortal, or a son of Apollo and father of Delphis, who came from Crete to Crissa, and there founded the worship of the Delphinian Apollo. (Ilgen, ad Horn. hymn. in Apoll. p. 341.) A third account makes Castalius a son of Delphus and father of Thyia. (Paus. vii. 18. ~ 6, x. 6. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CASTA'LIDES (KaoraAises), the Castalian nymphs, by which the Muses are sometimes designated, as the Castalian spring was sacred to them. (Theocrit. vii. 148; Martial, vii. 11.) [L. S.] CASTA'LIUS. [CASTALIA.] CA'STICUS, the son of Catamantaledes, a Sequanan, seized the government in his own state, which his father had held before him, at the instigation of Orgetorix, about B. c. 50. (Caes. B. G. i. 3.) 2s2
Page 628 628 CASTOR. CASTINUS, a general of the emperor Honorius, who was sent, in A. D. 422, with an army into Spain against the Vandals. At the same time Bonifacius, another general of Honorius, was likewise engaged against the Vandals in Spain, but Castinus offended him so much by his arrogant and imprudent conduct, that he withdrew from the war. After the death of Honorius, in A. D. 423, Castinus was believed to be supporting secretly the usurper Joannes; and accordingly when the usurper was put to death in A. D. 425, Castinus was sent into exile. (Prosp. Aquit. Chron. Integr. p. 651, ed. Roncall.) [L. S.] CASTOR, brother of Polydeuces. [DIosCURI.] CASTOR, grandson of Deiotarus. [DEIOTARUS.] CASTOR (KdcaTo p), either a native of Rhodes, of Massilia, or of Galatia, was a Greek grammarian and rhetorician, who was surnamed iAOopu/Laios, and is usually believed to have lived about the time of Cicero and Julius Caesar. He wrote, according to Suidas (if we adopt the readings of Bernhardy, the last editor): 1. 'Aa'ypae) 'rcwv S9aha oKcpar'o'dvTwv, in two books. 2. XpovKcal dyvoYjogjaTa, which is also referred to by Apollodorus (ii. 1. ~ 3). 3. TIepl 'rLXEIPrfLdT-v, in nine books. 4. nlept reLOoDs, in two books. 5. IlepI 7TO Ne/Aov. 6. TE'Xvy pr7TopuKl, of which a portion is still extant and printed in Walz's Rhetores Graeci (iii. p. 712, &c.). To these works Clinton (Fast. Hell. iii. p. 546) adds a great chronological work (Xpov oed or Xpovoxoyia), which is referred to several times by Eusebius (Chron. ad Ann. 989, 161, 562, &c.), though it is not quite certain whether this is not the same work as the XpoVLKa dys'/o a j7ra mentioned above. He is frequently referred to as an authority in historical matters, though no historical work is specified, so that those references may allude to any of the above-mentioned works. (Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. 3, Chron. i. 13, p. 36; Justin Mart. Paraen. ad Graec. p. 9.) His partiality to the Romans is indicated by his surname; but in what manner he shewed this partiality is unknown, though it may have been in a work mentioned by Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. 10, 76, comp. De Is. et Os. 31), in which he compared the institutions of the Romans with those of Pythagoras. Suidas describes the grammarian and rhetorician Castor as a son-in-law of the Galatian king Deiotarus (whom, however, he calls a Roman senator!), who notwithstanding afterwards put to death both Castor and his wife, because Castor had brought charges against him before Caesar,-evidently alluding to the affair in which Cicero defended Deiotarus. The Castor whom Suidas thus makes a relative of Deiotarus, appears to be the same as the Castor mentioned by Strabo (xii. p. 568; comp. Caes. B. C. iii. 4) who was surnamed Saocondarius, was a sonin-law of Deiotarus, and was put to death by him. But it is, to say the least, extremely doubtful whether the rhetorician had any connexion with the family of Deiotarus at all. The Castor who brought Deiotarus into peril is expressly called a grandson of that king, and was yet a young man at the time (B. c. 44) when Cicero spoke for Deiotarus. (Cic. pro Deiot. 1, 10.) Now we have seen above that one of the works of Castor is referred to in the Bibliotheca of Apollodorus, who died somewhere about B. c. 140. The conclusion, therefore, must be, that the rhetorician Castor must have lived at or before the time of Apollodorus, at the latest, CASTORION. about B. c. 150, and can have had no connexion with the Deiotarus for whom Cicero spoke. (Compare Vossius, De Hist. Graec. p. 202, ed. Westermann; Orelli, Onomast. Tull. ii. p. 138, in both of which there is much confusion about Castor.) [L.S.] CASTOR (Kdo-Trp), a distinguished citizen of Phanagoria, who had once been ill treated by Tryphon, a eunuch of Mithridates the Great. When the king, after his defeat by Pompey, came to Phanagoria, Castor avenged himself by murdering Tryphon. Pompey afterwards honoured him with the title of friend of the Roman people. (Appian, Mithrid. 108, 114.) [L. S.] CASTOR, the chamberlain and confidential adviser of Septimius Severus. Being the most upright of all the courtiers, he became an object of suspicion and hatred to Caracalla, who upon ascending the throne immediately put him to death, having failed in an attempt, during the lifetime of Severus, to destroy him by treachery. (Dion Cass. lxxvi. 14, lxxvii. 1.) [W. R.] CASTOR, bishop of Apt, was born at Nismes about the middle of the fourth century, and married an heiress, by whom he had a daughter. The family being fired with holy zeal, agreed to separate, in order that they might devote their wealth to the endowment of religious establishments, and their lives to seclusion and sanctity. Accordingly, they founded an abbey and a convent in Provence; the husband retired to the former, the wife and her daughter took the veil in the latter. There is still extant a letter addressed by Castor to Cassianus [CASSIANUS], soliciting information with regard to the rules observed in the monasteries of Palestine and Egypt. This request was speedily complied with, and produced the work "Institutiones Coenobiorum," dedicated to Castor, which was followed by the "Collationes Patrum," addressed to his brother, Leontius. The death of Castor took place in September, 419. We are told by Vincent St. Laurent, in the "Biographie Universelle," that at a recent period the archives of the cathedral of Apt contained a MS. life of its canonized prelate, in which were enumerated with circumstantial details all the miracles ascribed to him. The letter above-mentioned, which is composed in a very rude and harsh style, was first discovered by Gazet, was prefixed to the " Institutiones" in his edition of Cassianus, and republished in a more correct form, from a MS. in the Royal Library at Paris, by Baluze in his edition of Salvianus and Vincentius Lirinensis, Paris, 1663, 8vo., and in the reprint at Bremen, 1688, 4to.; it is also found in the edition of Vincentius, Paris, 1669. (Schoenemann, Bibl. Patrum Latin. v. 27.) [W. R.] CASTOR, ANTO'NIUS, an eminent botanist at Rome in the first century after Christ, who is several times quoted and mentioned by Pliny. He enjoyed a great reputation, possessed a botanical garden of his own (which is probably the earliest on record), and lived more than a hundred years, in perfect health both of body and mind. (Plin. H. N. xxv. 5.) [W. A. G.] CASTOR, TARCONDA'RIUS,of Galatia, with Dorylaus, gave 300 horsemen to Pompey's army in B. c. 49. (Caes. B. C. iii. 4.) CASTO'RION (Kaoropiwv), of Soli, is mentioned by Athenaeus (x. p. 454) as the author of a poem on Pan, of which he quotes a fragment: but nothing further is known about him. [L. S.]
Page 629 CATILINA. CASTRI'CIUS. 1. M. CASTRICIUS, the chief magistrate of Placentia, who refused to give hostages to Cn. Papirius Carbo, when he appeared before the town in B. c. 84. (Val. Max. vi. 2. g 10.) 2. M. CASTRICIUS, a Roman merchant in Asia, who received a public funeral from the inhabitants of Smyrna. (Cic. pro Flace. 23, 31.) He is probably the same person as the M. Castricius mentioned in the Verrine Orations (iii. 30), but must be different from the one spoken of in B. c. 44 (ad Att. xii. 28), as the speech for Flaccus, in which the death of the former is recorded, was delivered as early as B. c. 59. 3. CASTRICIUS gave information to Augustus respecting the conspiracy of Murena. (Suet. Aug. 56.) 4. T. CASTRICIUS, a rhetorician at Rome, contemporary with A. Gellius, by whom he is frequently mentioned. (Gell. i. 6, xi. 13, xiii. 21; comp. Front. Epist. ii. 2, p. 210.) L. CASTRPNIUS PAETUS. [PAETUS.] L. CASTRO'NIUS PAETUS. [PAETUS.] CATAE'BATES (KaerafdT7is), occurs as a surname of several gods. 1. Of Zeus, who is described by it as the god who descends in thunder and lightning. Under this name he had an altar at Olympia. (Paus. v. 14. ~ 8; Lycophr. 1370.) Places which had been struck by lightning, i. e. on which Zeus Cataebates had descended, were sacred to him. (Pollux, ix. 41; Suid. and Hesych. s. v.) 2. Of Acheron, being the first river to which the shades descended in the lower world. 3. Of Apollo, who was invoked by this name to grant a happy return home (KcardCeaats) to those who were travelling abroad. (Eurip. Bacch. 1358; Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1416.) 4. Of Hermes, who conducted the shades into Hades. (Schol. ad Aristoph. Pac. 649.) [L. S.] CATAMANTA'LEDES, king of the Sequani in the former half of the first century B. c., had received the title of friend from the senate and the Roman people. (Caes. B. G. i. 3.) CATAMITUS, the Roman name for Ganymedes, of which it is only a corrupt form. (Plaut. MIenaeclh. i. 2. 34; Fest. s. v. Catamitum.) [L. S.] CATHA'RSIUS (Ka8cpaotos), the purifyer or atoner, a surname of Zeus, under which he in conjunction with Nice had a temple at Olympia. (Paus. v. 14. ~ 6.) [L. S.] T. CATIE'NUS, described by Cicero as a low and mean fellow, but of equestrian rank, who was angry with Q. Cicero. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. 2. ~ 2.) CATILI'NA, L. SE'RGIUS, the descendant of an ancient patrician family which had sunk into poverty, first appears in history as a zealous partizan of Sulla. During the horrors of the great proscription, among many other victims, he killed, with his own hand, his brother-in-law, Q. Caecilius, described as a quiet inoffensive man, and having seized and tortured the well-known and popular M. Marius Gratidianus, the kinsman and fellowtownsman of Cicero, cut off his head, and bore it in triumph through the city. Plutarch accuses him in two places (Sull. 32, Cic. 10) of having murdered his own brother at the same period, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but there is probably some confusion here between the brother and the brother-ir.-law, for Sallust, when enumerating the crimes of Catiline, would scarcely have failed to add such a monstrous deed as this to the black CATILINA. 629 catalogue. Although his youth was spent in the most reckless extravagance, and in the open indulgence of every vice; although he was known to have been guilty of various acts of the foulest and most revolting debauchery; although he had incurred the suspicion of an intrigue with the Vestal Fabia, sister of Terentia; and although it was said and believed that he had made away with his first wife and afterwards with his son, in order that he might wed the fair and rich but worthless Aurelia Orestilla, who objected to the presence of a grown-up step-child, yet this complicated infamy appears to have formed no bar to his regular political advancement,-for he attained to the dignity of praetor in B. c. 68, was governor of Africa during the following year, and returned to Rome in 66, in order to press his suit for the consulship. The election for 65 was carried by P. Autronius Paetus and P. Cornelius Sulla, both of whom were soon after convicted of bribery, and their places supplied by their competitors and accusers, L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus, Catiline, who was desirous of becoming a candidate, having been disqualified in consequence of an impeachment for oppression in his province, preferred by P. Clodius Pulcher, afterwards so celebrated as the implacable enemy of Cicero. Exasperated by their disappointment, Autronius and Catiline forthwith formed a project along with a certain Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a young man of high family, but turbulent, needy, and profligate, to murder the new consuls upon the first of January, when offering up their vows in the Capitol, after which Autronius and Catiline were to seize the fasces, and Piso was to be despatched with an army to occupy the Spains. Some rumours of what was in contemplation having been spread abroad, such precautions were taken that the conspirators were induced to delay the execution of their plan until the 5th of February, resolving at the same time to include many of the leading men of the state in the proposed massacre. This extraordinary design is said to have been frustrated solely by the impatience of Catiline, who, upon the appointed day, gave the signal prematurely, before the whole of the armed agents had assembled, and thus confounded the preconcerted combinations. The danger being past, certain resolutions were proposed in the senate with regard to the authors of this abortive attempt; but the proceedings were quashed by the intercession of a tribune. The plot was, however, a matter of common discussion, and no one seems to have entertained any doubt of its reality, while many did not scruple to assert that M. Crassus, and Julius Caesar, who was then aedile, were deeply involved. (Q. Cic. de pet. Cons. 2, &c.; Asconius in Tog. cand. and in Cornel; Sall. Caliil. 15-18; Liv. Epit. 101; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 27; Sueton. Jul. 9; Cic. pro Sulla, 1-24, pro Mzuren. 38, pro Cael. 4, in Catil. i. 6.) [Comp. p. 540, b.] Encouraged rather than disheartened by a failure which had so nearly proved a triumph, and which had so distinctly demonstrated the practicability of such a project, if conducted with common prudence and caution, Catiline was soon after (a. c. 65), left completely unfettered by his acquittal upon trial for extortion, a result secured, it was alleged, by the liberal bribes administered to the accuser as well as to the jury. From this time he seems to have determined to proceed more systematically; to enlist a more numerous body of supporters; to extend
Page 630 630 CATILINA. the sphere of operations, and to organize a more comprehensive and sweeping scheme of destruction. Accordingly, about the beginning of June, B. c. 64, probably soon after the successful termination of his second trial, when called to account for the blood which he had shed during the proscription of Sulla (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 10), he began, while canvassing vigorously for the consulship, to sound the dispositions of various persons, by pointing out the probable success of a great revolutionary movement, and the bright prospect of power and profit opened up to its promoters. After having thus ascertained the temper of different individuals, he called together those who from their necessities, their characters, and their sentiments, were likely to be most eager and most resolute in the undertaking. The meeting, according to Sallust, was attended by eleven senators, by four members of the equestrian order, and by several men of rank and influence from the provincial towns. The most conspicuous were P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, who had been consul in B. c. 71, but having been passed over by the censors had lost his seat in the senate, which he was now seeking to recover by standing a second time for the praetorship (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 30); C. Cornelius Cethegus, distinguished throughout by his impatience, headstrong impetuosity, and sanguinary violence (Sall. Cat. 43; Cic. pro Sull. 19); P. Autronius spoken of above; L. Cassius Longinus, at this time a competitor for the consulship, dull and heavy, but bloodthirsty withal (Cic. in Cat. iii. 4-6; Pro Sulla, 13); L. Vargunteius, who had been one of the colleagues of Cicero in the quaestorship, and had subsequently been condemned for bribery (Pro Sull. 5, 6, 18); L. Calpurnius Bestia, tribune elect; Publius and Servius Sulla, nephews of the dictator; M. Porcius Laeca (Cic. in Cat. i. 4, ii. 6, Pro Sull. 2, 18); Q. Annius; Q. Curius; M. Fulvius Nobilior; L. Statilius; P. Gabinius Capito; C. Cornelius. In addition to these, a great body of the younger nobility were known to be favourably inclined although they had not openly committed themselves, and now, as on the former occasion, rumour included Crassus and Caesar, although the report does not appear to have gained general belief. [Comp. p. 541, b.] At this assembly Catiline, after expatiating upon a number of topics calculated to rouse the indignation and stimulate the cupidity of his audience, proceeded to develop his objects and resources. He proposed that all debts should be cancelled, that the most wealthy citizens should be proscribed, and that all offices of honour and emolument should be divided among the associates, while for support he counted upon Piso in Hither Spain, P. Sittius Nucerinus with the army in Mauritania, and at home confidently anticipated the co-operation of C. Antonius, whom he expected to be chosen consul along with himself for the following year, having formed a coalition with him for the purpose of excluding Cicero. The votes of the people, however, in some measure deranged these calculations. Cicero and C. Antonius were returned, the former nearly unanimously, the latter by a small majority over Catiline. This disappointment, while it increased if possible the bitterness of his animosity towards the dominant party among the aristocracy and the independent portion of the middle ranks, rendered him more vigorous in the prosecution of his designs. Large sums of money were raised upon his own security, CATILINA. or on the credit of his friends; magazines of arms and other warlike stores were secretly formed; troops were levied in various parts of Italy, especially in the neighbourhood of Faesulae, under the superintendence of C. Manlius, an experienced commander, one of the veteran centurions of Sulla (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 30), and numerous adherents were enrolled from the most desperate classes, including not a few women of ruined reputation; attempts also were made in various quarters to gain over the slaves; and it was determined, when the critical moment should arrive for an open demonstration, to set fire to the city in many different places at the same instant, and to slaughter the well-disposed portion of the population in the tumult. Meanwhile, in the midst of these extensive preparations, Catiline again (63) stood candidate for the consulship, and used every effort to get rid of Cicero, who met him at every turn and thwarted all his best-contrived machinations. Nor was this wonderful, for he was countermined from a quarter whence he apprehended no danger. One of the most high-born, abandoned, but at the same time, weak and vacillating, among the conspirators, was a certain Q. Curius, who had been expelled from the senate by the censors on account of the infamy of his life. This man had long consorted with a noble mistress named Fulvia, who appears to have acquired complete controul over his mind, and to have been made the depositary of all his secrets. Fulvia, alarmed by the intelligence obtained from her lover, divulged what she had learned to several of her acquaintances and, through them, opened a correspondence with Cicero, to whom she regularly communicated all the particulars she could collect, and at length persuaded Curius himself to turn traitor and betray his comrades. Thus the consul was at once put in possession of every circumstance as soon as it occurred, and was enabled to keep vigilant watch over the conduct of every individual from whom danger was to be apprehended. By imparting to a certain extent his fears and suspicions to the senators and monied men, he excited a general feeling of distrust and suspicion towards Catiline, and bound firmly together, by the tie of common interest, all who having property to lose looked forward with dread to confusion and anarchy; Antonius, whose good faith was more than doubtful, he gained over by at once resigning to him the province of Macedonia, while he protected his own person by a numerous body of friends and dependants who surrounded him whenever he appeared in public. These preliminary measures being completed, he now ventured to speak more openly; prevailed upon the senate to defer the consular elections in order that the state of public affairs might be fully investigated; and at length, on the 21st of October, openly denounced Catiline, charged him broadly with treason, predicted that in six days from that time Manlius would take the field in open war, and that the 28th was the period fixed for the murder of the leading men in the commonwealth. Such was the consternation produced by these disclosures that many of those who considered themselves peculiarly obnoxious instantly fled from Rome, and the senate being now thoroughly roused, passed the decretum ultimum, in virtue of which the consuls were invested for the time being with absolute power, both civil and military. Thus supported, Cicero took such precautions that the Comitia passed off without any outbreak or even attempt at violence, although an
Page 631 CATILINA. attack upon the magistrates had been meditated. Catiline was again rejected; was forthwith impeached of sedition, under the Plautian law, by L. Aemilius Paullus; was forced to abandon the expectation he had entertained of surprising the strong fortress of Praeneste, which would have formed an admirable base for his warlike operations; and found himself every hour more and more closely confined and pressed by the net in which he was entangled through the activity of Cicero. Driven to despair by this accumulation of disappointments and dangers he resolved at once to bring matters to a crisis, and no longer to waste time by persevering in a course of policy in which he had been so repeatedly foiled. Accordingly, while he still endeavoured to keep up appearances by loud protestations of innocence, and by offering to place himself under the controul and surveillance of M. Lepidus, of Q. Metellus, the praetor, or of M. Marcellus, in whose house lie actually took up his abode, or even of Cicero himself; on the night of the 6th of November he met the ringleaders at the dwelling of M. Porcius Laeca, and after complaining of their backwardness and inactivity, informed them that he had despatched Manlius to Etruria, Septimius of Camers, to Picenum, C. Julius, to Apulia, and others of less note to different parts of Italy to raise open war, and to organize a general revolt of the slave population. He added that he was desirous to place himself at the head of his troops, but that it was absolutely necessary in the first place to remove Cicero, whose vigilance was most injurious to their cause. Upon this L. Vargunteius, a senator, and C. Cornelius, a knight, undertook to repair at an early hour the following morning to the house of the consul, to make their way into his chamber as if for the purpose of paying their respects, and then to stab him on the spot. The whole of these proceedingswere instantly reported to their intended victim; the assassins, when they presented themselves, were refused admission, and certain intelligence having been now received that the rebellion had actually broken out on the 27th of October in Etruria, Cicero, on the 8th of November, went down to the senate which, for greater security, had been summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter Stator, and there delivered his celebrated oration, " Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?" which paralysed the traitor, not so much by the vehemence of the invective, as by the intimate acquaintance which it displayed with all his most hidden contrivances. Catiline, who upon his entrance had been avoided by all, and was sitting alone upon a bench from which every one had shrunk, rose to reply with downcast countenance, and in humble accents implored the fathers not to listen to the malignant calumnies of an upstart foreigner against the noblest blood in Rome; but scarcely had he commenced when his words were drowned by the shouts of " enemy " and " parricide" which burst from the whole assembly, and he rushed forth with threats and curses on his lips. On his return home perceiving that there was now no hope of destroying his hated foe, and that the strict watch kept throughout the city rendered tumult and fire-raising difficult if not impossible for the present; he resolved to strike some decisive blow before troops could be levied to oppose him, and accordingly leaving the chief controul of affairs at Rome in the hands of Lentulus and Cethegus, with the promise at the same time to march with all speed to their CATILINA. 631 support at the head of a powerful army, set forth in the dead of night (8th-9th November), and after remaining for a few days with his adherents in the neighbourhood of Arretium, where he assumed the fasces and other ensigns of lawful military command, proceeded to the camp of Manlius, having previously addressed letters to the most distinguished consulars and others, solemnly protesting his innocence, and declaring that unable to resist the cabal formed among his enemies he had determined to retire to Marseilles that he might preserve his country from agitation and disturbance. On the 9th, when the flight of Catiline was known, Cicero delivered his second speech, which was addressed to the people in the forum, the senate proceeded to declare Catiline and Manlius public enemies, despatched officers of high standing to Etruria, Picenum, Campania, Apulia, and the different districts from which danger was apprehended, directed the consuls to hold a levy with all speed, decreed that Antonius should go forth to the war, and that Cicero should remain to guard the city; offering at the same time an amnesty to all who should quit the rebels, and free pardon and great rewards to any who should give such information as might lead to the discovery and conviction of the conspirators within the walls. It is a remarkable fact, and one which indicates most strongly the disaffection of the lower classes to the existing order of things, that not one man could be found to take advantage of this proclamation, and that not a single soldier deserted from the rebel standard. This circumstance threatened to prove a source of most serious embarrassment. Although the existence of the conspiracy and the names of the leading conspirators were known, not only to the magistrates, but to the public at large, yet there was no legal evidence against any individual, for Curius, while he faithfully supplied secret intelligence, could not come forward openly without blasting himself for ever, and at the same time depriving the government of its most powerful auxiliary. But such steadfastness of purpose did not extend to certain foreigners belonging to a race proverbial in ancient times for the lightness of their faith. There was at Rome at this period a party of Allobroges, deputies despatched by their nation to seek relief from certain real or alleged grievances. Their suit, however, had not prospered, and their complaints of the cupidity of the magistrates and of the indifference of the senate were open and loud. Lentulus, conceiving that their discontent might be made available for his own purposes, opened a negotiation through the medium of P. Umbrenus, a freedman, who, in the course of mercantile transactions, had become acquainted with most of the Gaulish chiefs, and who now assuming a tone of warm sympathy with their wrongs, undertook to point out an easy method by which they might obtain ample redress. Finding that these mysterious hints were greedily caught up, he gradually disclosed the nature of the plot, and invited them to co-operate by stimulating their countrymen to insurrection. The men for a long while hesitated, but prudence prevailed. After calculating and balancing the chances, they resolved to secure a certain and immediate recompense, rather than to speculate upon doubtful and distant advantages. Accordingly, they revealed all to Q. Fabius Sanga, the patron of their
Page 632 632 CATILINA. state, who in his turn acquainted Cicero, and by the instructions of the latter enjoined the ambassadors to affect great zeal in the undertaking, and if possible to gain possession of some tangible documentary proof. The Gauls played well the part assigned to them. A written agreement, signed by Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, was placed in their hands, and they quitted Rome soon after midnight on the 3rd of December, accompanied by T. Volturcius, of Crotona, who was charged with despatches for Catiline, it being arranged that the Allobroges were to visit his camp on their way homewards for the double purpose of receiving his orders and obtaining a ratification of the pledges given by his agents. The whole cavalcade was surrounded and seized as it was crossing the Milvian bridge, by two of the praetors who had been stationed in ambush to intercept them. The Gauls quietly surrendered; Volturcius, after having vainly endeavoured to resist, was overpowered and forced to yield. Cicero, when informed of the complete success of his plan instantly summoned Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius to his presence. Lentulus being praetor, the consul led him by the hand to the fane of Concord where the senate was already met; the rest of the accused followed closely guarded. The praetor Flaccus was also in attendance, bearing the portfolio with the papers still sealed. Volturcius finding escape impossible, agreed, upon his own personal safety being insured, to make a full confession. His statements were confirmed by the Allobroges, and the chain of testimony was rendered complete and conclusive, by the signatures in the handwriting of the ringleaders, which they were unable to deny. The guilt of Lentulus, Cethegus, and seven others being thus established beyond a doubt, Lentulus "was forced to abdicate his office, and then along with the rest was consigned to the charge of certain individuals of high station who became responsible for their appearance. These circumstances as they had occurred having been fully detailed by Cicero in his third oration delivered in the forum, a strong reaction took place among the populace, who all now joined in execrating Catiline and demanding vengeance, from the well-founded conviction, that although they might have derived profit from riot or even from civil war, yet the general conflagration, which had always formed a leading feature in the schemes of the conspirators, must have brought ruin' upon the humblest mechanics as well as upon the wealthiest of the aristocracy. On the other hand, a vigorous effort was made by the clients of Lentulus to excite the dregs of the multitude to attempt his rescue. The danger appearing imminent, the senate was called together on the nones (5) of December, the day so frequently referred to by Cicero in after times with triumphant pride, and the question was put, what was their pleasure with regard to those who were now in custody. After an animated debate, of which the leading arguments are strongly and pointedly expressed in the two celebrated orations assigned by Sallust to Caesar and to Cato, a decree was passed, that the last punishment should be inflicted according to ancient usage upon the convicted traitors. Thereupon the consul led away Lentulus to the subterranean prison on the slope of the capitol, and the others were conducted CATILINA. thither by the praetors. On the selfsame night the high-born patrician Lentulus, a member of the noble Cornelia gens, was strangled in that loathsome dungeon by the common executioner, and the rest of his associates shared his fate. The legality of this proceeding, which was afterwards so fiercely impugned, is discussed in the life of CICERO. While these things were going on at Rome, Catiline had gradually collected a force amounting to two legions, although not above one-fourth part of the whole, or about 5000 men, were fully equipped, the rest being armed with pikes, clubs, and other rude weapons which chance presented. On the approach of Antonius, Catiline fearing to encounter regular troops with this motley crowd, threw himself into the mountains and by constantly shifting his ground and moving rapidly in different directions, contrived to avoid a collision, while at the same time he exercised and disciplined his followers, whose numbers daily increased, although he now refused to enrol slaves, multitudes of whom flocked to his banner, deeming that it might prove injurious to his prospects were he to identify their interests with what he termed the cause of Roman freedom. But when the news arrived of the disclosures that had taken place in the city, of the complete suppression of the plot, and of the execution of the leading conspirators, many who had joined his standard, from the love of excitement and the hope of plunder, gradually slunk away. Those who remained firm he led into the territory of Pistoria with the design of crossing the Apennines and taking refuge in Gaul. But this movement was anticipated by the vigilance of Metellus Celer, who guarded Picenum with three legions, and had marched straight to the foot of the hills that he might intercept the insurgents on their descent. Catiline, therefore, at the beginning of the year 62, finding that escape was cut off in front, while Antonius was pressing on his rear, turned fiercely on his pursuers and determined as a last resource to hazard an engagement, trusting that, if successful, all Etruria would be thrown open for the maintenance of his soldiers, and that he would be able to keep his ground in the disaffected districts until some diversion in his favour should be made in the metropolis. The battle, in which the legions of the republic were commanded by M. Petreius, in consequence of the real or pretended illness of the proconsul Antonius, was obstinate and bloody. The rebels fought with the fury of despair, and long kept at bay the veterans by whom they were assailed. Catiline, in this his last field, nobly discharged the duties of a skilful general and a gallant soldier; his eye and his hand were everywhere; he brought up columns to support those who were most hotly pressed; withdrew the wounded and the weary, and supplied their place with the sound and fresh; flew from rank to rank encouraging the combatants, and strove by repeated feats of daring valour to turn the fortune of the day. But at length, perceiving that all was lost, he charged headlong where the foes were thickest, and fell sword in hand fighting with resolute courage, worthy of a better cause and a better man. His body was found after the struggle was over far in advance of his own ranks in the midst of a heap of his enemies; he was yet breathing, and his feattires in the agonies of death
Page 633 CATILINA. still wore their habitual expression of reckless daring. His adherents, to the number of 3000, imitated the example of their leader. Each perished at his post, and not one freeborn citizen was taken alive either in the fight or in the pursuit. The victory cost the consular army dear, for all the bravest were slain or grievously wounded. Although we possess only a one-sided history of this famous conspiracy; although much that has been recorded seems so marvellous and incredible, that many have regarded the whole narrative as little better than a fabric of misrepresentation and falsehood, built up by violent political animosity, and resting on a very slender basis of truth; although it cannot be denied that some of the particulars, set down by Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 30) and alluded to by others (e. g. Sail. Cat. 32) of the revolting rites by which the compact between the associates was ratified, are evidently vulgar exaggerations; although little reliance can be placed on the self-panegyrics of Cicero, who would studiously seek to magnify the danger in order to enhance the merits of his own exertions; yet upon a careful and dispassionate investigation, we shall discover no reasonable ground for entertaining any doubts with regard to the general accuracy of the facts as presented to us by Sallust, whose account is throughout clear and consistent, and is corroborated in all the most important details by the information transmitted from other sources. Nor, upon a close examination into the circumstances of the individuals concerned, of the times, and of the state of public feeling and public morals, shall we have much difficultv in forming a distinct idea of the character of Catiline himself, of the motives by which he was stimulated, and of the calculations by which he was encouraged to anticipate success. Trained in the wars of Sulla, he was made familiar from his earliest youth with civil strife, acquired an indifference to human suffering, and imbibed an utter contempt for the constitutional forms and government of his country, which had been so freely neglected or violated by his patron. The wealth quickly acquired was recklessly squandered in the indulgence of coarse sensuality; and, although his shattered fortunes may have been to a certain extent repaired by a wealthy marriage, and by the plunder of a province, yet the relief was but temporary; his pleasures were too costly; a considerable portion of his ill-gotten gains would be expended in bribing the different juries who pronounced his innocence, and his necessities soon became pressing. The remorse too produced by his frightful vices and crimes-remorse which was betrayed by the haggard cheek, the bloodshot eye, the wild glance, and the unsteady step, so graphically depicted by the historian-must have given rise to a frame of mind which would eagerly desire to escape from reflection, and seek relief in fierce excitement. On the other hand, the consciousness of those great mental and physical powers, from which even his most bitter enemies could not withhold a tribute of admiration, combined with the extensive popularity which he had acquired among the young by his agreeable address, varied accomplishments, and unwearied zeal in ministering to their pleasures, must have tended to augment his natural self-confidence, to foster his pride, and to stimulate his ambition. How soon the idea of CATILINA. 633 destroying the liberties of his country may have entered his thoughts it is impossible to discover, but we can readily believe that the career of Sulla was ever present to his imagination, that his grand aim was to become what the dictator had been, and that, provided this end was accomplished, he felt little scrupulous about the means employed. And, in truth, when he looked abroad, the moment seemed most propitious for the advancement of a man of daring and powerful intellect uncontrolled by principle. The leading statesmen were divided into factions which eyed each other with the bitter jealousy engendered during the convulsions in which they had played an active part some twenty years before. The younger nobility, as a class, were thoroughly demoralized, for the most part bankrupts in fortune as well as in fame, eager for any change which might relieve them from their embarrassments, while it held out the promise of unrestrained licence. The rabble were restless and discontented, filled with envy and hatred against the rich and powerful, ever ready to follow at the bidding of any seditious demagogue. Thus, at home, the dominant party in the senate and the equites or capitalists alone felt a deep interest in the stability of the government. Moreover, a wide-spread feeling of disaffection extended over the whole of Italy. Many of the veterans of Sulla, accustomed to riotous living and profuse expenditure, had already squandered their hoards, and looked forward with anxiety to the renewal of these scenes of blood which they had found by experience so profitable; while the multitudes whose estates had been confiscated, whose relations had been proscribed, and who themselves were suffering under civil disabilities in consequence of their connexion with those who had thus perished, were eagerly watching for any movement which might give them a chance of becoming oppressors, robbers, and murderers in their turn. Never was the executive weaker. The senate and magistrates were wasting their energies in petty disputes, indifferent to the great interests of the commonwealth; Pompey, at the head of all the best troops of the republic, was prosecuting a long-protracted and doubtful war in the East; there was no army in Italy, where all was hushed in a treacherous calm. If then, Catiline, surrounded as he was by a large body of retainers all devotedly attached to his person, and detached from society at large by the crimes which he had suggested or promoted, had succeeded in striking his first great blow, had he assassinated the consuls and the most able of the senators, the chances were, that the waverers among the higher ranks would have at once espoused his cause, that the populace would have been intimidated or gained over, and that thousands of ruined and desperate men would have rushed from all quarters to his support, enabling him to bid defiance to any force which could have been brought to bear upon the city until the return of Pompey from the East. But Pompey might never return, or might not return victorious, or, at all events, a long period must elapse, and ample time would be given for negotiations or resistance. Such were the probabilities which led on Catiline to hazard all upon one great throw;-but the Fortune of Rome prevailed, the gambler was ruined, and the state saved. (Sall. Catilin.; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 27, xxxvii. 10, 29-42; Liv. Epit. 101, 102; Cic. in Catilia.
Page 634 634 CATIUS. i. ii. iii. iv., pro Sulla, pro lMurena, 25, 26, in Pison. 2, pro Flacc. 40, pro Plane. 37, ad Att. i. 19, ii. 1, xii. 21, xvi. 14, ad Fam. i. 9; Sueton. Jul. 14; Plut. Cic. 10-22, Cat.Min. 23. Muretus, ad Cic. Cat. i. 1, has collected from ancient authorities the names of forty persons connected with the conspiracy. Dion Cassius is very confused in his chronology. His account would lead us to suppose, that the first efforts of Catiline were confined in a great measure to the destruction of Cicero and those senators who supported the Tullian law against bribery, which he believed to be levelled against himself individually, and that he did not form the project of a general revolution until after his second defeat, at the election in 63. But this is manifeitly impossible; for in that case the whole of the extensive preparations for the plot must have been devised and completed within the space of a few days.) [W. R.] L. CATI'LIUS SEVE'RUS. [SEVERUs.] CATIVOLCUS, king of half of the country of the Eburones, a people between the Meuse and the Rhine, united with Ambiorix, the other king, in the insurrection against the Romans in B. c. 54; but when Caesar in the next year proceeded to devastate the territories of the Eburones, Cativolcus, who was advanced in age and unable to endure the labours of war and flight, poisoned himself, after imprecating curses upon Ambiorix. (Caes. B. G. v. 24, vi. 31.) CA'TIUS, a Roman divinity, who was invoked under the name of divus Catius pater to grant prudence and thoughtfulness to children at the time when their consciousness was beginning to awaken. (Augustin. De Civit. Dei, iv. 21.) [L. S.] CA'TIUS. 1. Q. CATIUS, plebeian aedile B. C. 210 with L. Porcius Licinus, celebrated the games with great magnificence, and with the money arising from fines erected some brazen statues near the temple of Ceres. He served as legate in the army of the consul C. Claudius Nero in the campaign against Hasdrubal in B. c. 207, and was one of the envoys sent to Delphi two years afterwards to present to the temple some offerings from the booty obtained on the conquest of Hasdrubal. (Liv. xxvii. 6, 43, xxviii. 45.) 2. C. CATIUS, a Vestinian, tribune of the soldiers in the army of Antony, B. c. 43. (Cic. ad Fam. x. 23.) CA'TIUS, an Epicurean philosopher, was a native of Gallia Transpadana (Insuber), and composed a treatise in four books on the nature of things and on the chief good (de Rerum Natura et de summo Bono). Cicero, in a letter written B.c. 45 (ad Fasm. xv. 16), speaks of him as having died recently, and jests with his correspondent about the "spectra Catiana," that is, the E'lwSca or material images which were supposed by the disciples of the garden to present themselves to the mind, and thus to call up the idea of absent objects. Quintilian (x. 1. ~ 124) characterises him briefly as "in Epicureis levis quidem sed non injucundus auctor." The old commentators on Horace all assert, that the Catius addressed in the fourth satire of the second book, and who is there introduced as delivering a grave and sententious lecture on various topics connected with the pleasures of the table, is Catius the Epicurean, author of the work whose title we have given above. It appears certain, however, from the words of Cicero, that the satire in question could not have been written until several years CATO. after the death of Catius; and therefore it is probable that Horace may intend under this nickname to designate some of the gourmands of the court. [W. R.] CATO, DIONY'SIUS. We possess a small volume which commonly bears the title " Dionysii Catonis Disticha de Moribus ad Filium." It commences with a preface addressed by the author to his son, pointing out how prone men are to go astray for want of proper counsel, and inviting his earnest attention to the instructive lessons about to be inculcated. Next come fifty-six proverb-like injunctions, very briefly expressed, such as " parentem ama," "diligentiam adhibe," " jusjurandum serva," and the like, which are followed by the main body of the work, consisting of a series of sententious moral precepts, one hundred and forty-four in number, each apophthegm being enunciated in two dactylic hexameters. The collection is divided into four books; to the second, third, and fourth of these are attached short metrical prefaces, and the whole is wound up by a couplet containing a sort of apology for the form in which the materials are presented to the reader. It is amusing to take a survey of the extraordinary number of conflicting opinions which have been entertained by scholars of eminence with regard to the real author of this work, the period when it was composed, its intrinsic merits, and indeed every circumstance in any way connected with it directly or indirectly. It has been assigned with perfect confidence to Seneca, to Ausonius, to Serenus Samonicus, to Boethius, to an Octavius, to a Probus, and to a variety of unknown personages. The language has been pronounced worthy of the purest era of Latin composition, and declared to be a specimen of the worst epoch of barbarism. The adages themselves have been extolled by some as the dignified exposition of high philosophy; by others they have been contemptuously characterised as, with few exceptions, a farrago of vapid trash. One critic, at least, has discovered that the writer was undoubtedly a Christian, and has traced nearly the whole of the distichs to the Bible; while others find the clearest proofs of a mind thoroughly imbued with Pagan creeds and rites. In so far as the literary merits of the production are concerned, if we distrust our own judgment, we can feel little hesitation in believing that what such men as Erasmus, Joseph Scaliger, Laurentius Valla, and Pithou concurred in admiring warmly and praising loudly, cannot, although its merits may have been exaggerated, be altogether worthless; and any scholar, who examines the book with an impartial eye, will readily perceive that, making allowance for the numerous and palpable corruptions, the style is not unworthy of the Silver Age. As to the other matters under discussion, it will be sufficient to state what facts we can actually prove. The very circumstance that every one of the suppositions alluded to above has been ingeniously maintained and ingeniously refuted, would in itself lead us to conclude, that the evidence which admits of such opposite interpretations must be both scanty and indistinct. The work is first mentioned in an epistle addressed by Vindicianus, Comes Archiatrorum, to Valentinian, in which he states that a certain sick man used often to repeat the words of Cato"Corporis exigua (leg. auxilium) medico committo fideli"
Page 635 CATO. CATO. 635 a line which is found in ii. D. 22; the next allu- false quantity in the first syllable of Macer, consion is in Isidorus, who quotes Cato as an autho- tains a most gross blunder, such as no one but an rity for the rare word officiperda (see iv. D. 42); illiterate monk was likely to commit,-for the and the third in order of time is in Alcuin, con- Punic wars are spoken of as the subject of Lucan's temporary with Charlemagne, who cites one of the poem. Distichs (ii. D. 31) as the words of the "philoso- This Catechism of Morals, as it has been called, pher Cato." In our own early literature it is fre- seems to have been held in great estimation in the quently quoted by Chaucer. It is clear, therefore, middle ages, and to have been extensively employthat these saws were familiarly known in the mid- ed as a school-book. This will account for the die of the fourth century, and recognized from vast number of early editions, more than thirty that time forward as the composition of some belonging to the fifteenth century, which have Cato. So, in like manner, all the MSS. agree in proved a source of the greatest interest to bibliograpresenting that name; while for the addition of phers. One of these, on vellum, of which only a Dionysius we are indebted to a single codex once single copy is known to exist, is in the Spenser in the possession of Simeon Bos, which was collection, and is believed by Dibdin to be older inspected by Scaliger and Vinet, and pronounced than the Gottenburg Bible of 1465. The title in by them of great antiquity. We must remark, the earlier impressions is frequently Cato Moralihowever, that the combination Dionysius Cato is satus, Cato Moralissinmus, Cato Carmen de Moribus, exceedingly suspicious. Dionysius was a name and so forth. frequently borne by slaves of Greek extraction; The best edition is that of Otto Arntzenius, 8vo. but when combined with a Roman name, accord- Amsterdam, 1754, which contains an ample collecing to the fashion among libertini, it was added tion of commentaries; the Greek paraphrases by as a cognomen to the gentile appellation of the Maximus Planudes and Joseph Scaliger; the dispatron. Thus, C. Julius Dionysius appears in sertations of Boxhorn, written with as much extraan inscription as a freedman of Augustus; so we vagant bitterness as if the author of the Distichs find P. Aelius Dionysius, and many others; but it had been a personal enemy; the learned but ramdoes not occur prefixed to a Roman cognomen, as bling and almost interminable reply of Cannegieter; in the present case. Names purely Greek, such and two essays by Withof. These, together with as Dionysius Socrates, Dionysius Philocalus, and the preliminary notices, contain everything that is the like, do not of course bear upon the question. worth knowing. No one now imagines that either of the Catos One of the oldest specimens of English typogracelebrated in history has any connexion with this phy is a translation of Cato by Caxton through the metrical system of ethics. Aulus Gellius (xi. 2), medium of an earlier French version: THE BOOKE it is true, gives some fragments of a Carmen de CALLYD CATHON, Translated oute of Frenche into Moribus in prose by the elder; and Pliny (H. N. Englyssh by William Caxton in thabby of Westxxix. 6) has preserved a passage from the precepts mystre the yere of our lorde Mcccclxxxiij and tIe delivered by the same sage to his son; but these first yere of the regne of Kyng Rychard the thyrde were both works of a totally different description, xxiij day of Decemnbre. From the preface to this and no hint has been given by the ancients that curious volume we learn, that the same task had anything such as we are now discussing ever pro- previously been accomplished in verse. " Here ceeded from Cato of Utica. beginneth the prologue or proheme of the book In truth, we know nothing about this Cato or called Caton, which book hath been translated out Dionysius Cato, if he is to be so called; and, as of Latin into English, by Maister Benet Burgh, we have no means of discovering anything with late Archdeacon of Colchester, and high canon of regard to him, it may be as well to confess our ig- St. Stephen at Westminster; which full craftily norance once for all. hath made it, in ballad royal for the erudition of Perhaps we ought to notice the opinion enter- my Lord Bousher, son and heir at that time to my tained by several persons, that Cato is not intended lord the Earl of Essex." The Cato we have been to represent the name of the author, but is merely discussing is frequently termed by the first English to be regarded as the significant title of the work, printers Cato Magnus, in contradistinction to Cato just as we have the Brutus, and the Laelius, and Parvus, which was a sort of supplement to the forthe Cato Major of Cicero, and the treatise men- mer, composed originally by Daniel Church (Eccletioned by Aulus Gellius, called Cato, aut de Liberis siensis), a domestic in the court of Henry the Seeducandis. cond, about 1180, and also translated by Burgh. Lastly, it has been inferred, from the introduc- The two tracts were very frequently bound up totion to book second, in which mention is made of gether. (See Ames, Typographical Antiquities, vol. Virgil and Lucan, that we have here certain proof i. pp. 195-202; Warton's History of English that the distichs belong to some period later than Poetry, vol. ii. section 27.) [W. R.] the reign of Nero; but even this is by no means CATO, PO'RCIUS. Cato was the name of a clear, for all the prologues have the air of forgeries; family of the plebeian Porcia gens, and was first and the one in question, above all, in addition to a given to M. Cato, the censor. [See below, No. 1.1 STEMMA CATONUM. 1. M. Porcius Cato Censorius, Cos. B. c. 195, Cens... 1c. 84, married 1. Licinia. 2. Salonia. FI 2. M. Porcius Cato Licinianus, Pr. design. B. c. 3. M. Porcius Cato Salonianus, 152, married Aemilia. Pr. a b
Page 636 636 CATO. a I 4. M. Porcius Cato, 5. C. Porcius Cato, Cos. B. c. 118. Cos. B. C. 114. 8. M. Porcius Cato, Pr. CATO. b I I 6. M. Porcius Cato, Tr. 7. L. Porcius Cato, P1. married Livia. Cos. B. c. 89. -- 9. M. Porcius Cato Uticensis, Pr. B. c. 54, married 1. Atilia. 2. Marcia. I 10. Porcia, married L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. 11. Porcia, married 12. M. Porcius 1. M. Bibulus. Cato, died "2. M. Brutus. B. c. 42. 16. C. Porcius Cato, Tr. P1. B. c. 56. 13. Porcius Cato. I I 14. Porcia. 15. A son or daughter. 1. M. PoacIUS CATO CENSORIUS, was born at Tusculum, a municipal town of Latium, to which his ancestors had belonged for some generations. His father had earned the reputation of a brave soldier, and his great-grandfather had received an honorary compensation from the state for five horses killed under him in battle. The haughtiest patrician of Rome never exulted in the splendour of the purest nobility with a spirit more proud than Cato's when he remembered the warlike achievements and the municipal respectability of his family, to which he ascribed extreme antiquity. Yet the Tusculan Porcii had never obtained the honours of the Roman magistracy. Their illustrious descendant, at the commencement of his career in the great city, was regarded as a novus homo, and the feeling of his unmeet position, working along with the consciousness of inherent superiority, contributed to exasperate and stimulate his ambitious soul. Early in life, he so far eclipsed the previous glimmer of his race, that he is constantly spoken of, not only as the leader, but as the founder, of the Porcia Gens. His ancestors for three generations had been named M. Porcius, and it is said by Plutarch (Cato Maj. 1), that at first he was known by the additional cognomen Priscus, but was afterwards called Cato-a word denoting that practical wisdom which is the result of natural sagacity, combined with experience of civil and political affairs. However, it may well be doubted whether Priscus, like Major, were not merely an epithet used to distinguish him from the later Cato of Utica, and we have no precise information as to the date when he first received the appellation of Cato, which may have been bestowed in childhood rather as an omen of eminence, than as a tribute to past desert. The qualities implied in the word Cato were acknowledged by the plainer and less archaic title of Sapiens, by which he was so well known in his old age, that Cicero (Amic. 2) says, it became his quasi cognomen. From the number and eloquence of his speeches, he was styled orator (Justin, xxxiii. 2; Gell. xvii. 21), but Cato the Censor, or Cato Censorius, is now his most common, as well his most characteristic appellation, since he filled the office of censor with extraodinary repute, and was the only Cato who ever filled it. In order to ascertain the date of Cato's birth, we have to consider the testimony of ancient writers as to his age at the time of his death, which is known to have happened B. c. 149. How far we are to go back from this date is a question upon which the authorities are not unanimous. According to the consistent chronology of Cicero (Senect. 4), Cato was born B. c. 234, in the year preceding the first consulship of Q. Fabius Maximus, and died at the age of 85, in the consulship of L. Marcius and M. Manilius. Pliny (H. N. xxix. 8) agrees with Cicero. Other authors exaggerate the age of Cato. According to Valerius Maximus (viii. 7. ~ 1) he survived his 86th year; according to Livy (xxxix. 40) and Plutarch (Cat. Maj. 15) he was 90 years old when he died. The exaggerated age, however, is inconsistent with a statement recorded by Plutarch (Cat. Maj. 1) on the asserted authority of Cato himself. Cato is represented to have said, that he served his first campaign in his 17th year, when Hannibal was over-running Italy. Plutarch, who had the works of Cato before him, but was careless in dates, did not observe that the reckoning of Livy would take back Cato's 17th year to B. c. 222, when there was not a Carthaginian in Italy, whereas the reckoning of Cicero would make the truth of Cato's statement reconcileable with the date of Hannibal's first invasion. When Cato was a very young man, the death of his father put him in possession of a small hereditary estate in the Sabine territory, at a distance from his native town. It was here that he passed the greater part of his boyhood, hardening his body by healthful exercise, superintending and sharing the operations of the farm, learning the manner in which business was transacted, and studying the rules of rural economy. Near his estate was an humble cottage which had been tenanted, after three triumphs, by its owner M. Curius Dentatus, whose warlike exploits and rigidly simple character were fresh in the memory of the old, and were often talked of with admiration in the neighbourhood. The ardour of the youthful Cato was kindled. He resolved to imitate the character, and hoped to rival the glory, of Dentatus. Opportunity was not wanting: in the school of Hannibal he took his first military lessons, namely in the campaign of B. c. 217. There is some discrepancy among historians as to the events of Cato's early military life. In B. c. 214 he served at Capua, and Drumann (Gesch. Roms, v. p. 99) imagines that already, at the age of 20, he was a military tribune. Fabius Maximus had now the command in Campania, during the year of his fourth consulship. The old
Page 637 CATO. general admitted the young soldier to the honour of intimate acquaintance. While Fabius communicated the valued results of military experience, he omitted not to instil his own personal and political partialities and dislikes into the ear of his attached follower. At the siege of Tarentum, B. c. 209, Cato was again at the side of Fabius. Two years later, Cato was one of the select band who accompanied the consul Claudius Nero on his northern march from Lucania to check the progress of Hasdrubal. It is recorded that the services of Cato contributed not a little to the decisive victory of Sena on the Metaurus, where Hasdrubal was slain. In the intervals of war, Cato returned to his Sabine farm, using the plainest dress, and working and faring like his labourers. Young as he was, the neighbouring farmers liked his hardy mode of living, relished his quaint and sententious sayings, and recognized his abilities. His own active ternperament made him willing and anxious to employ his powers in the service of his neighbours. He was engaged to act, sometimes as an arbiter of disputes, and sometimes as an advocate, in local causes, which were probably tried before recuperatores in the country. Thus was he enabled to strengthen by practice his oratorical faculties, to gain selfconfidence, to observe the manners of men, to dive into the springs of human nature, to apply the rules of law, and practically to investigate the principles of justice. In the vicinity of Cato's Sabine farm was the estate of L. Valerius Flaccus, a young nobleman of considerable influence, and high patrician family. Flaccus could not help remarking the energy of Cato, his military talent, his eloquence, his frugal and simple life, and his old-fashioned principles. Flaccus himself was one of that old-fashioned party who professed their adherence to the severer virtues of the ancient Roman character. There was now in progress a transition from Samnite rusticity to Grecian civilization and oriental voluptuousness. The chief magistracies of the state had become almost the patrimony of a few distinguished families, whose wealth was correspondent with their illustrious birth. Popular by lavish expenditure, by acts of graceful but corrupting munificence, by winning manners, and by the charm of hereditary honours, they united with the influence of office the material power conferred by a numerous retinue of clients and adherents, and the intellectual ascendancy which the monopoly of philosophical education, of taste in the fine arts, and of acquaintance with elegant literature, could not fail to bestow. Nevertheless, the reaction was strong. The less fortunate nobles, jealous of this exclusive oligarchy, and keenly observant of the degeneracy and disorder which followed in the train of luxury, placed themselves at the head of a party which professed its determination to resort to purer models and to stand upon the ancient ways. In their eyes, rusticity, austerity, and asceticism were the marks of Sabine hardihood and religion, and of the old Roman unbending integrity and love of order. Marcellus, the family of Scipio, and the two Flaminini, may be taken as types of the new civilization; Cato's friends, Fabius and Flaccus, were leading men in the party of the old plainness. Flaccus was one of those clear-sighted politicians who seek out and patronize remarkable ability in young and rising men. He had observed Cato's CATO. 637 martial spirit and eloquent tongue. He knew how much courage and eloquence were prized at Rome. He knew that the distinctions of the battle-field opened the way to the successes of the gown; and that, for a municipal stranger like Cato, forensic success was almost the only possible avenue to magisterial honours. Accordingly, he recommended Cato to transplant his ambition to the fitter soil and ampler field of Rome. The advice was eagerly followed. Invited to the town-house of Flaccus, and countenanced by his support, Cato began to distinguish himself in the forum, and became a candidate for office. We have dwelt upon the accidents of his early history, since they affected the whole tenor of Cato's life. We have seen a youth, indomitably active and strong-minded--the fellow-workman and oracle of rustics-not suffered to droop from want of practice or encouragement, but befriended by opportunity and always equal to the exigencies of his position, disciplined in the best school of arms, the favourite of his general, listened to with applause in the courts of Rome, and introduced at once into a high political circle. What wonder if, in such scenes, the mind of Cato received a better training for wide command and worldly success than could have been supplied by a more regular education? What wonder if his strength and originality were tinged with dogmatism, coarseness, harshness, vanity, self-sufficiency, and prejudice,-if he had little sympathy with the pursuits of calm and contemplative scholars,-if he disdained or hated or disparaged the accomplishments which he had no leisure to master,-if he railed and rebelled against the conventional elegancies of a more polished society to which he and his party were opposed,-if he confounded delicacy of sentiment with unmanly weakness, and refinement of manners with luxurious vice? In B. c. 205, Cato was designated quaestor, and in the following year entered upon the duties of his office, and followed P. Scipio Africanus to Sicily. When Scipio, acting on the permission which, after much opposition, he had obtained from the senate, transported the army from the island into Africa, Cato and C. Laelius were appointed to convoy the baggage-ships. There was not that cordiality of co-operation between Cato and Scipio which ought to subsist between a quaestor and his proconsul. Fabius had opposed the permission given to Scipio to carry the attack into the enemy's home, and Cato, whose appointment was intended to operate as a check upon Scipio, adopted the views of his friend. It is reported by Plutarch, that the lax discipline of the troops under Scipio's command, and the extravagant expense incurred by the general, provoked the remonstrance of Cato; that Scipio thereupon retorted haughtily, saying he would give an account of victories, not of pelf; that Cato, returning to Rome, denounced the prodigality of his general to the senate; and that, at the joint instigation of Cato and Fabius, a commission of tribunes was despatched to Sicily to investigate the conduct of Scipio, who was acquitted upon the view of his extensive and judicious preparations for the transport of the troops. (Plut. Cat. Maj. 3.) This account is scarcely consistent with the narrative of Livy, and would seem to attribute to Cato the irregularity of quitting his post before his time. If Livy be correct, the commission was sent upon the complaint of the in
Page 638 638 CATO. habitants of Locri, who had been cruelly oppressed by Pleminius, the legate of Scipio. Livy says not a word of Cato's interference in this transaction, but mentions the acrimony with which Fabius accused Scipio of corrupting military discipline, and of having unlawfully left his province to take the town of Locri. (Liv. xxix. 19, &c.) The author of the abridged life of Cato which commonly passes as the work of Cornelius Nepos, states that Cato, upon his return from Africa, touched at Sardinia, and brought the poet Ennius in his own ship from the island to Italy; but Sardinia was rather out of the line of the voyage to Rome, and it is more likely that the first acquaintance of Ennius and Cato occurred at a subsequent date, when the latter was praetor in Sardinia. (Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 47.) In B. c. 199, Cato was aedile, and with his colleague Helvius, restored the plebeian games, and gave upon that occasion a banquet in honour of Jupiter. In the following year he was made praetor, and obtained Sardinia as his province, with the command of 3,000 infantry and 200 cavalry. Here he took the earliest opportunity of illustrating his principles by his practice. He diminished official expenses, walked his circuits with a single attendant, and, by the studied absence of pomp, placed his own frugality in striking contrast with the oppressive magnificence of ordinary provincial magistrates. The rites of religion were solemnized with decent thrift; justice was administered with strict impartiality; usury was restrained with unsparing severity, and the usurers were banished. Sardinia had been for some time completely subdued, but if we are to believe the improbable and unsupported testimonyof Aurelius Victor (de Vir. Ill. 47), an insurrection in the island was quelled by Cato, during his praetorship. Cato had now established a reputation for pure morality, and strict old-faslhioned virtue. He was looked upon as the living type and representative of the ideal ancient Roman. His very faults bore the impress of national character, and humoured national prejudice. To the advancement of such a man opposition was vain. In B. C. 195, in the 39th year of his age, he was elected consul with his old friend and patron L. Valerius Flaccus. During this consulship a strange scene took place. peculiarly illustrative of Roman manners. In B. c. 215, at the height of the Punic war, a law had been passed on the rogation of the tribune Oppius, that no woman should possess more than half an ounce of gold, nor wear a garment of divers colours, nor drive a carriage with horses at less distance than a mile m the city, except for the purpose of attending the public celebration of religious rites. Now that Hanmabal was conquered; that Rome abounded with Cartlaginian wealth; and that there was no longer any necessity for women to contribute towards the exigencies of an impoverished treasury the savings' spared from their ornaments and pleasures, the tribunes T. Fundanius and L. Valerius, thought it time to propose the abolition of the Oppian law; but they were opposed by their colleagues, M. Brutus and T. Brutus. The most important affairs of state excited far less interest and zeal than this singular contest. The matrons poured forth into the streets, blockaded every avenue to the forum, and intercepted their husbands as they approached, beseeching them to restore the ancient ornaments of the Roman matrons. Nay, they had CATO. the boldness to accost and implore the praetors and consuls and other magistrates. Even Flaccus wavered, but his colleague Cato was inexorable, and made an ungallant and characteristic speech, the substance of which, remodelled and modernized, is given by Livy. Finally, the women carried the day. Worn out by their importunity, the recusant tribunes withdrew their opposition. The hated law was abolished by the suffrage of all the tribes, and the women evinced their exultation and triumph by going in procession through the streets and the forum, bedizened with their now legitimate finery. Scarcely had this important affair been brought to a conclusion when Cato, who had maintained during its progress a rough and sturdy consistency without, perhaps, any very serious damage to his popularity, set sail for his appointed province, Citerior Spain. In his Spanish campaign, Cato exhibited military genius of a very high order. He lived abstemiously, sharing the food and the labours of the common soldier. With indefatigable industry and vigilance, he not only gave the requisite orders, but, whereever it was possible, personally superintended their execution. His movements were bold and rapid, and he never was remiss in reaping the fruits and pushing the advantages of victory. The sequence of his operations and their harmonious combination with the schemes of other generals in other parts of Spain appear to have been excellently contrived. His stratagems and manoeuvres were original, brilliant, and successful. The plans of his battles were arranged with consummate skill. He managed to set tribe against tribe, availed himself of native treachery, and took native mercenaries into his pay. The details of the campaign, as related by Livy (lib. xxxiv.), and illustrated by the incidental anecdotes of Plutarch, are full of horror. We read of multitudes who, after they had been stript of their arms, put themselves to death for very shame; of wholesale slaughter of surrendered victims, and the frequent execution of merciless razzias. The political elements of Roman patriotism inculcated the maxim, that the good of the state ought to be the first object, and that to it the citizen was bound to sacrifice upon demand natural feelings and individual morality. Such were the principles of Cato. He was not the man to feel any compunctious visitings of conscience in the thorough performance of a rigorous public task. His proceedings in Spain were not at variance with the received idea of the fine old Roman soldier, or with his own stern and imperious temper. He boasted of having destroyed more towns in Spain than he had spent days in that country. When he had reduced the whole tract of land between the Iberus and the Pyrenees to a hollow, sulky, and temporary submission, he turned his attention to administrative reforms, and increased the revenues of the province by improvements in the working of the iron and silver mines. On account of his achievements in Spain, the senate decreed a thanksgiving of three days. In the course of the year, B. c. 194, he returned to Rome, and was rewarded with a triumph, at which he exhibited an extraordinary quantity of captured brass, silver, and gold, both coin and bullion. In the distribution of prize-money to his soldiery, he was more liberal than might have been expected from so strenuous a professor of parsimonious economy, (Liv. xxxiv. 46.)
Page 639 CATO. The return of Cato appears to have been accelerated by the enmity of P. Scipio Africanus, who was consul, B. C. 194, and is said to have coveted the command of the province in which Cato was reaping renown. There is some variance between Nepos (or the pseudo-Nepos), and Plutarch (Cat. Maj. 11), in their accounts of this transaction. The former asserts that Scipio was unsuccessful in his attempt to obtain the province, and, offended by the repulse, remained after the end of his consulship, in a private capacity at Rome. The latter relates that Scipio, who was disgusted by Cato's severity, was actually appointed to succeed him, but, not being able to procure from the senate a vote of censure upon the administration of his rival, passed the time of his command in utter inactivity. From the statement in Livy (xxxiv. 43), that B. c. 194, Sex. Digitius was appointed to the province of Citerior Spain, it is probable that Plutarch was mistaken in assigning that province to Scipio Africanus. The notion that Africanus was appointed successor to Cato in Spain may have arisen from a double confusion of name and place, for P. Scipio Nasica was appointed, B. c. 194, to the Ulterior province. However this may be, Cato successfully vindicated himself by his eloquence, and by the production of detailed pecuniary accounts, against the attacks made upon his conduct while consul; and the existing fragments of the speeches, (or the same speech under different names,) made after his return, attest the vigour and boldness of his defence. Plutarch (Cat. Maj. 12), states that, after his consulship, Cato accompanied Tib. Sempronius Longus as legatus to Thrace, but here there seems to be some error, for though Scipio Africanus was of opinion that one of the consuls ought to have Macedonia, we soon find Sempronius in Cisalpine Gaul (Liv. xxxiv. 43, 46), and in B. c. 193, we find Cato at Rome dedicating to Victoria Virgo a small temple which he had vowed two years before. (Liv. xxxv. 9.) The military career of Cato was not yet ended. In B. c. 191, he was appointed military tribune (or legatus? Liv. xxxvi. 17, 21), under the consul M'. Acilius Glabrio, who was despatched to Greece to oppose the invasion of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria. In the decisive battle of Thermopylae, which led to the downfall of Antiochus, Cato behaved with his wonted valour, and enjoyed the good fortune which usually waits upon genius. By a daring and difficult advance, he surprised and dislodged a body of the enemy's Aetolian auxiliaries, who were posted upon the Callidromus, the highest summit of the range of Oeta. He then commenced a sudden descent from the hills above the royal camp, and the panic occasioned by this unexpected movement at once turned the day in favour of the Romans. After the action, the general embraced Cato with the utmost warmth, and ascribed to him the whole credit of the victory. This fact rests on the authority of Cato himself, who, like Cicero, often indulged in the habit, offensive to modern taste, of sounding his own praises. After an interval spent in the pursuit of Antiochus and the pacification of Greece, Cato was despatched to Rome by the consul Glabrio to announce the successful result of the campaign, and he performed his journey with such celerity that he had commenced his report in the senate before the arrival of L. Scipio, (the subsequent conqueror of Antiochus,) CATO. 639 who had been sent off from Greece a few days before him. (Liv. xxxvi. 21.) It was during the campaign in Greece under Glabrio, and, as it would appear from the account of Plutarch, (rejected by Drumann,) before the battle of Thermopylae, that Cato was commissioned to keep Corinth, Patrae, and Aegium, from siding with Antiochus. It was then too that he visited Athens, and, to prevent the Athenians from listening to the overtures of the Syrian king, addressed them in a Latin speech, which was explained to them by an interpreter. Already perhaps he had a smattering of Greek, for, it is said by Plutarch, that, while at Tarentum in his youth, he became intimately acquainted with Nearchus, a Greek philosopher, and it is said by Aurelius Victor that while praetor in Sardinia, he received instruction in Greek from Ennius. It was not so much, perhaps, on account of his still professed contempt for everything Greek, as because his speech was an affair of state, that he used the Latin language, in compliance with the Roman custom, which was observed as a diplomatic mark of Roman majesty. (Val. Max. ii. 2. ~ 2.) After his arrival at Rome, there is no certain proof that Cato was ever again engaged in war. Scipio, who had been legatus under Glabrio, was consul B. C. 190, and the province of Greece was awarded to him by the senate. An expression occurs in Cicero (pro Muren. 14), which might lead to the opinion that Cato returned to Greece, and fought under L. Scipio, but, as to such an event, history is silent. " Nunquam cum Scipione esset profectus [M. Cato], si cum mulierculis bellandum esse arbitraretur." That Cicero was in error seems more likely than that he referred to the time when Cato and L. Scipio served together under Glabrio, or that the words " cum Scipione," as some critics have thought, are an interpolation. In B. c. 189, M. Fulvius Nobilior, the consul, obtained Aetolia as his province, and Cato was sent thither after him, as we learn from an extract (preserved by Festus, s. v. Oratores), from his speech " de suis Virtutibus contra Thermum." It seems that his legation was rather civil than military, and that he was sent to confer with Fulvius on the petition of the Aetolians, who were placed in an unfortunate situation, not sufficiently protected by Rome if they maintained their fidelity, and yet punished if they were induced to assist her enemies. We have seen Cato in the character of an eminent and able soldier: we have now to observe him in the character of an active and leading citizen. If Cato were in B. c. 190 with L. Scipio Asiaticus (as Cicero seems to have imagined), and in B. c 189 in Aetolia with Fulvius, he must still have passed a portion of those years in Rome. We find him in B. c. 190 most strenuous in resisting the claims of Q. Minucius Thermus to a triumph. Thermus had been displaced by Cato in the command of Citerior Spain, and was afterwards engaged in repressing the incursions of the Ligurians, whom he reduced to submission, and now demanded a triumph as his reward. Cato accused him of fabricating battles and exaggerating the numbers of the enemy slain in real engagements, and declaimed against his cruel and ignominious execution of ten magistrates (decemviri) of the Boian Gauls, without even the forms of justice, on the pretext that they were dilatory in furnishing the required sup
Page 640 640 CATO. plies. (Gell. xiii. 24, x. 3.) Cato's opposition was successful; but the passage of Festus already referred to shews that, after his return from Aetolia in 189, he had to defend his own conduct against Thermus, who was tribune B. c. 189, and died in battle, B. c. 188. In B. c. 189, Cato and his old friend L. Valerius Flaccus were among the candidates for the censorship, and, among their competitors, was their former general M'. Acilius Glabrio. Glabrio, who did not possess the advantage of nobility, determined to try what the influence of money could effect. In order to counteract his endeavours, he was met by an accusation of having applied the treasures of Antiochus to his own use, and was ultimately obliged to retire from the contest. Cato was active in promoting the opposition to his old general, and declared that he had seen vessels of gold and silver among the royal booty in the camp, but had not seen them displayed in the parade of Glabrio's triumph. Neither Cato nor Flaccus was elected. The choice fell upon two of the opposite party, T. Flamininus and M. Marcellus. Cato was not to be daunted by a failure. In B. c. 187, M. Fulvius Nobilior returned from Aetolia, and sought the honour of a triumph. Again, Cato was found at his post of opposition. Fulvius was indulgent to his soldiers. He was a man of literary taste, and patronized Ennius, who was his companion in hours not devoted to military duty. All this was repugnant to the old Roman principles of Cato, who, among other charges, found fault with Fulvius for keeping poets in his camp (Cic. Tusc. i. 2), and impairing military discipline, by giving crowns to his soldiers for such mighty services as digging a well with spirit, or valorously throwing up a mound. (Gell. v. 6.) Again, Cato was unsuccessful, and Fulvius obtained the triumph he sought for. When P. Scipio Africanus was charged with having received sums of money from Antiochus, which had not been duly accounted for to the state, and with having allowed the unfortunate monarch to come off too leniently, Cato is said to have been the instigator of the accusation. (Liv. xxxviii. 54.) Every one has read how the proud conqueror of Africa tore with his own hands the books of account which his brother Lucius was producing to the senate; and how, on the day of his own trial, he bade the people follow him from the rostra to the Capitol to return thanks to the immortal gods on the anniversary of the battle of Zama. Unused to submit to question, and conscious of his great benefits to the state, he deemed himself almost above the law. Though Cato devolved upon others the obloquy of accusing Africanus, he hesitated not openly to speak in favour of a proposition which was calculated to prepare the way for the successful prosecution of a similar charge against L. Scipio Asiaticus. By his influence a plebiscitum was carried, referring it to the senate to appoint a commissioner to inquire into the charge concerning the money of Antiochus. The result was, that Lucius and others were condemned. As to the dates and details of these transactions, there is the utmost variance in the early authorities. [SCIPIO.] Cato was now again a candidate for the censorship, with his old friend L. Valerius Flaccus and six others, among whom were the patricians P. and L. Scipio, and the plebeian L. Fulvius Nobi CATO. lior. He was loud in his promises or threats of reform, and declared that, if invested with power, he would not belie the professions of his past life. The dread of his success alarmed all his personal enemies, all who were notorious for their luxury, and all who derived profit from the mismanagement of the public finances. Notwithstanding the combined opposition of the six other candidates, he obtained the censorship, B. c. 184, bringing in by his own influence L. Valerius Flaccus as his colleague. This was a great epoch in Cato's life. He applied himself strenuously to the duties of his office, regardless of the enemies he was making. He repaired the watercourses, paved the reservoirs, cleansed the drains, destroyed the communications by which private individuals illegally drew off the public water to supply their dwellings and irrigate their gardens, raised the rents paid by the publicani for the farm of the taxes, and diminished the contract prites paid by the state to the undertakers of public works. It may be doubted whether he did not go too far in his reforms, from considering rather the cheapness of an offer than the security which was afforded by the character and circumstances of the applicant; but there can be no doubt that great abuses existed, with which nothing but the undaunted courage and extraordinary administrative faculties of Cato could have successfully grappled. He was disturbing a nest of hornets, and all his future life was troubled by their buzz and their attempts to sting. After his censorship, he was prosecuted by some of the tribunes, at the instigation of T. Flamininus, for misconduct in this department of his office, and condemned to pay a fine of two talents (Plut. Cat. IMaj. 10), or in Roman money 12,000 asses. Though he was accused no fewer than forty-four times during the course of his life, this is the only recorded instance in which his enemies prevailed against him. The provisions against luxury, contained in his censorial edict, were severe and stringent. He directed unauthorized statues erected to the honour of unworthy men to be removed from the public places, and declaimed against the unceremonious indecency and want ýof religious feeling with which the images of gods taken from the temples of conquered countries were used, like ordinary household furniture, to ornament the mansions of the nobles. In the lustral census, young slaves, purchased at 10,000 asses and upwards, were valued at ten times their cost, and then taxed, upon this fictitious value at the rate of three, instead of one, per 1000-a circuitous mode of imposing a rate of three per cent. The same course was pursued in rating the dress, furniture, and equipage of the women, when their real value amounted to 15,000 asses. (Liv. xxxix. 44.) Whether or not the rating were anciently or usually confined to res mancipi, such was clearly not the case upon the present occasion. In the exercise of the tremendous power of the nota censoria, he was equally uncompromising. He most justly degraded from the senate L. Quintius Flamininus (the brother of Titus, his former successful opponent in the canvas for the censorship), for having committed (whatever version of the story we accept) an act of the most abominable cruelty, accompanied by circumstances of the most disgusting profligacy (Liv. xxxix. 42, 43; Plut. Cat. Maj. 17; Cic. Senect. 12); yet such was already the low
Page 641 CATO. state of morals at Rome, that a mob could be procured to invite the degraded wretch to resume his former place at the theatre in the seats allotted to the consulars. He degraded Manilius, a man of praetorian rank, for having kissed his wife in his daughter's presence in open day. Whether Cato's strange statement as to his own practice (Plut. Cato, 17) is to be taken as a hyperbolical recommendation of decent reserve, or to be explained as Balzac (cited by Bayle, s. v. Porcius) explains it, we cannot stop to inquire. He degraded L. Nasica (or, as some conjecturally read, L. Porcius Laeca) for an unseasonable and irreverent joke in answer to a solemn question. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 64.) In order to detect that celibacy which it was the duty of the censors to put an end to or to punish, men of marriageable age were asked, " Ex tui animi sententia, tu uxorem habes?" " Non hercule," was the answer of L. Nasica, " ex mei animi sententia." At the muster of the knights, he deprived L. Scipio Asiaticus of his horse for having accepted the bribes of Antiochus. L. Scipio was a senator, but senators, not beyond the age of service, still retained the public horse of the knight, and took their place at the muster. (Diet. Ant. s. v. Equites.) He deprived L. Veturius of his horse for having omitted a stated sacrifice, and for having grown too corpulent to be of use in battle. (Fest. s. v. Stata.) Several others he degraded and deprived of their horses, and, not content with this, he publicly exposed, with bitter vehemence, the vices of his victims. It does not appear that, in the exercise of the theoretically exorbitant and anomalous power of the censorship, Cato acted unfairly, although personal motives and private enmities or party dislikes may sometimes have conspired with his views of political and moral duty. The remarkable censorship of Cato was rewarded by a public statue, with a commemorative and laudatory inscription. Henceforward the public life of Cato was spent chiefly in forensic contests, senatorial debates, and speeches to the people. The fragments of his orations shew his unceasing activity, and the general consistency of his career. He pursued his political opponents with relentless animosity, for with him, true Italian as he was, revenge was a virtue. In his own words, the most honourable obsequies which a son could pay to the memory of his father were the condemnation and tears of that father's foes. With greenish-gray eyes and sandy hair, an iron frame, and a stentorian voice, he gave utterance to such bitter invectives as to provoke the pungent Greek epigram recorded by Plutarch. (Cato, 1) vP1Pdv, ravYaKTr]V, y-XavK6cLjaTrsov, oi0U Oav6vra Ho'pKlov els aCLiJ TIeposcpo'vu 0 XErai. His resistance to luxury continued. In B. c. 181, he urged the adoption of the Lex Orchia for restricting the number of guests at banquets. In B. c. 169 (according to Cicero, Senect. 5, or several years earlier, according to the epitomizer of Livy Epit. xli.) he supported the proposal of the Lex Voconia, the provisions of which were calculated to prevent the accumulation of wealth in the hands of women. In some questions of foreign policy we find him taking the side of the oppressed. The proconsular governors of both Spains compelled the provincial inhabitants to pay their corn-assessments in money CATO. 641 at a high arbitrary commutation, and then forced the provincial farmers to supply the Romans with corn at a greatly reduced price. When the Spanish deputies came to Rome, B. c. 171, to complain of such unjust exaction, Cato was chosen advocate of his former province, Citerior Spain, and conducted the prosecution with such spirit as to draw down upon himself powerful enmity, although the guilty governors, M. Matienus and P. Furius Philus, escaped condemnation by voluntary exile. (Liv. xliii. 2.) Again, when the Rhodians besought the senate not to punish the whole island for the unauthorized acts of a few factious individuals, on the charge of general disaffection towards the Roman arms in the wars with Antiochus and Perseus, Cato pleaded the cause of Rhodes before the senate in an able and effective speech. The minute and artificial criticisms of Tiro, the freedman of Cicero, upon parts of this speech, are reported and refuted by Gellius (vii. 3). Cicero himself speaking by the mouth of Atticus (Brutus, 85), was scarcely able sufficiently to appreciate the sturdy, rugged, sententious, passionate, racy, oratory of Cato. It was tinged with some affectations of striking expressions - with quaintnesses, vulgarisms, archaisms, and neologisms, but it told-it worked-it came home to men's business and bosoms. If we may judge of Cato by his fragments, he possessed the living fiery spirit and intense earnestness of Demosthenes, without the elevation of thought, the harmony of language, and the perfection of form which crowned the eloquence of the Athenian. The strong national prejudices of Cato appear to have diminished in force as he grew older and wiser. He applied himself in old age to the study of Greek literature, with which in youth he had no acquaintance, although he was not ignorant of the Greek language. Himself an historian and orator, the excellences of Demosthenes and Thucydides made a deep impression upon his kindred mind. In many important cases, however, throughout his life, his conduct was guided by prejudices against classes and nations, whose influence he deemed to be hostile to the simplicity of the old Roman character. It is likely that he had some part in the senatusconsultum which, upon the appearance of Eumenes, king of Pergamus, at Brundisium, B. c. 166, forbade kings to enter Rome, for when Eumenes, upon his former visit, after the war with Antiochus, was received with honour by the senate, and splendidly entertained by the nobles, Cato was indignant at the respect paid to the monarch, refused to go near him, and declared that, " kings were naturally carnivorous animals." He had an antipathy to physicians, because they were mostly Greeks, and therefore unfit to be trusted with Roman lives, inasmuch as all Greeks looked upon the barbarians, including the Romans, as natural enemies. He loudly cautioned his eldest son against physicians, and dispensed with their attendance. He was not a bad physician himself in recommending as a peculiarly salutary diet, ducks, geese, pigeons, and hares, though hares, he tells us, are apt to produce dreams. With all his antipathy, there is no ground in ancient authors for the often-repeated statement that he carried a law for the expulsion of physicians from the city. When Athens sent Carneades, Diogenes, and Critolaus to Rome in order to negotiate a remission of the 500 talents which the Athenians had been awarded to pay by way of 2T
Page 642 642 CATO. compensation to the Oropians, Carneades excited great attention by his philosophical conversation and lectures, in which he preached the pernicious doctrine of an expediency distinct from justice, and illustrated his doctrine by touching on a dangerous and delicate subject-the example of Rome herself. " If Rome were stript of all that she did not justly gain, the Romans might go back to their huts." Cato, offended with these principles, and jealous of the attention paid to this Greek, gave advice which the senate followed-" Let these deputies have an answer, and a polite dismissal as soon as possible." Upon the conquest of Perseus, the leading men of the Achaian union, to the number of nearly 1,000, including the historian Polybius, were brought to Rome, B. c. 167, as hostages for the good behaviour of the Achaians, and, afterwards, without any proof of disaffection, were detained in exile from their country, and distributed among the coloniae and municipia of Italy. When their numbers were reduced to about 300, by an exile of 16 years, the intercession of the younger Africanus, the friend of Polybius, prevailed with Cato to vote that they should be permitted to return to their country. The conduct of the old senator-he was now eighty-three-was kinder than his words. He did not interpose until the end of a long debate, and then assented to the proposal on the ground, that it was a matter of perfect indifference. "Have we nothing better to do than to sit here all day long debating whether a parcel of worn-out Greeks shall be carried to their graves here or in Achaia?" "When the exiles further besought the senate that they might be restored to their former status and honours in their own country, Cato intimated that they were fools for going home, and were much better off as they were. He said with a smile, that Polybius was like Ulysses returning to the cave of the Cyclops for his hat and sash. The active powers of Cato had been so much more educated than his affections, that he appears to have been nearly devoid of sympathy with fine and tender feelings, though some allowance may be made for a little assumed ungraciousness of demeanour, in order to keep up his Catonian character. Nowhere in his writings or his speeches do we meet with generous and elevating sentiments. His strong will and powerful passions of anger and ambition were guided by a keen and cold intellect, and a practical, utilitarian, common sense. Even in the closing years of his protracted life, Cato had no repose. In his 81st year, B. c. 153, he was accused by C. Cassius of some capitale crimen (the nature of which is not recorded), and defended himself in person with unbroken strength, with unfaltering voice, and with unshaken memory. " How hard it is," he said, " for one whose life has been past in a preceding generation, to plead his cause before the men of the present!" (Val. Max. viii. 7. ~ 1; Plut. Cato, 15.) In the very year before his death, he was one of the chief instigators of the third Punic war. The anxiety of the senate had been excited by the report that a large army, under Ariobarzanes, was assembled on the Carthaginian territory. Cato recommended an instant declaration of war against the Carthaginians, on the ground that their real object in procuring the assistance of the Numidians was hostility to Rome, although their nominal object was the defence of their frontier CATO. against the claim of Masinissa to part of their dominions. Scipio Nasica thought that no casus belli had arisen, and it was arranged that an embassy should be sent to Africa to gain information as to the real state of affairs. When the ten deputies, of whom Cato was one, came to the disputed territory, they offered their arbitration, which was accepted by Masinissa, but rejected by the Carthaginians, who had no confidence in Roman justice. The deputies accurately observed the warlike preparations, and the defences of the frontier. They then entered the city, and saw the strength and population it had acquired since its conquest by the elder Africanus. Upon their return home, Cato was the foremost in asserting that Rome would never be safe, as long as Carthage was so powerful, so hostile, and so near. One day he drew a bunch of early ripe figs from beneath his robe, and throwing it upon the floor of the senate-house, said to the assembled fathers, who were astonished at the freshness and fineness of the fruit, " Those figs were gathered but three days ago at Carthage; so close is our enemy to our walls." From that time forth, whenever he was called upon for his vote in the senate, though the subject of debate bore no relation to Carthage, his words were " I vote that Carthage no longer be," or, according to the more accepted version of Florus (ii. 15) " Delenda est Carthago." Scipio Nasica, on the other hand, thinking that Carthage in its weakened state was rather a useful check than a formidable rival to Rome, always voted to " let Carthage be." (Liv. Epiit. xlviii. xlix.; Appian, de Bell. Pun. 69; Plin. H. N. xv. 17.) This story must appear strange to those who know not that, during the republic, it was a Roman custom for senators, when called upon for their votes, to express-no matter what the questionany opinion which they deemed of great importance to the welfare of the state. (Tac. Ann. ii. 33.) In the very last year of his life, Cato took a conspicuous part in the righteous but unsuccessful prosecution of S. Sulpicius Galba. This perfidious general, after the surrender of the Lusitanian army, in flagrant breach of faith, put to death some of the soldiers, and sold others as slaves in Gaul, while a few escaped by flight, among whom was Viriathus, the future avenger of his nation. Galba pretended to have discovered that, under cover of the surrender, the Lusitanians had concerted an attack; but he obtained his acquittal chiefly through the compassion excited by the theatrical parade of his young weeping sons and orphan ward. Cato made a powerful speech against Galba, and inserted it in the 7th book of his Origines, a few days or months before his death, B. c. 149, at the age of 85. (Cic. Brutus, 23.) Cato was twice married; first to Licinia, a lady of small property but noble birth, who bore a son, M. Porcius Cato Licinianus, the jurist, and lived to an advanced age. After her death he secretly cohabited with a female slave; for, though he was a faithful husband, and as a widower was anxious to preserve his reputation, the well-known "sententia, dia Catonis" proves that he set but little value upon the virtue of chastity. When his amour was discovered by his son, he determined to marry again, and chose the young daughter of his scribe and client, M. Salonius. The way in which a patron could command his client, and a father
Page 643 CATO. dispose of his daughter, is disagreeably exemplified in Plutarch's graphic account of the interview between Cato and Salonius which decided the match. The vigorous old man had completed his eightieth year when Salonia bore him a son, M. Porcius Cato Salonianus, the grandfather of Cato of Utica. To his eldest son he behaved like a good father, and took the whole charge of his education. To his slaves he was a rigid master. His conduct towards them (if not represented in too dark colours by Plutarch) was really detestable. The law held them to be mere chattels, and he treated them as such, without any regard to the rights of humanity. " Lingua mali pars pessima servi;" so he taught them to be secret and silent. He made them sleep when they had nothing else to do. In order to prevent combination and to govern them the more easily, he intentionally sowed enmities and jealousies between them, and allowed the males to purchase out of their peculium the liberty of sexual intercourse with the females of his household. In their name he bought young slaves, whom they trained, and then sold at a profit for his benefit. After supping with his guests, he often severely chastised them with thong in hand for trifling acts of negligence, and sometimes condemned them to death. When they were worn out and useless, he sold them or turned them out of doors. He treated the lower animals no better. His war-horse which bore him through his campaign in Spain, he sold before he left the country, that the state might not be charged with the expenses of its transport. These excesses of a tyrannous and unfeeling nature shocked no scruples of his own conscience, and met no reprehension from a public opinion which tolerated gladiatorial shows. They were only specimens of the wholesome strictness of the good old Sabine paterfamilias. In youth the austerity of his life was much greater than in age, and perhaps his rigour would have been further relaxed, had he not felt that he had a character to keep up, and had not his frugal simplicity been found to conduce to the acquisition of wealth. As years advanced, he sought gain with increasing eagerness; though, to his honour be it spoken, in the midst of manifold temptations, he never attempted to profit by the misuse of his public functions. He accepted no bribes, he reserved no booty to his own use; but, no longer satisfied with the returns of agriculture, which varied with the influences of Jupiter, he became a speculator, not only in slaves, but in buildings, artificial waters, and pleasure-grounds. The mercantile spirit was strong within him. He who had been the terror of usurers in Sardinia became a lender of money at nautical interest on the security of commercial ventures, while he endeavoured to guard against the possibility of loss by requiring that the risk should be divided, and that his own agent should have a share in the management. To those who admitted his superiority he was affable and social. His conversation was lively and witty. He liked to entertain his friends, and to talk over the historical deeds of Roman worthies. The activity of this many-sided man found leisure for the composition of several literary works. He lived at a time when the Latin language was in a state of transition, and he contributed to enrich it. Cum lingua Catonis et Enni Sermonem patrium ditaverit, et nova rerum Nomina protulerit. CATO. 643 He was contemporary with some of the earliest writers of eminence in the adolescence of classical literature. Naevius died when he was quaestor under Scipio, Plautus when he was censor. Before his own death the more cultivated muse of Terence, who was born in his consulship, had appeared upon the stage. The work De Re Rustica, which we now possess under the name of Cato, is probably substantially his, though it is certainly not exactly in the form in which it proceeded from his pen. It consists of very miscellaneous materials, relating principally to domestic and rural economy. There we may find rules for libations and sacrifices; medical precepts, including the sympathetic cure and the verbal charm; a receipt for a cake; the form of a contract; the description of a tool; the mode of rearing garden flowers. The best editions of this work are those which are contained in the collected Scriptores Rei Rusticae of Gesner (Lips. 1773-4) and Schneider. (Lips. 1794-7.) Cato's instructions to his eldest son, published in the form of letters, treated of various subjects suited to the education of a Roman youth. They were divided into books, which, being quoted by various names, have been counted as separate treatises. The Apopltieegmata, for example, may have formed one of the books of the general collection. Of Cato's instructions to his son a few fragments remain, which may be found in H. Alb. Lion's Catoniana, Gott. 1826, a work of small critical merit. The fragments of the orations are best given in H. Meyer's Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta, Turici, 1842. The few passages in the Digest where Cato is cited are commented upon by Majansius (ad XXX JCtos); but it is probable that the citations in the Digest refer not to the Censor, but to his elder son, who confined himself more exclusively to jurisprudence than his father. Other juridical fragments of Cato are given by Dirksen in his " Bruchstiicke ausdenSchriften der RHmischenJuristen," p. 44, &c. Cato, when he was already advanced in life, commenced an historical work entitled " Origines," of which many fragments have been preserved. It was probably published in parts from time to time as the several books were completed. Livy (xxxiv. 5), in a speech which he puts into the mouth of the tribune Valerius during the consulship of Cato, makes Valerius quote the Origines in reply to their author; but this is generally thought to be an anachronism. The first book contained the history of the Roman kings; the second and third treated of the origin of the Italian towns, and from these two books the whole work derived its title. There was a blank in the history from the expulsion of the kings to the commencement of the first Punic war, which formed the subject of the fourth book. The events of the second Punic war were related in the fifth book, and the sixth and seventh continued the narrative to the year of Cato's death. (Nepos, Cato, 3.) It is said, by Nepos, Gellius, and Pliny (H. N. viii. 5), that he suppressed the names of the generals who carried on the wars which he relates; but the remaining fragments shew that he made at least some exceptions to this practice. He is unanimously acknowledged by the ancients to have been an exceedingly industrious and learned antiquary; but Livy, in his early decads, makes no use of the Origines. According to 2T2
Page 644 644 CATO. Dionysius (i. 74) Cato placed the building of Rome in the 132nd year after the Trojan war, or in the first of the 7th Olympiad, B. c. 751. The best collection of the remains of the Origines is in Krause's Vitae et Fragmenta Vet. Hist. Rom. Berlin, 1833. The life of this extraordinary man was written by Cornelius Nepos, Plutarch, and Aurelius Victor. Many additional particulars of his history are to be collected from Livy, who portrays his character in a splendid and celebrated passage (xxxix. 40). Some facts of importance are to be gleaned from Cicero, especially from his Cato Maajor or de Senectute, and his Brutus. By later writers he was regarded as a model of Roman virtue, and few names occur oftener in the classics than his. Much has been written upon him by the moderns. There are some Latin verses upon Cato in the Juvenilia of Theodore Beza. Majansius (ad XXX JCtos) composed his life with remarkable diligence, collecting and comparing nearly all the ancient authorities, except a few which were discreditable to his hero. (See also Wetzel's Excursus in his edition of Cic. de Senect. p. 256, &c.; De M. Porcii Catonis Vita Studiis et Scriptis, in Schneider's " Scriptores Rei Rusticae," vol. i. pars ii. init.; Bayle, Dict. s. v. Porcius; Krause, Vitae ct Fragm. &c. pp. 89-97; G. E.Weber, Commnentatio de M. Porcii Catonis Censorii Vita et Moribus, Bremae, 1831; and Gerlach, Scipio und Cato, in Schweitzerisches Museum fulr historische Wissenschaften, 1837; above all, Drumann, Gesch. Roms, v. pp. 97-148.) 2. M. PORCIUS CATO LICINIANUS, a Roman jurist, the son of Cato the Censor by his first wife Licinia, and thence called Licinianus to distinguish him from his half-brother, M. Porcius Cato, the son of Salonia. His father paid great attention to his education, physical as well as mental, and studied to preserve his young mind from every immoral taint. He was taught to ride, to swim, to wrestle, to fence, and, perhaps to the injury of a weak constitution, was exposed to vicissitudes of cold and heat in order to harden his frame. The Censor would not allow his learned slave Chilo to superintend the education of his son, lest the boy should acquire slavish notions or habits, but wrote lessons of history for him in large letters with his own hand, and afterwards composed a kind of Encyclopaedia for his use. Under such tuition, the young Cato became a wise and virtuous man. He first entered life as a soldier, and served, B. c. 173, in Liguria under the consul M. Popilius Laenas. The legion to which he belonged having been disbanded, he took the military oath a second time, by the advice of his father, in order to qualify himself legally to fight against the enemy. (Cic. de Off. i. 11.) In B. c. 168, he fought against Perseus at Pydna under the consul Aemilius Paullus, whose daughter, Aemilia Tertia, he afterwards married. He distinguished himself in the battle by his personal prowess in a combat in which he first lost and finally recovered his sword. The details of this combat are related with variations by several authors. (Plut. Cat. Mqj. 20; Justin, xxxiii. 2; Val. Max. iii. 12. ~ 16; Frontin. Strat. iv. 5. ~ 17.) He returned to the troops on his own side covered with wounds, and was received with applause by the consul, who gave him his discharge in order that he might get cured. Here again his father seems to have CATO. cautioned him to take no further part in battle, as after his discharge he was no longer a soldier. (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 39.) Henceforward he appears to have devoted himself to the practice of the law, in which he attained considerable eminence. In the obscure and corrupt fragment of Pomponius de Origine Juris (Dig. 1. tit. 2. ~ 38), after mentioning Sextus and Publius Aelius and Publius Atilius, the author proceeds to speak of the two Catos as follows: " Hos sectatus ad aliquid est Cato. Deinde M. Cato, princeps Porciae familiae, cujus et libri extant; sed plurimi filii ejus; ex quibus caeteri oriuntur." This passage seems to speak of a Cato before the Censor, but Pomponius wrote in paragraphs, devoting one to each succession of jurists, and the word Deinde commences that of the Catos, though the Censor had been mentioned by anticipation at the end of the preceding paragraph. From the Catos, father and son (ex quibus), the subsequent jurists traced their succession. Apollinaris Sulpicius, in that passage of Gellius (xiii. 18) which is the principal authority with respect to the genealogy of the Cato family, speaks of the son as having written "egregios de juris disciplina libros." Festus (s. v. Mundus) cites the commentarii juris civilis of Cato, probably the son, and Paullus (Dig. 45. tit. 1. s. 4. ~ 1) cites Cato's 15th book. Cicero (de Orat. ii. 33) censures Cato and Brutus for introducing in their published responsa the names of the persons who consulted them. Celsus (Dig. 50. tit. 16. s. 98. ~ 1) cites an opinion of Cato concerning the intercalary month, and the regula or sententia Catoniana is frequently mentioned in the Digest. The regula Catoniana was a celebrated rule of Roman law to the effect, that a legacy should never be valid unless it would have been valid if the testator had died immediately after he had made his will. This rule (which had several exceptions) was a particular case of a more general maxim: " Quod initio non valet, id tractu temporis non potest convalescere." The greater celebrity of the son as a jurist, and the language of the citations from Cato, render it likely that the son is the Cato of the Digest. From the manner in which Cato is mentioned in the Institutes (Inst. 1. tit. 11. ~ 12),-" Apud Catonem bene scriptum refert antiquitas,"---it may be inferred, that he was known only at second hand in the time of Justinian. He died when praetor designatus, about B. c. 152, a few years before his father, who bore his loss with resignation, and, on the ground of poverty, gave him a frugal funeral. (Liv. Epit, 48; comp. Cic. de Senect. 19.) (Majansius, ad XXX JCtos, i. 1-113; E. L. Harnier, de Regula Catoniana, Heidelb. 1820 Drumann's Rom. v. p. 149.) 3. M. PORCIUS CATo SALONIANUS, the son of Cato the censor by his second wife Salonia, was born B. C. 154, when his father had completed his 80th year, and about two years before the death of his step-brother. Hie lost his father when he was five years old, and lived to attain the praetorship, in which office he died. (Gell. xiii. 19; Plut. Cat. Maj. 27.) 4. M. PoacIus CATO, elder son of Cato Licinianus. [No. 2.] Like his grandfather, the Censor, he was a vehement orator, and left behind him many written speeches. In B. c. 118, lie was consul with Q. Marcius Rex, and in the same year died in Africa, whither he had proceeded
Page 645 CATO. probably for the purpose of arranging the differences between the heirs of Micipsa in Numidia. (Gell. xiii. 19; Liv. Epit. lxii.) 5. C. PORCIUS CATO, younger son of Cato Licinianus [No. 2], is mentioned by Cicero as a middling orator. (Brut. 28.) In his youth he was a follower of Tib. Gracchus. In B. c. 114, he was consul with Acilius Balbus, and in the same year obtained Macedonia as his province. In Thrace, he fought unsuccessfully against the Scordisci. His army was cut off in the mountains, and lie himself escaped with difficulty, though Ammianus Marcellinus erroneously states that he was slain. (xxvii. 4. ~ 4.) Disappointed of booty in war, he endeavoured to indemnify himself by extortions in Macedonia. For this he was accused and sentenced to pay a fine. Afterwards, he appears to have served as a legate in the war with Jugurtha in Africa, where he was won over by the king. In order to escape condemnation on this charge, in B. c. 110, he went to Tarraco in Spain, and became a citizen of that town. (Cic. pro Balb. 11.) He has been sometimes confounded with his elder brother. (Veil. Pat. ii. 8; Eutrop. iv. 24; Cic. in Verr. iii. 80, iv. 10.) 6. M. PORCIUS CATO, son of No. 3, and father of Cato of Utica. He was a friend of Sulla, whose proscriptions he did not live to see. He was tribunus plebis, and died when a candidate for the praetorship. (Gell. xiii. 19; Plut. Cat. Min. 1-3.) Cicero, in discussing how far a vendor is bound to disclose to a purchaser the defects of the thing sold, mentions a decision of Cato on the trial of an actio arbitraria, in which Calpurnius was plaintiff and Claudius defendant. The plaintiff, having been ordered by the augurs to pull down his house on the Mons Caelia because it obstructed the auspices, sold it to the defendant without giving notice of the order. The defendant was obliged to obey a similar order, and brought an action to recover damages for the fraud. Upon these facts, Cato decided in favour of the purchaser. (De Off iii. 16.) 7. L. PoRCIUS CATO, the son of No. 3, and uncle of Cato of Utica, attached himself to the party of the senate. In the year B. c. 100, lie was tribune of the plebs, and in that office opposed the attempts of L. Apuleius Saturninus, and assisted in rejecting a rogation on behalf of the exiled Metellus Numidicus. In the social war, B. c. 90, he defeated the Etruscans, and in the following year was consul with Pompeius Strabo. On one occasion a portion of his troops, consisting of town rabble, was instigated to disobedience and mutiny by the impudent prating of one C. Titius. He lost his life in an unlucky skirmish with the Marsians, near Lake Fucinus, at the end of a successful battle. It was thought by some that his death was not to be attributed to the enemy, but to the art of the younger Marius; for Cato had boasted that his own achievements were equal to the Cimbrian victory of Marius the father. (Liv. Epit. 1xxv.; Oros. v. 17.) 8. M. PoRcIus CATO, son of No. 4. After having been curule aedile and praetor, he obtained the government of Gallia Narbonensis, where he died. (Gell. xiii. 19.) 9. M. PORCIUS CATO, son of No. 6 by Livia, great-grandson of Cato the Censor, and surnamed Uticensis from Utica, the place of his death, was born a. c. 95. In early childhood he lost both his CATO. 645 parents, and was brought up in the house of his mother's brother, M. Livius Drusus, along with his sister Porcia and the children of his mother by her second husband, Q. Servilius Caepio. While yet of tender age, he gave token of a certain sturdy independence. The Italian socii were now seeking the right of Roman citizenship, and Q. Pompaedius Silo was endeavouring to enlist Drusus on their side. Silo playfully asked Cato and his half-brother Q. Caepio if they would not take his part with their uncle. Caepio at once smiled and said he would, but Cato frowned and persisted in saying that he would not, though Silo pretended that he was going to throw him out of the window for his refusal. This story has been doubted on the ground that, as Drusus lost his life B. c. 91, Cato could not have been more than four years old, and consequently was not of an age to form an opinion on public affairs at the time when it is stated to have occurred. This criticism will be appreciated at its due value by those who understand the spirit of the anecdote, and know the manner in which little boys are commonly addressed. After the death of Drusus, Cato was placed under the charge of Sarpedon, who found him difficult to manage, and more easily led by argument than authority. He had not that quick apprehension and instinctive tact which make learning to some happily-organized children a constant but unobtrusive growth. He did not trust, and observe, and feel, but he acquired his knowledge by asking questions and receiving explanations. That which he thus acquired slowly he retained tenaciously. His temper was like his intellect: it was not easily roused; but, being roused, it was not easily calmed. The child was father to the man. Throughout his life, the same want of flexibility and gradation was one of his obvious defects. He had none of that almost unconscious intuition by which great men modify the erroneous results of abstract reasoning, and take hints from passing events. There was in him no accommodation to circumstances, no insight into the windings of character, no power of gaining influence by apt and easy insinuation. The influence he gained was due to his name for high and stubborn virtue. As a boy he took little interest in the childish pursuits of his fellows. He rarely smiled, and he exhibited a firmness of purpose which was not to be cajoled by flattery nor daunted by violence. Yet was there something in his unsocial individuality which attracted notice and inspired respect. Once, at the game of Trials, he rescued by force from a bigger boy a youth sentenced to prison who appealed to him for protection, and, burning with passion, led him home accompanied by his comrades. When Sulla gave to the noble youths of Rome the military game called Troja, and proposed as their leaders the son of his wife Metella and Sex. Pompeius, the boys with one accord cried out for Cato in place of Sextus. Sarpedon took him occasionally, when he was in his fourteenth year, to pay his respects to Sulla, his late father's friend. The tortures and executions which sometimes were conducted in Sulla's house made it resemble (in the words of Plutarch) " the place of the damned." On one of his visits, seeing the heads of several illustrious citizens carried forth, and hearing with indignation the suppressed groans of those who were present, he turned to his preceptor with the question " Why does no one kill
Page 646 646 CATO. that tyrant?" " Because," answered Sarpedon, "men fear him more strongly than they hate him." "Why then," subjoined Cato, " would you not let me have a sword, that I might put him to death, and restore my country to freedom?" This outbreak induced his tutor to watch him, lest he should attempt something desperate. He received 120 talents as his share of his father's fortune, and, being now his own master, still further contracted his expenditure, hitherto extremely moderate. He addicted himself to political studies, and practised in solitude oratorical declamation. As he hated luxury and was accustomed to self-denial, the precepts of the Porch found favour in his sight; and, under the guidance of Antipater of Tyre, he pursued with all the ardour of a devotee the ethical philosophy of the Stoics. The virtue he chiefly worshipped was a rigid justice, not only unmoved by favour, but rejecting the corrective of equity and mercy. Differing widely in disposition and natural gifts from his great ancestor the Censor, he yet looked up to him as a model, adopted his principles, and imitated his conduct. His constitution was naturally vigorous, and he endeavoured to harden it still more by excessive toil. He travelled bareheaded in the heat of summer, and amid the winter snow. When his friends were making long journeys on horseback, he accompanied them on foot. In illness and fever, he passed his hours alone, not bearing any witness of his physical infirmities. He was singular in his dress, preferring, by way of sober contrast, a dark purple to the rich crimson then in vogue, and he often appeared in public after dinner without shoes or tunic. Up to his twentieth year, his inseparable companion was his half-brother, Q. Servilius Caepio, to whom he was affectionately attached. When Caepio was praised for his moderation and frugality, he acknowledged that he was but a Sippius (a notorious prodigal) when compared with Cato. Thus Cato became a mark for the eyes of the throng. Vicious luxury was one of the crying evils of the times, and he was pointed to as the natural successor of his ancestor in reforming manners, and in representing the old, simple, undegenerate Roman. It is much to become a type of a national character. The first occasion of his appearance in public life was connected with the name of his ancestor. The elder Cato in his censorship had erected and dedicated a building called the Porcia Basilica. In this the tribunes of the people were accustomed to transact business. There was a column in the way of the benches where they sat, and they determined either to remove it altogether or to change its place. This proposition called forth the younger Cato, who successfully resisted the measure in a speech which was graceful while it was cutting, and was elevated in tone without any of the tumour of juvenile declamation. Cato was capable of warm and tender attachment, and much that was stiff and angular in his character was enhanced by early disappointment and blighted affection. Lepida had been betrothed to Metellus Scipio, who broke off the match. Free once more, she was wooed by Cato; but the attentions of a new admirer recalled the ardour of her former lover, who sued again, and was again accepted. Stung to the quick, Cato was with difficulty prevented, by the entreaties of friends, from exposing himself by going to law, and expended CATO. the bitterness of his wrath against Scipio in satirical iambics. He soon afterwards married Atilia, the daughter of Serranus, but was obliged to divorce her for adultery after she had borne him two children. He served his first campaign as a volunteer, B.c. 72, under the consul Gellius Poblicola, in the servile war of Spartacus. He joined the army rather from a desire to be near Caepio, who was tribunus militum, than out of any love for a military life. In this new career he had no opportunity of distinguishing himself; but his observation of discipline was perfect, and in courage he was never found wanting. The general offered him military rewards, which he refused on the ground that he had done nothing to deserve them. For this he was reckoned perverse and cross-grained, but his own estimate of his services was not perhaps much below the mark. He had many of the qualities which make a good soldier, but of that peculiar genius which constitutes a great general he had not a spark. About the year B. c. 67, he became a candidate for the post of tribunus milittim, and obeyed the law by canvassing without nomenclatores. He was elected, and joined the army of the propraetor M. Rubrius in Macedonia. Here he was appointed to command a legion, and he won the esteem and attachment of the soldiery by the force of reason, by sharing all their labours, and by a strict attention to his duty. He treated them as rational beings, not as mere machines, and he preserved order without harsh punishments or lavish bribes. But the life of the camp was ill suited to his temperament. Hearing that the famous Stoic philosopher Athenodorus, surnamed Cordylion, was at Pergamus, he obtained a free legation, which gave him leave of absence for two months, travelled to Asia in search of the philosopher, and succeeded in persuading Athenodorus to return with him to Macedonia. This was deemed by Cato a greater triumph than the capture of a rich city, for the Stoic had refused repeated offers of friendship and society from kings and emperors. Cato was now doomed to suffer a severe misfortune, and to put to the test all the lessons of his philosophy. Servilius Caepio, on his way to Asia, was taken ill at Aenus, a town of Thrace. Cato was informed of this by letter, and, embarking without delay in a small vessel, set sail in stormy weather from Thessalonica; but he did not arrive in time to close the eyes of his beloved brother. The tumult of his grief was excessive. He embraced the corpse with tears and cries, and spared no expense in the splendour of the funeral. He sent back to the provincials their preferred gifts of money, and paid them for the odours and precious vestments which they contributed to the sad solemnity. At the cost of eight talents, he erected to the memory of Caepio a polished monument of Thasian marble in the market-place at Aenus. He now returned to Rome in a ship which conveyed the ashes of his brother. At Rome his time was divided between the lessons of philosophy from the lips of Athenodorus, the advocacy of his friends' causes in the forum, and the studies that were necessary to qualify him for political offices. He was now of an age to offer himself for the quaestorship, but he determined not to put himself forward as a candidate until he was master of the details of his duties. He was able to purchase for
Page 647 CATO. five talents a book which contained the pecuniary accounts of the quaestorship from the time of Sulla, and this he attentively perused. Further, he made himself acquainted with all the laws relating to the public treasure. Armed with this knowledge, he was elected to the quaestorship. The scribes and subordinate clerks of the treasury, accustomed to the routine of official business and official documents, relied upon their own experience and the ignorance of ordinary quaestors, and thus were able to teach their teachers and to rule their rulers. Cato broke in upon this official monopoly, which had been made a cover for much fraud and abuse, and, in spite of the resistance which might have been expected from such an interested swarm, he routed and exposed their misdeeds. The debts that were due from the state to individuals he promptly paid, and he rigidly demanded prompt payment of the debts that were due to the state. He took effectual measures to prevent the falsification of the decrees of the senate and other public documents which were entrusted to the custody of the quaestors. He obliged the informers who had received blood-money from Sulla out of the public treasure to refund their ill-gotten gains. His colleagues, who were at first offended at his strictness, finding that he continued to act with impartiality and upon consistent principle, sought to avoid his reproach and began to admire his conduct. By his honest and determined administration he replenished the treasury, and quitted office at the end of the year amid the general applause of his fellow-citizens. It is probable that after the termination of his quaestorship he went a second time to Asia, upon the invitation of king Deiotarus, his father's friend, for, as Drumann has observed (Geschichte Rons, v. p. 157), the narrative of Plutarch, who makes the events of his Asiatic journey anterior to his quaestorship, is beset with numerous difficulties and anachronisms. In his travels in the east, he neglected that external splendour to which the Orientals were accustomed, and sometimes was treated with slight on account of the meanness of his equipage and apparel. By Pompey, Cato was received with the utmost civility and respect, and this external show of honour from the great man upon whom all eyes were turned, considerably exalted Cato's dignity and importance elsewhere. But there was no cordiality in Pompey's welcome. The visitor, who seemed to be a damper upon his free command, was not invited to stay, and was dismissed without regret. Deiotarus, upon the arrival of Cato, offered him all kinds of presents, and pressed their acceptance with an earnestness which offended his guest, who departed early on the following day. Upon reaching Pessinus, Cato found that still richer presents had been sent on with a letter from the king, beseeching him, if he would not take them himself, to let his attendants take them; but, much to the dissatisfaction of some of his attendants, he rejected this specious bribery too. Upon Cato's return to Rome, B. c. 63, he found Lucullus, who had married one of his half-sisters, Servilia, before the gates soliciting a triumph for his success against Mithridates. In obtaining this object, he succeeded by the assistance of Cato and the nobility, notwithstanding the opposition of Memmius and other creatures of Pompey. Cato was now looked upon by many as a suit CATO. 647 able candidate for the tribuneship, but he declined to stand for that office, and determined to pass some time at his country seat in Lucania in the company of his books and his philosophers. On his way he met a long train of baggage, and was informed that it belonged to Metellus Nepos, who was hastening from Pompey's army to seek the tribuneship. His resolution was at once taken. He determined to oppose this emissary of Pompey, and, after spending a day or two in the country, reappeared in Rome. He compared the sudden arrival of Metellus to a thunderbolt falling upon the state, but his own arrival equally surprised his friends. The nobles, who were jealous of Pompey's power and designs, flocked in crowds to vote for him, and he succeeded in gaining his own election, but not in ousting Metellus. One of his first acts after his election was the prosecution of L. Licinius Muraena for bribery at the consular comitia; but Muraena, who was defended by Cicero, Hortensius, and Crassus, was acquitted by the judges. This (B. c. 63) was the famous year of Cicero's consulship, and of the suppression of Catiline's conspiracy. Cato supported the consul in proposing that the conspirators should suffer death, and was the first who gave to Cicero the name of pater patriae. It was Cato's speech of the 5th of December which determined the senate, previously wavering from the force of Caesar's oratory. The severer sentence was carried, and Cato's part in this transaction occasioned a rupture between him and Caesar, whom he charged with being a secret accomplice of Catiline. Plutarch (Caeto Minor, 23) speaks of Cato's speech as extant, and says that it was taken down by short-hand writers placed in the senate-house for that purpose by Cicero. Sallust gives two well-known orations as the speeches of Caesar and Cato, but there is reason to believe that not only is the language Sallust's own, but that the fabricated speeches differ considerably in several particulars from those which were actually delivered. The crushing of Catiline's conspiracy was an important step, but, in order to accomplish the political theories of Cato, much remained to be done. Induced by the example of Sulla, several ambitious men were now aspiring to supreme power, and those who, like Catiline, endeavoured to grasp it in the disorder occasioned by popular tumult and anarchy, were not the most formidable. The wealth of Crassus and the character and position of Pompey were directed to the same end. Caesar, who had watched the conspiracy of Catiline, and, if it had succeeded, would most likely have been the person to profit by its success, saw their object, and had the address to baffle their schemes. Pompey, his more formidable rival, ivished to obtain supreme power by constitutional means, and waited in hope of a voluntary surrender; but he had not the unscrupulous courage which would have been required to seize it, or to keep it when gained. Caesar, of a more daring, vigorous, and comprehensive intellect, was not restrained by similar scruples. He contrived by entering into a combination with Pompey and Crassus to detach both from the senatorial party, from which they were already estranged by their own unambiguous ambition. Cato wished to defeat this combination, but the measures he resorted to were clumsy and injudicious. His opposition to Pompey was conducted in a manner which pro
Page 648 648 CATO. moted the views of Caesar, who turned every combination of events to the purposes of his own aggrandizement, and availed himself at once of the influence of Pompey and the wealth of Crassus. The state of political parties at Rome was now such, that neither energy nor foresight could long have retarded the downfall of the republic. The party of the senate professed to adhere to the ancient doctrines of the constitution, clinging in practice to oligarchical principles, but it possessed in its ranks no man of great popularity or commanding political genius. Lucullus had often led his troops to victory, and had considerable influence over the army, but he preferred the quiet enjoyment of the vast wealth he had acquired in Asia to the leadership of the party of the nobles. Had he not lacked ambition, he might have given the senate effectual support. Cato attached himself to the senate, and may be numbered among its leaders; but neither he nor his chief coadjutors in the same cause, Catulus and Cicero, could boast of that practical ability and ready command of resources which were wanting at the present crisis. He was far better suited for contemplation than for action, and would have been more at home, more happy, and not less useful, in the calm pursuits of literature and philosophy, than amidst the turmoil of public life. A man more pure and disinterested could not be found. His opinion as a judex and his testimony as a witness were regarded as almost decisive. Such was the reverence for his character, that when he went into the theatre during the games of Flora, given by Messius, the dancing-women were not required to exhibit their performances in their accustomed nudity; but when Cato learned from Savonius that his presence damped the enjoyment of the people, he retired amidst applause. The conduct of his political friends was analogous. They rather praised than imitated his virtues, and those who praised him liked him best when he was at such a distance as not to impose restraint upon their actions. Irregularity and corruption were so general, that an honest man, in order to do good, must have been master of remarkable discretion, whereas the straightforward and uncompromising strictness of Cato generally appeared ill-timed, and was deemed better suited to the imaginary republic of Plato than to the actual condition of the Roman people. In the year of his tribunate he opposed the proposition of Metellus Nepos to recall Pompey from Asia, and to give him the command of the legions against Catiline. Cato exerted himself in the midst of a riot to prevent the voting of the proposition, and exposed himself to considerable personal danger without much prudence or much dignity. In B. c. 60, he opposed the rogation of the tribune L. Flavius to reward Pompey's veterans with allotments of land. Caesar, when he was returning from Spain, sought the honour of a triumph, and desired in the meantime to be allowed, though absent, to be a candidate for the consulship. In order to prevent a resolution to this effect from being carried on the day when it was proposed, Cato spoke against time until sunset; but Caesar renounced his triumph and gained the consulship. By a course of conduct which to the eyes of the statesmen of that day appeared to be a series of half-measures and vacillating policy, Cato desired to prove that, while some were for Caesar and some for Pompey, he, Cato, was for the commonwealth. CATO. Though Cato seemed generally to -waste his strength in ineffectual efforts, he still was found to be a trouble and a hindrance to the designs of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. They accordingly got Clodius, during his tribunate, to propose that Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, should, without even a plausible pretext, be deprived of his dominions, and that Cato should be charged with the task of reuniting the island to the Roman empire, and restoring the exiles who had been sent to Byzantium. Constitutionally averse to active military measures, as well as benevolently anxious to prevent the unnecessary shedding of blood, Cato sent a messenger to Ptolemy to signify the determination of the Roman people. The unfortunate king put an end to his life by poison, and Cato took peaceable possession of Cyprus, and sold the royal treasures at the highest price, offending some of his friends, who hoped to enrich themselves by cheap bargains. After restoring the Byzantine exiles, and successfully accomplishing a commission which, however abstractedly unjust, he considered himself bound to undertake by his duty to the state, he returned to Rome in B. c. 56, displaying to the eyes of the people the public wealth thus acquired. This very treasure afterwards came to the hands of Caesar, and contributed to the destruction of republican liberty. The pecuniary accounts of the sale by some accident were lost, and Clodius Pulcher took occasion to accuse Cato of embezzlement. His answer was, " What greater disgrace could befall this age, than that Pulcher should be an accuser or Cato be accused?" (Senec. Controvers. v. 30.) Cicero, on his return from banishment, insisted that Clodius was not legitimately appointed tribune, and that therefore all his official acts ought to be annulled. The proposition was opposed by Cato, as it would have rendered void his legation to Cyprus. This affair produced a marked coldness between Cicero and Cato. After his divorce from Atilia, Cato had married Marcia, the daughter of Philippus, and had three children by his second wife. About the year B. c. 56 happened that strange transaction by which he ceded Marcia to his friend Q. Hortensius, with the consent of her father. At the death of Hortensius in the year 50, he took her back again. Heineccius (Antiq. Rom. lib. i. append. c. 47) infers, from the words of Plutarch (Cato Mlin. 25), that Cato did not, according to the common belief, lend his wife, but that she was divorced from him by the ceremony of sale, and married to Hortensius. Heineccius quotes the case as an instance of a marriage contracted by coemntio and dissolved by remancipatio, in accordance with the maxim " unumquodque eo modo dissolvitur quo colligatum est." But it does not appear that Cato married her again after the death of Hortensius, and yet it seems that she returned to her former relation of wife. Cato continued to oppose the triumvirs. In B. c. 55 he actively assisted L. Domitius Ahenobarbus in canvassing for the consulship against Pompey and Crassus, who were elected. In the election riots he was wounded, and narrowly escaped with life. With no better success was he himself a candidate for the praetorship in the same year in opposition to Vatinius. He would not submit to employ the bribery which was necessary to obtain a majority. Again, in an unsuccessful opposition to the Trebonian law conferring extraordinary powers upon the triumvirs, we find him
Page 649 CATO. engaged in popular tumults and personal conflict. At length, B. c. 54, he was made praetor, and this was the highest office to which he attained. His exertions during his praetorship to put down the notorious bribery of the consular comitia disgusted both the buyers and the sellers of votes. Again he was attacked by a hooting and pelting mob, who put his attendants to flight; but he persisted in mounting the tribunal, and succeeded in appeasing the violence of the populace. After the death of Crassus, when the senate had to make choice between Pompey and Caesar, it naturally wished to place itself under the protection of the former. In B. c. 52, Pompey was anxious to obtain the dictatorship; but as the nobles had not given him their full confidence, and yet at the same time were anxious to gratify him, Bibulus proposed that he should be created sole consul, and in this proposition was supported by Cato. In the following year, Cato himself, mistrusting Pompey, was a candidate for the consulship; but he would not bribe, and his competitors, S. Sulpicius and M. Claudius Marcellus, who had the support of Caesar and Pompey, were elected. On the day of his defeat, Cato amused himself with playing at ball, and renounced for ever all aspiration after an office which the people had not thought proper to confer upon him. On the commencement of the civil war, B. c. 49, Cato supported those illegal proceedings [CAESAR, p. 550] which gave some colour of right to the hostile preparations of Caesar. On the approach of Caesar to the city, Cato took flight with the consuls to Campania, and yielded himself up to unavailing grief. From that day forth he allowed his hair to grow; he never after wore a garland, but seeing that Roman blood must be shed, whichever party might prevail, he determined to mourn until his death the unhappy lot of his country. It was a time for decisive and strong measures. Caesar was not now to be fought by laws or resolutions, and the time for negotiation was past. Cato recommended a temporizing policy. Thoughts of patriotic philanthropy were uppermost in his mind. He made Pompey promise to pillage no Roman town, and, except in battle, to put to death no Roman citizen. The senate entrusted Cato, as propraetor, with the defence of Sicily; but, on the landing of Curio with three of Caesar's legions, Cato, thinking resistance useless, instead of defending the island, took flight, and proceeded to join Pompey at Dyrrachium. Little confidence was placed in his military skill, or in the course that he would pursue if his party succeeded; for, though it was now his object to crush the rebellion of Caesar, it was felt that his efforts might soon be directed to limit the power of Pompey. After Pompey's victory at Dyrrachium, Cato was left in charge of the camp, and was thus saved from being present at the disastrous battle of Pharsalia. (a. c. 48.) After this battle, he set sail for Corcyra with the troops and the fleet left in his charge; but he offered to resign his command to Cicero, who was now anxious for a reconciliation with Caesar. Cicero, a man equally incompetent to command, declined the offer. Cato now proceeded to Africa, where he hoped to find Pompey; but on his route he received intelligence from Cornelia of Pompey's assassination. After a circuitous voyage he effected a landing, and wvas admitted by the inha CATO. 649 bitants of Cyrene, who had refused to open their gates to Labienus. In the spring of the year B. c. 47 Cato marched his troops across the desert, for six days supporting hunger and thirst, and every privation, with remarkable fortitude, in order to form a junction with Scipio Metellus, Attius Varus, and the Numidian Juba. Here arose a question of military precedence. The army wished to be led by Cato; but, as a strict disciplinarian, he thought it necessary to yield to the consular Scipio. Most probably he was glad to rid himself of a position in which immediate action appeared inevitable, and felt himself oppressed by the weight of a responsibility to which his shoulders were unequal. Here the mildness of his disposition was again manifest. He resisted the counsel of Scipio to put Utica to the sword, and, though now nothing could be hoped but a putting-off of the evil day, wisely advised him not to risk a decisive engagement; but Scipio disregarded his advice, and was utterly routed at Thapsus. (April 6th, B. c. 46.) All Africa now, with the exception of Utica, submitted to the victorious Caesar. Cato wanted to inspire the Romans in Utica with courage to stand a siege; but they quailed at the approach of Caesar, and were inclined to submit. Plutarch relates in detail the events which now occurred at Utica, and his narrative exhibits a lamentable picture of a good man standing at bay with fortune. Careless for his own safety, or rather determined not to live under the slavery of Caesar's despotism, Cato yet was anxious to provide for the safety of his friends, advised them to flee, accompanied them to the port, besought them to make terms with the conqueror, composed the speech in which L. Caesar interceded for them, but would not allow his own name to appear. Bewildered and oppressed, driven into a corner where his irresolution could not lurk, and from which he had not strength to break forth, he deeply felt that the only way to preserve his high personal character and unbending moral dignity, and to leave to posterity a lofty Roman name, was -to die. For the particulars of his death, which our limits prevent us from giving, we must refer our readers to the graphic account of Plutarch. After spending the greater part of the night in perusing Plato's Phaedo several times, he stabbed himself below the breast, and in falling overturned an abacus. His friends, hearing the noise, ran up, found him bathed in blood, and, while he was fainting, dressed his wound. When however he recovered feeling, he tore open the bandages, let out his entrails, and expired, B. c. 46, at the age of forty-nine. There was deep grief in Utica on account of his death. The inhabitants buried him on the coast, and celebrated his funeral with much pomp. A statue, with sword in hand, was erected to his memory on the spot, and was still standing when Plutarch wrote. Caesar had hastened his march in order to catch Cato; but arriving too late, he exclaimed, " Cato, I grudge thee thy death, since thou hast grudged me the glory of sparing thy life." The only existing composition of Cato (not to count the speech in Sallust) is a letter written in B. c. 50. It is a civil refusal in answer to an elaborate letter of Cicero, requesting that Cato would use his influence to procure him a triumph. (Cic. ad Famr. xv. 4-6.)
Page 650 650 CATO. Cato soon became the subject of biography and panegyric. Shortly after his death appeared Cicero's " Cato," which provoked Caesar's " Anticato," also called " Anticatones," as it consisted of two books; but the accusations of Caesar appear to have been wholly unfounded, and were not believed by his contemporaries. Works like Cicero's Cato were published by Fabius Gallus, and M. Brutus. In Lucan the character of Cato is a personification of godlike virtue. In modern times, the closing events of Cato's life have been often dramatized. Of the French plays on this subject that of Deschamps (1715) is the best; and few dramas have gained more celebrity than the Cato of Addison. (Plut. Cato Minor; Sall. Catil. 54; Tacit. tlist. iv, 8; Cic. ad Alt. i. 18, ii. 9; Senec. Ep. 95; Val. Max. vi. 2. ~ 5; Lucan, i. 128, ii. 380; Hor. Carm. i. 12. 35, ii. 1, 24; Virg. Aen. vi. 841, viii. 670; Juv. xi. 90; Drumann's Gesch. Roms, v. p. 153.) 10, 11. PORCIAE. [PORCIA.] 12. M. PoRCIus CATO, a son of Cato of Utica [No. 9] by Atilia. He accompanied his father upon his flight from Italy, and was with him at Utica on the night of his death. Caesar pardoned him, and allowed him to possess his father's property. (Bell. Afr. 89.) After Caesar's death, he attached himself to M. Brutus, his sister's husband, and followed him from Macedonia to Asia. He was a man of warm and sensual temperament, much addicted to illicit gallantry. His long stay in Cappadocia on a visit to Marphadates, who had a very beautiful wife named Psyche, gave occasion to the jest that the young Cato and his host had but one soul (Psyche) between them. (Plut. Cato Minor, 73.) At the battle of Philippi (B. c. 42) he behaved bravely, and sold his life dearly. 13. PORclus CATO, son of Cato of Utica [No. 9] by Marcia, and therefore half-brother of No. 12. Nothing more is known of him than that, at the commencement of the civil war, he was sent by his father to Munatius Rufus at Bruttium. (Plut. Cato Min. 52.) 14. PORCIA. [PORclA.] 15. A son or daughter of Cato of Utica [No. 9], and a sister or brother of Nos. 13 and 14, as we know that Cato of Utica had three children by Marcia. (Lucan, ii. 331.) 16. C. PoRcIus CATO, of uncertain pedigree, perhaps descended from No. 5. He appears in the early part of his life as an opponent of Pompey. In B. c. 59, he wanted to accuse A. Gabinius of ambitus, but the praetors gave him no opportunity of preferring the accusation against Pompey's favourite. This so vexed him, that he called Pompey privatum dictatorem, and his boldness nearly cost him his life. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. i. 2. ~ 9.) In B. c. 56, he was tribune of the plebs, and prevented the Romans from assisting Ptolemy Auletes with troops, by getting certain priests to read to the people some Sibylline verses which threatened Rome with danger if such aid were given to a king of Egypt. (Dion Cass. xxxix. 15.) He took the side of Clodius, and Milo in revenge raised a laugh against him in the following manner:-Cato used to go about attended by a gang of gladiators, whom he was too poor to support. Milo, learning this, employed a stranger to buy them of him, and then got Racilius the tribune to make a public announcement, " se familiam Cato CATO. nianam venditurum." (Cic. ad Qu, Fr. ii. 6.) Afterwards he made himself useful to the triumviri by delaying the comitia in order to promote the election of Pompey and Crassus, when they were candidates for the consulship in B. c. 55. In his maniceuvre on this occasion he was assisted by Nonius Sufenas, one of his colleagues in the tribunate. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 27, 28.) In the following year he and Sufenas were accused of violating the Lex Junia et Licinia and the Lex Fufia, by proposing laws without due notice and on improper days. (Ascon. in Cic. pro Scauro.) Cato was defended by C. Licinius Calvus and M. Scaurus, and obtained an acquittal, which, however, was chiefly owing to the interest of Pompey. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 5, 6.) [J. T. G.] On the coins of the Porcia gens, we find only the names of C. Cato and M. Cato. Who the former was, is quite uncertain; the latter is M. Cato of Utica. In the two coins annexed the obverse of the former represents the head of Pallas, the reverse Victory in a biga; the obverse of the latter a female head, the reverse Victory sitting. CATO, VALE'RIUS, a distinguished grammarian and poet, who flourished at Rome during the last years of the republic. Some persons asserted, that he was of Gaulish extraction, the freedman of a certain Bursenus; but he himself, in a little work entitled Indignatio, maintained, that he was pure from all servile stain, that he had lost his father while still under age, and had been stripped of his patrimony during the troubles which attended the usurpation of Sulla. Having studied under Philocomus with Lucilius for a text-book, he afterwards acted as preceptor to many persons of high station, and was considered particularly successful in training such as had a turn for poetry. In this manner he seems to have accumulated considerable wealth; for we find that at one period he was the possessor of a magnificent abode at Tusculum; but, having fallen into difficulties, he was obliged to yield up this villa to his creditors, and retired to a poor hovel, where the remainder of his life, which was prolonged to extreme old age, was passed in the greatest penury. In addition to various works upon grammatical subjects, he was the author of poems also, of which the Lydia and the Diana were the most celebrated. The fame thus acquired by him as an author and a teacher is commemorated in the following complimentary distich, probably from the pen of some admiring contemporary: " Cato Grammaticus, Latina Siren, Qui solus legit, ac facit poetas." Suetonius (de Illustr. Gram. 2-9), to whom exclusively we are indebted for all these particulars.
Page 651 CATO. has preserved, in addition to the above lines, short testimonies from Ticida and Cinna to the merits of the Lydia and the Diana, together with two epigrams by Furius Bibaculus [BIBACULUS], which contrast, in no very feeling terms, the splendour of Cato in the full flush of his fame and prosperity---" unicum magistrum, summum grammaticum, optimum poetam"-with his subsequent distress and poverty. From the circumstance already noticed, that Cato devoted much attention in his earlier years to the productions of Lucilius, he is probably the Cato named in the prooemium to the tenth satire of Horace (lib. i.), and may be the same with the Cato addressed by Catullus (1vi.), and with the Cato classed by Ovid (Trist. ii. 435) along with Ticida, Memmius, Cinna, Anser, and Cornificius. In all the collections of the minor Latin poets will be found 183 hexameter verses, which, ever since the time of Joseph Scaliger, have been known under the title " Valerii Catonis Dirae." We gather from the context, that the lands of the author had been confiscated during civil strife, and assigned to veteran soldiers as a reward for their services. Filled with wrath and indignation on account of this cruel injustice and oppression, the rightful owner solemnly devotes to destruction the fields he had loved so well. Then in gentler mood he dwells upon the beauty of the scenes he was about to quit for ever; scarcely tearing himself away from an eminence whence he was gazing on his flocks, he bids a last farewell to them and his adored Lydia, to whom he vows eternal constancy. Such is the argument as far as the end of the 103d line. In the portion which follows, the bard dwells with envy on the felicity of the rural retreats haunted by his beautiful mistress, and complains of his relentless destiny, which had separated him from the object of his passion. It must also be observed, that in the first line we find an invocation of some person, place, or thing, designated by the appellation of Battarus--" Battare cycneas repetamus carmine voces"-and that this word occurs again and again, as far as line 97, forming a sort of burden to the song. These matters being premised, it remains for us to investigate, 1. The connexion and arrangement of the different parts of the " Dirae." 2. The real author. 3. What we are to understand by Battarus. 1. To all who read the lines in question with care it will at once become evident, that they in reality constitute two pieces, and not one. Tlhe first, containing the imprecations, and addressed to Battarus, concludes with 1. 103, and is completely distinct in subject, tone, spirit, and phraseology, from the second, which ought always to be printed as a separate strain. This opinion was first advanced by F. Jacobs (Bibliothek der alten Literatur und Kunst, r. ix. p. 56, G6tting. 1792), and has been fully adopted by Putsch, the most recent editor. The confusion probably arose from the practice common among the ancient scribes of copying two or more compositions of the same author continuously, without interposing any space or mark to point out that they had passed from one to another. The error, once introduced, was in this case perpetuated, from the circumstance, that both poems speak of the charms of certain rural scenes, and of the beauty of Lydia, although in the one these objects are regarded with feelings very different from those expressed in the other. 2. In all MSS. these lines are found among the CATUALDA. 651 minor poems attributed to Virgil, and in several are specifically ascribed to him. Moreover, in the catalogues of Virgil's works drawn up by Donatus and by Servius, "Dirae" are included. Joseph Scaliger, however, considering that in language and versification the Dirae bore no resemblance whatever to the acknowledged compositions of Virgil, and that the sentiments expressed were completely at variance with the gentle and submissive spirit which Virgil displayed under like circumstances, was convinced that he could not be the author; but, recollecting, on the other hand, that the incidents described and the name of Lydia corresponded in some degree with the details transmitted to us with regard to Valerius Cato, determined, that they must be from the pen of that grammarian; and almost all subsequent editors have acquiesced in the decision. It is manifest, however, that the conclusion has been very rashly adopted. Granting that we are entitled to neglect the authority of the MSS., which in this case is perhaps not very important, and to remove these pieces from the works of Virgil, still the arguments on which they have been so confidently transferred to Cato are singularly weak. We can build nothing upon the fictitious name of Lydia; and even if we grant that the estate of Cato was actually distributed among the veterans of Sulla, although of this we have not the slightest evidence, we know well that hundreds of others suffered under a like calamity. Nor is there anything in the context by which we can fix the epoch of the forfeiture in question. All the circumstances are just as applicable to the times of Octavianus as to those of Sulla. 3. The discordant opinions which have been entertained with regard to Battarus are spoken of under BATTARUS. The Dirae were first printed at the end of the editio princeps of Virgil, at Rome, by Sweynheim and Pannartz in 1469, and are always included among the early impressions of the Catalecta. They appeared in an independent form at Leyden (12mo. 1652), under the inspection of Christopher Arnold, who adopted the corrected text of Scaliger. Since that period, they have been edited by Eichstaidt (Jena, 4to. 1826), and with very complete prolegomena by Putsch (Jena, 8vo. 1828), whose work was reprinted at Oxford by Dr. Giles in 1838. They are to be found also in the "Anthologia" of Burmann (vol. ii. p. 647), and in the "Poetae Latini Minores" of Wernsdorff (vol. iii. p. xlv. &c.), who prefixed a very learned dissertation on various topics connected with the work. An essay by Nike, who had prepared a new edition of Valerius Cato for the press, appeared in the " Rheinisches Museum" for 1828. [W. R.] CATO, VE'TTIUS. [SCATO.] CATO'NIUS JUSTUS, a centurion in one of the Pannonian legions which revolted on the accession of Tiberius, A. D. 14. When the insurrection was quelled by Drusus, Catonius and some others were sent to Tiberius to sue for pardon. (Tac. Ann. i. 29; Dion Cass. Ix. 18.) [L. S.] CATTUME'RUS, a chief of the German tribe of the Catti, from whom the mother of Italicus, the Cheruscan chief, was descended. (Tac. Ann. xi. 16.) He is probably the same as the one whom Strabo (vii. p. 292) calls Ucromerus. [L. S.] CATUALDA, a noble youth of the German tribe of the Gotones. Dreading the violence of Maroboduus, he took to flight; but when the power
Page 652 652 CATULLUS. of Maroboduus was in its decline, Catualda resolved upon taking vengeance. He assembled a large force, and invaded the country of the Marcomanni. Maroboduus fled across the Danube, and solicited the protection of the emperor Tiberius. But Catualda in his turn was conquered soon after by the Hermunduri under the command of Vibilius. He was made prisoner, and sent to Forum Julium in Gallia Narbonensis. (Tac. Ann. ii. 62, 63.) [L. S.] CATUGNA'TUS, the leader of the Allobroges in their revolt against the Romans in B. c. 61, defeated Manlius Lentinus, the legate of C. Pomptinus, the praetor of the province, and would have destroyed his whole army but for a violent tempest which arose. Afterwards Catugnatus and his army were surrounded by C. Pomptinus near Solonium, who made them all prisoners with the exception of Catugnatus himself. (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 47, 48; comp. Liv. Epit. 103; Cic. de Prov. Cons. 13.) CATULLUS, VALE'RIUS, whose praenomen is altogether omitted in many MSS., while several, with Apuleius (Apolog.), designate him as Caius, and a few of the best with Pliny (H. N. xxxvii. 6) as Quintus, was a native of Verona or its immediate vicinity, as we learn from the testimony of many ancient writers (e. g. Ov. Am. iii. 15. 17; Plin. 1. c.; Martial, i. 62, x. 103, xiv. 195; Auson. Drep. &c.). According to Hieronymus in the Eusebian Chronicle, he was born in the consulship of Cinna and Octavius, B. c. 87, and died in his thirtieth year, B. c. 57. The second date is undoubtedly erroneous, for we have positive evidence from his own works that he survived not only the second consulship of Pompey, B. c. 55, and the expedition of Caesar into Britain, but that he was alive in the consulship of Vatinius, B. c. 47. (Carm. lii. and cxiii.) We have no reason, however, to conclude that the allusion to Mammurra, contained in a letter written by Cicero (ad Alt. xiii. 52) in B. c. 45, refers to the lampoon of Catullus; we can attach no weight to the argument, deduced by Joseph Scaliger from an epigram of Martial (iv. 14), that he was in literary correspondence with Virgil after the reputation of the latter was fully established; and still less can we admit that there is the slightest ground for the assertion, that the hymn to Diana was written for the secular games celebrated by Augustus in B. c. 17. He may have outlived the consulship of Vatinius, but our certain knowledge does not extend beyond that period. Valerius, the father of Catullus, was a person of some consideration, for he was the friend and habitual entertainer of Julius Caesar (Suet. Jul. 73), and his son must have possessed at least a moderate independence, since in addition to his paternal residence on the beautiful promontory of Sirmio, he was the proprietor of a villa in the vicinity of Tibur, and performed a voyage from the Pontus in his own yacht. On the other hand, when we observe that he took up his abode at Rome and entered on his poetical career while still in the very spring of youth (lxviii. 15), that he mingled with the gayest society and indulged freely in the most expensive pleasures (ciii.) of the metropolis, we need feel no surprise that he should have become involved in pecuniary difficulties, nor doubt the sincerity of his frequent humorous lamentations over the empty purses of himself and his associates. These embarrassments may have induced him to make an attempt to better his fortunes, according to the approved fashion of the times, by proceeding CATULLUS. to Bithynia in the train of the praetor Memmius, but it is clear from the bitter complaints which he pours forth against the exclusive cupidity of his chief, that the speculation was attended with little success. The death of his brother in the Troad-a loss which he repeatedly deplores with every mark of heartfelt grief, more especially in the affecting elegy to Hortalus-is generally supposed to have happened during this expedition. But any evidence we possess leads to a different inference. When railing against the evil fortune which attended the journey to the East, he makes no allusion to any such misfortune as this; we find no notice of the event in the pieces written immediately before quitting Asia and immediately after his return to Italy, nor does the language of those passages in which he gives vent to his sorrow in any way confirm the conjecture. That Catullus plunged into all the debauchery of his times is evident from the tone which pervades so many of his, lighter productions, and that he enjoyed the friendship of the most celebrated literary characters, seems clear from the individuals to whom many of his pieces are addressed, among whom we find Cicero, Alphenus Varus, Licinius Calvus, the orator and poet, Cinna, author of the Smyrna, and several others. The lady-love who is the theme of the greater number of his amatory effusions is styled Lesbia, but her real name we are told by Apuleius was Clodia. This bare fact by no means entitles us to. jump to the conclusion at which many have arrived, that she was the sister of the celebrated Clodius slain by Milo. Indeed the presumption is strong against such an inference. The tribute of highflown praise paid to Cicero would have been but a bad recommendation to the favour of one whom the orator makes the subject of scurrilous jests, and who is said to have cherished against him all the vindictive animosity of a woman first slighted and then openly insulted.! Catullus was warm in his resentments as well as in his attachments. No prudential considerations interfered with the free expression of his wrath when provoked, for he attacks with the most bitter vehemence not only his rivals in love and poetry, but scruples not on two occasions to indulge in the most offensive imputations on Julius Caesar. This petulance was probably the result of some temporary cause of irritation, for elsewhere he seems fully disposed to treat this great personage.wih respect (cxi. 10), and his rashness was productive&df Inounpleasant consequences to himself or to his family, for not only did Caesar continue upon terms of intimacy with the father of Catullus, but at once accepted the apology tendered by the son, and admitted him on the same day as a guest at his table. (Suet. Jul. 73.) The works of Catullus which have come down to us consist of a series of 116 poems, thrown together apparently at random, with scarcely an attempt at arrangement. The first of these is an epistle dedicatory to a certain Cornelius, the author of some historical compendium. The grammarians decided that this must be Cornelius Nepos, and consequently entitled the collection Valerii Catulli ad Cornelium Nepotem Liber. The pieces are of different lengths, but most of them are very short. They refer to such a variety of topics, and are composed in so many different styles and different
Page 653 CATULLUS. metres, that it is almost impossible to classify them systematically. A few, such as the hymn to Diana (xxxiv.), the translation from Sappho (li.), the address to Furius and Aurelius, and the two Hymenaeal lays (Ixi. lxii.), especially the former, may be considered as strictly lyrical. The Nuptials of Peleus and Thetis, which extends to upwards of 400 Hexameter lines, is a legendary heroic poem; the four which are numbered Ixiv.--xvii., although bearing little resemblance to each other either in matter or manner, fall under the head of elegies; the Atys stands alone as a religious poem of a description quite peculiar, and the great mass of those which remain may be comprehended under the general title of epigrams, provided we employ that term in its widest acceptation, as including all short, occasional, fugitive compositions, suggested by some passing thought and by the ordinary occurrences of every-day social life. From the nature of the case it is probable that many such effusions would be lost, and accordingly Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 2) makes mention of verses upon love-charms of "which no trace remains, and Terentianus Maurus notices some Ithyplhallica. On the other hand, the Ciris and the Pervigilium Veneris have been erroneously ascribed to our author. Notwithstanding his remarkable versatility, it may be affirmed with absolute truth, that Catullus adorned all he touched. We admire by turns, in the lighter efforts of his muse, his unaffected ease, playful grace, vigorous simplicity, pungent wit, and slashing invective, while every lively conception is developed with such matchless felicity of expression, that we may almost pronounce them perfect in their kind. The lament for his brother's death is a most touching outburst of genuine grief, while the elegy which immediately follows, on the transformation of Berenice's hair into a constellation, being avowedly a translation or close imitation of Callimachus, is a curious and valuable specimen of the learned stiffness and ingenious affectation of the Alexandrian school. It is impossible not to admire the lofty tone and stately energy which pervade the Peleus and Thetis; and the sudden transition from the desolation and despair of Ariadne to the tumultuous merriment of Bacchus and his revellers is one of the finest examples of contrast to be found in any language. Comparison is almost impossible between a number of objects differing essentially from each other, but perhaps the greatest of all our poet's works is the Atys, one of the most remarkable poems in the whole range of Latin literature. Rolling impetuously along in a flood of wild passion, bodied forth in the grandest imagery and the noblest diction, it breathes in every line the frantic spirit of orgiastic worhip7Tne'qery ehemence of:.tirh<'Greek dithyramb... I"Many of his poems, however, are defiled by gross coarseness and sensuality; and we shall not attempt to urge his own plea (cxvi.) in extenuation, although approved by the solemn inanity of the younger Pliny, for the defence in reality aggravates the crime, since it indicates a secret though suppressed consciousness of guilt. At the same time they w"ee" the vices of the age rather than of the individual. The filth of Catullus seldom springs from a prurient imagination revelling in voluptuous images, it rather proceeds from habitual impurity of expression, and probably gives a fair representation of the manners and conversation of the gay society of Rome at that period. CATULUS. 653 The epithet doctus applied to our poet by Tibullus, Ovid, Martial, and others, has given rise to considerable discussion. It was bestowed, in all probability, in consequence of the intimate acquaintance with Greek literature and mythology displayed in the Atys, the Peleus, and many other pieces, which bear the strongest internal marks of being formed upon Greek models. Catullus also, it must be remembered, was the first who naturalized many of the more beautiful species of Greek verse, and Horace can only claim the merit of having extended the number. At the same time, most of the shorter- poems bear deep impress of original invention, are strikingly national, and have a strong flavour of the old republican roughness. Nay more, as a German critic has well remarked, even when he employs foreign materials he works them up in such a manner as to give them a Roman air and character, and thus approaches much more nearly to Lucretius and the ancients than to the highly polished and artificial school of Virgil and the Augustans. Hence arose the great popularity he enjoyed among his countrymen, as proved by the long catalogue of testimonies from the pens of poets, historians, philosophers, men of science, and grammarians. Horace alone speaks in a somewhat contemptuous strain, but this is in a passage where he is professedly depreciating the older bards, towards whom he so often displays jealousy. The poems of Catullus were first discovered about the beginning of the 14th century, atVerona, by a poet named Benvenuto Campesani. None of the MSS. at present known ascend higher than the 15th century, and all of them appear to have been derived from the same archetype. Hence, as might be expected, the text is very corrupt, and has been repeatedly interpolated. The Editio Princeps bears the date 1472, without the name of place or printer; a second appeared at Parma in 1472, and two at Venice in 1475 and 1485 respectively. In the sixteenth century Muretus and Achilles Statius, and in the seventeenth Passeratius and Isaac Vossius, published elaborate and valuable commentaries, but their attempts to improve the text were attended with little success. The most complete of the more recent editions is that of Volpi (Patav. 1710), the most useful for ordinary purposes is that of F. W. Doering. (Ed. sec. Altona, 1834.) Lachmann (Berol. 1829) has exhibited the genuine text, so far as it can be ascertained, cleared in great measure of conjectural emendations. An English metrical translation of the whole works of Catullus, accompanied by the Latin text and short notes, was published by Doctor Nott, Lond. 1795, 2 vols. 8vo.; but by far the best which has appeared in our language is that of the Hon. George Lamb, Lond. 1821, 2 vols. 12mo. There are also numerous translations into French, Italian, and German of the collected poems and of detached pieces. [W. R.] CA'TULUS, a name of a family of the plebeian 1Lutatia or Luctatia gens, etymologically connected with the words Cato, Catus, and indicating shrewdness, sagacity, caution, or the like. S1. C. LUTATIUS C. F. C. N. CATULUS, consul a. c. 242 with A. Postumius Albinus. The first Punic war had now continued for upwards of twenty-two years. Both parties were exhausted by the long struggle, but neither of them shewed
Page 654 654 CATULUS. any inclination to abandon the contest. Ever since the battle of Panormus (250) the Romans had been in possession of all Sicily with the exception of Lilybaeum, Drepanum, and the fortified camp upon Mount Eryx; but these strongholds had hitherto defied every effort upon the part of the besiegers, who having abandoned in despair all active measures, were blockading them by land, while Hamilcar Barca was gradually forming an army with which he hoped that he might soon venture to meet his adversaries in the open field. The Carthaginians were undisputed masters of the sea, for the Romans, dispirited by the loss of four large fleets within a very short period (255-249), amounting in all to upwards of 600 ships, had, after the great victory of Adherbal over P. Claudius Pulcher (249), completely abandoned their navy. In this juncture the senate, feeling convinced that only one path to success lay open, determined to make a desperate effort. A fleet of 200 ships of war was built and manned with astonishing rapidity, chiefly through the patriotic liberality of individuals who came forward to support the state with voluntary loans, and both consuls were ordered to take the command. Albinus, being flamen of Mars, was prohibited by the chief pontiff from quitting the city, and his place was supplied by Q. Valerius Falto, then praetor. Catulus before setting out, filled with anxiety in regard to the result of an enterprise so important, had determined to consult the oracle of Fortune at Praeneste; but this was forbidden, on the ground that it was unbecoming in a Roman general to intermeddle with any deities save those of Rome. These measures were so prompt, that the new fleet appeared upon the Sicilian coast early in summer, while the navy of the enemy was still in winter-quarters at Carthage. The harbour of Drepanum was instantly occupied, and the siege vigorously pressed both by land and sea. But while the struggle was most fierce, Catulus received a serious wound which compelled him to suspend operations for a time. Meanwhile he trained his sailors with unceasing activity, and by constant practice rendered them expert in all ordinary nautical evolutions. News had now reached Africa of the events in Sicily. A powerful armament was launched in haste and put to sea, deeply laden with provisions and warlike stores for the relief of Drepanum, navigated, however, by raw, ill-trained, and awkward crews. The great object of Hanno, the admiral, was, as we are told by Polybius, to run over to Eryx without attracting the notice of the Romans, to lighten his vessels by landing their cargo, and to take on board a number of the brave and welldisciplined troops of Hamilcar. His movements, however, were known by Catulus, who resolved at every hazard to force an engagement, and being himself still unfit for active exertion, entrusted the execution of his plans in a great measure to Falto. The fleet accordingly passed over to the island of Aegusa, opposite to Lilybaeum, and from thence, at day-break on the morning of the 10th of March 241, they descried the hostile squadron bearing down under a press of canvass right before the wind, which was blowing a gale from the west and had raised a heavy sea. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, the Romans formed their line of battle with their prows to windward. The Carthaginians, perceiving that they were cut off, CATULUS. prepared for action by hauling down their sails, thus altogether sacrificing the advantage of the weather gage. The result of the contest seems never to have been for a moment doubtful. The deep-laden ships of Hanno could neither manceuvre nor fight; seventy were captured, fifty were sunk; the rest taking advantage of a lucky shift of the wind which veered round to the East, wore and escaped. This blow, which at an earlier period would scarcely have been felt, was decisive. The Carthaginians, upon receiving intelligence of the disaster, feeling that they had neither officers, men, nor money, left for prosecuting the war, despatched a messenger with all speed to Hamilcar, investing him with full authority to accept the best terms he could obtain. Catulus was eager to meet these overtures, that he might have the honour of concluding a glorious peace before the period of his command, which was fast drawing to a close, should expire. With these dispositions preliminaries were quickly arranged, and the following conditions were agreed upon: 1. That the Carthaginians should evacuate all Sicily, and should not make war upon Hiero, the Syracusans, or the allies of the Syracusans. 2. That they should restore all the Roman prisoners without ransom. 3. That they should pay to the Romans 2200 Euboic talents by instalments, extending over a space of twenty years. These stipulations, when submitted to the Roman people, did not meet with their approbation, and ten commissioners were despatched to examine into the state of affairs, who, when they arrived, insisted upon certain changes to the disadvantage of the Carthaginians, and Hamilcar thought fit to submit. These were, that the compensation money should be augmented by the sum of one thousand talents, and that the period allowed for payment should be diminished by ten years; moreover, that the Carthaginians should evacuate all the islands between Italy and Sicily. Catulus on his return home claimed and was allowed his well-won triumph, which he celebrated on the 4th of October, 241, not, however, without a vexatious opposition on the part of Falto, who pretended, contrary to those principles of military law by which the Romans were invariably guided, that he was entitled to all the glory because the commander-in-chief had been disabled by his wound from taking an active share in the final engagement. (Polyb. i. 58-64; Liv. Epit. 19; Eutrop. ii. 27; Oros. iv. 10; Val. Max. ii. 8. ~ 2; Zonar. viii. p. 398, &c.; Fast. Capitol.) 2, C. LUTATIUS CATULUS, perhaps the son of No. 1, consul B. c. 220, with L. Veturius Philo. (Zonar. viii. p. 405,) 3. Q. LUTATIUS Q. F. CATULUS, consul B. C. 102 with C. Marius IV., having been previously defeated in three successive attempts, first by C. Atilius Serranus, who 'was consul in 106, secondly by Cn. Manlius (or Mallius, or Manilius), who was consul in B. c. 105, and thirdly by C. Flavius Fimbria, who was consul in B. c. 104. He either was not a candidate for the consulship of 103, or if unsuccessful, his disappointment is not alluded to by Cicero in the passage where the rest of his repulses are enumerated. (Pro Plane. 5.) At the time when Catulus entered upon office, the utmost consternation reigned at Rome. The Cimbri, who in their great migration westward had been joined by the Teutoni, the Ambrones, the Tigurini, and
Page 655 CATULUS. various other tribes, after sweeping the upper valley of the Danube and spreading over Southern Gaul and Northern Spain, after defeating four Roman consuls, Carbo (113), Silanus (109), Cassius (107), Manlius (105), together with the proconsul Caepio (105), and destroying five Roman armies, were now preparing to pour down on Italy. The invading host was divided into two vast columns. The Teutoni were marching through Provence with the intention of turning the Alps at Nice, and following the coast road along the shores of the Ligurian gulf, while the Cimbri were preparing to cross the passes from the Tyrol which lead down by Botzen and Trent to the plains of the Po. It was determined that Marius should oppose the Teutoni, and that Catulus with Sulla for his lieutenant should be ready to attack the Cimbri while their cumbrous array was entangled in the mountain defiles. How well the former executed his task by the great battle fought on the Rhone near Aix (Aquae Sextiae) is detailed elsewhere. [MARIUS.] Meanwhile the campaign of his colleague had been less glorious. Catulus, fearing to weaken his force by attempting to guard the passes, took up a position on the Adige (Athesis) where it begins to emerge from the rocky gorges which confine its waters near their source, and having thrown a bridge across the stream and erected forts on both sides, resolved there to await an attack. The Cimbri, pouring down from the higher ground along the left bank, attacked the Roman works with such fury, that the soldiers, dispirited probably by the timid defensive tactics of their general, were seized with a panic, abandoned their camp, and fled in confusion. Had it not been for the gallantry of the detachment who defended a redoubt which served as a tite du pont, the bridge would have at once been won, and the whole Roman army might have been destroyed. Catulus on this occasion, according to the construction which Plutarch thinks fit to put upon his conduct, like an able and excellent general, preferred the glory of his fellow-citizens to his own. For when he found himself unable to prevail upon his men to keep their ground, choosing that the dishonour should fall upon his own head, he ordered a retreat, and placing himself in front of the fugitives, fell back behind the Po, thus abandoning the whole of Transpadane Gaul to the ravages of the enemy. As soon as the news of this disaster, which happened in the spring of 101, reached Rome, Marius, who had recently returned to the city, instantly set forth to the assistance of his late colleague. The united armies of the consul and proconsul crossed the Po, and hastened in search of the Cimbri, whom they found to the westward of Milan, near Vercelli (Vercellae), searching, it would appear, for the Teutoni, of whose destruction they had not yet received intelligence. The account of the engagement, which was fought on the 30th of July, transmitted to us by Plutarch, savours not a little of the marvellous. The Roman forces amounted to about fifty thousand men, of whom twenty thousand under Catulus occupied the centre, while the remainder, commanded by Marius, were posted on the wings. When the battle was joined, a prodigious dust arose which hid the combatants from each other. Marius missed the enemy, and having passed beyond, wandered about seeking them in vain, while the chief brunt of the conflict CATULUS. 655 fell upon Catulus, and to him therefore belonged the honour of the decisive victory which was gained. It must be remarked that this version of the story is confessedly derived from the commentaries of Sulla, and probably also from the historical work of Catulus himself, and since both of these authorities were not only inclined to make the most of their own exploits, but were also stimulated by violent hatred towards Marius, we cannot receive their testimony with any confidence. It is certain that great jealousy existed between the two armies; it is certain also that at Rome the whole merit of having saved his country was given to Marius, and, that the same feeling existed to a certain degree nearly two centuries afterwards is proved by the well-known line of Juvenal (viii. 253), " Nobilis ornatur lauro collega secunda." Catulus was one of those who took an active share in the death of Saturninus; he served with distinction in the Social war, and having eagerly espoused the cause of Sulla in the civil strife which followed, his name was included among the list of victims in the great proscription of 87. As escape was impossible, he shut himself up in a newly-plastered chamber, kindled a (charcoal) fire, and was quickly suffocated by the vapours. Catulus was a highly educated and generally accomplished man, deeply versed in Greek literature, and especially famed for the extreme grace and purity with which he spoke and wrote his own language. (Cic. de Orat. iii. 8, Brut. 35.) He was the author of several orations, of an historical work on his own Consulship and the Cimbric war, composed in the style of Xenophon, and of poems; but the whole of these have perished with the exception of a couple of epigrams, not remarkable for any peculiar ease or felicity of expression, one of which is given by Cicero (de Nat. Deor. i. 28), and the other by A. Gellius (xix. 9). Two edifices in Rome are spoken of by ancient writers as " Monumenta Catuli"--the temple of " Fortuna hujusce diei," vowed at the battle of Vercelli, and the " Porticus Catuli" on the Palatine, built with the proceeds of the Cimbric spoils. A portion of the latter edifice was destroyed by Clodius when he razed the house of Cicero. (The passages of Cicero referring to Catulus are given in Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. p. 366, &c.; Plut. Mar. Sull.; Appian, B. C. i. 74; Vell. Pat. ii. 21; Flor. iii. 21; Val. Max. vi. 3, ix. 12; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19. Catulus is introduced in the De Oratore, and is represented as accompanying his half-brother, C. Julius Caesar Strabo, to the Tusculanum of Crassus. The mother of Catulus was Popillia, whose second husband was L. Julius Caesar, father of the above-named Caesar.) [Comp. CAESAR, Nos. 8, 10.] 4. Q. LUTATIUS Q. F. Q. N. CATULUS, son of No. 3, narrowly escaped his father's fate, having been included in the same proscription. Throughout life he was distinguished as one of the prominent leaders of the aristocracy, but rose far superior to the great body of his class in purity and singleness of purpose, and received from the whole community marks of esteem and confidence seldom bestowed with unanimity in periods of excitement upon an active political leader. Being consul along with M. Aemilius Lepidus in B. c. 78, the year in which Sulla died, lie steadily resisted the efforts of his colleague to bring about a counter revolution
Page 656 6G6 CATUS. 1)y abrogating the acts of the dictator, and when, the following spring, Lepidus marched against the city at the head of the remnants of the Marian faction, he was defeated by Catulus in the battle of the Milvian bridge, and forced to take refuge in Sardinia, where he soon after perished in an attempt to organize an insurrection. [LEPIDUS.] Catulus, although true to his party and his principles, denounced the corrupt practices which disgraced the senate while they possessed the exclusive right to act as judices on criminal trials; his opinion upon this subject was most unequivocally expressed when Pompeius brought forward his measure (B. C. 70) for restoring the privileges of the tribunes, and his presence as a judex upon the impeachment of Verres was probably one of the circumstances which deprived the culprit of all hope. He came forward as an opponent of the Gabinian and Manilian laws (B. c. 67 and 66), and Cicero records the tribute paid by the populace, on the latter occasion, to his character and talents; for when, in the course of an argument against the extravagant powers which the contemplated enactment proposed to bestow upon a single individual, Catulus asked the multitude to whom they would look should any misfortune befal their favourite, the crowd, almost with one voice, shouted back the reply, that they would look to himself. When censor along with Crassus in 65, he withstood the measures of his colleague, who desired to make Egypt tributary to Rome, and so firm was each in maintaining his position, that at length both resigned without effecting anything. During the progress of the Catilinarian plot (n. c. 63), he strenuously supported Cicero, and either he or Cato was the first to hail him as " parens patriae." If we are to believe Sallust, Catulus used every effort to prevail upon Cicero to insert the name of Caesar among the conspirators, stimulated, it is said, by a recent grudge; for, when candidate for the office of chief pontiff, he had been defeated by Caesar. That a bad feeling existed between them is clear, for the first act of Caesar when he became praetor, on the first of January, 62, was an attempt to deprive his former rival of the office of commissioner for the restoration of the Capitol, which had been destroyed by fire during the civil war (83), an appointment held by him ever since the death of Sulla. But the optimates who were escorting the new consuls, upon hearing of the attempt, rushed in a body to the forum and by their united efforts threw out the bill. Thus the name of Catulus became connected with the Capitol and remained inscribed on the temple until it was again consumed in the reign of Vitellius. Catulus died during the consulship of Metellus Celer, B. c. 60, happy, says Cicero, both in the splendour of his life and in having been spared the spectacle of his country's ruin. He was not considered an orator, but at the same time possessed the power of expressing his opinions with learning, grace, and wisdom. (Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. p. 367, &c.; Sail. Catil. 35, 49, Frag. Histor. i. iii.; Tacit. Hist. iii. 72; Sueton. Jul. 15, Galb. 2; Val. Max. vi. 9. ~ 5; Plut. Crass. 13, Cat. MIin. 16; Senec. Epist. 97; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 13, calls him princeps senatus, -Tri re rpW-ra- rs j3ovhus 'v, at the time of the Gabinian law. See also xxxvii. 37, 46, xlv. 2; Orelli, Inscrip. n. 31.) [W. R.] CATUS, a word indicating shrewdness, caution, sagacity, or the like, was a surname of Sex. Aelius CAUDINUS. Paetus, who was consul 'B. c. 198 [PAETUS], and the cognomen of Sex. Aelius, consul in A. D. 4, with C. Sentius Saturninus. (Vell. Pat. ii. 103.) CATUS DECIA'NUS, procurator of Britain when the people rose against the Romans in A. D. 62 under Boadicea, was by his extortion and avarice one of the chief causes of the revolt. The Britons commenced the war by laying siege to Camalodunum, and as Suetonius Paullinus, the legate of the province, was absent upon an expedition against the island of Mona, the colonists applied to Catus for assistance, who was, however, able to send them only 200 men. After the fall of Camalodunum and the defeat of Petilius Cerealis, Catus fled in alarm to Gaul. He was succeeded in his office of procurator by Julius Glassicianus. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 32, 38; Dion Cass. Ixii. 2; comp. BOADICEA.) CATUS, FI'RMIUS, a senator, was the accuser of Scribonius Libo Drusus in A.. 16. A few years afterwards (A. D. 24), Catus was condemned by the senate to be banished to an island, on account of a false accusation of majestas which he brought against his sister; but in consequence of his former service in the accusation of Drusus, Tiberius remitted his banishment, but allowed him to be expelled from the senate. (Tac. Ann. ii. 27, iv. 31.) CAVARI'NUS, a Senonian, whom Caesar made king of his people, was expelled by his subjects and compelled to fly to Caesar, B. c. 54. He afterwards accompanied Caesar in his war against Ambiorix. (Caes. B. G. v. 54, vi. 5.) CA'VARUS (Kavapos), the last king of that portion of the Gauls which settled in Thrace and for many years exacted an annual tribute from Byzantium. It was chiefly by his mediation that Prusias I. and the Rhodians were induced to make peace with Byzantium in B. c. 219. He was ultimately slain in battle against the Thracians, who defeated and utterly destroyed all the Gauls in their country. (Polyb. iv. 46, 52.) Polybius calls him " a royal-hearted and magnanimous man" ($aarito'us rn ( pvoesI cal E-yad6bpwv), and says that he gave great protection to merchants sailing to the Euxine; he adds, however, that he was spoilt by the flattery of Sostratus of Chalcedon. (Polyb. viii. 24, and ap. Atden. vi. p. 252, d.) " Cavarus" was perhaps rather a national name than one peculiar to the individual, the Cavari having been a tribe of some consequence which dwelt on the eastern bank of the Rhone, between Avignon and Valence. (Strab. iv. p. 186; Dalechamp, ad Alhen. 1. c.) [E. E.] CAU'CALUS (Kavicahos), of Chios, a rhetorician, of whom an eulogium on Heracles is mentioned by Athenaeus (x. p. 412), who also states that he was a brother of the historian Theopompus. It is very probable, that Suidas and Photius (s. v. Anfjuvlov Ktacdv) refer to our rhetorician, in which case the name KauKacros must be changed into KavKahos. [L. S.] CAUCON (KahcKwv), a son of Celaenus, who was believed to have carried the orgies of the great goddess from Eleusis to Messene, where he was worshipped as a hero. His tomb was shewn in Lepreos. (Paus. iv. 1. ~ 4, 27. ~ 4, v. 5. ~ 4.) One of the sons of Lycaon also bore the name of Caucon. (Apollod. iii. 8. ~ 1.) [L. S.] CAUDI'NUS, a surname of several of the Cornelii Lentuli. [LENTULUS.J
Page 657 CEBES. CECROPS. 657 CAUNUS. [BIYBIS.] Cebes, but there is little doubt but that this and a CAU'SIUS (Kaovertos), a surname of Ascle- few similar passages are interpolations by a later pius, derived from Caus in Arcadia, where he was hand, which cannot surprise us in the case of a worshipped. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kaovs; comp. work of such popularity as the 7rivai of Cebes. Paus. viii. 25. ~ 1.) [L. S.] For, owing to its ethical character, it was formerly CAY'STRIUS (Kaiio'Tpos), a son of Achilles extremely popular, and the editions and translaand the Amazon Penthesileia, from whom the river tions of it are very numerous. It has been transCaystrus was believed to have derived its name. lated into all the languages of Europe, and even Caystrius, together with Asius, had a heroum on into Russian, modern Greek, and Arabic. The the banks of that river. (Strab. xiv. p. 650; Serv. first edition of it was in a Latin translation by L. ad Aen. xi. 661.) [L. S.] Odaxius, Bologna, 1497. In this edition, as in CEBALI'NUS (KseaNJvmos), a brother of Nico- nearly all the subsequent ones, it is printed tomachus, who lived on licentious terms with gether with the Enchiridion of Epictetus. TIhe Dimnus, the author of the plot against the life of first edition of the Greek text with a Latin transAlexander the Great in B. c. 330. Nicomachus lation is that of Aldus (Venice, 4to., without date), acquainted his brother with the plot, and the latter who printed it together with the " Institutiones revealed it to Philotas that he might lay it before et alia Opuscula" of C. Lascaris. This was folthe king; but as Philotas neglected to do so for lowed by a great number of other editions, among two days, Cebalinus mentioned it to Metron, one which we need notice only those of H. Wolf of- the royal pages, who immediately informed (Basel, 1560, 8vo.), the Leiden edition (1640, 4to., Alexander. Cebalinus was forthwith brought be- with an Arabic translation by Elichmann) of Jac. fore the king, and orders were given to arrest Gronovius (Amsterdam, 1689, 8vo.), J. Schulze Dimnus. (Curt. vi. 7; Diod. xvii. 79.) [PHI- (Hamburg, 1694, 12mo.), T. Hemsterhuis (AmsLOTAS.] terdam, 1708, 12mo., together with some dialogues CEBES (Ke'eqs), of Thebes, was a disciple of of Lucian), M. Meibom, and Adr. Reland (Utrecht, Philolaus, the Pythagorean, and of Socrates, with 1711, 4to.), and Th. Johnson. (London, 1720, whom he was connected by intimate friendship. 8vo.) The best modern editions are those of (Xen. AMeem. i. 2. ~ 28, iii. 11. ~ 17; Plat. Crit. SchweighaUiser in his edition of Epictetus, and p. 45, b.) He is introduced by Plato as one of also separately printed (Strassburg, 1806, 12mo.), the interlocutors in the Phaedo, and as having and of A. Coraes in his edition of Epictetus. been present at the death of Socrates. (Phaed. p. (Paris, 1826, 8vo.) 59, c.) He is said on the advice of Socrates to (Fabric. Libl. Graec. 11. p. 702, &c.; Klopfer, have purchased Phaedo, who had been a slave, and De Cebetis Tabida tres Dissertationes, Zwickau, to have instructed him in philosophy. (Gell. ii. 1818, &c., 4to.; Miemoires de l'Academic des In18; Macrob. Sat. i. 11; Lactant. iii. 24.) Dio- script. iii. p. 146, &c., xlviii. p. 455, &c.) [L. S.] genes Labrtius (ii. 125) and Suidas ascribe to him CEBREN (Ke6pjv), a river-god in Troas, the three works, viz. livaý, 'ESo'u1?, and lpvvixos, all father of Asterope or Hesperie and Oenone. (Apolof which Eudocia (p. 272) erroneously attributes lod. iii. 12. ~ 5, &c.; Ov. Met. xi. 769.) [L. S.] to Callippus of Athens. The last two of these CEBRI'ONES (Keeprio'vs), a son of Priam, works are lost, and we do not know what they and charioteer of Hector, slain by Patroclus. (Homn. treated of, but the Hiivam is still extant, and is re- II. viii. 318, xi. 521, xvi. 736.) [L. S.] ferred to by several ancient writers. (Lucian, CECEIDES (Koicesilos), of Hlcrmione, a very Apolog. 42, RIet. Praecept. 6; Pollux, iii. 95; ancient Greek dithyrambic poet, whom AristoTertullian, De Praescript. 39; Aristaenet. i. 2.) phanes (Nub. 981) reckons among those who beThis livaý is a philosophical explanation of a table longed to the good old times, but had become on which the whole of human life with its dangers obsolete in his own days. The Scholiast on that and temptations was symbolically represented, and' passage remarks, that Ceceides was also mentioned which is said to have been dedicated by some one by the comic poet Cratinus in his " Panoptae." in the temple of Cronos at Athens or Thebes. -(Comp. Suidas, s. v. Krjidlios; Bode, Gesehs. der The author introduces some youths contemplating Lyr. Dickstk. der Hellen. ii. p. 303, note 1.) [L. S.] the table, and an old man who steps among them CECROPS (KE/cpCWtf), according to Apollodorus undertakes to explain its meaning. The whole (iii. 14. ~ 1, &c.) the first king of Attica, which drift of the little book is to shew, that only the derived from him its name Cecropia, having preproper development of our mind and the possession viously borne thie namne of Acte. 'He is described as of real virtues can make us truly happy. Suidas an autochthon, and is accordingly called a yyes-YE, calls this 7rimva a 8nijyrje-Ls rW V "VAi1ov, an ex- the upper part of whose body was human, while planation which is not applicable to the work now the lower was that of a dragon. Hence he is called.extant, and some have therefore thought, that the vqm's or geminus. (Hygin. Fab. 48; Anton. Lib. wiva4 to which Suidas refers was a different work 6; Diod. i. 28; Aristoplh. Vesp. 438; Ov. Met. from the one we possess. This and other circum- ii. 555.) Some ancients referred the epithet sv7jo s stances have led some critics to doubt whether our to marriage, of which tradition made him the founMrivaý is the work of the Theban Cebes, and to der. He was married to Agraulos, the daughter ascribe it to a later Cebes of Cyzicus, a Stoic philo- 'of Actaeus, by whom he had a son, Erysichthon, sopher of the time of Marcus Aurelius. (Athen. and three daughters, Agraulos, Herse, and Paniv. p. 156.) But the 7rivat which is now extant is 4rosos. (Apollod. 1. c.; Paus. i. 2. ~ 5.) In his manifestly written in a Socratic spirit and on So- reign Poseidon called forth with his trident a well cratic principles, so that at any rate its author is on the acropolis, which was known in later times much more likely to have been a Socratic than a by the name of the Erechthean well, from its being Stoic philosopher. There are, it is true, some few enclosed in the temple of Erechtheus. (Paus. i. 26. passages (e. g. c. 13) where persons are mentioned ~ 6; lHerod. viii. 55.) The m;arine god now wantbelonging to a later age tlhan that of tIle Thoban ed to take possession of the country; but Athenm, 2u
Page 658 658 CEDRENUS. who entertained the same desire, planted an olivetree on the hill of the acropolis, which continued to be shewn at Athens down to the latest times; and as she had taken Cecrops as her witness while she planted it, he decided in her favour when the possession of Attica was disputed between her and Poseidon, who had no witness to attest that he had created the well. Cecrops is represented in the Attic legends as the author of the first elements of civilized life, such as marriage, the political division of Attica into twelve communities, and also as the introducer of a new mode of worship, inasmuch as he abolished the bloody sacrifices which had until then been offered to Zeus, and substituted cakes (-rhavoi) in their stead. (Paus. viii. 2. ~ 1; Strab. ix. p. 397; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1156.) The name of Cecrops occurs also in other parts of Greece, especially where there existed a town of the name of Athenae, such as in Boeotia, where he is said to have founded the ancient towns of Athenae and Eleusis on the river Triton, and where he had a heroum at Haliartus. Tradition there called him a son of Pandion. (Paus. ix. 33, ~ 1; Strab. ix. p. 407.) In Euboea, which had likewise a town Athenae, Cecrops was called a son of Erechtheus and Praxithea, and a grandson of Pandion. (Apollod. iii. 15. ~~ 1, 5; Paus. i. 5. ~ 3.) From these traditions it appears, that Cecrops must be regarded as a hero of the Pelasgian race; and Miiller justly remarks, that the different mythical personages of this name connected with the towns in Boeotia and Euboea are only multiplications of the one original hero, whose name and story were transplanted from Attica to other places. The later Greek writers describe Cecrops as having immigrated into Greece with a band of colonists from Sais in Egypt. (Diod. i. 29; Schol. ad Arist. Plut. 773.) But this account is not only rejected by some of the ancients themselves, but by the ablest critics of modern times. (Miiller, Orchom. p. 123; Thirlwall, Greece, i. p. 66, &c.) [L. S] CEDRE'NUS, GEO'RGIUS (rsEcpyios 6 Ke8prvds), a Greek monk, of whose life nothing is known, lived in the eleventh century, and is the author, or rather compiler, of an historical work (Z{vvoeLs i'oropiwv) which begins with the creation of the world and goes down to the year 1057. This extensive work is written in the form of annals, and must be perused with great caution, as its author was not only very deficient in historical knowledge, but shews a great want of judgment and a degree of credulity which may suit a writer of legends, but which becomes absurd and ridiculous in historians. The latter part of the Synopsis, which treats of events of which Cedrenus was a contemporary, is not quite so bad, but it still shews that the author was utterly unable to form a judgment respecting the times in which lhe lived. However, as the work is extensive and contains an abundance of facts, it may frequently be used in conjunction with other authors; but a careful writer will seldom make him his sole authority, except where he has copied good sources. A great number of passages, nay long episodes, of the Synopsis are also found in the Annals of Joannes Scylitzes Curopalates, the contemporary of Cedrenus, and the question has often been discussed, whether Curopalates copied Cedrenus or Cedrenus Curopalates. The work of Curopalates goes down to the year 1081, but the latter writer was a man of much more intellect and judgment CELEDONES. than Cedrenus, and there is no doubt that Cedrenus was the plagiarist, although, of course, he can have used only the first part of the annals of Curopalates. The style of Cedrenus is very barbarous. Oudin (Comment. de Script. Eccles. vol. ii. p. 1130) thinks, but without sufficient evidence, that Cedrenus lived in the twelfth century. The general Latin title of the u2voqws is, "Compendium Historiarum ab Orbe Condita ad Isaacum Comnenum (1057)." The first edition, published by Xylander, Basel, 1506, fol., with a Latin translation and a preface, is very deficient, as Xylander perused an incomplete MS. A good edition was published by Goar and Fabrot, together with the Annals of Curopalates, Paris, 1647, 2 vols. fol., with a new translation, a glossary of barbarisms, and a preface of Fabrot. This edition is complete, or very nearly so, the editors having collated good MSS., and paid particular attention to the numerous passages taken from Curopalates; it belongs to the Paris collection of the Byzantine historians, and is reprinted in the Venice collection. The last edition is by Immanuel Bekker, Bonn, 1838-39, 2 vols. in 8vo.; it is the revised French edition, and contains likewise the Annals of Curopalates. (The Prefaces of Xylander and Fabrot to their editions of Cedrenus; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 464, &c.; Leo Allatius, De Georgiis.) [W. P.] CEIO'NIUS, a common name under the emperors. 1. CEIONIUS ALBINUS, the name of a distinguished Roman, probably a relation of the emperor Albinus, put to death by Severus (Spart. Sever. 13), and also the name of the praefectus urbi under Valerian. (Vopisc. Aurelian. 9.) 2. CEIONIUS BASSUS, a friend of the emperor Aurelian, to whom the latter wrote a letter, preserved by Vopiscus (Aurelian. 31), respecting the destruction of Palmyra. His full name was Ceionius Virius Bassus, and he was consul in A. D. 271. (Fast.) 3. CEIONIUS COMMODUS. [COMMODUS.] 4. CEIONIUS JULIANUS, a friend of the historian Vopiscus. (Vopisc. Firm. 2.) 5. CEIONIUS POSTUMIUS, the father of the emperor Albinus (Capitol. Clod. Albin. 4), whose full name was Dec. Clodius Ceionius Septimius Albinus [p. 93, b.]. 6. CEIONIUS POSTUMIANUS, a relation of the emperor Albinus. (Capitol. Clod. Albin. 6.) 7. CEIONIUS VERUS. [VERUS.] CELAENO (Kexawvw), a Pleiad, daughter of Atlas and Pleione, and by Poseidon the mother of Lycus and Eurypylus, or, according to others, of Lycus and Chimaereus by Prometheus. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 1; Ov. Her. xix. 135; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1561; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 132.) There are several other mythological beings of this name: namely, a Harpy (Virg. Aen. iii. 211), a daughter of Ergeus (Hygin. Fab. 157), a daughter of Hyamus (Paus. x. 6. ~ 2), a Danaid (Strab. xii. p. 579; Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5), and an Amazon. (Diod. iv. 16.) [L. S.] CELE'DONES (K.?K7M6ves), the soothing goddesses, were frequently represented by the ancients in works of art, and were believed to be endowed, like the Sirens, with a magic power of song. For this reason, they are compared to the Iynges. Hephaestus was said to have made their golden images on the ceiling of the temple at Delphi.
Page 659 CELEUS. (Paus. ix. 5. ~ 5; Athen. vii. p. 290; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. vi. 11; Pind. Fragm. 25, p. 568, &c. ed. B6ckh; comp. Huschke and Bottiger, in the Neue Teutsche Mercur, ii. p. 38, &c.) [L. S.] CELER. 1. A freedman of Atticus, in all probability. (Cic. ad Att. x. I, xi. 4, xii. 8.) 2. A Roman knight, poisoned Junius Silanus at the instigation of Agrippina, in the first year of Nero's reign, A. D. 55. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 1, 33.) 3. A Roman knight in the time of Domitian, was scourged to death in the comitium for having committed incest with Cornelia, a Vestal virgin, although he persisted in his innocence to the last. (Plin. Ep. iv. 11; comp. Suet. Dom. 8; Dion Cass. lxvii. 3.) CELER, an artist of considerable talent and renown, was, together with Severus, the principal architect of Nero's immense building, the golden house, of which only a few remains are now visible in the baths of Titus, and perhaps at the foot of the Palatine near the arch of Titus. Not satisfied with the completion of this colossal palace, both artists, whose daring and talent did not shrink from the mightiest works, undertook a still more gigantic enterprise. Since the sea-ports of Ostia and Portus were small and dangerous, so that all larger vessels entered the port of Puteoli, they got the emperor's consent to dig a canal from the lake Avernus to the mouth of the Tiber, and began actually by working a way through the hills near the lake, but were probably prevented from executing their intention by the death of their employer. (Tac. Ann. xv. 42; Osann, Kunstblatt, 1830, No. 83.) [L. U.] CELER, ASINIUS, lived in the reign of Caligula, and is mentioned by Pliny (H..N. ix. 17. s. 31) as a man of consular rank; but when he was consul is not known. He may have been the son of C. Asinius Gallus, consul B. c. 8. CELER, CANINIUS, a Greek rhetorician, the teacher of M. Aurelius and L. Verus, was one of the secretaries of Hadrian, and was distinguished for his skill in the composition of the imperial letters. He wrote a work on the art of rhetoric. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 22, who calls him rexevoypdceos; Capitol. Ver. 2; Aristeid. Or. Sacr. 5. vol. i. p. 335, ed. Jebb.) CELER, DOMI'TIUS, an intimate friend of Piso, persuaded the latter, after the death of Germanicus, to return to Syria, and was himself previously sent by Piso into the province. (Tac. Ann. ii. 77-79.) CELER, P. EGNA'TIUS. [BAREA.] CELER, METELLUS. [METELLUS.] CELEUS (KrAqe6s), a king of Eleusis, and husband of Metaneira. When Demeter, on her wanderings in search of her daughter, came to Eleusis, she stayed in the house of Celeus. The goddess wished to make his son Demophon immortal, and, in order to destroy his mortal parts, she put him at night into the fire; but Metaneira, ignorant of the object, screamed aloud on seeing her child in the fire, and Demophon was destroyed by the flames. Demeter, to make up for the loss, bestowed great favours upon Triptolemus, the other son of Celeus. (Apollod. i. 5. ~ 1; TRIPTOLEMUS.) Celous is described as the first priest of Demeter at Eleusis, and his daughters as priestesses of the goddess. (Hor. Hym. in Dem. 101, &c.; Paus. i. 38. ~ 3, ii. 14. ~ 2.) There is another mythical personage of this name. (Anton. Lib. 19.) [L. S.] CELSUS. 659 CELSUS (T. Cornelius), one o. the thirty tyrants enumerated by TreLellius Pollio. [Comp. AUREOLUs.] In the twelfth year of Gallienus, A. D. 265, when usurpers were springing up in every quarter of the Roman world, a certain Celsus, who had never risen higher in the service of the state than the rank of a military tribune, living quietly on his lands in Africa, in no way remarkable except as a man of upright life and commanding person, was suddenly proclaimed emperor by Vibius Passienus, proconsul of the province, and Fabius Pomponianus, general of the Libyan frontier. So sudden was the movement, that the appropriate trappings of dignity had not been provided, and the hands of Galliena, a cousin it is said of the lawful monarch, invested the new prince with a robe snatched from the statue of a goddess. The downfall of Celsus was not less rapid than his elevation: he was slain on the seventh day, his body was devoured by dogs, and the loyal inhabitants of Sicca testified their devotion to the reigning sovereign by devising an insult to the memory of his rival unheard-of before that time. The effigy of the traitor was raised high upon a cross, round which the rabble danced in triumph. The names T. Cornelius rest upon the authority of medals published by Goltzius now universally recognised as spurious. (Trebell. Pollio, Trig. Tyrann.) [W. R.] CELSUS, a Greek rhetorician, a pupil of Libanius. (Liban. Ep. 627, 1581, Orat. xxvi. vol. ii. p. 606.) CELSUS, an Epicurean, who lived in the time of the Antonines, and was a friend of Lucian. There was another Celsus, who lived before the time of Nero, but he is of no historical importance. Neither would the other have been so, but for the doubt whether he is not the author of the attack on Christianity called the Ayos dAc-0?T, which has acquired so much notoriety from the answer written to it by Origen. [ORIGENES.] To the Epicurean Celsus, Lucian dedicated his life of the magician Alexander, and in the course of it (~ 21) praises a work written by him against the belief in magic. But in the book against Christianity, Celsus stated with apparent approbation the opinion of the Platonists, that enchanters had power over all who have not raised themselves above the influence of sensuous nature (ZAMq), but not over those who are elevated to communion with the Deity; the whole of which sentiment is inconsistent with the doctrine of Epicurus. Again, he talked of the soul's relation to God, of the spirit of man as immortal and derived from the Divinity, of evil spirits springing from the gh'A and opposing the designs of God. All these are plainly the sentiments, not of an Epicurean, but of a Platonist. Indeed, the only reason for supposing the author of this work to be the Epicurean Celsus, is the positive assertion of Origen, who, however, is obliged to have recourse to some curious hypotheses to account for the prevalence of the Platonic element. One is, that the author chose to conceal his real views, because there was at the time a strong prejudice against Epicureans as deniers of all religion, and therefore unfit to be judges of the merits of Christianity. But this seems improbable, and on the whole it is better to suppose Celsus the Epicurean and Celsus the author of this book to be different persons. With regard to the work itself, it is a mixture of self-sufficiency, ignorance, and inconsistency. In one place the author re2 u2
Page 660 660 CELSUS. proached the Christians as slaves of a blind belief, in another with their numerous sects and evervarying opinions. Sometimes he spoke of them as the slaves of their senses (smi\ev mKal piocrC/VarTov yievos), on another occasion as persons who rejected all external worship whatever. He was indignant that the Christian promises are offered to sinners, and said in reference to our Lord's coming to save them, Li b 'roTs dmxap'froAes omltc,-riEpQpO77; he also argued a priori against the doctrines of a special Providence, the Fall, and the Redemption, asserting that God made his work perfect once for all, and had no need to improve it afterwards. (Origenes, adv. Cels.; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. Per. ii., i. 1, 2, 8; Neander, Geschichte der Christl. Kirche, vol. i. sect. 2.) [G. E. L. C.] CELSUS ALBINOVA'NUS, the secretary of Tib. Claudius Nero, and a friend of Horace, to whom the latter addressed one of his Epistles (i. 8). He is thought to be the same as the poet Celsus mentioned in another of Horace's Epistles (i. 3), in which he is said to have compiled his poems from other persons' writings. He must not be confounded with the poet Pedo Albinovanus, the friend of Ovid. [ALBINOVANus.] CELSUS, APPULEIUS, a physician of Centuripa in Sicily, who was the tutor of Valens and Scribonius Largus (Scrib. Larg. De Compos. Medicam. capp. 94, 171), and who must therefore have lived about the beginning of the Christian era. He has been supposed to be the author of the work entitled Herbarium, seu de Medicaminibus Herbarum, which goes under the name of Appuleius Barbarus [APPuLEIUS], but this is probably not the case. He may, however, perhaps be the person who is quoted several times in the Geoponica, Cantab. 8vo. 1704. [W. A. G.] CELSUS, ARRU'NTIUS, an ancient commentator on Terence, who probably lived in the second half of the fourth century of the Christian aera. (Schopen, Do Terentio et Donato, Bonn, 1821.) CELSUS, A.* CORNELIUS, a very celebrated Latin writer on medicine, of whose age, origin, or even actual profession, we know but little. There are some incidental expressions which lead to the conjecture, that he lived at the beginning of the Christian era, under the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius; and particularly the mode in which he refers to Themison (Praef. lib. i. pp. 5, 9, iii. 4, p.4 3) would indicate that they were either contemporaries, or that Themison preceded him by a short period only. With respect to the country of Celsus (though he has been claimed as a native of Verona), we have nothing on which to ground our opinion, except the purity of his style, which at most would prove no more than that he had been educated or had passed a considerable part of his life at Rome. With regard to his profession, there is some reason to doubt whether he was a practitioner of medicine or whether he only studied it as a branch of general science, after the. manner of some of the ancient Greek philosophers. This doubt has arisen principally from the mode in which he is referred to by Columella (de Re Rust. i. 1. 14) and by Quintilian (xii. 11), and by his not being enumerated by Pliny among the physicians of Rome CELSUS: in his sketch 6f the history of medicine. (II. M. xxix. 1, &c.) But, on the other hand, his work appears to bear very strong evidence that he was an actual practitioner, that he was familiar with the phenomena of disease and the operation of remedies, and that he described and recommended what fell under his own observation, and was sanctioned by his own experience; so that it seems upon the whole most probable that he was a physician by profession, but that he devoted part of his time and attention to the cultivation of literature and general science. Quintilian speaks rather slightingly of him, calls him (xii. 11) " mediocri vir ingenio," and says he not only wrote on all sorts of literary matters, but even on agriculture and military tactics. Of these numerous works only one remains entire, his celebrated treatise on Medicine; but a few fragments of a work on Rhetoric were published under his name in 1569, 8vo., Colon., with the title " Aurelii Cornelii Celsi, Rhetoris vetustissimi et clarissimi, de Arte Dicendi Libellus, primum in Lucem editus, curante Sixto a Popma Phrysio." This little work is inserted by Fabricius at the end of his Bibliothieca Latina, where it fills about six small quarto pages, and is chiefly occupied with the works of Cicero. The treatise of Celsus " De Medicina," On Medicine, is divided into eight books. It commences with a judicious sketch of the history of medicine, terminating by a comparison of the two rival sects, the Dogmatici and the Empirici, which has been given in the Diet. of Ant. pp. 350, 379. The first two books are principally occupied by the consideration of diet, and the general principles of therapeutics and pathology; the remaining books are devoted to the consideration of particular diseases and their treatment; the third and fourth to internal diseases; the fifth and sixth to external diseases, and to pharmaceutical preparations; and the last two to those diseases which more particularly belong to surgery. In the treatment of disease, Celsus, for the most part, pursues the method of Asclepiades of Bithynia; he is not, however, servilely attached to him, and never hesitates to adopt any practice or opinion, however contrary to his, which he conceives to be sanctioned by direct experience. He adopted to a certain extent the Hippocratic method of observing and watching over the operations of Nature, and of regulating rather than opposing them,-a method which, with respect to acute diseases, may frequently appear inert. But there are occasions on which he displays considerable decision and boldness, and particularly in the use of the lancet, which he employed with more freedom than any of his predecessors. His regulations for the employment of blood-letting and of purgatives are laid down with minuteness and precision (ii. 10, &c., p. 30, &c.); and, although he was in some measure led astray by his hypothesis of the crudity and concoction of the humours, the rules which he prescribed were not very different from those which were generally adopted in the commencement of the present century. His description of the symptoms of fever, and of the different varieties which it assumes, either from the nature of the epidemic, or from the circumstances under which it takes place (iii. 3, &c., p. 43, &c.), are correct and judicious; his practice was founded upon the principle already referred to, of watching the operations of Nature, conceiving that fever consisted essentially in an * It is not quite certain whether his praenomen was Aulus or Aurelius, but it is generally supposed to have been Aurelius..
Page 661 CELSUS. effort of the constitution to throw off some morbid cause, and that, if not unduly interfered with, the process would terminate in a state of health. We here see the germ of the doctrine of the " vis medicatrix Naturae," which has had so much influence over the practice of the most enlightened physicians of modern times, and which, although erroneous, hlas perhaps led to a less hazardous practice than the hypotheses which have been substituted in its room. But perhaps the most curious and interesting parts of the work of Celsus are those which treat of Surgery and surgical operations, of which some account is given in the Diet. ofAnt. art. Chirurgia. It is very remarkable that he is almost the first writer who professedly treats on these topics, and yet his descriptions of the diseases and of their treatment prove that the art had attained to a,very considerable degree of perfection. Many of what are termed the " capital" operations seem to have been well understood and frequently practised, and it may be safely asserted, that the state of Surgery at the time when Celsus wrote, was comparatively much more advanced than that of Medicine. The Pharmacy of Celsus forms another curious and interesting part of his work, and, like his Surgery, marks a state of considerable improvement in this branch of the art. Many of 'his formulae are well arranged and efficacious, and, 'on the whole, they may be said to be more correct and even more scientific than the multifarious compounds which were afterwards introduced into -practice, and which were not completely discarded until our own times. The style of Celsus has been much admired, and it is in fact equal in purity and elegance to that of the best writers of the Augustan age. This is probably one of the chief reasons of his work having been chosen as a text-book in modern times; but it would be great injustice to suppose that this is its only merit, or that it contains nothing but a judicious and well-arranged abstract of what had been said by his predecessors. Some instances of his lax and inaccurate use of certain anatomical terms are mentioned in the Diet. of Ant. art. Phlysiologia; but his anatomical and physiological knowledge does not appear to have been at all inferior to that of his contemporaries. In many passages of his work he follows Hippocrates, especially when treating of the general symptoms and phaenomena of diseases; and occasionally we meet with sentences literally translated from the Greek. He does not, however, by any means blindly embrace his doctrines, and differs from him occasionally both in theory and practice. The work of Celsus, entitled De Mledicina Libri Octo, has been published very often; Choulant mentions four editions in the fifteenth century, fifteen in the sixteenth, five in the seventeenth, thirteen in the eighteenth, and twelve in the first thirty-five years of the nineteenth. The first edition was published at Florence, 1478, small fol., edited by Barthol. Fontius: it is said to be very scarce, and is described by Dibden in his Biblioth. Spencer. i. 303. Perhaps the other editions that best deserve to be noticed are those by Van der Linden, Lugd. Bat. 1657, 12mo.; Almeloveen, Amstel. 1687, 12mo. (which was several times reprinted); Targa, Patav. 1769, 4to. (whose text has been the basis of most subsequent editions); Lugd. Bat. 1785, 4to.;,CELSUS. 661 Argent. 1806, 8vo. 2 vols.; and Milligan, Edinb. 18'26, 8vo. The latest edition mentioned by Choulant is that by F. Ritter and H. Albers, Colon. ad Rhen. 1835, 12mo. The work has been translated into English, French, Italian, and German. The English translations appear to be chiefly made for the use of medical students in London who are preparing for their examination at Apothecaries' Hall, and are not very good. A great number of works have been published on Celsus and his writings, which are enumerated by Choulant, but which cannot be mentioned here. Further particulars respecting his medical opinions.may be found in Le Clerc's Hist. de la Mid.; Haller's Biblioth. Medic. Pract. vol. i.; Sprengel's Hist. de la Mid. vol. ii. See also Bostock's Hist. of Med., and Choulant's iHancduch der Bucherkunde fiir d(lieAeltere Medicin, Leipz. 1840, 8vo., from which works the greater part of the preceding account has been taken. [W. A. G.] CELSUS, JU'LIUS, a tribune of the citycohort, was condemned to death under Tiberius, and broke his own neck in prison by means of the chains with which he was fettered, in order to escape the disgrace of a public execution. (Tac. Ann. vi. 9, 14.) CELSUS, JU'LIUS, a scholar at Constantinople in the seventh century after Christ, who made a recension of the text of Caesar's Commentaries, whence we find subjoined to many MSS. of Caesar, Julius Celsus Vir Clarissimus et Comes recensui, or Julius Celsus Constantinus V. C. legi. Many modern writers, indeed, have maintained that Celsus was the author of these commentaries, and still more have attributed to him the works on the Spanish and African wars; but the former supposition is ridiculous, and the latter destitute of proof. Julius Celsus has been usually regarded as the author of the life of Caesar, which has been frequently printed with the editions of Caesar's Commentaries under the title of Julii Celsi Commentarii de 'Vita Caesaris; but this work has been proved by C. E. Ch. Schneider (Petrarchae, Historia Julii Caesaris, Lips. 1827) to be a work of Petrarch's. There is a dissertation on Julius Celsus by Dodwell, appended to hisAnnales Quinctilianez et Statiani, Oxon. 1698. CELSUS, JUVE'NTIUS, a Roman jurist, who flourished, as Majansius and Heineccius have clearly shewn, in the second half of the first century of the Christian aera. He succeeded Pegasus, the follower of Proculus, and was himself succeeded by Celsus, the son, and Neratius Priscus. (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 47.) He belonged (at least on one occasion) to the consilium of the consul Ducenus Verus, who was probably a consul suffectus, and is nowhere named except in Dig. 31. s. 29. The numerous attempts of learned men to identify Ducenus with recorded consuls are without ground, and most of their conjectures refer to too late a period, unless Celsus the father attained to an unusual age. Thus Wieling (Jusrisprudentia Restitute, p. 351) and Guil. Grotius (De Vitis Jurisp. ii. c. 2. ~ 2) make Ducenus the same as L. Cejonius Commodus Verus, who was consul A. D. 106. Others are for L. Annius Verus, consul A. D. 121. Ant. Augustinus (De Nominibius Propriis Pandeetarum, c. 3, p. 259, n. [g.]) seems to think he might have been the Juventius Verus, who was consul for the third time A. D. 134. Heineccius (Hist. Jur, Civ. ~ 241, n.) is for Decennius Gemn
Page 662 662 CELSUS. nus, who was consul suffectus A. D. 57, and whose cognomen might have been Verus. It was in the council of Ducenus Verus that the opinion of Celsus the father was given upon an important point, and was adopted as law. He held (to use the nomenclature of English jurisprudence), that the beneficial interest in a legacy did not lapse by the death of the trustee before the testator. (As to the consilium of the consul and other magistrates, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Conventus; also Cic. Brut. 22; Plin. Ep. i. 20; Amm. Mar. xxxiii. c. ult.; Suet. Tiber. 33; Tituli ex Corpore Ulpiani, 1. s. 13; Cod. 1. tit. 51; Dig. 1. tit. 21. s. 2, pr.; tit. 22.) In Dig. 17. tit. 1. s. 39, his opinion is cited along with that of Aristo, who was rather younger than Celsus the father. The Celsus to whom Aristo gives answers in Dig. 2. tit. 14. s. 7. ~ 2, and Dig. 40. tit. 7. s. 29. ~ 1, was Celsus the son, who, having gained greater celebrity as a jurist than his father, is understood to be meant in the Digest whenever Celsus is named without the addition pater or filius. Bach, who thinks the contrary more likely (Hist. Jurisp. Rom. iii. c. 1. ~ 22. n. [h.]), is certainly mistaken. Compare Dig. 12. tit. 4. s. 3. ~~ 6, 7; Dig. 31. s. 20. It can scarcely be doubted that the name of the father was the same as that of the son, viz. P. Juventius Celsus, for otherwise he would probably have been distinguished by the difference of name, whereas he is never mentioned by any other appellation than Celsus pater. There is no direct citation from him in the Digest. Stockmann (ad Bachii Hist.Jurisp. Rom. Ioc. cit.) mentions a conjecture of Ev. Otto (Praef. ad Thes. i. p.28), that there were three jurists named Celsus, viz. father, son, and grandson; but the reference to Otto seems to be incorrect. It is, indeed, highly probable that the P. Juventius, who appears from an inscription in Gruter (p. 607) to have been promagister scrinii under Antoninus Pius, A. D. 155, was a grandson of the elder Celsus, but there is no proof that he was a jurist. Those who, like Menage (Amoen. Jur. c. xx.), identify the promagister with the son, must suppose that the son discharged an exceedingly laborious office in a very advanced age. Very little is known of Celsus the father, though much has been written upon him. Among the legal biographers who have attributed to his life one or more of the events that belong to the life of his son, are Guil. Grotius, Gravina, and Strauchius. ( Vitae vet. JCtorumn, No. 2, p. 14.) The Gens Juventia was an ancient race, and could boast of several jurists, as T. Juventius, C. Juventius, and M. Juventius Lateranensis. In manuscripts and monuments, from the ordinary interchange of V and B, the name is often spelt Jubentius. (Majansius, ad XXXJCtos, ii. pp. 236-255.) [J. T. G.] CELSUS, P. JUVE'NTIUS, a Roman jurist, the son of the subject of the preceding article. He was an accomplice in a conspiracy against Domitian, along with Nerva (who was afterwards emperor) and others; but although he was denounced to the emperor, he contrived to rescue himself and his companions, by flattering the emperor, by professing his innocence, and by promising to unravel the whole plot, and thus creating delays until the death of Domitian. (Dion Cass. lxvii. 13; Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. vii. 3.) He was afterwards highly favoured by Nerva and his son Trajan. Pliny (Ep. vi. 5) mentions an altercation between him and Licinius Nepos, concerning the CELSUS. cause of Pomponius Rufus Varinus. Celsus was then praetor, and, as the leges annales were at that time religiously observed (Plin. Ep. vii. 16), may be supposed to have been 34 years of age. This would give A. D. 67 for the year of the birth of Celsus, for the cause of Pomponius Rufus was pleaded when M. Acilius was consul-elect (Plin. Ep. v. 20), that is to say, in A. D. 101. Celsus was twice consul. The date of his first consulship is not recorded. The second occurred A. D. 129, when he had C. Neratius Marcellus for his colleague. (Dig. 5. tit. 3. s. 20. ~ 6.) He was a friend of Hadrian, and one of that emperor's council (Spartian. Hadrian. c. 18, where for Julius Celsus is to be read Juventius Celsus), and he probably died towards the end of Hadrian's reign, for Julianus, the jurist, in a fragment of a work (Digesta) which was written in the commencement of the reign of Antoninus Pius (compare Dig. 3. tit. 5. s. 6. ~ 12; 4. tit. 2. s. 18), speaks of Celsus in the past tense:-" Quod etiam Juventio Celso apertissime placuit." (Dig. 28. tit. 2. s. 28, pr.) Celsus received legal instruction from his father, and is supposed from several indications in extant passages of his works to have studied philosophy, especially the philosophy of the Stoics. His education was probably attended to with great care, for his style is terse and elegant, and his latinity so pure, that Laurentius Valla and Floridus, who unsparingly criticise the diction of the ancient Roman jurists, find little or nothing to carp at in Celsus. There are fragments which prove that he was acquainted with Greek. (Dig. 33. tit. 10. s. 7, 13. tit. 3. s. 3.) He early commenced the practice of the law. One of his youthful opinions was followed by Julianus, and is cited by Paulus. (Dig. 45. tit. 1. s. 91. ~ 3, unless by Celsus adolescens we are here to understand Celsus the younger.) Celsus was manifestly well versed in the writings of his predecessors, for in the 20 pages which his 142 fragments occupy in Hommel (Palingen. Pandect.), will be found references to Sex. Aelius, Brutus, Cascellius, Cato, Livius Drusus, Q. Mucius Scaevola, Q. Antistius Labeo, C. Trebatius Testa, Aelius Tubero, M. Tullius Cicero, Servius Sulpicius, Nerva, Masurius Sabinus, Seinp. Proculus, and Neratius Priscus. In return, we find him quoted by many of the most eminent later jurists, as Julianus, Pomponius, Maecianus, Ulpian, and Paulus, and by Justinian himself in the Institutes and the Code. In Cod. 6, tit. 2. s. 10 Justinian mentions a curious physiological opinion of Celsus concerning deafness. He belonged, like his father, to the sect of Proculus, but he was an independent thinker, sometimes differing from Labeo, Nerva, and his own father, and sometimes agreeing with Sabinus and Cassius. (Dig. 47. tit. 2. s. 25. ~ 1; 21. tit. 2. s. 29, pr.; 12. tit. 4. s. 3. ~~ 6, 7; 12. tit. 5. s. 6.) In the fragments of Celsus there are several passages which betoken great self-confidence and uncivil dogmatism. In this he deviated from the usual practice (almost amounting to professional etiquette) of jurists ancient and modern. A Roman or an English lawyer would say, "mihi videtur," " I think," " verius est," " the better opinion is;" but Celsus sometimes omits such modest forms of expression. For example, it appears from Dig. 21. tit. 2. s. 29, pr., that he called Nerva's opinion false. But the grossest instance of rudeness occurs in an answer to one Domitius Labeo, who inquired whether the person by whose hand a will was
Page 663 CELSUS. written was thereby disqualified from being one of the attesting witnesses. "Juventius Celsus Labeoni suo salutem. Aut non intelligo de quo me consulueris, aut valde stulta est consultatio tua: plus enim quam ridiculum est dubitare, an aliquis jure testis adhibitus sit, quoniam idem et tabulas testamenti scripserit." (Dig. 28. tit. 1. s. 27.) This question and this answer obtained such undesirable celebrity among civilians, that silly questions were called Quaestiones Domitianae, and blunt answers Responsiones Celsinae. He wrote-1. Digestorum Libri XXXIX. after the order of the praetor's edict. Seven books of this work, viz. xxx-xxxvi, were occupied by a commentary on the Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea. This is the only one of the works of Celsus of which pure fragments are preserved in the compilations of Justinian, and perhaps the only one then extant. It belongs, according to Blume's theory, to the Classis Edictalis of the Digest. 2. Epistolae, of which Ulpian (Dig. 4. tit. 4. s. 3. ~ 1) cites the llth book. 3. Quaestiones, which, according to a citation of Ulpian (Dig. 34. tit. 2. s. 19. ~ 3), consisted of at least 19 books. 4. Commentarii, of which the 7th book is cited by Ulpian. (Dig. 34. tit. 2. s. 19. ~ 6.) 5. Institutiones, in 7 books, according to the testimony of the old scholiast on Juvenal (vi. 243). Gravina (Orig. Jur. Civ. lib. i. ~ 49, p. 68) says, that Celsus left a work De Usucapionibus, in which he refers to his father; but this statement is given without authority, and appears to be an error partly copied from Panciroli (de Claris Leg. Interp. p. 44), who cites a passage in the Digest (Dig. 41. tit. 2. s. 47) referring not to Celsus, but to Nerva filius. (Heinecc. de Juventio Celso, Op. ii. pp. 518-532; Schott. de Quaestione Donzmiiana, Lips. 1771; Hub. Greg. van Vryhoff, Observ. Jzr. Civ. c. 35; Neuber, Die juristiche Klassiker, pp. 133-145; Kiimmerer, Beitriige zur Gesch. u. T/heorie des Rem. Rechts, i. No. 3, pp. 208-226.) [J. T. G.] CELSUS, P. MA'RIUS, consul in A. D. 62 (Fasti), was the commander of the fifteenth legion in Pannonia, with which he was sent to join Corbulo in his expedition against the Parthians in 64. On the death of Nero in 68, Celsus joined Galba's party, at which time he is spoken of as consul designatus, but whether he had been nominated to the consulship by Nero or by Galba is uncertain. He was one of the ablest and most faithful of Galba's supporters; and when the troops rebelled against the new emperor, Celsus was sent to endeavour to propitiate the detachment of the Illyrian army which had encamped in the Vipsanian porticus. It was probably thought that Celsus would have more influence with this army than any one else, on account of his former connexion with it: but he was unable to quell the insurrection. The death of Galba soon followed, and Otho obtained the sovereignty. The life of Celsus was now in great danger; the partizans of Otho loudly demanded his execution; but Otho, who appreciated his fidelity to his late master, not only spared his life, but admitted him to the circle of his most intimate friends. Celsus served Otho with the same fidelity as he had the late emperor. He was sent, together with Suetonius Paullinus and Annius Gallus, in command of the army to oppose the generals of Vitellius, who were advancing into Italy. At first he and his colleagues were completely successful; in the campaign on the Po, in CENAEUS. 663 the neighbourhood of Placentia and Cremona, they defeated all the plans of Caecina, the general of Vitellius [CAECINA, No. 9]; and it was not till the latter had been joined by Fabius Valens, and Otho had resolved, against the advice of Celsus as well as Suetonius Paullinus, to risk a battle, that the aspect of affairs was changed. The battle of Bedriacum, in which Otho's army was defeated, gave Vitellius the empire; but Celsus, who had remained faithful to Otho to the last, again did not suffer for his fidelity. Vitellius allowed him to enter on the consulship on the calends of July (A. D. 69), as had been arranged from the first. (Tac. Ann. xv. 25, Hist. i. 14, 31, 39, 45, 71, 77, 87, 90, ii. 23, 33, 60.) CELSUS, PA'PIUS. Celsus appears as a surname of the Papia gens on several coins of the republican period, but does not occur in any ancient writer. Two of the most remarkable of these coins are given below. On the obverse the former contains a youthful head with a trophy behind it, CUM,, 10, the latter the head of Juno Sospita. The reverse of both represents the same subject, namely, a wolf with a piece of wood in its mouth, and an eagle standing before a burning heap of wood. This subject appears to refer to a legend related by Dionysius (i. 59) in connexion with the foundation of Lavinium by the Trojans. He tells us, that the forest in which the city was afterwards built took fire of its own accord, and that a wolf was seen bringing dry wood to feed the flame, which was fanned by an eagle with its wings; but that a fox at the same time tried to extinguish the fire by its tail, which had been dipped in water; and that it was not till after several efforts that the wolf and eagle were able to get rid of him. Now we know that the Papia gens came originally from Lanuvium, which was also one of the chief seats of the worship of Juno Sospita. Hence it has been conjectured, that Dionysius has made a mistake in referring this legend to Lavinium: but it is not improbable that the same story may have been told, in later times, of the foundation of each city. CELSUS, L. PUBLI'CIUS, consul under Trajan in A. D. 113 (Fasti), was so much esteemed by this emperor, that he had a statue erected to his honour. He was, however, a personal enemy of Hadrian's, and accordingly the latter caused him to be put to death at Baiae immediately after his accession, A. D. 117. (Dion Cass. Ixviii. 16, Ixix. 2; Spartian. Hadr. 4, 7.) CENAEUS (Krvaoos), a surname of Zeus, derived from cape Cenaeum in Euboea, on which the
Page 664 664 CENSORINUS. god had a temple. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 7; Ov. Met. ix. 136.) [L. S.] CE'NCHRIAS (Ke-yxptas), a son of Poseidon and Peirene, was killed accidentally by Artemis. He and his brother Leches were believed to have given their names to Cenchreae and Lechaeum, the two port-towns of Corinth. (Paus. ii. 2. ~ 3, 3. ~ 3, 24. ~ 8.) [L. S.] CENSORI'NUS, the name of a plebeian family of the Marcia gens. The name of this family was originally Rutilus, and the first member of it who acquired the name of Censorinus, was C. Marcius Rutilus [No. 1, below], who is said in the Capitoline Fasti to have received this surname in his second censorship, B. c. 265. Niebuhr, however, remarks (Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 556), that this statement is doubtful, as he might have derived it from the circumstance of his father having first gained for the plebs a share in this dignity. 1. C. MARCIUS C. F. L. N. RUTILUS CENSORINUS, was the son of C. Marcius Rutilus, the first plebeian dictator (B. c. 356) and censor (B. c. 351). He was consul in B. c. 310 with Q. Fabius Maximus, and while his colleague was engaged in his brilliant campaign in Etruria, Rutilus conducted the war in Samnium and took the town of Allifae. He afterwards fought a battle with the Samnites, in which he was probably defeated; for the statement of Livy, that the battle was a drawn one, is almost outweighed by his confession, that the consul himself was wounded and a legate and several tribunes of the soldiers killed. (Liv. ix. 33, 38; Diod. xx. 27.) On the admission of the plebs to the priestly colleges by the Ogulnian law in B. c. 300, by which also the number of their members was increased, Rutilus was elected one of the pontiffs. (Liv. x. 9.) He was censor with P. Cornelius Arvina in 294 (Liv. x. 47), and a second time with Cn. Cornelius Blasio in 265, the only instance in which a person held the office of censor twice.. It is mentioned above that he is said to have received the surname of Censorinus in this honour. After his election Rutilus rebuked the people for having conferred this dignity upon him again, and brought forward a law enacting that no one in future should be eligible to this office a second time. (Liv. Epit. 16; Eutrop. ii. 18; Val. Max. iv. 1. ~ 3; Plut. Coriol. 1.) 2. L. MARcIus C. F. C. N. CENSORINUS, consul with M'. Manilius in B. c. 149, the first year of the third Punic war. Both consuls were ordered to proceed to Carthage: the command of the army was entrusted to Manilius, and that of the fleet to Censorinus. In the negotiations between the consuls and Carthaginians which preceded actual hostilities, and of which Appian has given us a detailed account, Censorinus acted as spokesman because he was the better orator. After the Carthaginians had refused compliance with the commands of the Romans, who required them to abandon Carthage and build another town not less than ten miles from the sea, the consuls formally laid siege to the city; but Censorinus was compelled shortly afterwards to return to Rome in order to hold the comitia, leaving the conduct of the siege in the hands of his colleague. (Appian, Pun. 75-90, 97-99; Liv. Epit. 49; Flor. ii. 15; Eutrop. iv. 10; Oros. iv. 22; Vell. Pat. i. S3; Zonar. ix. p. 463; Cic. Brut. 15, 27, ad Att. xii. 5,) Censorinus was censor in B. c. 147, with CENSORINITS. L. Cornelius Lehttilus Lupus. (Val. Max. vi. 9. ~ 10.) It was to this Censorinus that the philosopher Cleitomachus dedicated one of his works. (Cic. Acad. ii. 32.) 3. C. MARCIUS CENSORINUs, one of the leading men of the Marian party, is first mentioned as the accuser of Sulla on his return from Asia in B. c. 91. (Plut. Sull. 5.) He entered Rome together with Marius and Cinna in B. c. 87, and took a leading part in the massacres which then ensued. It was Censorinus who killed the consul Octavius, the first victim of the proscription; he cut off his head and carried it to Cinna, who commanded it to be hung up on the rostra. Censorinus shared in the vicissitudes of the Marian party, and took an active part in the great campaign of B. c. 82, which established the supremacy of Sulla. He had the command of one of the Marian armies, and is first mentioned as suffering a defeat from Pompey near Sena. He was afterwards sent with eight legions by the consul Carbo to relieve the younger Marius, who was kept besieged at Praeneste; but on his march thither, he was attacked from an ambush by Pompey, and was compelled after considerable loss to take refuge on. a neighbouring hill. His men, believing him to be the cause of their defeat, deserted him in a body, with the exception of seven cohorts, with which miserable remnant he was compelled to return to Carbo. When Carbo shortly afterwards abandoned Italy in despair, Censorinus united his forces with those of Brutus Damasippus and Carrinas, and these three generals, after an ineffectual attempt to force the passes of Praeneste with the object of relieving the town, marched towards Rome, hoping to take the city as it was destitute of men and provisions. Sulla, however, hastened after them, and a dreadful battle was fought near the Colline gate, which ended in the total defeat of the Marian army. Censorinus and Carrinas took to flight, but were overtaken and brought back to Sulla, who commanded them to be put to death, and their heads to be cut off and carried round the walls of Praeneste to inform Marius of the fate of his friends. (Appian, B. C. i. 71, 88, 90, 92, 93.) Censorinus is spoken of by Cicero as one of the orators of his time, and as tolerably well versed in Greek literature. (Brut. 67, 90.) 4. (MAntcus) CENSORINUS, one of the friends of Q. Cicero in Asia, B. c. 59 (Cic. ad Q. Fr. i. 2. ~ 4), may possibly be the same as the following. 5. L. MAtcIus L. F. C. N. CENSORINUS, a violent partizan of M. Antony, and one of the praetors in B. c. 43. (Cic. Phil. xi. 5, 14, xiii. 2, duo praetores, xii. 8; comp. Garaton. ad xii. 8.) When Antony passed over into Asia after arranging the affairs of Greece in B. c. 41, he left Censorinus governor of the province. (Plit. Anton. 24.) His adherence to Antony procured him the consulship in 39 (Dion Cass. xlviii. 34), and we learn from the Triumphal Fasti, that he obtained a triumph for some successes he had gained in Macedonia, which must consequently have been his province. 6. C. MARCIus L. F. L. N. CENSORINUS, son of No. 5, was consul in B. c. 8 (Dion Cass. lv. 5; Plin. H. AN. xxxiii. 10. s. 47; Censorin. 22; Sueton. Vit. lIorat.; Lapis Ancyranus), and seems to have obtained subsequently the government of Syria, from the way in which he is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. xvi. 6. ~ 2) in the decree of Augus
Page 665 CENSORINUS. tus securing certain immunities to the Jews. He died in Asia in A. D. 2, when he was in attendance upon C. Caesar, the grandson of Augustus. His death was universally regretted: Velleius Paterculus calls him (ii. 102) " Vir demerendis hominibus genitus." There are several interesting coins of the Marcia gens, bearing upon them the names of C. Censorinus and L. Censorinus; but it is impossible to determine to which of the preceding Censorini they belong. Five specimens of these coins are given below. The first three contain on the obverse the heads of Numa Pompilius and Ancus Marcius, the second and fourth kings of Rome, because the CENSORINTUS. 66'5 verse a youthful head, and on the reverse a horse at full gallop; the fifth has on the obverse the head of Apollo, and on the reverse, Silenus. (Eckhel, v. p. 245, &c.) Marcia gens claimed to be descended from Ancus Marcius [MARCIA GENS], and the latter was supposed to be the grandson of Numa Pompilius. In these three coins Numa is represented with abeard, (R 000000 and Ancus without, probably to mark the relation between them of grandfather and grandson. The obverse of the first contains the inscription NVMAE. roMPeIe. ANCI. MARCI., and that of the second NVMA. POMPILI. ANCVS. MARCI. The reverse of QQ0oo 0 the first represents two arches, in one of which Victory stands on a pillar, and in the other is the prow of a vessel, with the moon above. The reverse of the second contains two prows also with a figure of Victory; and both coins seem to have reference to the harbour of Ostia, which was built by Ancus Marcius. The reverse of the third coin represents a desultor riding with two horses, as he was accustomed to leap from one to another in the public games, while they were at full gallop. (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Desultor.) The fourth and fifth coins are of less importance: the fourth has on the ob CENSORINUS (Appius Claudius), is ranked by Trebellius Pollio among the thirty tyrants [comp. AUREOLUS], although the number is complete without the addition of his name, and he belongs not to the reign of Gallienus, but of Claudius Gothicus. Censorinus, having devoted his youth and manhood to a military career, attained to the highest dignities. He was twice consul, twice praefect of the praetorium, thrice praefect of the city, four times proconsul, and discharged at various periods the duties of numerous inferior appointments. Full of years, and disabled by an honourable wound received in the Persian war, under Valerian, he had retired to pass the evening of his days on his estate, when he was suddenly proclaimed emperor by a body of mutinous troops, and invested with the purple at Bologna, in A. D. 270. Having, however, displayed a determination to enforce strict discipline, he was forthwith put to death by the same soldiers who had raised him to a throne. If any genuine medals of this prince exist, which is very doubtful, they have never been described with sufficient accuracy to render them of any historical value, or even to enable us to determine whether the names Appizs COlaudius formed part of his designation. Birago, in his Numismata (Mediol. 1683), quotes a Greek coin supposed to indicate the third year of the reign of Censorinus; but, since no account is given of the place where it was preserved, it was in all probability a forgery, especially as we have no reason to believe that the pretender maintained his authority beyond the space of a few days. Tillemont supposes, that the Victorinus mentioned by the younger Victor as having assumed the purple under Claudius is the same person with our Censorinus. (Trebell. Pollio, Trig. Tyr.; Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, vol. p. 37.) [W.R.] CENSORI'NUS, the compiler of a treatise entitled de Die Natali, which treats of the generation of man, of his natal hour, of the influence of the stars and genii upon his career, and discusses the various methods employed for the division and calculation of time, together with sundry topics connected with astronomy, mathematics, geography, and music. It affords much valuable information with regard to the various systems of ancient chronology, and is constantly referred to by those who have investigated these topics. The book is dedicated to a certain Q. Cerellius, whom the writer addresses as his patron and benefactor (c. 1), and was composed in the year A. D. 238, in the consulship of Ulpius and Pontianus (c. 21). Censorinus terms Rome the "communis patria" of himself and Cerellius (c. 16); and this fact, along with those detailed above, comprise the whole knowledge we possess with regard to the work and its author. A fragment de Metris and lost tracts de Accentibus and de Geonzmelria are ascribed, but upon no sure evidence, totthis same Censorinus. Carrio, in hib
Page 666 666 CENTAURI. edition published at Paris in 1583, divided the twenty-fourth chapter of the de Die Natali into two parts, considering the latter half to be from a different hand, and to belong to an essay de Naturali Institutione. The editio princeps of Censorinus is in 4to., without date, place, or printer's name, and contains also the Tabula of Cebes, Plutarch De Invidia et Odio, an oration of Basil upon the same subject and his epistle to Gregory of Nazianzus "de Vita Solitaria," all translated into Latin. The second edition, printed at Bologna, fol. 1497, is combined with the Tabula of Cebes, a dialogue of Lucian, the Enchiridion of Epictetus, Plutarch and Basil De Invidia et Odio. The first critical edition is that by Vinetus, Pictav. 4to. 1568, followed by those of Aldus Manutius, Venet. 8vo. 1581, and Carrio, Lutet. 8vo. 1583. The most complete and valuable is that by Havercamp, Lug. Bat. 8vo. 1743: the most recent is that of Gruber, Noremb. 8vo. 1805. [W. R.] CENTAURI (KfP'avpoi), that is, the bullkillers, are according to the earliest accounts a race of men who inhabited the mountains and forests of Thessaly. They are described as leading a rude and savage life, occasionally carrying off the women of their neighbours, as covered with hair and ranging over their mountains like animals. But they were not altogether unacquainted with the useful arts, as in the case of Cheiron. (Hom. II. i. 268, ii. 743, in which passages they are called <pjps, that is, Sipes, Od. xxi. 295, &c.; Hesiod. Scut. Here. 104, &c.) Now, in these earliest accounts, the centaurs appear merely as a sort of gigantic, savage, or animal-like beings; whereas, in later writers, they are described as monsters (hippocentaurs), whose bodies were partly human and partly those of horses. This strange mixture of the human form with that of a horse is accounted for, in the later traditions, by the history of their origin. Ixion, it is said, begot by a cloud Centaurus, a being hated by gods and men, who begot the hippocentaurs on mount Pelion, by mixing with Magnesian mares. (Pind. Pyth. ii. 80, &c.) According to Diodorus (iv. 69; comp. Hygin. Fab. 33), the centaurs were the sons of Ixion himself by a cloud; they were brought up by the nymphs of Pelion, and begot the Hippocentaurs by mares. Others again relate, that the centaurs were the offspring of Ixion and his mares; or that Zeus, metamorphosed into a horse, begot them by Dia, the wife of Ixion. (Serv. ad Aen. viii. 293; Nonn. Dionys. xvi. 240, xiv. 193.) From these accounts it appears, that the ancient centaurs and the later hippocentaurs were two distinct classes of beings, although the name of centaurs is applied to both "by ancient as well as moder writers. The Centaurs are particularly celebrated in ancient story for their fight with the Lapithae, which arose at the marriage-feast of Peirithous, and the subject of which was extensively used by ancient poets and artists. This fight is sometimes put in connexion with a combat of Heracles with the centaurs. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 4; Diod. iv. 12; Eurip. Herc. fur. 181, &c.; Soph. Trachin. 1095; Nonn. Dionys. xiv. 367; Ov. Met. xii. 210, &c.; Virg. Georg. ii. 455.) The scene of the contest is placed by some in Thessaly, and by others in Arcadia. It ended by the centaurs being expelled from their country, and taking refuge on mount Pindus, on the frontiers of Epeirus. Cheiron is the most celebrated among the centaurs. [CHEIRON.] CENTITO. As regards the origin of the notion respecting the centaurs, we must remember, in the first place, that bull-hunting on horseback was a national custom in Thessaly (Schol. ad Find. p. 319, ed. Boeckh), and, secondly, that the Thessalians in early times spent the greater part of their lives on horseback. It is therefore not improbable that the Thessalian mountaineers may at some early period have made upon their neighbouring tribes the same impression as the Spaniards did upon the Mexicans, namely, that horse and man were one being. The centaurs were frequently represented in ancient works of art, and it is here that the idea of them is most fully developed. There are two forms in which the centaurs were represented in works of art. In the first they appear as men down to their legs and feet, but the hind part consists of the body, tail, and hind legs of a horse (Paus. v. 19. ~ 2); the second form, which was probably not used before the time of Phidias and Alcamenes, represents the centaurs as men from the head to the loins, and the remainder is the body of a horse with its four feet and tail. (Paus. v. 10. ~ 2; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4.) It is probably owing to the resemblance between the nature of the centaurs and that of the satyrs, that the former were in later times drawn into the sphere of Dionysiac beings; but here they appear no longer as savage monsters, but as tamed by the power of the god. They either draw the chariot of the god, and play the horn or lyre, or they appear in the train of Dionysus, among the Satyrs, Fauns, Nymphs, Erotes, and Bacchantes. It is remarkable that there were also female centaurs, who are said to have been of great beauty. (Philostr. Icon. ii. 3; comp. Voss, Mythol. Briefe, ii. p. 265, &c.; Bittiger, Vasengem. iii. p. 75, &c.) [L. S.] C. CENTE'NIUS, propraetor in B. c. 217, was sent by the consul Cn. Servilius Geminus from the neighbourhood of Ariminum with 4000 cavalry to the assistance of his colleague C. Flaminius in Etruria, whom he intended to join with all his forces. Centenius took possession of a narrow pass in Umbria near the lake Plestine, so called from a town, Plestia, in its neighbourhood; and here, after Hannibal's victory at the Trasimene lake, he was attacked by Maharbal, one of Hannibal's officers, and defeated; those of his troops that were not killed took refuge on a hill, but were compelled to surrender next day. Appian, who is the only writer that gives us the exact place of this defeat, confounds C. Centenius with the M. Centenius mentioned below. (Polyb. iii. 86; Liv. xxii. 8; Appian, Anib. 9-11, 17; Zonar. viii. 25; C. Nepos. Hannib. 4.) M. CENTE'NIUS PE'NULA, first centurion of the triarii (primi pili), who had obtained his discharge after serving his full military time, and was distinguished for his bravery, obtained from the senate in B. c. 212 the command of 8000 men, half of whom were Roman citizens and half allies, by his assurance that his knowledge of the enemy and the country would enable him to gain some great advantage in a short time. The number of men granted him by the senate was nearly doubled by volunteers; and with these he marched into Lucania, offered battle to Hannibal, and was, as a matter of course, defeated. (Liv. xxv. 19; Oros. iv. 16.) CENTHO, a surname of C. Claudius, consul B. c. 240. [CLAvnUDm.]
Page 667 CEPHALION. CENTUMALUS, the name of a family of the plebeian Fulvia gens. 1. CN. FULVIUS CN. F. CN. N. MAXIMUS CENTUMALUS, legate of the dictator M. Valerius Corvus in the Etruscan war, B. c. 301, and consul in 298 with L. Cornelius Scipio, when he gained a brilliant victory over the Samnites near Bovianum, and afterwards took this town and Aufidena. It would also appear that he subsequently obtained some successes in Etruria, as the Capitoline Fasti speak of his triumph in this year as celebrated over the Samnites and Etruscans. In 295 he served as propraetor in the great campaign of Q. Fabius Maximus and P. Decius Mus, and gained a victory over the Etruscans. (Liv. x. 4, 11, 22, 26, 27, 30.) The Fasti Capitolini mention a dictator of this name in 263, who is either the same as the preceding, or his son. 2. CN. FULVIUS CN. F. CN. N. CENTUMALUS, consul B. C. 229 with L. Postumius Albinus, conducted the war with his colleague in Illyria. They met with no effectual resistance; and after the troops of the Illyrian queen, Teuta, had been completely dispersed, and she herself had retired with a very few followers to a strongly fortified town, called Rhizon, Centumalus returned to Rome with the greater part of the navy and land forces, leaving Albinus behind with forty ships. Centumalus triumphed in the following year, the first time that a triumph had been celebrated over the Illyrians. (Polyb. ii. 11, 12; Flor. ii. 5; Eutrop. iii. 4; Oros. iv. 13; comp. Dion Cass. Frag. 151, ed. Reimar.) 3. CN. FULVIUS CN. F. CN. N. CENTUMALUS, son apparently of No. 2, was curule aedile in B. c. 214, and was elected to the praetorship while he held the former office. As praetor in the following year, B. c. 213, Suessula was assigned him as his province with the command of two legions. He was consul in 211 with P. Sulpicius Galba, and his command was prolonged in the next year, in which he was defeated by Hannibal near the town of Herdonia in Apulia, and he himself with eleven tribunes of the soldiers perished in the battle. (Liv. xxiv. 43, 44, xxv. 41, xxvi. 1, 28, xxvii. 1; Polyb. ix. 6; Eutrop. iii. 14; Oros. iv. 17.) 4. M. FULVIUS CENTUMALUS, praetor urbanus B. c. 192, had to take an active part that year in the preparations for the war against Antiochus the Great, and was commanded, among other things, to superintend the building of fifty new quinqueremes. (Liv. xxxv. 10, 20, 23, 24.) CENTUMALUS, TI. CLAUDIUS, had an action brought against him by P. Calpurnius Lanarius on account of alleged fraud in the sale of some property to the latter. Judgment was pronounced against Centumalus by M. Porcius Cato, the father of Cato Uticensis. (Cic. de Off. iii. 16; Val. Max. viii. 2. ~ 1.) [Comp. CATO, No. 6, p. 645, a.] CEPHA'LION (Ke(paxicov or Ke )aXaiwv), an historian of the time of Hadrian, who wrote, besides other works, a oV'vvrojov ~orTopKcov extending from the time of Ninus and Semiramis to that of Alexander the Great. It was written in the Ionic dialect, and was divided into nine books, called by the names of the Muses; and as in this he aped Herodotus, so he is reported to have aimed at resembling Homer by concealing his birth-place. Hadrian banished him to Sicily where this work was composed. (Suidas, s. v.; Photius, Cod. 68; CEPHALUS. 667 Euseb. Chron. i.p. 30; Syncell. p. 167; Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 262, ed. Westermann.) [G. E. L. C.] CE'PHALON (KePdAwY), called o repyOLtos or rep-ytios from a town in the Cuman territory named Frpyides or TepyLOes. (Strab. xiii. p. 589.) He wrote an account of the fortunes of Aeneas after the taking of Troy, called Troica (Tpwca'd). His date is unknown, but he is called by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i. 72) ovyypaePEVs aracauis 7rovv. Athenaeus (ix. 393, d.) calls him Cephalion, and remarks, that the Troica which went under his name, was in reality the work of Hegesianax of Alexandria. (Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 412, ed. Westermann.) [G. E. L. C.] CE'PHALUS (K4saAor). 1. A son of Hermes and Herse, was carried off by Eos, who became by him the mother of Tithonus in Syria. (Apollod. iii. 14. ~ 3.) Hyginus (Fab. 160, 270) makes him a son of Hermes by Creusa, or of Pandion, and Hesiod (Theog. 986) makes Phaeton the son of Cephalus instead of Tithonus. On the pediment of the kingly Stoa in the Cerameicus at Athens, and on the temple of Apollo at Amyclae, the carrying off of Cephelus by Hemera (not Eos) was represented. (Paus. i. 3. ~ 1, iii. 18. ~ 7.) 2. A son of Deion, the ruler of Phocis, and Diomede, was married to Procris or Procne, by whom he became the father of Archius, the father of Laertes. He is described as likewise beloved by Eos (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 4; Hygin. Fab. 125; Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 209), but he and Procris were sincerely attached, and promised to remain faithful to each other. Once when the handsome Cephalus was amusing himself with the chase, Eos approached him with loving entreaties, which, however, he rejected. The goddess then bade him not break his vow until Procris had broken hers, but advised him to try her fidelity. She then metamorphosed him into a stranger, and gave him rich presents with which he was to tempt Procris. Procris was induced by the brilliant presents to break the vow she had made to Cephalus, and when she recognized her husband, she fled to Crete and discovered herself to Artemis. The goddess made her a present of a dog and a spear, which were never to miss their object, and then sent her back to Cephalus. Procris returned home in the disguise of a youth, and went out with Cephalus to chase. When he perceived the excellence of her dog and spear, he proposed to buy them of her; but she refused to part with them for any price except for love. When he accordingly promised to love her, she made herself known to him, and he became reconciled to her. As, however, she still feared the love of Eos, she always jealously watched him when he went out hunting, but on one occasion he killed her by accident with the never-erring spear. (Hygin. Fab. 189.) Somewhat different versions of the same story are given by Apollodorus (iii. 15. ~ 1) and Ovid. (Met. vii. 394, &c.; comp. Anton. Lib. 41; Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 1643.) Subsequently Amphitryon of Thebes came to Cephalus, and persuaded him to give up his dog to hunt the fox which was ravaging the Cadmean territory. After doing this he went out with Amphitryon against the Teleboans, upon the conquest of whom he was rewarded by Amphitryon with the island which he called after his own name Cephallenia. (Apollod. ii. 4. ~ 7; Strab. x. p. 456; Eustath. ad Hornm. p. 307, &c.) Cephalus is also called the father of Iphiclus by Clymene.
Page 668 668 CEPHALUS. (Paus. x. 29. ~ 2.) He is said to have put an end to his life by leaping into the sea from cape Leucas, on which he had built a temple of Apollo, in order to atone for having killed his wife Procris. (Strab. x. p. 452; comp. Paus. i. 37. ~ 4; Hygin. Fab. 48.) [L. S.] CE'PHALUS (Ke'paxos), a Molossian chief,:who, together with another chief, Antinous, was *driven by the calumnies of Charops to take the side of Perseus, in self-defence, against the Romans. [ANTINous.] Some have inferred from the language of Polybius that, after the outbreak of the war, Cephalus slew himself to avoid falling into the hands of the conquerors; but Livy tells us, that he was killed at the capture of the Molossian town of Tecmon, which he had obstinately defended against L. Anicius, the Roman commander, B. c. 167. Polybius speaks of him as " a man of wisdom and consistency," ppo'v.pos Kal crio-sTos dvtpwros. (Polyb. xxvii. 13, xxx. 7; Liv. xliii. 18, 22, xlv. 26.) [E. E.] CE'PHALUS (KePaAos). 1. The son of Lysanias, grandson of Cephalus, and father of the orator Lysias, was a Syracusan by birth, but went to Athens at the invitation of Pericles, where he lived thirty years, till his death, taking a part in public affairs, enjoying considerable wealth, and having so high a reputation that he never had an action brought against him. He is one of the speakers in Plato's Republic.* (Lys. c. Ercatosth. p. 120. 26, ed. Steph.; Plat. Repub. p. 328, b. &c.,- comp. Cic. ad Att. iv. 16; Taylor's LSfe ofLysias, in Reiske's Oratores Graeci.) He died at a very advanced age before B. c. 443, so that he must have settled at Athens before B. c. 473. (Clinton, Fast. Hlell. s. ann. 443.) He left three sons- Polemarchus, Lysias, and Euthydemus. 2. An eminent Athenian orator and demagogue of the Colyttean demus, who flourished at and after the time of the Thirty Tyrants, in effecting whose overthrow he appears to have borne a leading part. He is placed by Clinton at B. c. 402, on the authority of Deinarchus (c. Demosth. p. 100. 4, ed. Steph., compare p. 95. 7-8.) This date is confirmed by Demosthenes, who mentions him in connexion with Callistratus, Aristophon the Azenian, and Thrasybulus. (De Coron. p. 301.) He is summoned by Andocides to plead for him at the end of the oration De Mysteriis. (B. c. 400.) He flourished at least thirty years longer. Aeschines (who calls him d?raXaids EKe^OS os 6KV rov LpoLrsciKaTos YE6yovevai) relates, that, on one occasion, when he was opposed to Aristophon the Azenian, the latter boasted that he had been acquitted seventy-five times of accusations against his public conduct, but Cephalus replied, that during his long public life he had never been accused. (c. COtesiph. p. 81. 39, ed. Steph.; see the answer of Dem. de Coron. pp. 310-11.) He had a daughter named Oea, who was married to Cherops. (Suid. s. v.; Harpocrat. s. v. OlijOev.) Tzetzes (Chil. vi. Hist. 34) confounds this Cephalus with the father of Lysias. In spite of the coincidence on the point of never having been accused, they must have been different persons, at least if the date given above for the death of Lysias's father be correct. CEPHISODORURS. The Scholiast on Aristophanes asserts, that the Cephalus whom the poet mentions (Eccles. 248) as a scurrilous and low-born demagogue, but powerful in the Ecclesia, was not the same person as the orator mentioned by Demosthenes. This is perhaps a mistake, into which the Scholiast was led by the high respect with which Cephalas is referred to by Demosthenes, as well as by Aeschines and Deinarchus. The attacks of an Athenian comic poet are no certain evidence of a public man's worthlessness. According to Suidas (s. v.), Cephalus was the first orator who composed irpooi'lcra and riAo'dyos. A small fragment from him is preserved in the Etymologicon Magnum (s. v. 'ErLTLria). Athenaeus (xiii. p. 592, c.) states, that he wrote an yKcwFtLUOV on the celebrated courtezan Lagis (or Lais), the mistress of Lysias. Ruhnken (Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. ~ 5) supposes, that the writer mentioned by Athenaeus was a different person from the orator, but his only reason for this opinion is, that such an eysc4cwuov is unworthy of a distinguished orator. [P. S.] CEPHEUS (K-nev's). 1. A son of Belus and husband of Cassiepeia, was king of Ethiopia and father of Andromeda. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 4, 4. ~ 3; Herod. vii. 61; Tac. Hist. v. 2.) 2. A son of Aleus and Neaera or Cleobule, and an Argonaut from Tegea in Arcadia, of which he was king. Hie had twenty sons and two daughters, and nearly all of his sons perished in an expedition which they had undertaken with Heracles. The town of Caplhyae was believed to have derived its name from him. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16, ii. 7. ~ 3, iii. 9. ~ 1; Apollon. Rhod. i. 161; Hygin. Fab. 14; Pans. viii. 8. ~ 3, 23. ~ 3.) 3. One of the Calydonian hunters. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CEPHISODO'RUS (Ks Prdoeo'lpos). 1. An Athenian comic poet of the old comedy, gained a prize B. c. 402. (Lysias, Awpol. p. 162. 2, ed. Steph.; Suidas, s. v.; Eudoc. p. 270.) This date is confirmed by the title of one of his comedies, 'AVTIdt'S, which evidently refers to the celebrated courtezan LaYs; and also by his being mentioned in connexion with Cratinus, Aristophanes, Callias, Diocles, Eupolis, and Hermippus. The following are the known titles of his plays: 'Avrian''s, 'AuaNoves, Tpop0Wieos,'Ts. A few fragments of them are preserved by Photius and Suidas (s. v. Ovos VSera), by Pollux (vi. 173, vii. 40, 87), and by Athenaeus. (iii. p. 119, d., viii. p. 345, f., xi. p. 459, a., xii. p. 553, a., xiv. p. 629, d., xv. p. 667, d., p. 689, f., p. 701, b.) 2. An Athenian orator, a most eminent disciple of Isocrates, wrote an apology for Isocrates against Aristotle. The work against Aristotle was in four books, under the title of al 'rpos 'ApiuroT7Al7 VTmVypacali. (Dionys. Ep. ad Adnm. p. 120. 32, Sylb.; Isoc. p. 102. 17; Isaeus, p. 111. 37; Dem. p. 120. 31; Athen. ii. p. 60, e., iii. p. 122, b., viii. p. 359, c.) He also attacked Plato. (Dionys. Ep. ad Pomp. p. 127. 3, Sylb.) A writer of the same name is mentioned by the Scholiast on Aristotle (Eth. Nicom. iii. 8) as the author of a history of the Sacred War. As the disciples of Isocrates paid much attention to historical composition, Ruhnken conjectures that the orator and the historian were the same person. (Jist. Crit. Orat. Graec. ~ 38.) There is a Cephisodorus, a Theban, mentioned by Athenaeus (xii. p. 548, e.) * The Cephalus, who is one of the speakers in the Parmenides of Plato, was a different person, a native of Clazomenae. (Plat. Parm. p. 126.)
Page 669 CEPHISODOTUS. as an historian. It is possible that he may be the same person. If so, we must suppose that Cephisodorus was a native of Thebes, and settled at Athens as a GEroucos: but this is mere conjecture. [P. S.] CEPHISODO'RUS, an illustrious painter mentioned by Pliny (xxxv. 9. s. 36. ~ 1), together with Aglaophon, Phrylus, and Evenor, the father of Parrhasius, under the 90th Olympiad (B. c. 420), at which date, the end of the Archidamian war, Pliny's authorities made a stop and enumerated the distinguished men of the age. (Heyne, Antiq. Azifsitze, i. p. 220.) At least, this reason for the date of Pliny seems more probable than the victories of Alcibiades in the Olympian and other games which were celebrated by Aglaophon. (AGLAOPHON; and Bittiger, Archiiologie der Malerei, p. 269.) [L. U.] CEPHISO'DOTUS (KPLuro'Soros). 1. One of the three additional generals who, in B. c. 405, were joined by the Athenians in command with Conon, Adeimantus, and Philocles. He was taken prisoner at the battle of Aegospotami, and put to death. (Xen. Hell. ii. 1. ~~ 16, 30, &c.) 2. An Athenian general and orator, who was sent with Callias, Autocles, and others (B. c. 371) to negotiate peace with Sparta. (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. ~ 2.) Again, in B. c. 369, when the Spartan ambassadors had come to Athens to settle the terms of the desired alliance between the states, and the Athenian council had proposed that the land-forces of the confederacy should be under the command of Sparta, and the navy under that of Athens, Cephisodotus persuaded the assembly to reject the proposal, on the ground that, while Athenian citizens would have to serve under Spartan generals, few but Helots (who principally manned the ships) would be subject to Athenian control. Another arrangement was then adopted, by which the command of the entire force was to be held by each state alternately for five days. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~~ 12-14.) It seems to have been about B. c. 359 that he was sent out with a squadron to the Hellespont, where the Athenians hoped that the Euboean adventurer, Charidemus, the friend of Cephisodotus, would, according to his promise made through the latter, co-operate with him in re-annexing the Chersonesus to their dominion. But Charidemus turned his arms against them, and marched in particular to the relief of Alopeconnesus, a town on the south-east of the Chersonese, of which Cephisodotus had been ordered to make himself master under the pretext of dislodging a band of pirates who had taken refuge there. Unable to cope with Charidemus, he entered into a compromise by which the place was indeed yielded to Athens, but on terms so disadvantageous that he was recalled from his command and brought to trial for his life. By a majority of only three votes he escaped sentence of death, but was condemned to a fine of five talents. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 670-676; Suid. s. v. Kqpio-JrOos.) This was perhaps the Cephisodotus who, in B. c. 355, joined Aristophon the Azenian and others in defending the law of Leptines against Demosthenes, and who is mentioned in the speech of the latter as inferior to none in eloquence. (Dem. c. Lept. p. 501, &c.; comp. Ruhnk. Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr. p. 141.) Aristotle speaks of him (Riet. iii. 10) as an opponent of Chares when the latter had to undergo his Es0Ov'VY after the Olynthian war, n. c. 347. [E. E.] CEPHISODOTUS. 669 CEPHISO'DOTUS. 1. A celebrated Athenian sculptor, whose sister was the first wife of Phocion. (Plut. Phoc. 19.) He is assigned by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 1) to the 102nd Olympiad (a. c. 372), an epoch chosen probably by his authorities because the general peace recommended by the Persian king was then adopted by all the Greek states except Thebes, which began to aspire to the first station in Greece. (Heyne, Antiq. Aufs. i. p. 208.) Cephisodotus belonged to that younger school of Attic artists, who had abandoned the stern and majestic beauty of Phidias and adopted a more animated and graceful style. It is difficult to distinguish him from a younger Cephisodotus, whom Sillig (p. 144), without the slightest reason, considers to have been more celebrated. But some works are expressly ascribed to the elder, others are probably his, and all prove him to have been a worthy contemporary of Praxiteles. Most of his works which are known to us were occasioned by public events, or at least dedicated in temples. This was the case with a group which, in company with Xenophon of Athens, he executed in Pentelian marble for the temple of Zeus Soter at Megalopolis, consisting of a sitting statue of Zeus Soter, with Artemis Soteira on one side and the town of Megalopolis on the other. (Paus. viii. 30. ~ 5.) Now, as it is evident that the inhabitants of that town would erect a temple to the preserver of their new-built city immediately after its foundation, Cephisodotus most likely finished his work not long after 01. 102. 2. (B. c. 371.) It seems that at the same time, after the congress of Sparta, 1. C. 371, he executed for the Athenians a statue of Peace, holding Plutus the god of riches in her arms. (Paus. i. 8. ~ 2, ix. 16. ~ 2.) We ascribe this work to the elder Cephisodotus, although a statue of Enyo is mentioned as a work of Praxiteles' sons, because after 01. 120 we know of no peace which the Athenians might boast of, and because in the latter passage Pausanias speaks of the plan of Cephisodotus as equally good with the work of his contemporary and companion Xenophon, which in the younger Cephisodotus would have been only an imitation. The most numerous group of his workmanship were the nine Muses on mount Helicon, and three of another group there, completed by Strongylion and Olympiosthenes. (Paus. ix. 30. ~ 1.) They were probably the works of the elder artist, because Strongylion seems to have been a contemporary of Praxiteles, not of his sons. (Comp. Sillig. p. 432.) Pliny mentions two other statues of Cephisodotus (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 27), one a Mercury nursing the infant Bacchus, that is to say, holding him in his arms in order to entrust him to the care of the Nymphs, a subject also known by Praxiteles' statue (Paus. ix. 39. ~ 3), and by some bassorelievos, and an unknown orator lifting his hand, which attitude of Hermes Logeos was adopted by his successors, for instance in the celebrated statue of Cleomenes in the Louvre, and in a colossus at Vienna. (Meyer's Note to Winckelmann, vii. 2, 26.) It is probable that the admirable statue of Athena and the altar of Zeus Soter in the Peiraeeus (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 14) -perhaps the same which Demosthenes decorated after his return from exile, B. c. 323 (Plnt. Dem. c. 27, Vit. X Orat. p. 846, d.)-were likewise his works, because they must have been erected soon after the restoration of the Peiraeeus by Conon, B. c. 393.
Page 670 670 CEPHISODOTUS. 2. The younger Cephisodotus, likewise of Athens, a son of the great Praxiteles, is mentioned by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. ~ 19) with five other sculptors in bronze under the 120th Olympiad (B. c. 300), probably because the battle of Ipsus, B. c. 301, gave to the chronographers a convenient pause to enumerate the artists of distinction then alive; it is, therefore, not to be wondered at if we find Cephisodotus engaged before and probably after that time. Heir to the art of his father (Plin. xxxvi. 4. ~ 6), and therefore always a sculptor in bronze and marble, never, as Sillig (p. 144) states, a painter, he was at first employed, together with his brother Timarchus, at Athens and Thebes in some works of importance. First, they executed wooden statues of the orator and statesman Lycurgus (who died B. c. 323), and of his three sons, Abron, Lycurgus, and Lycophron, which were probably ordered by the family of the Butadae, and dedicated in the temple of Erechtheus on the Acropolis, as well as the pictures on the walls placed there by Abron. (Paus. i. 26. ~ 6; Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 843.) Sillig confounds by a strange mistake the picture of Ismenias with the statues of Praxiteles' sons (7rivaz and elco'ves v('Ava). The marble basement of one of these statues has been discovered lately on the Acropolis, together with another pedestal dedicated by Cephisodotus and Timarchus to their uncle Theoxenides. (Ross, Kunstblatt, 1840, No. 12.) It is very likely that the artists performed their task so well, that the people, when they ordered a bronze statue to be erected to their benefactor, B. c. 307 (Psephism. ap. Plut. 1. c. p. 852; Paus. i. 8. ~ 2), committed it to them. The vicinity at least of the temple of Mars, where the sons of Praxiteles had wrought a statue of Enyo (Paus. 1. c. ~ 5), supports this supposition. Another work which they executed in common was the altar of the Cadmean Dionysus at Thebes (Paus. ix. 12. ~ 3: Bgow6v is the genuine reading, not the vulgate icaiusov), probably erected soon after the restoration of Thebes by Cassander, B. c. 315, in which the Athenians heartily concurred. This is the last work in which both artists are named. The latter part of the life of Cephisodotus is quite unknown. Whether he remained at Athens or left the town after B. c. 303 in its disasters, for the brilliant courts of the successors of Alexander, or whether, for instance, as might be inferred from Pliny (xxxvi. 4. ~ 6), he was employed at Pergamus, cannot be decided. It would seem, on account of Myros's portrait, that he had been at Alexandria at any rate. Of his statues of divinities four-Latona, Diana, Aesculapius, and Venus, were admired at Rome in various buildings. (Plin.. c.) Cephisodotus was also distinguished in portrait-sculpture, especially of philosophers (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 27), under which general term Pliny comprises perhaps all literary people. According to the common opinion of antiquarians (Sillig. 1. c.; Meyer, Note to Winckelmann, 1. c.; Hirt, Geschichte der bildenden Kiinste, p. 220), he portrayed likewise courtezans, for which they quote Tatian (advers. Graecos, c. 52, p. 114, ed. Worth.), and think probably of the well-known similar works of Praxiteles. But Tatian in that chapter does not speak of courtezans, but of poets and poetesses, whose endeavours were of no use to mankind; it is only in c. 53 that he speaks of dissipated men and women, and in c. 55 CEPHISOPHON of all these idle people together. In fact the two ladies whom Cephisodotus is there stated to have represented, are very well known to us as poetesses, -Myro or Moero of Byzantium, mother of the tragic poet Homer (who flourished B. c. 284; see Suidas, s. v."OFPpos), and Anyte. [ANYTE.] All the works of Cephisodotus are lost. One only, but one of the noblest, the Symplegma, praised by Pliny (xxxvi. 4. ~ 6) and visible at his time at Pergamus, is considered by many antiquarians as still in existence in an imitation only, but a very good one, the celebrated group of two wrestling youths at Florence. (Gall. di Firenze Statue, iii. tavv. 121, 122.) Winckelmann seems to have changed his mind about its meaning, for in one place (Gesch. d. Kunst, ix. 2. 28) he refers it to the group of Niobe with which it was found, and in another (ix. 3. ~ 19) he takes it to be a work either of Cephisodotus or of Heliodorus; and to the former artist it is ascribed by Maffei. (Collectan. Statuar. Antiq. tab. 29, p. 31; Meyer, in his Note to Winckelmann, Gesch. der bildenden Kinste, vol. i. pp. 138, 304; Muller, Handb. d. Archiaol. ~ 126. 4, ~ 423. 4, Denkm.iler der alten Kunst, Heft, iii. 149.) Now this opinion is certainly more probable than the strange idea of Hirt (Gesch. d. bildend. Kiinste b. d. Alten. p. 187), that we see in the Florentine work an imitation of the wrestlers of Daedalus (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 15), which were no group at all, but two isolated athletes. But still it is very far from being true. There is no doubt that the Florentine statues do not belong to the Niobids, although Wagner, in his able article respecting these master-works (Kunstblatt, 1830, No. 55), has tried to revive that old error of Winckelmann, and Krause (Gymnastik der Hellenen, vol. i. pp. 414, 540) admits it as possible. (Comp. Welcker, Rhein Museum, 1836, p. 264.) But they have nothing to do with the work of Cephisodotus, because Pliny's words point to a very different representation. He speaks of " digitis verius corpori, quam marmori impressis," and in the group of Florence there is no impression of fingers at all. This reason is advanced also by Zannoni (Gall. di Firenze, iii. p. 108, &c.), who, although he denies that Cephisodotus invented the group, persists in considering it as a combat between two athletes. The " alterum in terris symplegma nobile" (Plin. xxxvi. 4. ~ 10) by Heliodorus shewed " Pana et Olympum luctantes." Now as there were but two famous symplegmata, one of which was certainly of an amorous description, that of Cephisodotus could not be a different one, but represented an amorous strife of two individuals. To this kind there belongs a group which is shewn by its frequent repetitions to have been one of the most celebrated of ancient art, namely, the beautiful though indecent contest of an old Satyr and a Hermaphrodite, of which two fine copies are in the Dresden museum, the print and description of which is contained in Bittiger's Archiiologie und Kunst (p. 165, &c.). This seems to be the work of our artist, where the position of the hands in particular agrees perfectly with Pliny's description. [L. U.] CEPHISOPION (Kyqaoq-s^w), a friend of Euripides, is said not only to have been the chief actor in his dramas, but also to have aided him with his advice in the composition of them. (Aristoph. Ran. 942, 1404, 1448, with the Scholia.) Traditionary scandal accuses him of an intrigue
Page 671 CER. with one of the wives of Euripides, whose enmity to the sex has sometimes been ascribed to this cause. But the story is more than suspicious from the absence of any mention of it in Aristophanes, unless, indeed, as some have thought, it be alluded to in the Frogs (1044). We can hardly suppose, however, that the comic poet would have denied himself the pleasure of a more distinct notice of the tale, had it been really true, especially in the Tkesmophioriazusae and the Frogs. (Comp. Hartung, Eurip. restitutus, i. p. 164, &c., and the passages there referred to.) [E. E.] CEPHISSUS (Kpoire-o's), the divinity of the river Cephissus, is described as a son of Pontus and Thalassa, and the father of Diogeneia and Narcissus, who is therefore called Cephisius. (Hygin. Fab. Praef.; Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 1; Ov. Met. iii. 343, &c.) He had an altar in common with Pan, the Nymphs, and Achelous, in the temple of Amphiaraus near Oropus. (Paus. i. 34. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CEPHREN (Ke ppYiv) is the name, according to Diodorus, of the Egyptian king whom Herodotus calls Chephren. He was the brother and successor of Cheops, whose example of tyranny he followed, and built the second pyramid, smaller than that of Cheops, by the compulsory labour of his subjects. His reign is said to have lasted 56 years. The pyramids, as Diodorus tells us, were meant for the tombs of the royal builders; but the people, groaning under their yoke, threatened to tear up the bodies, and therefore both the kings successively desired their friends to bury them elsewhere in an unmarked grave. In Herodotus it is said that the Egyptians so hated the memory of these brothers, that they called the pyramids, not by their names, but by that of Philition, a shepherd who at that time fed his flocks near the place. We are told by Diodorus that, according to some accounts, Chembes (the Cheops of Herodotus) was succeeded by his son Chabryis, which name is perhaps only another form of Cephren. In the letter in which Synesius, bishop of the African Ptolemais, announces to his brother bishops his sentence of excommunication against Andronicus, the president of Libya, Cephren is classed, as an instance of an atrocious tyrant, with Phalaris and Sennacherib. (Herod. ii. 127, 128; Diod. i. 64; Synes. Epist. 58.) [E. E.] CER (Kshp), the personified necessity of death (K1p or K^ pes eavrdroeo). The passages in the Homeric poems in which the K'p or Kipes appear as real personifications, are not very numerous (II. ii. 302, iii. 454, xviii. 535), and in most cases the word may be taken as a common noun. The plural form seems to allude to the various modes of dying which Homer (II. xii. 326) pronounces to be lvpifae, and may be a natural, sudden, or violent death. (Od. xi. 171, &c., 398, &c.) The KljpEs are described as formidable, dark, and hateful, because they carry off men to the joyless house of Hades. (II. ii. 859, iii. 454; Od. iii. 410, xiv. 207.) The Ki7peY, although no living being can escape them, have yet no absolute power over the life of men: they are under Zeus and the gods, who can stop them in their course or hurry them on. (II. xii. 402, xviii. 115, iv. 11; Od. xi. 397.) Even mortals themselves may for a time prevent their attaining their object, or delay it by flight and the like. (II. iii. 32, xvi. 47.) During a battle the Krjpes wander about with Eris and Cydoimos in bloody garments, quarrelling about the CERCIDAS. 671 wounded and the dead, and dragging them away by the feet. (II. xviii. 535, &c.) According to Hesiod, with whom the Kiipes assume a more definite form, they are the daughters of Nyx and sisters of the Moerae, and punish men for their crimes. (Theog. 211, 217; Paus. v. 19. ~ 1.) Their fearful appearance in battle is described by Hesiod. (Scut. Here. 249, &c.) They are mentioned by later writers together with the Erinnyes as the goddesses who avenge the crimes of men. (Aesch. Sept. 1055; comp. Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1665, &c.) Epidemic diseases are sometimes personified as Kijpes. (Orph. Hymn. xiii. 12, lxvi. 4, Lith. vii. 6; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 847.) [L. S.] CERAMEUS, THEO'PHANES (eoedv-os KepaýeXEs), archbishop of Tauromenium in Sicily during the reign of Roger (A. D. 1129-1152), was a native of this town or of a place in its immediate vicinity. He wrote in Greek a great number of homilies, which are said to be superior to the majority of similar productions of his age. Sixtytwo of these homilies were published by Franciscus Scorsus at Paris, 1644, fol., with a Latin version and notes. There are still many more extant in manuscript. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 208, &c.) CE'RBERUS (K4peEpos), the many-headed dog that guarded the entrance of Hades, is mentioned as early as the Homeric poems, but simply as " the dog," and without the name of Cerberus. (II. viii. 368, Od. xi. 623.) Hesiod, who is the first that gives his name and origin, calls him (Theog. 311) fifty-headed and a son of Typhaon and Echidna. Later writers describe him as a monster with only three heads, with the tail of a serpent and a mane consisting of the heads of various snakes. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 12; Eurip. Here. fur. 24, 611; Virg. Aen. vi. 417; Ov. Met. iv. 449.) Some poets again call him many-headed or hundred-headed. (Horat. Carm. ii. 13. 34; Tzetz. ad Lycophl. 678; Senec. Here. fur. 784.) The place where Cerberus kept watch was according to some at the mouth of the Acheron, and according to others at the gates of Hades, into which he admitted the shades, but never let them out again. [L. S.] CE'RCIDAS (KepIaMds). 1. A poet, philosopher, and legislator for his native city, Megalopolis. He was a disciple of Diogenes, whose death he recorded in some Meliambic lines. (Diog. Laert. vi. 76.) He is mentioned and cited by Athenaeus (viii. p. 347, e., xii. 554, d.) and Stobaeus (iv. 43, Iviii. 10). At his death he ordered the first and second books of the Iliad to be buried with him. (Ptol. Hephaest. ap. PFiot. Cod. 190, p. 151, a., 14, ed. Bekker.) Aelian (V. H. xiii. 20) relates that Cercidas died expressing his hope of being with Pythagoras of the philosophers, Hecataeus of the historians, Olympus of the musicians, and Homer of the poets, which clearly implies that he himself cultivated these four sciences. He appears to be the same person as Cercidas the Arcadian, who is mentioned by Demosthenes among those Greeks, who, by their cowardice and corruption, enslaved their states to Philip. (De Coron. p. 324; see the reply of Polybius to this accusation, xvii. 14.) 2. A Megalopolitan, who was employed by Aratus in an embassy to Antigonus Doson to treat of an alliance, B. c. 224. He returned home after he had succeeded in his mission, and he afterwards commanded a thousand Megalopolitans in the army which Antigonus led into Laconia, B. c. 222. (Polyb.
Page 672 672 CERCOPES, ii. 48-50, 65.) He may have been a descendant of the preceding, but on this point we have no information. [P. S.] CERCO, the name of a family of the plebeian Lutatia gens. 1. Q. LUTATIUS C. F. C. N. CERCO, consul with A. Manlius Torquatus Atticus, B. c. 241, in which year the first Punic war was brought to a close by the victory of C. Lutatius Catulus at the Aegates. Cerco is called by Zonaras (viii. 17) the brother of Catulus, which statement is confirmed by the Capitoline Fasti, in which both are described as C. f. n. Zonaras also says, that Cerco was sent into Sicily to regulate the affairs of the island in conjunction with his brother Catulus. After peace had been concluded with Carthage, the Falisci or people of Falerii, for some reason which is unknown, rose against the Romans: both consuls were sent against them, and the war was finished by the conquest of the infatuated people within six days. Half of their domain land was taken from them and their town destroyed. For this success, Cerco as well as his colleague obtained a triumph. (Liv. xxx. 44, Epit. 19; Eutrop. ii. 28; Ores. iv. 11; Polyb. i. 65; Zonar. viii. 18.) Cerco was censor in 236 with L. Cornelius Lentulus, and died in this magistracy. (Fast. Capit.) 2. CN. LUTATIUS CERCO, one of the five ambassadors sent to Alexandria, B. c. 173. (Liv. xlii. 6.) The annexed coin of the Lutatia gens contains on the obverse the name CERCO with the head of Pallas, and on the reverse Q. LUTATI, with a ship enclosed within a wreath made of oak-leaves. cooo The reverse probably refers to the victory of C. Lutatius Catulus, which would of course be regarded by the Cercones as well as the Catuli as conferring honour upon their gens. (Eckhel, v. p. 240.) CERCO'PES (KEipi7res), droll and thievish gnomes who play a part in the story of Heracles. Their number is commonly stated to have been two, but their names are not the same in all accounts,-either Olus and Eurybatus, Sillus and Triballus, Passalus and Aclemon, Andulus and Atlantus, or Candulus and Atlas. (Suidas, s. vv.; Schol. ad Lucian. Alex. 4; Tzetz. Chil. v. 75.) Diodorus (iv. 31), however, speaks of a greater number of Cercopes. They are called sons of Theia, the daughter of Oceanus; they annoyed and robbed Heracles in his sleep, but they were taken prisoners by him, and either given to Omphale, or killed, or set free again. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 91.) The place in which they seem to have made their first appearance, was Thermopylae (Herod. vii. 216), but the comic poem KEpKWares, which bore the name of Homer, probably placed them at Oechalia in Euboea, whereas others transferred them to Lydia (Suid. s. v. Evpv'Garos), or the islands called Pithecusae, which derived their name from the Cercopes who were changed into monkeys by Zetus for having cunningly deceived him. (Ov. Met. xiv. 90, &c.; Pomp. Mela, ii. 7; compare Miller, Z). ii. 12. ~ 10; H'illmann, De Cyclop.et Cercop. CEREALIS. 1824, Rigler, De I ercale et Cercop, Cologne, 1825, &c. 4to.) [L. S.] CERCOPS (Ke'picw). 1. One of the oldest Orphic poets, called a Pythagorean by Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. i. p. 333, ed. Paris, 1629) and Cicero (de Nat. Deor. i. 38), was said by Epigenes of Alexandria to have been the author of an Orphic epic poem entitled " the Descent to Hades (7 -1 s "A3ov KMardCeao'ts), which seems to have been extant in the Alexandrine period. (Clem. Alex. 1. c.) Others attribute this work to Prodicus of Samos, or Herodicus of Perinthus, or Orpheus of Camarina. (Suidas, s. v. 'Op(Pes.) Epigenes also assigns to Cercops (Clem. Alex. 1. c.) the Orphic lepos dyos which was ascribed by some to Theognetus of Thessaly, and was a poem in twenty-four books. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. i. pp. 161, &c., 172; Bode, Gesch. der Episch. Dichtkunst der Hellenen, p. 125, &c.) 2. Of Miletus, the contemporary and rival of Hesiod, is said by some to have been the author of an epic poem called " Aegimius," which is also ascribed to Hesiod. (Diog. Lart. ii. 46; Athen. xi. p. 503; Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 3; comp. AEGIMIUS, p. 26, a.) CE'RCYON (KepmduO), a son of Poseidon by a daughter of Amphictyon, and accordingly a halfbrother of Triptolemus. (Paus. i. 14. ~ 1.) Others call him a son of Hephaestus. (Hygin. Fab. 38.) He came from Arcadia, and dwelt at Eleusis in Attica. (Plut. Thes. 11; Ov. Met. vii. 439.) He is notorious in ancient story for his cruelty towards his daughter Alope [ALOPE] and all who refused to fight with him, but he was in the end conquered and slain by Theseus. (Paus. i. 39. ~ 3.) Another personage of the same name is mentioned by Pausanias. (viii. 5. ~ 3; comp. AGAMEDES.) [L.S.] S. CEREA'LIS, a Roman general, commanded the fifth legion in the Jewish war, under Titus. (A. D. 70.) He slew a number of Samaritans on mount Gerizim; overran Idumaea, and took Hebron; made an unsuccessful night attack on the temple, and was present at the council of war held by Titus immediately before the taking of Jerusalem. (Joseph. B. J. iii. 7. ~ 32, iv. 9. ~ 9, vi. 2. ~~ 5, 6; c. 4. ~ 3.) [P. S.] CEREA'LIS or CERIA'LIS, ANI'CIUS, was consul designatus in A. D. 65, and proposed in the senate, after the detection of Piso's conspiracy, that a temple should be built to Nero as quickly as possible at the public expense. (Tac. Ann. xv. 74.) In the following year, he, in common with several other noble Romans, fell under Nero's suspicions, was condemned, and anticipated his fate by putting himself to death. He was but little pitied, for it was remembered that he had betrayed the conspiracy of Lepidus and Lentulus. (A. D. 39.) The alleged ground of his condemnation was a mention of him as an enemy to the emperor in a paper left by Mella, who had been condemned a little before; but the paper was generally believed to be a forgery. (Tac. Ann. xvi. 17.) [P. S.] CEREA'LIS, CI'VICA, a Roman senator who, while proconsul of Asia, was put to death by Domitian, shortly before A. D. 90. (Suet. Dom. 10; Tac. Agric. 42.) [P. S.] CEREA'LIS, JU'LIUS, a Roman poet, contemporary with Pliny the Younger and Martial, by both of whom he is addressed as an intimate friend. He wrote a poem on the war of the giants. (Plin. Epist. ii. 19; Martial, Epig. xi. 52.) [P.S.]
Page 673 CERINTHUS. CEREA'LIS or CERTA'LIS, PETI'LTUS, a Roman general, and a near relative of the emperor Vespasian, is first mentioned as legate of the 9th legion, under Vettius Bolanus, in Britain, when he was defeated by the British insurgents under Boadicea, A. D. 61. (Tac. A nn. xiv. 32.) When Vespasian set up his claim to the empire (A. D. 69), Petilius Cerealis escaped from Rome and joined his army in Italy under Antonius, and was made one of his generals. He commanded an advanced party of cavalry, and is charged, in common with the other generals, with not advancing upon Rome quickly enough. He suffered a defeat in a skirmish beneath the walls of Rome. In the following year, he was sent to the Rhine, to suppress the revolt of Civilis, in which he was completely successful. [CIVILIS.] While holding this command, he was solicited by Domitian to give up to him his army. Domitian's object was partly to gain reputation by finishing the victory which Cerealis had secured, but chiefly to seize the empire. Cerealis, however, laughed off the request, as being the foolish fancy of a boy. (Tac. list. iii. 59, 78, 79, iv. 86.) In the following year (A. D. 71), he was sent as consular legate to the government of Britain, in which he was active and successful. He conquered a great part of the Brigantes, and called out the talents of Agricola. (Tac. Agr. 8, 17.) As a commander he was energetic, but rash. (See especially Tac. Hist. iv. 71.) [P. S.] CEREA'LIUS (KyepdXios), a poet of the Greek Anthology, whose time and country are unknown. Three epigrams are ascribed to him by Brunck (Anal. ii. p. 345), but of these the third is of very doubtful authorship. Of the other two the first is a jocose allusion to the poetic contests at the Grecian games, the second is in ridicule of those grammarians who thought to pass for pure Attic writers on the strength of a few Attic words and, in general, of the use of obsolete words. [P. S.] CERES. [DEMETER.] CERINTHUS (KriptOos), probably belonged to the first century of the Christian aera, though he has been assigned to the second by Basnage and others. The fathers by whom he is mentioned make him contemporary with the Apostle John, and there is no ground for rejecting their testimony. He has been universally placed in the list of heretics, and may be reckoned the first who taught principles afterwards developed and embodied in the Gnostic system. According to Epiphanius, he was a Jew by birth; and Theodoret (Haeret. Fabul. lib. ii.) asserts, that he studied philosophy at Alexandria. It is probable, however, that during his residence in Egypt he had not imbibed all the sentiments which he subsequently held; they rather seem to have been adopted while he abode in Asia Minor, where he spent the greater part of his life. This is accordant with the statement of Epiphanius that he propagated his doctrines in Asia. Whether he often encountered the apostles themselves at Jerusalem, Caesareia, and Antioch, as the same writer affirms, is questionable. Tradition states, that he lived at Ephesus while John was in that city. Nothing is known of the time and manner of his death. It is not difficult to reconcile the varying accounts of his system given by Irenaeus, Epiphanius, Caius, and Dionysius of Alexandria. Irenaeus reckons him a thorough Gnostic; while Caius and Dionysius as CERINTHUS. 673 cribe to him a gross and sensual Chiliasm or Millennarianism, abhorrent to the nature of Gnosticism. If it be true that the origin of the Gnostic is to be sought in the Judaising sects, as Neander believes, the former uniting Jewish Theosophy with Christianity, Cerinthus's system represents the transition-state, and the Jewish elements were subsequently refined and modified so as to exhibit less grossness. Irenaeus himself believed in Chiliasm, and therefore he did not mention it as a peculiar feature in the doctrines of Cerinthus; while Caius, a strenuous opponent of Millennarianism, would naturally describe it in the worst colours. Thus the accounts of both may be harmonised. His system, as collected from the notices of Irenaeus, Caius, Dionysius, and Epiphanius, consisted of the following particulars: He taught that the world was created by angels, over whom presided one from among themselves. This presiding spirit or power was so far inferior to the Supreme Being as to be ignorant of his character. He was also the sovereign and lawgiver of the Jews. Different orders of angels existed in the pleroma, among whom those occupied with the affairs of this world held the lowest rank. The man Jesus was a Jew, the son of Joseph and Mary by ordinary generation, but distinguished for his wisdom and piety. Hence he was selected to be the Messiah. When he was baptized by John in the Jordan, the Christ, or Logos, or Holy Spirit, descended from heaven in form of a dove and entered into his soul. Then did he first become conscious of his future destination, and receive all necessary qualifications to enable him to discharge its functions. Henceforward he became perfect'y acquainted with the Supreme God, revealed Him to men, was exalted above all the angels who managed the affairs of the world, and wrought miracles by virtue of the spiritual energy that now dwelt in him. When Jesus was apprehended at the instigation of the God of the Jews, the logos departed from him and returned to the Father, so that the man Jesus alone suffered. After he had been put to death and consigned to the grave he rose again. Epiphanius says, that Cerinthus adhered in part to Judaism. He appears to have held that the Jewish law was binding upon Christians in a certain sense, probably that sense in which it was explained by the logos when united to Jesus. He maintained that there would be a resurrection of the body, and that the righteous should enjoy a paradise of delights in Palestine, where the man Jesus appearing again as the Messiah by virtue of the logos associated with him, and having conquered all his enemies, should reign a thousand years. It is not likely that he connected with the millennial reign of Christ such carnal pleasures as Caius and Dionysius allege. It is clear that he received the books of the Old Testament; and the evidence which has been adduced to prove his rejection of the gospels, or any part of them, is unsatisfactory. Epiphanius affirms, that he rejected Paul on account of the apostle's renunciation of circumcision, but whether this means all Paul's writings it is impossible to determine. Several of the Fathers relate, that John on one occasion went into the bath at Ephesus, but on seeing Cerinthus came out in haste, saying, " Let us flee home, lest the bath should fall while Cerinthus is within." It is also an ancient opinion that John wrote his Gospel to refute Cerinthus. (Walch, Eniwuafde '2x
Page 674 674 CERSOBLEPTES. Geschiichte der Ketzereien, vol. i.; Neander, Kirchengeschichlte, vol. i. part 2; Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Christ. Major., and his Comment. de Rebus Christianorn m ante Constant. M.; Schmidt, Cerintih ein Judaisirender Christ, in his Bib. filr Kritik zund Exegese des N. T. vol. i.; Paulus, Historia Cerinthi, in his Introductionis in N. T. capita selectiora; Lardner, History of Heretics, Works, vol. iv., 4to. edition.) [S. D.] CEROESSA (Kepdoeffa), a daughter of Zeus by lo, and born on the spot where Byzantium was afterwards built. She was brought up by a nymph of the place, and afterwards became the mother of Byzas. (Steph. Byz. s. v. BdvraVTov.) From this story it must be inferred, that Argos had some share in founding the colony of Byzantium, which is otherwise called a colony of Megara. (Miller, Dor. i. 6. ~ 9.) [L. S.] CERRETA'NUS, Q. AULIUS, twice consul in the Samnite war, first in B. c. 323 with C. Sulpicius Longus, when he had the conduct of the war in Apulia, and a second time in 319 with L. Papirius Cursor, when he conquered the Ferentani and received their city into surrender. (Liv. viii. 37; Diod. xviii. 26; Liv. ix. 15, 16; Diod. xviii. 58.) He was magister equitum to the dictator Q. Fabius Maximus in 315, and fought a battle against the Samnites without consulting the dictator, in which he was slain after killing the Samnite general. (Liv. ix. 22.) CERSOBLEPTES (Kepo-ogAErrms), was son of Cotys, king of Thrace, on whose death in B. c. 358 he inherited the kingdom in conjunction with Berisades and Amadocus, who were probably his brothers. He was very young at the time, and the whole management of his affairs was assumed by the Euboean adventurer, Charidemus, who was connected by marriage with the royal family, and who bore the prominent part in the ensuing contests and negotiations with Athens for the possession of the Chersonesus, Cersobleptes appearing throughout as a mere cipher. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 623, &c., 674, &c.) The peninsula seems to have been finally ceded to the Athenians in B. c. 357, though they did not occupy it with their settlers till 353 (Diod. xvi. 34); nor perhaps is the language of Isocrates (de Pac. p. 163, d. Lt 'ydap oYeoias {iPre Kep-ooAiEr7r', Kc. v. A.) so decisive against this early date as it may appear at first sight, and as Clinton (on B. c. 356) seems to think it. (Comp. Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. pp. 229, 244.) For some time after the cession of the Chersonesus, Cersobleptes continued to court assiduously the favour of the Athenians, being perhaps restrained from aggression by the fear of their squadron in the Hellespont; but on the death of Berisades, before 352, he conceived, or rather Charidemus conceived for him, the design of excluding the children of the deceased prince from their inheritance, and obtaining possession of all the dominions of Cotys; and it was with a view to the furtherance of this object that Charidemus obtained from the Athenian people, through his party among the orators, the singular decree in his favour for which its mover Aristocrates was impeached, but unsuccessfully, in the speech of Demosthenes yet extant. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 624, 625, 680.) [CHARIDEMUS.] From a passing allusion in this oration (p. 681), it appears that Cersobleptes had been negotiating with Philip for a combined attackl on the Chersonesus, which however came to nothing CESTIUS. in consequence of the refusal of Amadocus to allow Philip a passage through his territory. But after the passing of the decree above-mentioned, Philip became the enemy of Cersobleptes, and in B. c. 352 made a successful expedition into Thrace, gained a firm ascendancy in the country, and brought away a son of Cersobleptes as a hostage. (Dem. Olynth. i. p. 12 ad fin.; Isocr. Phil. p. 86, c.; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 38.) At the time of the peace between Athens and Philip in B. c. 346, we find Cersobleptes again involved in hostilities with the Macedonian king, who in fact was absent in Thrace when the second Athenian embassy arrived at Pella, and did not return to give them audience till he had completely conquered Cersobleptes. (Dem. de Fals. Leg. pp. 390, 391, de Cor. p. 235; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. pp. 29, 40, &c.) In the course of the next three years, Cersobleptes seems to have recovered strength sufficient to throw off the yoke, and, according to Diodorus, persisted in his attacks on the Greek cities on the Hellespont. Accordingly, in B. c. 343, Philip again marched against him, defeated him in several battles, and reduced him to the condition of a tributary. (Diod. xvi. 71; Ep. Phil. ad Ath. ap. Denm. pp. 160, 161; Dem. de Chers. p. 105.) [E. E.] CERVA'RIUS PRO'CULUS. [PROCULUS.] CERVI'DIUS SCAE'VOLA. [SCAEVOLA.] CERYX (KIpvy), an Attic hero, a son of Hermes and Aglauros, from whom the priestly family of the Ceryces at Athens derived their origin. (Paus. i. 38. ~ 3.) [L. S.] CESE'LLIUS BASSUS. [BAssUS, p. 472, b.] CESTIA'NUS, a surname which occurs on several coins of the Plaetoria gens, but is not mentioned in any ancient writer. [PLAETORIUS.] CE'STIUS. 1. Cicero mentions three persons of this name, who perhaps are all the same: one in the oration for Flaccus, B. c. 59 (c. 13), another (C. Cestius) in a letter to Atticus, B. c. 51 (ad Alt. v. 13), and a third (C. Cestius) as praetor in B. c. 44, who, he says, refused a province from Antony. (Phil. iii. 10.) As the last belonged to the aristocratical party, it is probable that he is the same Cestius who perished in the proscription, B. c. 43. (Appian, B. C. iv. 26.) 2. CESTIUS, surnamed MACEDONICUS, on account of his having formerly served in Macedonia, was a native of Perusia. When this town was taken by Augustus in B. c. 41, he set fire to his house, which occasioned the conflagration of the whole city, and then stabbed himself and leaped into the flames. (Appian, B. C. v. 49; Veil. Pat. ii. 74.) 3. CESTIUS GALLUS. [GALLUS.] 4. CESTIUS PROCULUS, accused of repetundae, but acquitted, A. D. 56. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 30.) 5. CESTIUS SEVERUS, an infamous informer under Nero. (Tac. Hist. iv. 41.) The name Cestius is chiefly remarkable on account of its connexion with two monuments at Rome, the Pons Cestius and the Pyramid of Cestius, both of which are still remaining. This bridge, which connects the island of the Tiber with the Janiculum, is supposed by some writers to have been built by the consul C. Cestius Gallus, in the reign of Tiberius; but as it seems improbable that a private person would have been allowed to give his name to a public work under the empire, its erection is generally referred to the time of the republic. The Pyramid of Cestius, which was
Page 675 CETHEGUS. CETHEGUS. 675 used as a burial-place, stands near the Porta Osti- the Insubrians and Cenomanians in Cisalpine Gaul, ensis, and part of it is within and part without the and triumphed. He was censor in 194; and towalls of Aurelian. From an inscription upon it wards the close of the next year, after holding the we are told, that it was erected, in accordance lustrum, he went as joint commissioner with Scipio with a testamentary provision, for C. Cestius, the Africanus and Minucius Rufus to mediate between son of Lucius, who had been Epulo, Praetor, Tri- Masinissa and Carthage. (Liv. xxxi. 49, 50, bune of the plebs, and one of the seven Epulones; xxxii. 7, 27-30, xxxiii. 23, xxxiv. 44, 62.) and from another inscription on it, in which the 3. P. CORNELIUS L. F. P. N. CETHEGUS, curule names of M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus and M. aedile in B. c. 187, praetor in 185, and consul in Agrippa occur, we learn, that it was built in the 181. The grave of Numa was discovered in his reign of Augustus. Whether this C. Cestius is to consulship. He triumphed with his colleague be identified with one of the persons of this name Baebius Tamphilus over the Ligurians, though no mentioned by Cicero [see above, No. 1], as some battle had been fought,-an honour that had not modern writers have supposed, cannot be deter- been granted to any one before. In 173 he was mined, one of the ten commissioners for dividing the LiThe name of L. Cestius occurs on two coins, gurian and Gallic lands. (Liv. xxxix. 7, 23, xl. 18; together with that of C. Norbanus; but who these Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 12; Plin. H. N. xiii. 13. s. 27; two persons were is quite uncertain. A specimen Plut. Num. 22; Liv. xl. 38, xlii. 4.) of one of these coins is given below: the obverse 4. P. CORNELIUS CETHEGUS, praetor in 184 represents a female head covered with an elephant's B. c. (Liv. xxxix. 32, 38, 39.) skin, the reverse a sella curulis with a helmet on 5. M. CORNELIUS C. F. C. N. CETHEGUS, was the top of it. (Eckhel, v. p. 169.) sent in B. c. 171 as one of a commission into Cisalpine Gaul, to inquire why the consul C. Cassius coP occ o^ Longinus had left his province. In 169 he was -r^ ^ / b i^ triumvir coloniae deducendae, in order to plant an \ - additional body of citizens at Aquileia. As consul I in 160 he drained a part of the Pontine Marshes. (Liv. xliii. 1, 17, Epit. 46.) SC) E Co0 6. L. CORNELIUS CETHEGUS, one of the chief "" '5*1 o supporters of a bill brought in (B. c. 149) by L. Scribonius Libo, tribune of the plebs, to impeach L. CE'STIUS PIUS, a native of Smyrna, taught Serv. Sulpicius Galba for breach of his word, in rhetoric at Rome a few years before the commence- putting some of the Lusitanians to death, and ment of the Christian era. He was chiefly cele- selling others as slaves. (Liv. Epit. 49; Cic. de brated on account of the declamations which he Orat. i. 52, Brut. 23, ad Att. xii. 5.) was wont to deliver in places of public resort in 7. P. CORNELIUS CETHEGUS, a friend of Marius, reply to the orations of Cicero; but neither Seneca who being proscribed by Sulla (B. c. 88) fled with nor Quintilian speaks of him with any respect. No the younger Marius into Numidia, but returned fragment of his works has been preserved. (Hiero- next year to Rome with the heads of his party. nym. ap. Chron. Euseb. ad 01. cxci.; Senec. Con- In 83, however, he went over to Sulla, and was trov. iii. praef., Suasor. vii.; Quintil. x. 5. ~ 20; pardoned. (Appian, B. C. i. 60 62, 80.) NotMeyer, Orator. Roman. Fragm.) [W. R.] withstanding his notorious bad life, and utter want CETHE'GUS, the name of a patrician family of faith, he retained great power and influence of the Cornelia gens. The family was of old date. even after Sulla's death; and it was he who joined They seem to have kept up an old fashion of wear- the consul M. Cotta in procuring the unlimited ing their arms bare, to which Horace alludes in command of the Mediterranean for a man like the words cinctuti Cethlegi (Ars Po't. 50); and himself, M. Antonius Creticus [ANTONIUS, No. Lucan (ii. 543) describes the associate of Catiline 9]; nor did Lucullus disdain to sue Cethegus' [see No. 8] thus, exsertique maznus vesana Cethegi. concubine to use her interest in his favour, when 1. M. CORNELIUS M. F. M. N. CETHEGUS, was he was seeking to obtain the command against curule aedile in B. c. 213, and pontifex maximus Mithridates. (Cic. Parad. v. 3; Plut. Lucull. 5, in the same year upon the death of L. Lentulus; 6; comp. Cic. pro Cluent. 31.) praetor in 211 when he had the charge of Apulia; 8. C. CORNELIUS CETHEGUS, one of Catiline's censor in 209 with P. Sempronius Tuditanus; and crew. His profligate character shewed itself in consul with the same colleague in 204. In the early youth (Cic. pro Sull. 25); the heavy debts next year he commanded as proconsul in Cisalpine he had contracted made him ready for any desGaul, where with the praetor Quintilius Varus he perate political attempt; and before he was old defeated Mago, the brother of Hannibal, and cor- enough to be aedile, he had leagued himself with pelled him to quit Italy. He died in B. c. 196 Catiline. (B. c. 63.) When his chief left Rome, (Liv. xxv. 2, 41, xxvii. 11, xxix. 11, xxx. 18.) after Cicero's first speech, Cethegus staid behind His eloquence was rated very high, so that Ennius under the orders of Lentulus. His charge was to gave him the name of Suadae medulla (ap. Cic. murder the leading senators. But the tardiness of Cat. Maj. 14; comp. Brut. 15), and Horace twice Lentulus prevented anything being done. Cethegus refers to him as an ancient authority for the usage was arrested and condemned to death with the of Latin words. (Lpist. ii. 2. 116, Ars Poet. 50, other conspirators, the evidence against him being and Schol. ad loc.) the swords and daggers which he had collected in 2. C. CORNELIUS L. F. M. N. CETHEGUS, comr- his house, and the letter under his hand and seal manded in Spain as proconsul in B. c. 200, before which he had given to the Allobrogian ambashe had been aedile. Elected aedile in his absence sadors. Cethegus was a bold, rash, enterprising he exhibited the games with great magnificence. man (emamns vesana Cethegi, Lucan, ii. 543; comp. (B. c. 199.) As consul (B. c. 197), he defeated Cic. in Cat. iv. 6); and if the chief part, after 2x2
Page 676 676 CHABRIAS. Catiline's departure, had fallen to him instead of Lentulus, it is more than possible that Rome would have been fired and pillaged, and her best citizens murdered. (Sall. Cat. 17, 46-50, 55; Cic. in Cat. iii. 3, 5-7, pro Sall. 6, 25, &c., post Red. in Sen. 4, pro Domo, 24; Appian, B. C. ii. 2-5, &c., 15.) [H. G. L.] CEYX (Ki6V), lord of Trachis, was connected by friendship with Heracles. He was the father of Hippasus, who fell in battle fighting as the ally of Heracles. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 6, &c.) According to others, Ceyx was a nephew of Heracles, who built for him the town of Trachis. MUller (Dor. ii. 11. ~ 3, comp. i. 3. ~ 5) supposes that the marriage of Ceyx and his connexion with Heracles were subjects of ancient poems. [L. S.] CHA'BRIAS (Xagp'as), the Athenian general, makes his first appearance in history as the successor of Iphicrates in the command of the Athenian force at Corinth in B. c. 393, according to Diodorus (xiv. 92), who places it, however, at least a year too soon, since it was in 392 that Iphicrates, yet in command, defeated the Spartan Mora. (See Xen. Hell. iv. 8. ~ 34; Schneid. ad Xen. Hell. iv. 5. ~ 19.) In B. c. 388, on his way to Cyprus to aid Evagoras against the Persians, Chabrias landed in Aegina, and gained by an ambuscade a decisive victory over the Spartans, who lost their commander Gorgopas in the engagement. The consequence of his success was, that the Athenians were delivered for a time from the annoyance to which they had been subjected from Aegina by the Spartans and Aeginetans. (Xen. Hell. v. 1. ~ 10, &c.; comp. iv. 8. ~ 24; Polyaen. iii. 10; Dem. c. Lept. p. 479, ad fin.) In B. c. 378 he was joined with Timotheus and Callistratus in the command of the forces which were despatched to the aid of Thebes against Agesilaus, and it was in the course of this campaign that he adopted for the first time that manceuvre for which he became so celebrated,ordering his men to await the attack with their spears pointed against the enemy and their shields resting on one knee. The attitude was a formidable one, and the Spartans did not venture to charge. A statue was afterwards erected at Athens to Chabrias in the posture above described. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~ 34, &c.; Diod. xv. 32, 33; Polyaen. ii. 1; Dem. c. Lept. 1. c.; Arist. Rhet. iii. 10. ~ 7.) It was perhaps in the next year that he accepted the offer of Acoris, king of Egypt, to act as general of the mercenaries in his service against the Persians: the Athenians, however, recalled him on the remonstrance of Pharnabazus. (Diod. xv. 29.) But other distinction awaited him, of a less equivocal nature, and in the service of his own country. The Lacedaemonians had sent out Pollis with a fleet of 60 ships to cut off from Athens her supplies of corn. Chabrias, being appointed to act against him with more than 80 triremes, proceeded to besiege Naxos, and, the Lacedaemonians coming up to relieve it, a battle ensued (Sept. 9, B. c. 376), in which the Athenians gained a decisive and important victory,-the first they had won with their own ships since the Peloponnesian war. According to Diodorus, the whole of the Lacedaemonian fleet might have been easily destroyed, had not Chabrias been warned by the recollection of Arginusae to look before everything to the saving of his own men from the wrecks. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~~ 60, 61; Died. xv. 34, 35; Polyaen. iii. CHABRIAS. 11; Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 686; Plut. IPhoc. 6, Camill. 19, de Glor. Ath. 7.) In B. c. 373, Chabrias was joined with Iphicrates and Callistratus in the command of the forces destined for Corcyra [see p. 577, b.]; and early in 368 he led the Athenian troops which went to aid Sparta in resisting at the Isthmus the second invasion of the Peloponnesus by Epaminondas, and repulsed the latter in an attack which he made on Corinth. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~~ 15-19; Diod. xv. 68, 69; Paus. ix. 15.) Two years after this, B. c. 366, he was involved with Callistratus in the accusation of having caused the loss of Oropus to Athens [CALLISTRATUS, No. 3] (comp. Dem. c. Mleid. p. 535); and Clinton suggests, that this may have been the occasion on which he was defended by Plato, according to the anecdote in Diogenes LaSrtius (iii. 24)-a suggestion which does not preclude us from supposing, that it was also the occasion referred to by Aristotle. (Ihet. iii. 10. ~ 7; see Clint. Fast. ii. p. 396, note w, and sub anno 395; comp. Diet. of Ant. s. v. orvvryopos.) On the authority of Theopompus, we hear that Chabrias was ever but too glad to enter on any foreign service, not only because it gave him more opportunity to gratify his luxurious propensities, but also from the jealousy and annoyance to which men of note and wealth were exposed at Athens. Accordingly we find him, early in B. c. 361, taking the command of the naval force of Tachos, king of Egypt, who was in rebellion against Persia. The king's army of mercenaries was entrusted to Agesilaus, who however deserted his cause for that of Nectanabis, while Chabrias remained faithful to his first engagement. On the course and results of the war there is a strange discrepancy between Xenophon and Plutarch on the one side, and Diodorus on the other. (Theopomp. ap. Aithen. xii. p. 532, b,; Nep. Chabr. 3; Xen. Ages.; Plut. Ages. 37; Diod. xv. 92, 93; Wesseling, ad loc.) About B.c. 358 Chabrias was sent to succeed Athenodorus as commander in Thrace; but he arrived with only one ship, and the consequence was that Charidemus renounced the treaty he had made with Athenodorus, and drove Chabrias to consent to another most unfavourable to the interests of Athens. [CHARIDEMUS.] On the breaking out of the social war in 357, Chares was appointed to command the Athenian army, and Chabrias was joined with him as admiral of the fleet; though, according to C. Nepos, the latter accompanied the expedition merely in a private capacity. At the siege of Chios, which was the first operation of the war, he advanced with gallant rashness into the harbour, before the rest of the fleet, and, when his ship was disabled, he refused to save his life by abandoning it, and fell fighting. (Diod. xvi. 7; Nep. Chabr. 4; Dem. c. Lept. p. 481.) Plutarch tells us, that Chabrias was slow in devising and somewhat rash in executing, and that both defects were often in some measure corrected and supplied by his young friend Phocion. Yet his death seems to have been a real loss to Athens. His private qualities, notwithstanding the tendency to profligate self-indulgence which has been mentioned above on the authority of Theopompus, were at least such as to attract and permanently retain the friendship of Phocion. His public services were rewarded with the privilege of exemption from liturgies; and the continuation of the privilege to his son Ctesippus, from whom the law of Leptines would have taken it,
Page 677 CHAEREAS. was successfully advocated by Demosthenes in Bn.c. 355. (Plunt. Phoc. 6, 7; Dem. c. Lept. pp. 479 -483.) Pausanias (i. 29) speaks of the tomb of Chabrias as lying between those of Pericles and Phormion on the way from the city to the Academy. [E. E.] CHAE'REA, C. CA'SSIUS, the slayer of the emperor Caligula, was tribune of the praetorian cohort. He is said to have been incited to conspire against the emperor partly by his noble spirit and love of liberty, partly by his disgust at the cruelties which he was employed to execute, partly by his suspicion that the confidence and favour of Caligula was the forerunner of his destruction, and most of all by the insults of the emperor, who used himself to ridicule him as if he were an effeminate person, and to hold him up to ridicule to his fellow-soldiers, by giving through him such watchwords as Venus and Priapus. Having formed a conspiracy with Cornelius Sabinus and other noble Romans, he fixed on the Palatine games in honour of Augustus for the time of action. On the fourth day of the games, as the emperor was going from the theatre to his palace, the conspirators attacked him in a narrow passage, and killed him with many wounds, Chaerea striking the first blow. (Jan. 24, A. r1. 41.) In the confusion which ensued, some of the conspirators were killed by the German guards of Caligula; but others, among whom was Chaerea, escaped into the palace. Chaerea next sent and put to death Caligula's wife Caesonia and her daughter. He warmly supported the scheme, which the senators at first adopted, of restoring the republic, and received from the consuls the watchword for the night,Liberty. But the next day Claudius was made emperor by the soldiers, and his first act was to put Chaerea and the other conspirators to death. Chaerea met his fate with the greatest fortitude, the executioner using, at Chaerea's own desire, the sword with which he had wounded Caligula. A few days afterwards, many of the people made offerings to his manes. (Josephus, Ant. Jud. xix. ]-4; Sueton. Calig. 56-58, Claud. 11; Dion Cass. lix. 29; Zonaras, xi. 7; Seneca, de Const. 18; Aurel. Vict. Caes. 3.) [P. S.] CHAE'REAS (Xmpe'as). 1. An Athenian, son of Archestratus, was sent by the people of Samos and the Athenian armament there stationed (who were ignorant of the overthrow of the democracy at Athens by the Four Hundred) to report the defeat of a late attempt at an oligarchical revolution in the island, B. c. 411. The crew of the ship were arrested, on their arrival at Athens, by the new government; but Chaereas himself escaping, returned to Samos, and, by his exaggerated accounts of the tyranny of the oligarchs, led to the strong measures which ensued in favour of democracy under Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus. (Thuc. viii. 74, 86.) 2. A historian, so miscalled, of whom Polybius, speaking of his account of the proceedings at Rome when the news arrived of the capture of Saguntum in B. c. 219, says that his writings contained, not history, but gossip fit for barbers' shops, Kovpeaorcs ical 7rav3'lov Armias. (Polyb. iii. 20.) We find no record either of the place of his birth or of the exact period at which he flourished. A writer of this name is mentioned by Athenaeus also (i. p. 32, d.), but whether he is the same person as the preceding cannot be determined. [E. E.] OHAEREMON. 677 CHAE'REAS, artists. 1. A statuary in bronze, who made statues of Alexander the Great and his father Philip. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 14.) 2. A goldsmith. Xaipeas 4 Xpvo'orE'rTw 6 tcard v'WTOU iromiAos. (Lucian, Lexiph. xxxiv. 9.) [L. S.] CHAE'REAS, C. FA'NNIUS, seems from his name to have been of Greek extraction, and was perhaps a freedman of some C. Fannius. He had a slave whom he entrusted to Roscius the actor for instruction in his art, and it was agreed that any profits the man might acquire should be shared between them. The slave was murdered by one Q. Flavius, against whom accordingly an action was brought by Chaereas and Roscius for damages. Roscius obtained a farm for himself from the defendant by way of composition, and was sued by Chaereas, who insisted that he had received it for both the plaintiffs. The matter was at first referred to arbitration, but further disputes arose, and the transaction ultimately gave occasion to the action of Chaereas against Roscius, in which the latter was defended by Cicero in a speech (pro Q.Roscio) partially extant. We must form but a low opinion of the respectability of Chaereas if we trust the testimony of Cicero, who certainly indulges himself in the full license of an advocate, and spares neither the character nor the personal appearance of the plaintiff. (See especially c. 7.) [E. E.] CHAERE'CRATES (Xatpespdcrs), a disciple of Socrates, is honourably recorded (Xen. Mem. i. 2. ~ 48) as one of those who attended his instructions with the sincere desire of deriving moral advantage from them, and who did not disgrace by their practice the lessons they had received. An inveterate quarrel between himself and his elder brother Chaerephon serves in Xenophon as the occasion of a good lecture on the subject of brotherly love from Socrates, who appears to have succeeded in reconciling them. (Xen. Mem. ii. 3.) [E. E.] CHAERE'MON (Xaipsuawv). 1. An Athenian tragic poet of considerable eminence. We have no precise information about the time at which he lived, but he must certainly be placed later than Aristophanes, since, though his style was remarkably calculated to expose him to the ridicule of a comoedian, he is nowhere mentioned by that poet, not even in the Frogs. On the other hand, he was attacked by the comic poets, Eubulus (Athen. ii. p. 43, c.) and Ephippus, of whom the latter, at least, seems to speak of him as of a contemporary. (Athen. xi. p. 482, b.) Aristotle frequently mentions him in a manner which, in the opinion of some critics, implies that Chaeremon was alive. (Rhet. ii. 23, 24, iii. 12; Problem. iii. 16; Poet. i. 9, xxiv. 6.) The writers also who call him a comic poet (see below) assign him. to the middle comedy For these and other reasons, the time when Chaeremon flourished may be fixed about B. c. 380. Nothing is known of his life. It may be assumed that he lived at Athens, and the fragments of his poetry which remain afford abundant proofs, that he was trained in the loose morality which marked Athenian society at that period, and that his taste was formed after the model of that debased and florid poetry which Euripides first introduced by his innovations on the drama of Aeschylus and Sophocles, and which was carried to its height by the dithyrambic poets of the age. Accordingly, the fragments and even some of the titles of Chaeremon's plays shew, that he seldom aimed at the
Page 678 678 CHAEREMON. CHAEREPHON. heroic and moral grandeur of the old tragedy. He of Dionysius of Alexandria, who succeeded him, excelled in description, not merely of objects and and who flourished from the time of Nero to that scenes properly belonging to his subject, but de- of Trajan. (Suid. s. v. Aiovda-os 'AAXEav6peyds.) scription introduced solely to afford pleasure, and This fixes his date to the first half of the first centhat generally of a sensual kind. He especially tury after Christ; and this is confirmed by the luxuriates in the description of flowers and of fe- mention of him in connexion with Cornutus. male beauty. His descriptions belong to the class (Suid. s. v. 'ipLyEvrs; Euseb. Hist. Ecc. vi. 19.) which Aristotle characterizes as cipyad pidps and as He accompanied Aelius Gallus in his expedition fj7T rjeOcKac jAre lavoeTsKda. The approach to up Egypt [GALLUS], and made great professions comedy, by the introduction of scenes from common of his astronomical knowledge, but incurred much life, and that even in a burlesque manner, of which ridicule on account of his ignorance (Strab. xvii. we have a striking example in the Alcestis of En- p. 806): but the suspicion of Fabricius, that this ripides, seems to have been carried still further by account refers to a different person, is perhaps not Chaeremon; and it is probably for this reason that altogether groundless. (Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 546.) he is mentioned as a comic poet by Suidas, Eudocia, He was afterwards called to Rome, and became and the Scholiast on Arist. Rhet. iii. p. 69, b. (For the preceptor of Nero, in conjunction with Alexa further discussion of this point, see Meineke and ander of Aegae. (Suid. s. v. 'AAE eavapos Alyaeos.) Bartsch, as quoted below.) The question has been 1. His chief work was a history of Egypt, raised, whether Chaeremon's tragedies were in- which embraced both its sacred and profane histended for the stage. They certainly appear to tory. An interesting fragment respecting the have been far more descriptive and lyric than dra- Egyptian priests is preserved by Porphyry (de matic; and Aristotle mentions Chaeremon among Abstinent. iv. 6) and Jerome (c. Jovinianum, ii.). the poets whom he calls dvayvworucoi. (Rhet. iii. He also wrote, 2. On Hieroglyphics (lepoyXv(piucd, 12. ~ 2.) But there appears to be no reason for Suid. s. v. 'lepoyAvrucci and Xasp-jqcuL'). 3. On believing that at this period dramas were written Comets (repI KOctrW&V, Origen. c. Cels. i. 59: perwithout the intention of bringing them on the stage, haps in Seneca, Quaest. Nat. vii. 5, we should though it often happened, in fact, that they were read Choaeremon. for Charimander; but this is not not represented; nor does the passage of Aristotle certain, for Charimander is mentioned by Pappus, refer to anything more than the comp)arative fitness lib. vii. p. 247). 4. A grammatical work, 7repl of some dramas for acting and of others for reading. oavvshotwv, which is quoted byApollonius. (BekIt is by no means improbable that the plays of ker, Anecdot. Graec. ii. 28, p. 515. 15.) Chaeremon were never actually represented. There As an historian, Chaeremon is charged by Jois no mention of his name in the iUaowKaliar. The sephus with wilful falsehood (c. Apion. cc.32, 33). following are the plays of Chaeremon of which This charge seems to be not unfounded, for, befragments are preserved: 'AA(perigoia, 'AXLAAe'S sides the proofs of it alleged by Josephus, we are OepOLrTOITodvos or ~epOiTrsa (a title which seems to informed by Tzetzes( Clil. v. 6), that Chaeremon imply a satyric drama, if not one approaching still stated that the phoenix lived 7000 years! nearer to a comedy), Alomvvos, etaOr7-s, 'Icd, Of his philosophical views we only know that Miwysai, 'OUvov-res Tpavuarias, OlvEs, and Ke'- he was a Stoic, and that he was the leader of that Travpos. It is very doubtful whether the last was party which explained the Egyptian religious sysa tragedy at all, and indeed what sort of poem it tem as a mere allegory of the worship of nature, was. Aristotle (Poet. i. 12, or 9, ed. Ritter) calls it as displayed in the visible world (dpceVg'o, mcoeeosIt) /.iCTav P a~siav e a rcimrwV rcv 'wv /Irpwv (comp. in opposition to the views of IAMBLICHUS. His xxiv. 11, or 6), and Athenaeus (xiii. p. 608, e) says of works were studied by Origen. (Suid. s. v. 'npmit ~rcep apifJ.a 7roAvesrp6v ETrnL. The fragments of yevmrs; Euseb. Hist. Ecc. vi. 19.) Martial (xi. Chaeremon have been collected, with a dissertation 56) wrote an epigram upon him. (lonsius, de on the poet, by H. Bartsch, 4to. Mogunt. 1843. Script. Hist. Philos. p. 208; Brucker, Hist. Crit. There are three epigrams ascribed to Chaeremon Phil. ii. p. 543, &c.; Kruger, Hist. Philos. Ant. in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. ii. 55; p. 407; Vossius. de Hist. Graec. pp. 209, 210, Jacobs, ii. 56), two of which refer to the contest of ed. Westermann.) [P. S.] the Spartans and Argives for Thyrea. (Herod. i. CHA'RMADAS, the philosopher. [CHARMIDES, 82.) The mention of Chaeremon in the Corona No. 2.] of Meleager also shews that he was an ancient CHAERE'PHANES, artist. [NICOPHANES.] poet. There seems, therefore, no reason to doubt CHAE'REPHON (Xeapeqxs'), of the Athenian that he was the same as the tragic poet. The demus of Sphettus, a disciple and friend of Socrates, third epigram refers to an unknown orator Eubulus, is said by Xenophon to have attended his instructhe son of Athenagoras. tions for the sake of the moral advantage to be de(Welcker, Die Griech. Trag. &c. iii. pp. 1082- rived from them, and to have exemplified in his 1095; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Comn. Graec. pp. 517- practice his master's precepts. From the several 521; Ritter, Annot. in Arist. Poet. p. 87; Hee- notices of him in Xenophon and Plato, he appears ren, De Chaeremone Tray. Vet. Graec.; Jacobs, to have been a man of very warm feelings, pecuAdditanzenta Animadv. in Athen. p. 325, &c.; liarly suceptible of excitement, with a spirit of Bartsch, De Claeremone Poeta Tragico.) high and generous emulation, and of great energy 2. Of Alexandria, a Stoic philosopher and- in everything that he undertook. He it was that grammarian, and an historical writer, was the inquired of the Delphic oracle who was the wisest chief librarian of the Alexandrian library, or at of men, and received the famous answer: least of that part of it which was kept in the sZods o20poKiCjs* aoopIrepos 8' Evpipnsrijs' temple of Serapis. He is called lepoypaaL/jarev's, dvspc6v 8E -TerUWV 'swKpdiT-s crospsraros. that is, keeper and expounder of the sacred books. The frequent notices of him in Aristophanes sliew (Tzetz. in Hom. II. p. 123. 11, 28, p. 146. 16; that he was highly distinguished in the school of Euseb. Praep.Evang. v. 10.) He was the teacher Socrates; while fromi the nicknames, such as
Page 679 CHIAERON. vvKicrp's and 7rv'tvor, by which he was known, and the Aristophanic allusions to his weakness and his sallow complexion (Vesp. 1413, yvvaiKc IOICis ^aa/ivp; comp. Nub. 496), it appears that he injured his health by intense application to study. He attached himself to the popular party in politics, was driven into banishment by the Thirty tyrants, and returned to Athens on the restoration of democracy in B. c. 403. (Plat. Apol. p. 21, a.) From the passage just referred to it appears, that he was dead when the trial of Socrates took place in B. c. 399. (Xen. Mem. i. 2. ~ 48, ii. 3; Plat. COarm. p. 153, Gorg. pp. 447, 448; Stallb. ad Plat. Apol. p. 21, a.; Athen. v. p. 218; Aristoph. Nub. 105, 145, 157, 821, 1448, Av. 1296, 1564; Schol. ad II. cc.) [E. E.] CHAERIPPUS, a Greek, a friend of Cicero and his brother Quintus, frequently mentioned in the letters of the former. (Ad Q. Fr. i. 1. ~ 4, ad Fam. xii. 22, 30, ad Att. iv. 7, v. 4.) CHAERIS (XaPpis). 1. A flute-player and harper at Athens, who seems to have been more fond of hearing himself play than other people were of hearing him. He is ridiculed by Aristophanes. (Ach. 16, 831, Pax, 916, Av. 858.) From the Scholiast on the two passages last referred to we learn, that he was attacked also by Pherecrates in the "A-ypto (Plat. Protag. p. 327) and,-for there seems no reason to suppose this a different person, -by Cratinus in the NeLesTs. 2. A very ancient poet of Corcyra, mentioned by Demetrius of Phalerus (ap. Tzetz. Prolegom. ad Lycophr.; see Fabric. Bibl. Grace. vi. p. 361.) 3. A grammarian (father of APOLLONIUS, No. 10), who is quoted several times in the Scholia on Homer, Pindar, and Aristophanes. He was probably contemporary with Diodorus of Tarsus. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. i. p. 508, ii. pp. 84, 396, iv. pp. 275, 380, vi. p. 361.) [E. E.] CHAERON (Xalpwv), a son of Apollo and Thero, the daughter of Phydas, is the mythical founder of Chaeroneia in Boeotia. (Paus. ix. 40. ~ 3; Steph. Byz. s. v. XarpcYvea; Plut. Sulla, 17.) [L. S.] CHAERON (Xafpwv), or, according to another reading, CHARON, a Lacedaemonian, who appears to have belonged to the party of Nabis; for we find him at Rome in B. c. 183 as the representative of those who had been banished or condemned to death by the Achaeans when they took Sparta in B. c. 188, and restored the exiled enemies of the tyrant. On this occasion the object of Chaeron's mission was obtained. (Polyb. xxiv. 4; Liv. xxxix. 48; comp. Plut. Philop. 17.) He was again one of the ambassadors sent to Rome in B. c. 181, to inform the senate of the recent admission of Lacedaemon for the second time into the Achaean league and of the terms of the union. (See p. 569, a.; Polyb. xxv. 2; Liv. xl. 2, 20.) Polybius represents him as a clever young man, but a profligate demagogue; and accordingly we find him in the ensuing year wielding a sort of brief tyranny at Sparta, squandering the public money, and dividing lands, unjustly seized, among the lowest of the people. Apollonides and other commissioners were appointed to check these proceedings and examine the public accounts; but Chaeron had Apollonides assassinated, for which he was brought to trial by the Achaeans and cast into prison. (Polyb. xxv. 8.) [E. E.] CHAERON (Xaipce), a man of Megalopolis, CHALCIDIUS. 679 who, shortly before the birth of Alexander the Great, B. c. 356, was sent by Philip to consult the Delphic oracle about the snake which he had seen with Olympias in her chamber. (Plut. Alex. 3.) It was perhaps this same Chaeron who, in the speech (repi 7Tcv nrpcs 'AAeh. p. 214) attributed by some to Demosthenes, is mentioned as having been made tyrant of Pellene by Alexander (comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. b. ii. ch. 26), and of whom we read in Athenaeus (xi. p. 509) as having been a pupil both of Plato and Xenocrates. He is said to have conducted himself very tyranically at Pellene, banishing the chief men of the state, and giving their property and wives to their slaves. Athenaeus, in a cool and off-hand way of his own, speaks of his cruelty and oppression as the natural effect of Plato's principles in the "Republic" and the "Laws." [E. E.] CHA'LCIDEUS (XaAreiV's), the Spartan commander, with whom, in the spring and summer of B. c. 412, the year after the defeat at Syracuse, Alcibiades threw the Ionian subject allies of Athens into revolt. He had been appointed commander (evidently not high-admiral) during the previous winter in the place of Melanchridas, the highadmiral on occasion of the ill omen of an earthquake; and on the news of the blockade of their ships at Peiraeeus, the Spartans, but for the persuasions of Alcibiades, would have kept him at home altogether. Crossing the Aegaean with only five ships, they effected the revolt first of Chios, Erythrae, and Clazomenae; then, with the Chian,fleet, of Teos; and finally, of Miletus, upon which ensued the first treaty with Tissaphernes. From this time Chalcideus seems to have remained at Miletus, watched by an Athenian force at Lade. Meanwhile, the Athenians were beginning to exert themselves actively, and from the small number of Chalcideus' ships, they were able to confine him to Miletus, and cut off his communication with the disaffected towns; and before he could be joined by the high-admiral Astyochus (who was engaged at Chios and Lesbos on his first arrival in lonia), Chalcideus was killed in a skirmish with the Athenian troops at Lade in the summer of the same year (412 B. c.) in which he had left Greece. (Thuc. viii. 6, 8, 11, 17, 24.) [A. H. C.] CHALCIDIUS, styled in MSS. Vir Clarissimus, a designation altogether indefinite, but very frequently applied to grammarians, was a Platonic philosopher, who lived probably during the sixth century of the Christian aera, although many place him as early as the fourth. He wrote an " Interpretatio Latina partis prioris Timaei Platonici," to which is appended a voluminous and learned commentary inscribed to a certain Osius or Hosius, whom Barth and others have asserted, upon no sure grounds, to be Osius bishop of Cordova, who took a prominent part in the proceedings of the great council of Nicaea, held in A. D. 325. The writer of these annotations refers occasionally with respect to the Mosaic dispensation, and speaks, as a believer might, of the star which heralded the nativity of our Lord, but expresses himself throughout with so much ambiguity or so much caution, that he has been claimed by men of all creeds. Some have not scrupled to maintain, that he was a deacon or archdeacon of the church at Carthage; Fulgentius Planciades dedicates his Stracts " Allegoria librorum Virgilii" and " De prisco Sermone" to a Chalcidius, who may be the
Page 680 680 CHALCOCONDYLES. CHALCOCONDYLES. person whom we are now discussing, and calls him " Levitarum Sanctissimus;" but in reality it is impossible to discover from internal evidence whether the author of the translation from Plato was Christian, Jew, or Heathen, or, as Mosheim has very plausibly conjectured, a sort of nondescript combination of all three. He certainly gives no hint that the individual to whom the book is addressed was a dignified ecclesiastic or even a member of the church. This translation was first printed under the inspection of Augustinus Justinianus, bishop of Nebio in Corsica, by Badius Ascensius, Paris, fol. 1520, illustrated by numerous mathematical diagrams very unskilfully executed; a second edition, containing also the fragments of Cicero's version of the same dialogue, appeared at Paris, 4to. 1563; a third at Leyden, 4to. 1617, with the notes and corrections of Jo. Meursius; the most recent and best is that of J. A. Fabricius, Hamburg. fol. 1718, placed at the end of the second volume of the works of Saint Hippolytus. The text was improved by the collation of a Bodleian MS., and the notes of Meursius are given entire. (Cave, Histor. Liter. Eccles. Script. vol. i. p. 199, ed. Basil.; Barthius, Adv. xxii. 16, xlviii. 8; Funccius, De inerti ac decrepita Linguae Latinae Senectute, c. ix. ~ 5; Brucker, Histor. Grit. Philos. vol. iii. p. 546, iv. p. 1322.) [W. R.] CHALCIOECUS (Xaiatoeos), " the goddess of the brazen house," a surname of Athena at Sparta, derived from the brazen temple which the goddess had in that city, and which also contained her statue in brass. This temple, which continued to exist in the time of Pausanias, was believed to have been commenced by Tyndareus, but was not completed till many years later by the Spartan artist Gitiadas. (Paus. iii. 17. ~ 3, x. 5. ~ 5; C. Nep. Paus. 5; Polyb. iv. 22.) Respecting the festival of the Chalcioecia celebrated at Sparta, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. XaXKmonica. [L. S.] CHALCI'OPE (XaAntT'7r?). 1. A daughter of Rhexenor, or according to others of Chalcodon, was the second wife of Aegeus. (Apollod. iii. 15. ~6; Athen. xiii. p. 556.) 2. A daughter of king Eurypylus in the island of Cos, and mother of Thessalus. (Homr. 11. ii. 679; Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8.) There is a third mythical personage of this name. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 1.) [L. S.] CHALCIS (XaAcis), one of the daughters of Asopus and Metope, from whom the town of Chalcis in Euboea was said to have derived its name. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 279.) According to others, Chalcis was the mother of the Curetes and Corybantes, the former of whom were among the earliest inhabitants of Chalcis. (Schol. Vict. ad Horn. II. xiv. 291; Strab. x. p. 447.) [L. S.] CHALCOCO'NDYLES, or, by contraction, CHALCO'NDYLES, LAO'NICUS or NICOLA'US (Aaovitcos or NitcoAdos XaAKcotcov3ovAs or XaAmcov6'Am7hs), a Byzantine historian of the fifteenth century of the Christian aera, of whose life little is known, except that he was sent by the emperor John VII. Palaeologus, as ambassador to the camp of Sultan MUrad II. during the siege of Constantinople in A. D. 1446. Hamberger (Gelehrte Nachrichten von beruihmten Miinnern, dc. vol. iv. p. 764) shews, that he was still living in 1462, but it is scarcely credible that he should have been alive in 1490, and even later, as Vossius thinks (De Historicis Graecis, ii. 30). Chalcocondyles, who was a native of Athens, has written a history of the Turks and of the later period of the Byzantine empire, which begins with the year 1298, and goes down to the conquest of Corinth and the invasion of the Peloponnesus by the Turks in 1463, thus including the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. Chalcocondyles, a statesman of great experience and of extensive learning, is a trustworthy historian, whose style is interesting and attractive, and whose work is one of the most important sources for the history of the decline and fall of the Greek empire. His work, however, which is divided into ten books, is not very well arranged, presenting in several instances the aspect of a book composed of different essays, notes, and other materials, written occasionally, and afterwards put together with too little care for their logical and chronological order. Another defect of the author is his display of matters which very often have nothing to do with the chief subject, and which he apparently inserted in order to shew the variety of his knowledge. But if they are extraneous to his historical object, they are valuable to us, as they give us an idea of the knowledge of the Greeks of his time, especially with regard to history, geography, and ethnography. Among these episodes there is a most interesting description of the greater part of Europe, which had been disclosed to the eyes of the Greeks by the political travels of several of their emperors in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. (ii. pp, 36-50, ed. Paris.) He says that Germany stretches from Vienna to the ocean, and from Prague to the river Tartessus (!) in the Pyrenees (!!); but he observes with great justness, that if the Germans were united under one head, they would be the most powerful nation; that there are more than two hundred free towns flourishing by trade and industry; that the mechanical arts are cultivated by them with great success; that they have invented gun-powder, and that they are fond of duelling. The passage treating of Germany is given with a Latin translation and notes in Freherus "Corpus Script. Rer. Germ." As to England, he says that it lies opposite to Flanders-a country but too well known to the Greeks-and is composed of three islands united under one government; he mentions the fertility of the soil, the mildness of the climate, the manufacture of woollen cloth, and the flourishing trade of the great metropolis, London (Aovi,5m). His description of her bold and active inhabitants is correct, and he was informed of their being the first bowmen in the world; but when he says that their language has no affinity with that of any other nation, he perhaps confounded the English language with the Irish. He states that their manners and habits were exactly like those of the French, which was an error as to the nation at large, but tolerably correct if applied to the nobles; the great power and turbulence of the aristocracy were well known to him. At that time strangers and visitors were welcomed by the ladies in England with a kiss, a custom which one hundred years later moved the sympathizing heart of the learned Erasmus Roterodamus, and caused him to express his delight in his charming epistle to Faustus Andrelinus: the Greek, brought up among depraved men, and accustomed to witness but probably to abhor disgraceful usages, draws scandalous and revolting conclusions from that token of kindness. The principal MSS. of Chalcocondyles are those
Page 681 CIIALCON. in the Bodleian, in the libraries of the Escurial, and of Naples, in the Bibl. Laurentiana at Florence, several in the royal library at Munich and in the royal library at Paris, and that of the former Coislin library now united with the royal library at Paris. The history of Chalcocondyles was first published in Latin translations, the first of which is that of Conradus Clauserus of Ziirich, Basel, 1556, fol.; the same corrected and compared with an unedited translation of Philippus Gundelius appended to the edition of Nicephorus Gregoras, ibid. 1562, fol.; the same together with Latin translations of Zonaras, Nicetas, and Nicephorus Gregoras, Frankfort on-the-Main, 1568, fol. The Greek text was first published, with the translation and notes of Clauserus, and the works of Nicephorus Gregoras and Georgius Acropolita, at Geneva, 1615, fol. Fabrot perused this edition for his own, which belongs to the Paris collection of the Byzantine historians (1650, fol); he collated two MSS. of the royal library at Paris, and corrected both the text and the translation of the Geneva edition; he added the history of Ducas, a glossary, and a Latin translation of the German version, by John Gaudier, called Spiegel, of a Turkish MS. work on the earlier Turkish history. The French translation of Chalcocondyles by Blaise de Vigenere, was edited and continued at first by Artus Thomas, a dull writer and an equivocal scholar, and after him by Mezerai, who continued the work down to the year 1661. This latter edition, which is in the library of the British Museum, is a useful book. None of these editions is satisfactory: the text is still susceptible of corrections, and there is a chance of getting important additions, as the different MSS. have not all been collated. Besides, we want a good commentary, which will present the less difficulties, as the materials of it are already given in the excellent notes of Baron von Hammer-Purgstall to the first and second volumes of his work cited below. From these notes and other remarks of the learned Baron we learn, that he considers Chalcocondyles as a trustworthy historian, and that the reproach of credulity with which he has been charged should be confined to his geographical and historical knowledge of Western Europe. We venture to hope that the editors of the Bonn collection of the Byzantines will furnish us with such a commentary. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. pp. 793-795; Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanisclhen Reiches, vol. i. p. 469, ii. p. 83.) [W. P.] CHALCO'DON (XaAhuSowv). 1. A son of Abas, king of the Chalcidians in Euboea. He was slain by Amphitryon in a battle against the Thebans, and his tomb was seen as late as the time of Pausanias. (viii. 15. ~ 3; Eustath. ad Hon. p. 281.) 2. A Coan who wounded Heracles in a fight at night. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 1.) Theocritus (vii. 6) calls him Chalcon. There are four other mythical personages of this name. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5, iii. 5. ~ 15; Pans. vi. 21. ~ 7, viii. 15. ~ 3; Horm. II. ii. 741, iv. 463.) [L. S.] CHALCON (Xd"Kwv). 1. [CHALCODON, No.2.] 2. A wealthy Myrmidon, and father of Bathycles. (Hom. II. xvi. 594, &c.) 3. Of Cyparissus, the shield-bearer of Antilochus. He was in love with the Amazon Penthesileia, but on hastening to her assistance he was killed by Achilles, and the Greeks nailed his body to a cross. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1697.) [L. S.] CIIARAX. 681 CHALCO'STHENES. 1. A statuary in bronze, who made statues of comoedians and athletes. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 27.) 2. A statuary at Athens, who made statues in unburnt clay (crusda opera, Plin. H. N. xxxv. 12. s. 45). The statement of Pliny, that the Cerameicus was so called from his place of work having been in it, though incorrect, seems however to point out the great antiquity of the artist. It is possible, but not very probable, that the two passages of Pliny refer to the same person. [P. S.] CHALINITIS (XaAtvirts), the tamer of horses by means of the bridle (XaAhis), a surname of Athena, under which she had a temple at Corinth. In order to account for the name, it is related, that she tamed Pegasus and gave him to Bellerophontes, although the general character of the goddess is sufficient to explain the surname. (Paus. ii. 4. ~ 1; comp. ATHENA.) [L. S.] CHAMAE'LEON (Xapaachtwv), a Peripatetic philosopher of Heracleia on the Pontus, was one of the immediate disciples of Aristotle. He wrote works on several of the ancient Greek poets, namely, rept 'AvatcpEov'os, arepl:2awrooUS, repi:pycvi&So, 7repi OesoardSo, 7repi Aloiov, rwept Aa'dov, rep pi ThSapov, 'repi:Tr77r0Xdpov. He also wrote on the Iliad, and on Comedy (repi Ktcw/oiWias). In this last work he treated, among other subjects, of the dances of comedy. (Athen. xiv. p. 628, e.) This work is quoted by Athenaeus (ix. p. 374, a.) by the title repi rTIs dpxaias iKwceias, which is also the title of a work by the Peripatetic philosoplher Eumelus. (Meineke, as quoted below.) It would seem also that he wrote on Hesiod, for Diogenes says, that Chamaeleon accused Heracleides Ponticus of having stolen from him his work concerning Homer and Hesiod. (v. 6. ~ 92.) The above works were probably both biographical and critical. He also wrote works entitled repi hSeW', and drepl e'a-rspw, and some moral treatises, srept ojSovrs (which was also ascribed to Theophrastus), rpoerperIKc, and repl kd 60-s. Of all his works only a few fragments are preserved by Athenaeus and other ancient writers. (lonsius, Script. Hist. Philos. i. 17; Voss. de Hist. Graec. p. 413, ed. Westermann; Backh, Praef. ad Pind. Schol. p. ix.; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. p. 8.) [P. S ] CHAMYNE (Xaepdvs), a surname of Demeter in Elis, which was derived either from the earth having opened (Xailvrv) at that place to receive Pluto, or from one Chamynus, to whom the building of a temple of Demeter at Elis was ascribed. (Paus. vi. 21. ~ 1.) [L. S.] CHAOS (Xdos), the vacant and infinite space which existed according to the ancient cosmogonies previous to the creation of the world (Hes. Theog. 116), and out of which the gods, men, and all things arose. A different definition of Chaos is given by Ovid (Met. i. 1, &c.), who describes it as the confused mass containing the elements of all things that were formed out of it. According to Hesiod, Chaos was the mother of Erebos and Nyx. Some of the later poets use the word Chaos in the general sense of the airy realms, of darkness, or the lower world. [L. S.] CHARAX (Xapaý), of Pergamus, an historian and priest, who wrote two large works, the one, in forty books, called 'E/AAhmJid, the other named Xpovicad, of which the sixteenth book is quoted by Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. 'noles). In the former he mentions Augustus Caesar and Nero,
Page 682 682 CHARES. which is our only authority for his date. Snidas quotes an epigram, beginning EilPj Xdpae lepeds yspap-js drd IlcpyaAosu dicpjs, which gives his country and profession. He is frequently referred to by Stephanus Byzantinus. He is mentioned by Euagrius (Hist. Eccl. v. extr.) among those historians who mixed fable with history, and this is confirmed by the anonymous writer of the " De Rebus Incredibilibus" (cc. 15, 16). (Comp. Vossius, de Hlist. Graec. p. 414, ed. Westermann.) [G. E. L. C.] CHARAXUS (Xdpatos) of Mytilene, son of Scamandronymus and brother of the famous Sappho, fell desperately in love with Rhodopis the hetaera at Naucratis in Egypt, ransomed her from slavery for a large sum of money, and, according to Suidas (s. v. 'IdaGwy'), married her. For this, Herodotus tells us, he was vehemently satirized by his sister on his return to Mytilene, though indeed the passage is capable of another interpretation, and may mean, that the woman who had infatuated him was the object of Sappho's attack. Athenaeus, contradicting Herodotus, calls the hetaera in question Dorica; and Suidas tells us (s. v. 'PoScirsos ov3dQi Oa), that Doricha was the name which Sappho called her in her poem. (Herod. ii. 135; Suid. s.v. Sar<pw'; Athen. xiii. p. 596, b.; Strab. xvii. p. 808; Miiller, Lit. of Greece, ch. xiii. ~ 6; Ov. Her. xv. 117.) [E. E.) CHARES (Xdpqs), an Athenian general, who for a long series of years contrived by profuse corruption to maintain his influence with the people, in spite of his very disreputable character. We first hear of him in B. c. 367, as being sent to the aid of the Phliasians, who were hard pressed by the Arcadians and Argives, assisted by the Theban commander at Sicyon. His operations were successful in relieving them, and it was in this campaign under him that Aeschines, the orator, first distinguished himself. (Xen. Hell. vii. 2. ~~ 18-23; Diod. xv. 75; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 50.) From this scene of action he was recalled to take the command against Oropus [CALLISTRATUS, No. 3]; and the recovery of their harbour by the Sicyonians from the Spartan garrison, immediately on his departure, shews how important his presence had been for the support of the Lacedaemonian cause in the north of the Peloponnesus. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. ~ 1, comp. vii. 3. ~ 2.) [EUPHRON, PASIMELUS.] In 361 he was appointed to succeed Leosthenes, after the defeat of the latter by Alexander of Pherae [p. 125, a.], and, sailing to Corcyra, he gave his aid, strange to say, to an oligarchical conspiracy there, whereby tile democracy was overthrown with much bloodshed,-a step by which ihe of course excited a hostile disposition towards Athens on the part of the ejected, while he failed at the same time to conciliate the oligarchs. (Diod. xv. 95.) The necessary consequence was the loss of the island to the Athenians when the Social war broke out. In 358 Chares was sent to Thrace as general with full power, and obliged Charidemus to ratify the treaty which he had made with Athenodorus. [CHARIDEMUS.] In the ensuing year he was appointed to the conduct of the Social war, in the second campaign of which, after the death of Chabrias, Iphicrates and Timotheus were joined with him in the command, B. c. 356. According to Diodorus, his colleagues having refused, in consequence of a storm, to risk an engagement for which he was eager, he accused them to the peo CHARES. ple, and they were recalled and subsequently brought to trial. As C. Nepos tells it, Chares actually attacked the enemy in spite of the weather, was worsted, and, in order to screen himself, charged his colleagues with not supporting him. In the prosecution he was aided by Aristophon, the Azenian. (Diod. xvi. 7, 21; Nep. Tim. 3; Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. ~ 7, iii. 10. ~ 7; Isocr. wepI 'AereL. ~ 137; Deinarch. c. Polycl. ~ 17.) Being now left in the sole command, and being in want of money, which he was afraid to apply for from home, he relieved his immediate necessities by entering, compelled perhaps by his mercenaries, into the service of Artabazus, the revolted satrap of Western Asia. The Athenians at first approved of this proceeding, but afterwards ordered him to drop his connexion with Artabazus on the complaint of Artaxerxes III. (Ochus); and it is probable that the threat of the latter to support the confederates against Athens hastened at least the termination of the war, in accordance with the wishes of Eubulus and Isocrates, and in opposition to those of Chares and his party. (Diod. xvi. 22; Dem. Philipp. i. p. 46; Isoc. de Pac.; Arist. Rhet. iii. 17. ~ 10.) In B. c. 353 Chares was sent against Sestus, which, as well as Cardia, seems to have refused submission notwithstanding the cession of the Chersonesus to Athens in 357. [CERSOBLEPTES.I He took the town, massacred the men, and sold the women and children for slaves. (Diod. xvi. 34.) In the Olynthian war, B. c. 349, he was appointed general of the mercenaries sent from Athens to the aid of Olynthus; but he seems to have effected little or nothing. The command was then entrusted to Charidemus, who in the ensuing year, 348, was again superseded by Chares. In this campaign he gained some slight success on one occasion over Philip's mercenaries, and celebrated it by a feast given to the Athenians with a portion of the money which had been sacrilegiously taken from Delphi, and some of which had found its way into his hands. (Diod. xvi. 52-55; Philochor. ap. Dionys. p. 735; Theopomp. and Heracleid. ap. Athen. xii. p. 532.) On his eii0vvr he was impeached by Cephisodotus, who complained, that "he was endeavouring to give his account after having got the people tight by the throat" (Arist. Rhet. iii. 10. ~ 7), an allusion perhaps merely to the great embarrassment of Athens at the time. (See a very unsatisfactory explanation in Mitford, ch. 39, sec. 2.) In B. c. 346 we find him commanding again in Thrace; and, when Philip was preparing to march against Cersobleptes, complaints arrived at Athens from the Chersonesus that Chares had withdrawn from his station, and was nowhere to be found; and the people were obliged to send a squadron in quest of him with the extraordinary message, that " the Athenians were surprised that, while Philip was marching against the Chersonese, they did not know where their general and their forces were." That he had been engaged in some private expedition of plunder is probable enough. In the same year, and before the departure of the second embassy from Athens to Macedonia on the subject of the peace, a despatch arrived from Chares stating the hopeless condition of the affairs of Cersobleptes. (Dem. de Fals. Leg. pp. 390, 391, 447; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. pp. 29, 37, 40.) After this we lose sight of Chares for several years, during which he probably resided at Sigeum, which, according to Theopompus (ap. At/ten. xii. p. 532),
Page 683 CHARES. was with him a favourite residence, as supplying more opportunity for the indulgence of his profligate propensities than he could find at Athens. But in a speech of Demosthenes delivered in B. c. 341 (de Chers. p. 97) he is spoken of as possessing much influence at that time in the Athenian councils; and we may consider him therefore to have been one of those who authorized and defended the proceedings of Diopeithes against Philip in Thrace. In B. c. 340 he was appointed to the command of the force which was sent to aid Byzantium against Philip; but his character excited the suspicions of the Byzantians, and they refused to receive him. Against the enemy he effected nothing: his only exploits were against the allies of Athens, and these he plundered unscrupulously. He was accordingly superseded by Phocion, whose success was brilliant. (Diod. xvi. 74, &c.; Phil. Ep. ad Ath. ap. Dem. p. 163; Plut. Phoc. 14.) In 338 he was sent to the aid of Amphissa against Philip, who defeated him together with the Theban general, Proxenus. Of this defeat, which is mentioned by Aeschines, Demosthenes in his reply says nothing, but speaks of two battles in which the Athenians were victorious. (Polyaen. iv. 2; Aesch. c. Ctes. p. 74; Dem. de Cor. p. 300; see Mitford, ch. 42, sec. 4; Clinton, Fast. ii. pp. 293, 294.) In the same year Chares was one of the commanders of the Athenian forces at the battle of Chaeroneia, for the disastrous result of which he escaped censure, or at least prosecution, though Lysicles, one of his colleagues, was tried and condemned to death. (Diod. xvi. 85, 88; Wess. ad loc.) He is mentioned by Arrian among the Athenian orators and generals whom Alexander required to be surrendered to him in B. c. 335, though he was afterwards prevailed on by Demades not to press the demand against any but Charidemus. Plutarch, however, omits the name of Chares in the list which he gives us. (Arr. Anab. i. 10; Plut. Dem. 23.) When Alexander invaded Asia in B. c. 334, Chares was living at Sigeum, and he is mentioned again by Arrian (Anab. i. 12) as one of those who came to meet the king and pay their respects to him on his way to Ilium. Yet we afterwards find him commanding for Dareius at Mytilene, which had been gained in B. c. 333 by Pharnabazus and Autophradates, but which Chares was compelled to surrender in the ensuing year. (Arr. Anab. ii. 1, iii. 2.) From this period we hear no more of him, but it is probable that he ended his days at Sigeum. As a general, Chares has been charged with rashness, especially in the needless exposure of his own person (Plut. Pelop. 2); and he seems indeed to have been possessed of no very superior talent, though perhaps he was, during the greater portion of his career, the best commander that Athens was able to find. In politics we see him connected throughout with Demosthenes (see Dem. de Pals. Leg. p. 447), -a striking example of the strange associations which political interests are often thought to necessitate. Morally he must have been an incubus on any party to which he attached himself, notwithstanding the apparent assistance he might sometimes render it through the orators whom he is said to have kept constantly in pay. His profligacy, which was measureless, he unblushingly avowed and gloried in, openly ridiculing,--what might have abashed any other man,-the austere virtue of Phocion. His bad faith passed into a CHARES. 683 proverb; and his rapacity was extraordinary, even amidst the miserable system then prevailing, when the citizens of Athens would neither fight their own battles nor pay the men who fought them, and her commanders had to support their mercenaries as best they could. In fact, his character presents no one single point on which the mind can rest with pleasure. He lived, as we know, during the period of his country's decline, and may serve, indeed, as a specimen of a class of men whose influence in a nation is no less a cause than a symptom of its fall. (Plut. Phoc. 5; Theopomp. ap. Athen. 1. c.; Isocr. de Pace; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 37; Eubul. ap. Arist. Rhet. i. 15. ~ 15; Suid. s. v. Xidprros 6rooXEo'ELs.) [E. E.] CHARES (Xcdprs) of Mytilene, an officer at the court of Alexander the Great, whose duty it was to introduce strangers to the king (delrayyEhNes), wrote a history or rather a collection of anecdotes concerning the campaigns and the private life of Alexander (Trepl 'AhXAavSpov floropiai) in ten books, fragments of which are preserved by Athenaeus (i. p. 27, d., iii. p. 93, c., p. 124, c., iv. p. 171, b., vii. p. 277, a., x. p. 434, d., 436, f., xii. p. 513, f., 514, f., 538, b., xiii. p. 575), by Plutarch (Alex. 20, 24, 46, 54, 55, 70, de Fort. Alex. ii. 9). He is also quoted by Pliny (H. N. xii. xiii. table of contents, xxxvii. 2) and A. Gellius (v.2). [P.S.] CHARES (Xdpis), of Lindus in Rhodes, a statuary in bronze, was the favourite pupil of Lysippus, who took the greatest pains with his education, and did not grudge to initiate him into all the secrets of his art. Chares flourished at the beginning of the third century B. c. (Anon. ad Herenn. iv. 6; printed among Cicero's rhetorical works.) He was one of the greatest artists of Rhodes, and indeed he may be considered as the chief founder of the Rhodian school of sculpture. Pliny (I-. N. xxxiv. 7. s. 18) mentions among his works a colossal head, which P. Lentulus (the friend of Cicero, cos. B. c. 57) brought to Rome and placed in the Capitol, and which completely threw into the shade another admirable colossal head by Decius which stood beside it. (The apparently unnecessary emendation of Sillig and Thiersch, improbabilis for praobabilis, even if adopted, would not alter the general meaning of the sentence, at least with reference to Chares.) But the chief work of Chares was the statue of the Sun, which, under the name of " The Colossus of Rhodes," was celebrated as one of the seven wonders of the world. Of a hundred colossal statues of the Sun which adorned Rhodes, and any one of which, according to Pliny, would have made famous the place that might possess it, this was much the largest. The accounts of its height differ slightly, but all agree in making it upwards of 105 English feet. Pliny (1. c.), evidently repeating the account of some one who had seen the statue after its fall, if he had not seen it himself, says that few could embrace its thumb; the fingers were larger than most statues; the hollows within the broken limbs resembled caves; and inside of it might be seen huge stones, which had been inserted to make it stand firm. It was twelve years in erecting (B. c. 292 -280), and it cost 300 talents. This money was obtained by the sale of the engines of war which Demetrius Poliorcetes presented to the Rhodians after they had compelled him to give up his siege of their city. (a. c. 303.) The colossus stood
Page 684 684 CHARICLES. at the entrance of the harbour of Rhodes. There is no authority for the statement that its legs extended over the mouth of the harbour. It was overthrown and broken to pieces by an earthquake 56 years after its erection. (B. c. 224, Euseb. Chron., and Chron. Pasch. sub 01. 139. 1; Polyb. v. 88, who places the earthquake a little later, in B. c. 218.) Strabo (xiv. p. 652), says, that an oracle forbade the Rhodians to restore it. (See also Philo Byzant. de VII Orbis Miraculis, c. iv. p. 15.) The fragments of the colossus remained on the ground 923 years, till they were sold by Moawiyeh, the general of the caliph Othman IV., to a Jew of Emesa, who carried them away on 900 camels. (A. D. 672.) Hence Scaliger calculated the weight of the bronze at 700,000 pounds. Considering the mechanical difficulties both of modelling and of casting so large a statue, the nicety required to fit together the separate pieces in which it must necessarily have been cast, and the skill needed to adjust its proportions, according to the laws of optics, and to adapt the whole style of the composition to its enormous size, we must assign to Chares a high place as an inventor in his art. There are extant Rhodian coins, bearing the head of the Sun surrounded with rays, probably copied from the statue of Chares or from some of the other colossal statues of the sun at Rhodes. (Eckhel, Doct. Num. ii. pp. 602-3; Rasche, Lex. Univ. Rei Num. s. v. Rhiodus, A., b., 11, &c.) There are two epigrams on the colossus in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. i. p. 143, iii. pp. 198-9; Jacobs, i. 74, iv. 166. Respecting these epigrams, and the question whether Laches completed the work which Chares commenced, see Jacobs, Comment. i. 1, pp. 257-8, iii. 2, p. 8, and BBattiger, Andeutungen zu 24 Vortriigen iiber die. Archdiologie, pp. 199-201.) [P. S.] CHA'RICLES (XapscAcls), an Athenian demagogue, son of Apollodorus, was one of the commissioners (SNrnTai) appointed to investigate the affair of the mutilation of the Ilermae in B. C. 415, on which occasion he inflamed the passions of the people by representing the outrage as connected with a plot for the destruction of the democracy. (Thuc. vi. 27-29, 53, 60, &c.; Andoc. de MAyst. p. 6.) In B. c. 413 he was sent in command of a squadron round the Peloponnesus together with Demosthenes, and succeeded with him in fortifying a small peninsula on the coast of Laconia, to serve as a position for annoying the enemy. (Thuc. vii. 20, 26.) In B. c. 404 he was appointed one of the thirty tyrants; nor did he relinquish under the new government the coarse arts of thIe demagogue which had distinguished him under the democracy, still striving to curry favour with the dominant party by an unscrupulous advocacy of their most violent and tyrannical measures. We may conclude, that he was one of the remnant of the Thirty who withdrew to Eleusis on the establishment of the council of Ten, and who, according to Xenophon, were treacherously murdered in a conference by the leaders of the popular party on the restoration of democracy in B. c. 403. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~ 2, 4. ~~ 24, 43, Mezm. i. 2. ~~ 31, &c.; Arist. Polit. v, 6, ed. Bekk.; Lys. c. Erat. p. 125; Isocr. de Big. p. 355, d.) In the passage last referred to Charicles is mentioned as having been driven into banishment previously to his appointment as one of the tyrants. [E. E.] CIHARIDEMUS. CHARICLEIDES (XapacA-i6y7s), a writer of the new comedy, of uncertain date. A play of his called "AAvois (the Chain) is quoted by Athenaeus (vii. p. 325, d.). [E. E.] CHIARICLEITUS (XapicXe1rozs), one of the commanders of the Rhodian fleet, which, in B. c. 190, defeated that of Antiochus the Great under Hannibal and Apollonius, off Side in Pamphylia. (Liv. xxxiv. 23, 24.) [E. E.] CHA'RICLES (XapacA7hS), an eminent physician at Rome, who sometimes attended on the Emperor Tiberius, and who is said to have predicted his approaching death from the weak state of his pulse, A. D. 37. (Suet. Tiber. 72; Tac. Ann. vi. 50.) Some medical formulae are preserved by Galen (De Coimpos. Mledicanm. sec. Locos. ii. 1, 2. vol. xii. pp. 556, 579, &c.) which may perhaps belong to the same person. [W. A. G.] CHA'RICLO (XapmcAot). 1. The wife of the centaur Cheiron, and mother of Carystus. She was a daughter of Apollo, and according to others of Perses or of Oceanus. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth, iv. 181; Ov. iMet. ii. 636.) 2. A nymph, the wife of Eueres and mother of Teiresias. It was at her request that Teiresias, who had been blinded by Athena, obtained from this goddess the power to understand the voices of the birds, and to walk with his black staff as safely as if he saw. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 7; Callim. Hymni. in Pall. 67, &c.) [L. S.] CHARIDE'MUS (Xapiiutos). 1. Of Euboea, son of a woman of Oreus by an obscure father, if we may believe the account of Demosthenes in a speech filled with invective against him. (Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 691.) On the same authority, we learn that he began his military career as a slinger among the light-armed, that he then became commander of a pirate vessel, and finally the captain of a mercenary band of "" free companions." (Dem. c. Aristoer. pp. 668, 669.) In this capacity he first entered the Athenian service under Iphicrates, who had been sent against Amphipolis, about B. c. 367. At the end of somewhat more than three years, Amphipolis agreed to surrender to the Athenians, and delivered hostages to Iphicrates for the performance of the promise: these, on being superseded by Timotheus, he entrusted to Chiaridemus, who restored them to the Amphipolitans in spite of the decree of the Athenian people requiring them to be sent to Athens, and then passed over to Cotys, king of Thrace, who was hostile to the Athenians at the time. In B. c. 360, when Timotheus was meditating his attack on Amphipolis, Charidemus was engaged to enter the service of the Olynthians, who were preparing to defend it; but, on his passage from Cardia in the Chersonesus, he was captured by the Athenians, and consented to aid them against Olynthus. After the failure of Timotheus at Amphipolis in the same year, Charidemus crossed over to Asia and entered the service of Memnon and Mentor, brothers-inlaw of Artabazus, who had been imprisoned by Autophradates, but whose cause they still maintained. [ARTABAZus, No. 4.] He deceived his employers, however, and seized the towns of Scepsis, Cebren, and Ilium; but, being closely pressed by Artabazus after his release from prison, he applied to the Athenians to interpose in his behalf, promising to help them in recovering the Chersonesus. Artabazus, however, allowed him to depart uninjured, by the advice of Memnon and Mentor,
Page 685 CHARIDEMUS. before the arrival of the Athenian squadron destined for the Hellespont under Cephisodotus; and Charidemus, on his return to Europe, in spite of his promise, lent his services to Cotys, whose daughter he married, and laid siege to Crithote and Elaeus. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 669-674.) On the murder of Cotys, B. c. 358, he adhered to the cause of Cersobleptes, on whose behalf he conducted the struggle with the Athenians, both by war and diplomacy, for the possession of the Chersonesus. He compelled Cephisodotus to submit, with respect to it, to a compromise most unfavourable to his country; and though Athenodorus (uniting with Amadocus and Berisades, and taking advantage of the national indignation excited by the murder of Miltocythes, which Charidemus had procured from the Cardians) obliged Cersobleptes to consent to a threefold division of the kingdom, 'and to the surrender of the Chersonesus to Athens,-yet, on the arrival of Chabrias with only one ship, the crafty Euboean again renounced the treaty, and drove the Athenian general to accept another still more unfavourable to Athens than that of Cephisodotus. But this was repudiated by the Athenians; and, at length, after much fruitless negotiation, Chares having arrived in the Hellespont with a sufficient force and with the authority of commander autocrator, Charidemus consented to ratify the treaty of Athenodorus, still, however, contriving to retain the town of Cardia; and his partizans among the orators at Athens having persuaded the people that they owed to him the cession of the Chersonesus (a strange delusion, if the narrative of events in Demosthenes may be depended on), they rewarded his supposed services with the franchise of the city and a golden crown. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 650, 674-682; Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. ~ 17; comp. Isocr. de Pac. p. 169, c.) This appears to have been in B. c. 357. In B. c. 352, hoping perhaps to recover Amphipolis through his aid, they passed a decree in spite of the opposition of Demosthenes and his party (c. Aristocr. passim), pronouncing the person of Charidemus inviolable, and rendering any one who should kill him amenable to justice from any part of the Athenian empire. [CERSOBLEPTES.] In B.c. 349, after the recall of Chares, Charidemus was appointed by the Athenians as commander in the Olynthian war. In conjunction with the Olynthians, he ravaged Pallene and Bottiaea, which seem to have been then in the hands of Philip; but he caused much offence by his insolent and profligate conduct at Olynthus, and in the ensuing year he was superseded and replaced by Chares. (Philochor. ap. Dionys. p. 735; Theopomp. ap. Athen. x. p. 436, c.) Henceforth he disappears from history, though he has been identified by some with the Charidemus mentioned immediately below, in opposition, we think, to internal evidence. (Mitford's Greece, ch. 48, sec. 1; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. p. 192, note 4, vol. vi. p. 101.) 2. An Athenian, who in B. c. 358 was sent with Antiphon as ambassador to Philip of Macedon, ostensibly to confirm the friendship between the king and the Athenians, but authorized to negotiate with him secretly for the recovery of Amphipolis, and to promise that the republic, in return for it, would make him master of Pydna. This was the SpuNoxeVUvv o're droTpprov to which Demosthenes refers in Olynth. ii. p. 19, ad fin. (Theopomp. ap. Suid. s. v. rl E'oTr T i 'v ros ArpLOeevous 'eu Annrauos, ic. Tr. A.; comp. Diod. CHARILAUS. 685 xiii. 49; Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 91, ad fin.) It was perhaps this same Charidemus whom the Athenians, had they not been restrained by Phocion's party, would have made general to act against Philip after the battle of Chaeroneia, B. c. 338, and who, being at the court of Macedonia as an envoy at the time of Philip's murder, B. c. 336, transmitted to Demosthenes, whose friend he was, the earliest intelligence of that event. (Plut. Phoc. 16, Dem. 22; Aesch. c. Ctes. p. 64.) He was one of the orators whose surrender was required by Alexander in B. c. 335, after the destruction of Thebes, and the only one in whose behalf he refused to recede from his demand on the mediation of Demades. Charidemus, being thus obliged to leave his country, fled to Asia, and took refuge with Dareius, by whose orders he was summarily put to death in B. c. 333, shortly before the battle of Issus, having exasperated the king by some advice, too freely given, tending to abate his confidence in his power and in the courage of his native troops. (Arr. Anab. i. 10; Plut. Dem. 23, Phoc. 17; Diod. xvii. 15, 30; Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 94.) Diodorus (xvii. 30) speaks of Charidemus as having been high in favour with Philip of Macedon; but the inconsistency of this with several of the authorities above referred to is pointed out by Wesseling. (Ad Diod. 1. c.) [E. E.] CHARIDE'MUS (Xapi'87os), a Greek physician, who was one of the followers of Erasistratus and probably lived in the third century B. c. He is mentioned by Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Acitt. iii. 15. p. 227), and was probably the father of the physician Hermogenes. [W. A. G.] CHARILA'US (XapiAaos). 1. Brother of Maeandrius, tyrant of Samos. When the Persians invaded the island, towards the commencement of the reign of Dareius Hystaspis, for the purpose of establishing Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, in the tyranny, Maeandrius submitted to them, and agreed to abdicate; but Charilails, who was somewhat crazy, obtained leave from his brother to fall with a body of soldiers on a party of the most distinguished Persians, who were sitting in front of the acropolis, and waiting for the ratification of the treaty. The consequence of this treacherous murder was a wholesale massacre of the Samians by order of the Persian general, Otanes. (Herod. iii. 144-149.) 2. An Italian Greek, one of the chief men of Palaepolis, who, together with Nymphius, betrayed the town to Q. Publilius Philo, the Roman proconsul, in the second Samnite war (B.c. 323), and drove out the Samnite garrison. (Liv.viii. 25,26.) [E. E.] CHARILA'US (Xapi'aos), a Locrian, and a dramatic poet. Whether he wrote tragedies or comedies is uncertain, nor is anything further known of him than that plays of his were represented at Athens in B. c. 328. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. ii. p. 428, ed. Harles.) [E. E.] CHARILA'US or CHARILLUS (Xaplhaos, XdptAXos), a king of Sparta, son of Polydectes, and 7th of the Eurypontids, is said by Plutarch to have received his name from the general joy excited by the justice of his uncle Lycurgus when he placed him, yet a new-born infant, on the royal seat, and bade the Spartans acknowledge him for their king. (Plut. Lyec. 3; Paus. ii. 36; Just. iii. 2; Schol. ad Plat. Rep. x. p. 474.) According to Plutarch, the reforms projected by Lycurgus on his return from his voluntary exile at first
Page 686 686 CHARIS. alarmed Charilaiis for his personal safety; but he soon became reassured, and co-operated with his uncle in the promotion of his plans. (Plut. Lye. 5:) Yet this is not very consistent with Aristotle's statement (Polit. v. 12, ed. Bekk.), that an aristocratic government was established on the ruins of the tyranny of Charilaiis, which latter account again is still less reconcileable with the assertion of Plutarch (1. c.), that the kingly power had lost all its substance when Lycurgus began to remodel the constitution. There is, however, much probability in the explanation offered as an hypothesis by Thirlwall. (Greece, vol. i. p. 299, &c.) We hear from Pausanias that Charilails was engaged successfully in a war with the Argives, which had slumbered for two generations. He aided also his colleague Archelaus in destroying the border-town of Aegys, which they suspected of an intention of revolting to the Arcadians; and he commanded the Spartans in that disastrous contest with Tegea, mentioned by Herodotus (i. 66), in which the Tegean women are said to have taken up arms and to have caused the rout of the invaders by rushing forth from an ambuscade during the heat of the battle. Charilauis himself was taken prisoner, but was dismissed without ransom on giving a promise (which he did not keep), that the Spartans should abstain in future from attacking Tegea. (Paus. iii. 2, 7, viii. 48.) For the chronology of the reign of Charilails, see Clinton. (Fast. i. p. 140, &c.) There are two passages of Herodotus, which, if we follow the common reading, are at variance with some portions of the above account; but there is good reason for suspecting in both of them a corruption of the text. (Herod. i. 65; Larch. ad loc., viii. 131; comp. Clint. Fast. i. p. 144, note b.) [E. E.] CHARIMANDER, the author of a work on Comets, quoted by Seneca. (Quaest. Nat. vii. 5.) CHARIS (Xcipts), the personification of Grace and Beauty, which the Roman poets translate by Gratia and we after them by Grace. Homer, without giving her any other name, describes a Charis as the wife of Hephaestus. (II. xviii. 382.) Hesiod (Theog. 945) calls the Charis who is the wife of Hephaestus, Aglaia, and the youngest of the Charites. (Comp. Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1148.) According to the Odyssey, on the other hand, Aphrodite was the wife of Hephaestus, from which we may infer, if not the identity of Aphrodite and Charis, at least a close connexion and resemblance in the notions entertained about the two divinities. The idea of personified grace and beauty was, as we have already seen, divided into a plurality of beings at a very early time, probably to indicate the various ways in which the beautiful is manifested in the world and adorns it. In the Iliad itself (xiv. 269) Pasithea is called one of the younger Charites, who is destined to be the wife of Sleep, and the plural Charites occurs several times in the Homeric poems. (Od. xviii. 194.) The parentage of the Charites is differently described; the most common account makes them the daughters of Zeus either by Hera, Eurynome, Eunomia, Eurydomene, Harmonia, or Lethe. (Hesiod. Theog. 907, &c.; Apollod. i. 3. ~ 1; Pind. 01. xiv. 15; Phurnut. 15; Orph. Hymn. 59. 2; Stat. Theb. ii. 286; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 982.) According to others they were the daughters of Apollo by Aegle or Euanthe (Paus. ix. 35. ~ 1), or of Dionysus by Aphrodite or Coronis. CHARIS. The Homeric poems mention only one Charis, or an indefinite number in the plural, and from the passage in which Pasithea is mentioned, it would almost seem as if the poet would intimate that he was thinking of a great number of Charites and of a division of them into classes. Hesiod distinctly mentions three Charites, whose names are Euphrosyne, Aglaia, and Thalia, and this number as well as these names subsequently became generally established, although certain places in Greece retained their ancient and established number. Thus the Spartans had only two Charites, Cleta and Phaenna, and the Athenians the same number, Auxo and Hegemone, who were worshipped there from the earliest times. Hermesianax added Peitho as a third. (Paus. ix. 35.) Sostratus (ap. Eusatih. ad Horn. p. 1665) relates that Aphrodite and the three Charites, Pasithea, Cale, and Euphrosyne, disputed about their beauty with one another, and when Teiresias awarded the prize to Cale he was changed by Aphrodite into an old woman, but Cale rewarded him with a beautiful head of hair and took him to Crete. The name Cale in this passage has led some critics to think that Homer also (II. xviii. 393) mentions the names of two Charites, Pasithea and Cale, and that cansa should accordingly be written by a capital initial. The character and nature of the Charites are sufficiently expressed by the names they bear: they were conceived as the goddesses who gave festive joy and enhanced the enjoyments of life by refinement and gentleness. Gracefulness and beauty in social intercourse are therefore attributed to them. (Horat. Carm. iii. 21, 22; Pind. 01. xiv. 7, &c.) They are mostly described as being in the service or attendance of other divinities, as real joy exists only in circles where the individual gives up his own self and makes it his main object to afford pleasure to others. The less beauty is ambitious to rule, the greater is its victory; and the less homage it demands, the more freely is it paid. These seem to be the ideas embodied in the Charites. They lend their grace and beauty to everything that delights and elevates gods and men. This notion was probably the cause of Charis being called the wife of Hephaestus, the divine artist. The most perfect works of art are thus called the works of the Charites, and the greatest artists are their favourites. The gentleness and gracefulness which they impart to man's ordinary pleasures are expressed by their moderating the exciting influence of wine (Hor. Carm. iii. 19. 15; Pind. 01. xiii. 18), and by their accompanying Aphrodite and Eros, (Hom. Od. viii. 364, xviii. 194; Paus. vi. 24. ~ 5.) They also assist Hermes and Peitho to give grace to eloquence and persuasion (Hesiod. Op. 63), and wisdom itself receives its charms from them. Poetry, however, is the art which is especially favoured by them, whence they are called iparieohArol or (pthXAlooAhror. For the same reason they are the friends of the Muses, with whom they live together in Olympus. (Hes. Theog. 64; Eurip. Here. fur. 673; Theocrit. xvi. in fin.) Poets are inspired by the Muses, but the application of their songs to the embellishment of life and the festivals of the gods are the work of the Charites. Late Roman writers describe the Charites (Gratiae) as the symbols of gratitude and benevolence, to which they were led by the meaning of the word gratia
Page 687 CHARISIUS. in their own language. (Senec. De Benef. i. 3; comp. Diod. v. 73.) The worship of the Charites was believed to have been first introduced into Boeotia by Eteoclus or Eteocles, the son of Cephissus, in the valley of that river. (Paus. ix. 35. ~ 1; Theocrit. xvi. 104; Pind. 01. xiv.) At Orchomenos and in the island of Paros a festival, the xapti'a or Xapir7j'ia, was celebrated to the Charites. (Eustath. ad Itom. p. 1843; Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 7.) At Orchomenos they were worshipped from early times in the form of rude stones, which were believed to have fallen from heaven in the time of Eteocles. (Pans. ix. 38. ~ 1; Strab. ix. p. 414.) Statues of them are mentioned in various parts of Greece, as at Sparta, on the road from Sparta to Amyclae, in Crete, at Athens, Elis, Hermione, and others. (Paus. i. 22. ~ 8, ii. 34. ~ 10, iii. 14. ~ 6, vi. 24. ~ 5.) They were often represented as the companions of other gods, such as Hera, Hermes, Eros, Dionysus, Aphrodite, the Horae, and the Muses. In the ancient statues of Apollo at Delos and Delphi, the god carried the Charites on his hand. In the early times the Charites were represented dressed, but afterwards their figures were always made naked, though even Pausanias (ix. 35. ~ 2) did not know who had introduced the custom of representing them naked. Specimens of both dressed and naked representations of the Charites are still extant. Their character is that of unsuspicious maidens in the full bloom of life, and they usually embrace one another. Their attributes differ according to the divinities upon whom they attend; as the companions of Apollo they often carry musical instruments, and as the companions of Aphrodite they carry myrtles, roses, or dice, the favourite game of youth. (Hirt, MIythol. Bilderb. ii. p. 215, &c.) [L. S.] CHAR'SIUS (Xaptfeos), a son of Lycaon, to whom tradition ascribed the foundation of Charisiae in Arcadia. (Paus. viii. 3. ~ 1; Steph. Byz. s. v.) [L. S.] CHARISIUS (Xapimcos), a Greek orator and a contemporary of Demosthenes, wrote orations for others, in which he imitated the style of Lysias. He was in his turn imitated by Hegesias. (Cic. Brut. 83.) His orations, which were extant in the time of Quintilian and Rutilius Lupus, must have been of considerable merit, as we learn from the former writer (x. i. ~ 70), that they were ascribed by some to Menander. Rutilius Lupus (i. 10, ii. 6) has given two extracts from them. (Comp. Ruhnken, ad Rutil. Lup. i. 10; Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredtsaikeit. ~ 54, n. 34.) CHARI'SIUS, a presbyter of the church of the Philadelphians in the fifth century. Shortly before the general council held at Ephesus, A. D. 431, Antonius and James, presbyters of Constantinople, and attached to the Nestorian party, came to Philadelphia with commendatory letters from Anastasius and Photius, and cunningly prevailed upon several of the clergy and laity who had just renounced the errors of the Quartodecimani (Neander, Kirchengesch. ii. 2, p. 645), to subscribe a prolix confession of faith tinctured with the Nestorian errors. But Charisius boldly withstood them, and therefore they proscribed him as a heretic from the communion of the pious. When the council assembled at Ephesus, Charisius accused before the fathers that composed it Anastasius, Photius, and James, exhibiting against them a CHARISIUS. 687 book of indictment, and the confession which they had imposed upon the deluded Philadelphians. He also presented a brief confession of his own faith, harmonizing with the Nicene creed, in order that he might clear himself from the suspicion of heresy. The time of his birth and death is unknown. He appears only in connexion with the Ephesian council, A. D. 431. The indictment which he presented to the synod, his confession of faith, a copy of the exposition of the creed as corrupted by Anastasius and Photius, the subscribings of those who were misled, and the decree of the council after hearing the case, are given in Greek and Latin in the Sacrosancta Concilia, edited by Labbe and Cossart, vol. iii. p. 673, &c., Paris, 1671, folio. See also Cave's Hisloria Literaria, pp. 327, 328, ed. Loud. 1688, fol. [S. D.] CHARISIUS, AURE'LIUS ARCA'DIUS, a Roman jurist, one of the latest in time of those whose works are cited in the Digest. Herennius Modestinus, who was living in the reign of Gordianus III., is usually considered to be the last jurist of the classical period of Roman jurisprudence. " Hic oracula jurisconsultorum obmutuere," says the celebrated Jac. Godefroi (3Manuale Juris, i. 7), " sic ut ultimum JCtorum Modestinum dicere vere liceat." For an interval of 80 or 90 years after Modestinus, no jurist appears whose works are honoured with citation in the Digest, unless Julius Aquila or Furius Anthianus belongs to that interval. The only two who can be named with certainty as posterior to Modestinus are Charisius and Hermogenianus. Of these two, the priority of date is probably, for several reasons, to be assigned to the former. It may be here mentioned, that Hermogenianus occupies the last place in the Florentine Index. Charisius cites Modestinus with applause (Dig. 50. tit. 4. s. 18. ~ 26), but his date is mote closely to be collected from Dig. 1. tit. 11. s. un. ~ 1, where he states that appeal from the sentences of the praefecti praetorio has been abolished. Now, this appeal was abolished by Constantine the Great, A. D. 331 (Cod. 7. tit. 62. s. 19), and, from the language of Charisius in Dig. 1. tit. 11, it may be inferred, that Constantine was alive at the time when that passage was written. Charisius is sometimes (e. g. Dig. 22. tit. 5. s. 1. pr.) cited in the Digest by the name " Arcadius, qui et Charisius," and by Joannes Lydus (de Magist. Pop. Rom. i. c. 14), he is cited by the name Aurelius simply. The name Charisius was not uncommon in the decline of the empire, and, when it occurs on coins, it is usually spelled Carisius, as if it were etymologically connected with Carus rather than Xdpis. The jurist, according to Panziroli (de Clar. Jur. Interpp. pp. 13, 59), was the same with the Arcadius to whom Carus, Carinus, and Numerianus directed a rescript, A. D. 283. (Cod. 9. tit. 11. s. 4.) There is a constitution of Diocletianus and Maximianus, addressed, A. D. 300-2, to Arcadius Chresimus. (Cod. 2. tit. 3. s. 27.) Panziroli would here read Charisius for Chresimus, and would also identify our Charisius with the Carisius (Vat. M. S.; vulg. lect. Charissimus), praeses of Syria, to whom was addressed (A. D. 290) an earlier constitution of the same emperors. (Cod. 9. tit. 41. s. 9.) These identifications, however, though not absolutely impossible, rest upon mere conjecture, and would require the jurist to have lived to a very advanced
Page 688 688 CHARISIUS. age. Three works of Charisius are cited in the Digest. Four extracts (Dig. 22. tit. 5. s. 1; Dig. 22. tit. 5. s. 21; Dig. 22. tit. 5. s. 25; Dig. 48. tit. 18. s. 10) are made from his Liber singularis de Testibus; one (Dig. 50. tit. 4. s. 18) from his Liber singularis de Muneribus civilibus; and one (Dig. 1. tit. 1. s. un.) from his Liber singularis de Officio Praefecti praetorio. In the inscription prefixed to the latter passage (Dig. 1. tit. 11. s. un.), he is styled magister libellorum, and Cujas (Obss. vii. 2), probably suspecting that he held office under Constantine, conjectures that he was a Christian. For this conjecture, however, there is no sufficient ground, for, as Ritter has remarked (ad Heineccii Historiam Jur. Roem. ~ 358), even under Valentinianus the younger, Rome was still for the most part pagan, and men, the most addicted to paganism, held the highest dignities even in the imperial household. Both the matter and the language of the extracts from Charisius in the Digest mark the declining age of jurisprudence and Latinity. The matter betrays the mere compiler. The language is disfigured by barbarisms, e. g. participales, regimenturn, incucabile, munus caenelasiae. (Jac. Godefroi, ad Cod. Theodos. 11. tit. 30. s. 16; Guil. Grot. Vitae Jurisc. ii. 11; Chr. Rau, de A ur. Arc. C/iarisio. Vet. Jurise., 4to, Lips. 1773; Zimmern, R. R. G. i. ~ 104.) [J. T. G.] CHARI'SIUS, FLA'VIUS SOSI'PATER, a Latin grammarian, author of a treatise in five books, drawn up for the use of his son, entitled Institutiones Graznmmaticae, which has come down to us in a very imperfect state, a considerable portion of the first and fifth books being entirely wanting, as we at once discover by comparing the table of contents presented in the prooemium with what actually remains. It is a careful compilation from preceding writers upon the same subject, such as Flavius Caper, Velius Longus, Terentius Scanrus, and above all Comminianus and Julius Romanus, from whom whole chapters are cited, and is particularly valuable on account of the number of quotations, apparently very accurate, from lost works. We can detect a close correspondence with many passages in the Ars Grammatica of Diomedes, but Charisius is so scrupulous in referring to his authorities, that we are led to conclude, since he makes no mention of Diomedes, that the latter was the borrower. Comminianus is known to have flourished after Donatus and before Servius [COMMlINIANUS], therefore Charisius, being mentioned by Priscian, must belong to some period between the middle of the fourth and the end of the fifth centuries. Osann, who has investigated this question with great care, decides that he ought to be placed about the year A. D. 400, in which case he probably enjoyed the advantage of consulting the great libraries of the metropolis, before they were pillaged by the Goths. We gather from his own words that he was a native of Campania, in religion a Christian, by profession a grammarian, following his occupation at Rome. The Editio Princeps of Charisius was published by J. Pierius Cyminius, a pupil of Janus Parrhasius, who first discovered the work, at Naples, fol. 1532; the second, superintended by G. Fabricius Chemnicensis, was printed by Frobenius at Basle, 8vo., 1551, and contains many corrections and improvements, but likewise many interpolations, since the editor was not assisted by any MS.; CHARITON. the third, included in the " Grammaticae Latin Auctores Antiqui," of Putschius, Hanov. 4to. 1605, professes to be far more complete and accurate than the preceding, in consequence of the additional matter and various readings obtained from an excellent codex, the property of Janus Douza, of which, however, no detailed account is given, and of which no trace now remains. Niebuhr had paved the way for a new edition by collating and making extracts from the Neapolitan MS. originally employed by Cyminius, which affords means for greatly purifying and enlarging the text. These materials were promised by Niebuhr to Lindemann, who, however, in consequence of the death of his friend and the destruction of a portion of his papers by fire, succeeded in obtaining only a copy of Putschius with the various readings of the Neapolitan MS. marked on the margin. These are given in the edition of Charisius, which forms the first part of the fourth volume of the " Corpus Grammaticorum Latinorum Veterum," Lips. 4to. 1840. (Funccius, De inerli ac decrepita Linguae Latinae Senectute, c. iv. ~ 11; Osann, Beitriiye zur Griech. und IRom. Litteraturgesclh. vol. ii. p. 319; Lersch, Die Sprachphilosophie der Alten, vol. i. p. 163.) [W. R.] CHA'RITES. [CHARIS.] CHA'RITON (Xapirwv) of Aphrodisias, a town of Caria, is the name by which one of the Greek erotic prose writers calls himself; but the name is probably feigned (from ydpts and 'Appo1trl), as the time and position of the author certainly are. He represents himself as the secretary (vtroypapevis) of the orator Athenagoras, evidently referring to the Syracusan orator mentioned by Thucydides (vi. 35, 36) as the political opponent of Hermocrates. The daughter of Hermocrates is the heroine of Chariton's work, which is a romance, in eight books, on the Loves of Chaereas and CallirrhoU, under the following title, Xapiurwos 'Ap)po((rfews rcvy 7repl Xacupav Kal KaXip3poij V EpwreTav tisy-ojpTccrwv 6o'yoi si. The work begins with the marriage of the heroine, which is presently followed by her burial. She comes to life again in the tomb, and is carried off by robbers. After various adventures, she is restored to Chaereas. The incidents are natural and pleasing, and the style simple; but the work as a whole is reckoned inferior to those of Achilles Tatius, Heliodorus, Longus, and Xenophon of Ephesus. Nothing is known respecting the real life or the time of the author. The critics place him variously between the fifth and ninth centuries after Christ. The general opinion is, that he was the latest of the erotic prose writers, except perhaps Xenophon of Ephesus. There is only one known MS. of the work, from which it was printed by James Philip D'Orville, with a Latin version and notes by Reiske, in 3 vols. 4to. Amst. 1750. The commentary of D'Orville is esteemed one of the best on any ancient author. It was reprinted, with additional notes by Beck, 1 vol. 8vo. Lips. 1783. A very beautiful edition of the text was printed at Venice, 1812, 4to. The book has been translated into German by Heyne, Leipz. 1753, and Schneider, Leipz. 1807; into French by Larcher, Par. 1763 (reprinted in the Bibliothhque des Romans Grecs, Par. 1797). and Fallet, 1775 and 1784; into Italian by M. A. Giacomelli, Rom. 1752, and others; into English by Becket and de Hondt, 1764. [P. S.]
Page 689 CHARMI DES. CH A'RITON (Xairwv), an oculist, who lived m or before the second century after Christ, as one of his medical formulae is quoted by Galen (De Antid. ii. 13. vol. xiv. p. 180), and also by Aetius (iv. 1, 18, p. 620). He is also mentioned in an ancient Latin inscription, which is explained at length by C. G. Kiihn, in his Index Medicorum Ocidariorem inter Graecos Romanosque, Lips. 1829, 4to., fasc. ii. p. 3, &c. See also Kiuhn's Additam. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a J. A. Fabricio, ic. e.xhibitum, Lips. 1826, 4to., fasc. iv. [W. A. G.] CHARI'XENA (Xapiý'va), a lyric poetess, mentioned by Eustathius, who calls her roi'nrpla Krpovud'rwv. (Ad Iliad. ' 711.) Aristophanes alludes to her in a passage which the Scholiast and lexicographers explain as a proverbial expression implying that she was " silly and foolish." (Ecclesiaz. 943; Suidas, s. v.; Etymol. Mag. and Hesychius, s. v. Erl Xapi vti]s.) She is said to have been also a flute-player, and an erotic poetess. (Etym.Al Mg. and Hesych. 1. c.) Nothing is known of her time or country. The reference to her as an erotic poetess has been understood as indicating that she belonged to the Aeolic lyric school; and the words of Hesychius (ipxaia o3vra) perhaps imply that she lived at a very early period. [P. S.] CHARI'XENUS (Xaplevos) or CHARI'XENES (XapiýEivs), a physician, who probably lived in the first century after Christ, as he is mentioned by Asclepiades Pharmacion. Several of his medical formulae have been preserved by Galen and Aetius. (Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. iii. 3, v. 3, vii. 2, 4, 5, vol. xii. pp. 685, 829, xiii. pp. 48, 49, 50, 82, 102; Aet. De iMed. ii. 4, 52, p. 406.) [W. A. G.] CHA'RMADAS, philosopher. [CHARMIDES.] CHA'RMIDES (Xapgidns). 1. An Athenian, son of Glaucon, was cousin to Critias and uncle by the mother's side to Plato, who introduces him in the dialogue which bears his name as a very young man at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war. (Comp. Heind. ad Plat. Charm. p. 154, and the authorities there referred to.) In the same dialogue he is represented as a very amiable youth and of surpassing beauty, and he appears again in the "Protagoras" at the house of Callias, son of Hipponicus. [See p. 567, b.] We learn from Xenophon, that he was a great favourite with Socrates, and was possessed of more than ordinary ability, though his excessive diffidence deprived his country of the services which he might have rendered her as a statesman. In n. c. 404 he was one of the Ten who were appointed, over and above the thirty tyrants, to the special government of the Peiraeeus, and he was slain fighting against Thrasybillus at the battle of Munychia in the same year. (Xen. Mesm. iii. 6, 7, Hell. ii. 4. ~ 19; Schneid. ad loc.) 2. Called also Charmadas by Cicero, a disciple of Cleitomachus the Carthaginian, and a friend and companion (as he had been the fellow-pupil) of Philo of Larissa, in conjunction with whom he is said by some to have been the founder of a fourth Academy. He flourished, therefore, towards the end of the second and at the commencement of the first century B. c. Cicero, writing in B. c. 45, speaks of him as recently dead. (Tusc. Disp. i. 24.) On the same authority we learn, that he was remarkable for his eloquence and for the great compass and retentiveness of his memory. His philosophical opinions were doubtless coincident with CHARON. 689 those of Pc1uLo. (Cic. Acad. Quaesi. iv. 6, Orat. 16, de Orat. ii. 88; Plin. H. N. vii. 24; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 167, and the authorities there referred to.) [E. E.] CHARMI'NUS (Xapyuvos), an Athenian general, who is first mentioned by Thucydides as coming to Samos in B. c. 412. Samos was at this time the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet, and the force there amounted to upwards of 100 ships, of which 30 were detached to besiege Chios, while the rest (and with them Charminus) remained to watch the Spartan fleet under the high-admiral Astyochus at Miletus. He was detached a very short time afterwards with twenty vessels to the coast of Lycia, to look out for the Spartan fleet conveying the deputies who were to examine the complaints made against Astyochus. On this service he fell in with Astyochus, who was himself on the look-out to convoy his countrymen. Charminus was defeated, and lost six ships, but escaped with the rest to Halicarnassus. We afterwards find him assisting the oligarchical party at Samos in the ineffectual attempt at a revolution. (Thuc. viii. 30, 41, 42, 73; Aristoph. Thesnmoph. 804.) [A.H.C.] CHARMI'N US, a Lacedaemonian, was sent by Thibron, the Spartan harmost in Asia, to the Cyrean Greeks, then at Selymbria and in the service of Seuthes, to induce them to enter the Lacedemonian service against Persia, B. c. 399. (Xen. Anab. vii. 6. ~ 1, &c., Hell. iii. 1. ~ 6; Diod. xiv. 37.) On this occasion he defended Xenophon from the i!putation thrown out against him by some of the Cyreans, of treacherous collusion with Seuthes to defraud them of their pay, and he also aided them in obtaining what was due to them from the Thracian prince. A great portion of this consisted in cattle and slaves, and the sale of these and the distribution of the proceeds was undertaken, at Xenophon's request, by Charminus and his colleague, Polynicus, who incurred much odium in the management of the transaction. (Xen. Anab. vii. 6. ~ 39, 7. ~~ 13-19, 56.) [E. E.] CHARMIS (Xedpgs), a physician of Marseilles, who came to Rome in the reign of Nero, A. D. 54 -68, where he acquired great fame and wealth by reviving the practice of cold bathing. (Plin. H. N. xxix. 5.) He is said to have received from one patient two hundred thousand sesterces, or 15621. 10s. (Plin. H. N. xxix. 8.) He was also the inventor of an antidote which was versified by Damocrates, and is preserved by Galen. (De Antid. ii. 1, 4, vol. xiv. pp. 114, 126.) [W.A. G.] CHAROE'ADES (Xapoidhrs), called Chariades by Justin (iv. 3), was joined in command with Laches in the earliest expedition sent from Athens to Sicily (a. c. 427), and was killed soon afterwards. (Thuc. iii. 86, 90; Diod. xii. 54.) [A. H. C.) CHARON (Xdpwv), a son of Erebos, the aged and dirty ferryman in the lower world, who conveyed in his boat the shades of the dead-though only of those whose bodies were buried-across the rivers of the lower world. (Virg. Aen. vi. 295, &c.; Senec. Here. fur. 764.) For this service he was paid by each shade with an obolus or danace, which coin was placed in the mouth of every dead body previous to its burial. This notion of Charon seems to be of late origin, for it does not occur in any of the early poets of Greece. (Paus. x. 28. ~ 1; Juven. iii. 267; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1666.) Charon was represented in the Lesche of Delphi by Polygnotus. [L. S.] 2 v
Page 690 690 CHARONDAS. CHARON (Xdpwv), a distinguished Theban, who exposed himself to much danger by concealing Pelopidas and his fellow-conspirators in his house, when they returned to Thebes with the view of delivering it from the Spartans and the oligarchical government, B. c. 379. Charon himself took an active part in the enterprise, and, after its success, was made Boeotarch together with Pelopidas and Mellon. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~ 3; Plut. Pelop. 7-13, de Gen. Soc. passim.) [E. E.] CHARON (Xdpwv), literary. 1. A historian of Lampsacus, is mentioned by Tertullian (de Anim. 46) as prior to Herodotus, and is said by Suidas (s. v.) according to the common reading, to have flourished (7yevoY/'eos) in the time of Dareius Hystaspis, in the 79th Olympiad (B. c. 464); but, as Dareius died in B. c. 485, it has been proposed to read 40' for oO' in Suidas, thus placing the date of Charon in 01. 69 or B. c. 504. He lived, however, as late as B. c. 464, for he is referred to by Plutarch ( Them. 27) as mentioning the flight of Themistocles to Asia in n. c. 465. We find the following list of his works in Suidas: 1. AO0iosrsid. 2. I6epouLad. 3. 'EAA,uca. 4. HIepI Aatukicou. 5. ALvifvd. 6. "OpoL AnaaKtnqvv, a work quoted by Athenaeus (xi. p. 475, c.), where Schweighaeuser proposes to substitute Spot (comp. Diod. i. 26), thus making its subject to be the annals of Lampsacus. 7. npuTraives s) "ApXovres o 'rTSv AaIrSKaiovoiWV, a chronological work. 8. K7oeLs 7ro'Acwv. 9. KpTLKId. 10. I-spirAovs 6 EaCTOs TW 'HpaIcAEihw o r0-T wv. The fragments of Charon, together with those of Hecataeus and Xanthus, have been published by Creuzer, Heidelberg, 1806, and by Car. and Th. Miiller, Fragm. Histor. Graec. Paris, 1841. Besides the references above given, comp. Plut. de Mul. Virt. s. v. Aap-sarbn; Strab. xiii. p. 583; Paus. x. 38; Athen. xii. p. 520, d.; Ael. V.H. i. 15; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 2, 479; Voss. de Hist. Graec. b. i. c. 1; Clint. Fast. sub annis 504, 464. 2. Of Carthage, wrote an account of all the tyrants of Europe and Asia, and also the lives of illustrious men and women. (Suid. s. v.; Voss. de Hist. Graec. p. 415, ed. Westermann.) 3. Of Naucratis, was the author of a history of the Alexandrian and Egyptian priests, and of the events which occurred under each; likewise of a treatise on Naucratis, and other works. (Suid.s.v.) The Charon who was a friend of Apollonius Rhodius, and wrote a historical commentary on his Argonautica, has been identified by some with the historian of Naucratis, by others with the Carthaginian. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. b. iii. c. 21; Voss. de Hist. Graec. pp. 20, 138, 144, 415, ed. Westermann; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1054.) [E. E.] CHARONDAS (Xapdvas), a lawgiver of Catana, who legislated for his own and the other cities of Chalcidian origin in Sicily and Italy. (Aristot. Polit. ii. 10.) Now, these were Zancle, Naxos, Leontini, Euboea, Mylae, Himera, Callipolis, and Rhegium. He must have lived before the time of Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium, i. e. before B. c. 494, for the Rhegians used the laws of Charondas till they were abolished by Anaxilaus, who, after a reign of eighteen years, died B. c. 476. These facts sufficiently refute the common account of Charondas, as given by Diodorus (xii. 12): viz. that after Thurii was founded by the people of the ruined city of Sybaris, the colonists chose Charondas, "the best of their fellow-citizens," to draw up a code of laws for their use. For Thurii, as we CHAROPS. have seen, is not included among the Chalcidian cities, and the date of its foundation is B. c. 443. It is also demonstrated by Bentley (Phalaris, p. 367, &c.), that the laws which Diodorus gives as those drawn up by Charondas for the Thurians were in reality not his. For Aristotle (Polit. iv. 12) tells us, that his laws were adapted to an aristocracy, whereas in Diodorus we constantly find him ordering appeals to the 8Jacos, and the constitution of Thurii is expressly called 7roxiLrvega. 8s/pospariKo'v. Again, we learn from a happy correction made by Bentley in a corrupt passage of the Politics (ii. 12), that the only peculiarity in the laws of Charondas was that he first introduced the power of prosecuting false witnesses (iriososmks). But it is quite certain that this was in force at Athens long before the existence of Thurii, and therefore that Charondas, as its author, also lived before the foundation of that city. Lastly, we are told by Diogenes Labrtius, that Protagoras was the lawgiver of Thurii. (See Wesseling's note on Diodorus, 1. c., where Bentley's arguments are summed up with great clearness.) Diodorus ends the account of his pseudo-Charondas by the story, that he one day forgot to lay aside his sword 'before he appeared in the assembly, thereby violating one of his own laws. On being reminded of this by a citizen, he exclaimed, pd A?' d,\ad espto ip ronjoo-w, and immediately stabbed himself. This anecdote is also told of Diocles of Syracuse, and of Zaleucus, though Valerius Maximus (vi. ~ 5) agrees with Diodorus in attributing it to Charondas. The story that Charondas was a Pythagorean, is probably an instance of the practice which arose in later times of calling every distinguished lawgiver a disciple of Pythagoras, which title was even conferred on Numa Pompilius. (Comp. lamblich. Vit. Pythag. c. 7.) Among several pretended laws of Charondas preserved by Stobaeus, there is one probably authentic, since it is found in a fragment of Theophrastus. (Stob. Serm. 48.) This enacts, that all buying and selling is to be transacted with ready money, and that the government is to provide no remedy for those who lose their money by giving credit. The same ordinance will be found in Plato's Laws. The laws of Charondas were probably in verse. (Athen. xiv. p. 619.) The fragments of the laws of Charondas are given in Heyne's Opuscula, vol. ii. p. 74, &c. [G. E. L. C.] CHAROPS (Xapo',), bright-eyed or joyfullooking, a surname of Heracles, under which he had a statue near mount Laphystion on the spot where he was believed to have brought forth Cerberus from the lower world. (Paus. ix. 34. ~ 4.) There are also two mythical beings of this name. (Hornm. Od. xi. 427; Hornm. Hymn. in Mere. 194; Hygin. Fab. 181.) [L. S.] CHAROPS (Xapo*4). 1. A chief among the Epeirots, who sided with the Romans in their war with Philip V., and, by sending a shepherd to guide a portion of the Roman army over the heights above the position of the Macedonians, enabled Flamininus to dislodge Philip from the defile which he had occupied in Epeirus, B. c. 198. (Polyb. xvii. 3, xviii. 6, xxvii. 13; Liv. xxxii. 6, 11; Plut. Flam. 4.) In B. c. 192, Charops was sent by his countrymen on an embassy to Antiochus the Great, who was wintering at Chalcis in Euboea. He represented to the king that the Epeirots were more exposed to the attacks of the Romans than any of the inhabitants of the rest of
Page 691 CHEILON. Greece, and begged him therefore to excuse them from siding with him unless he felt himself strong enough to protect them. (Polyb. xx. 3.) He continued to the end of his life to cultivate the friendship of the Romans, and sent his grandson to Rome for education. (Polyb. xxvii. 13.) [E. E.] 2. A grandson of the above. He received his education at Rome, and after his return to his own country adhered to the Roman cause; but here ends all resemblance between himself and his grandfather, who is called cadios Kdyados by Polybius. (xxvii. 13.) It was this younger Charops by whose calumnies Antinous and Cephalus were driven in self-defence to take the side of Perseus [ANTINOUS]; and he was again one of those who flocked from the several states of Greece to Aemilius Paullus at Amphipolis, in B. c.167, to congratulate him on the decisive victory at Pydna in the preceding year, and who seized the opportunity to rid themselves of the most formidable of their political opponents by pointing them out as friends of Macedonia, and so causing them to be apprehended and sent to Rome. (Polyb. xxx. 10; Liv. xlv. 31; Diod. Exc. p. 578; see p. 569, b.) The power thus obtained Charops in particular so barbarously abused, that Polybius has recorded his belief " that there never had been before and never would be again a greater monster of cruelty." But even his cruelty did not surpass his rapacity and extortion, in which he was fully aided and seconded by his mother, Philotis. (Diod. Exc. p. 587.) His proceedings, however, were discountenanced at Rome, and when he went thither to obtain the senate's confirmation of his iniquity, he not only received from them an unfavourable and threatening answer, but the chief men of the state, and Aemilius Paullus among the number, refused to receive him into their houses. Yet on his return to Epeirus he had the audacity to falsify the senate's sentence. The year 157 B. c. is commemorated by Polybius as one in which Greece was purged of many of her plagues: as an instance of this, he mentions the death of Charops at Brundisium. (Polyb. xxx. 14, xxxi. 8, xxxii. 21, 22.) Both this man and his grandfather are called " Charopus" by Livy. [E. E.] CHARO'PUS. [CHAROPS.] CHARTAS (Xapvas) and SYADRAS (ZvdSpas), statuaries at Sparta, were the teachers of Eucheirus of Corinth, and he of Clearchus of Rhegium, and he of the great statuary Pythagoras of Rhegium. (Paus. vi. 4. ~ 2.) Hence it is calculated that Chartas and Syadras flourished about 540 B. c., a little before which time the Spartans sent to Croesus a crater of bronze ornamented with figures. (Herod. i. 70.) [P. S.] CHARYBDIS. [SCYLLA.] CHEILON or CHILON (XeiAwv, Xi'Xv). 1. Of Lacedaemon, son of Damagetus, and one of the Seven Sages, flourished towards the commencement of the 6th century B. c. Herodotus (i. 59) speaks of him as contemporary with Hippocrates, the father of Peisistratus, and Diogenes LaSrtius tells us, that he was an old man in the 52nd Olympiad (B. c. 572), and held the office of Ephor Eponymus ip 01. 56. (a. c. 556.) In the same author there is a passage which appears to ascribe to Cheilon the institution of the Ephoralty, but this contradicts the other well known and more authentic traditions. On the authority also of Alcidamas the rhetorician (ap. Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. CHEIRISOPHUS. 69O S11) we learn, that he was a member of the Spartan senate. It is said that he died of joy when his son gained the prize for boxing at the Olympic games, and that his funeral was attended by all the Greeks assembled at the festival. Such a token of respect seems to have been due not more to his wisdom than to the purity of his life, which, according to Diodorus, was not inconsistent with his doctrine. (Comp. Gell. i. 3.) Diogenes Laertius mentions him as a writer of Elegiac poems, and records many sayings of his which shew that even at Sparta he may well have been remarkable for his sententious brevity, and several of which breathe also in other respects a truly Spartan spirit. Witness especially his denunciation of the use of gesture in speaking,-Aeyovra LY) KiLVcei r1iv xeLpa' a/vwLKYv ydp. The distinguishing excellence of man he considered to be sagacity of judgment in divining the future,-a quality which he himself remarkably exemplified in his foreboding, afterwards realized, of the evils to which Sparta might at any time be exposed from Cythera. (Diog. Laert. i. 68-73; Menag. ad loc.; Plat. Protag. p. 343; Plut. de El ap. Delph. 3; Ael. V.1H1. iii. 17; Perizon. ad loc.; Plin. H. N. vii. 32; Diod. Exc. de Virt. et Vit. p. 552, ed. Wess; Arist. RMet. ii. 12. ~ 14; Herod. vii. 235; comp. Thuc. iv. 53; Arnold, ad loc.) 2. A Spartan of the royal house of the Eurypontids. On the death of Cleomenes III. in B. c. 220, his claim to the throne was disregarded, and the election fell on one Lycurgus, who was not a Heracleid. Cheilon was so indignant at this, that he devised a revolution, holding out to the people the hope of a division of landed property-a plan which Agis IV. and Cleomenes III. had successively failed to realize. Being joined by about 200 adherents, he surprised the ephori at supper, and murdered them. Lycurgus, however, whose house he next attacked, effected his escape, and Cheilon, having in vain endeavoured to rouse the people in his cause, was compelled to take refuge in Achaia. (Polyb. iv. 35, 81.) [E. E.] CHEILO'NIS (XeiAwvis). 1. Daughter of Cheilon of Lacedaemon, is mentioned by lamblichus (de Vit. Pyth. 36, ad fin.) as one of the most distinguished women of the school of Pythagoras. 2. Daughter of Leonidas II., king of Sparta, and wife to Cleombrotus II. When Leonidas, alarmed at the prosecution instituted against him by Lysander [AGIs IV.], took refuge in the temple of Athena Chalcioecus, Cheilonis left her husband, who was made king on the deposition of Leonidas, and, preferring to comfort her father in his adversity, accompanied him in his flight to Tegea. Afterwards, wvhen Leonidas was restored, and Cleombrotus in his turn 1was driven to take refuge in the temple of Poseidon, Cheilonis joined him in his altered fortunes, saved his life by her entreaties from her father's vengeance, and, again refusing to share the splendour of a throne, went with him into banishment; " so that, had not Cleombrotus," says Plutarch, " been spoilt by vain ambition, his wife's love would have made him deem his exile a more blessed lot than the kingdom which he lost." (Plut. Agis, 11, 12, 16-18.) [E. E.] CHEIRPSOPHUS (XeipLioopos), a Lacedaemonian, was sent by the Ephors with 700 heavyarmed men (800 according to Diodorus), to aid Cyrus in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, B. c. 401, and joined the prince on his 2Y2
Page 692 692 CHEIRISOPHUS. march at Issus in Cilicia. (Diod. xiv 19, 21; Xen. Anab. i. 4. ~ 3.) After the battle of Cunaxa, Clearchus sent him with others to Ariaeus to make an offer, which however was declined, of placing him on the Persian throne [p. 283, b.]. After the arrest of Clearchus and the other generals, through the treachery of Tissaphernes, Cheirisophus took an active part in encouraging the troops and in otherwise providing for the emergency, and, on the motion of Xenophon, was appointed, as being a Lacedaemonian, to lead the van of the retreating army. In this post we find him subsequently acting throughout the retreat, and cordially cooperating with Xenophon. In fact it was only once that any difference arose between them, and that was caused by Cheirisophus having struck, in a fit of angry suspicion, an Armenian who was guiding them, and who left them in consequence of the indignity. (Diod. xiv. 27; Xen. Anab. iii. 2. ~ 33, &c., 3. ~~ 3, 11, 4. ~~ 38-43, 5. ~~ 1-6, iv. 1. ~~ 6, 15-22, 2. ~ 23, &c., iii. ~~ 8, 25, &c., 6. ~~ 1-3.) When the Greeks had arrived at Trapezus on the Euxine, Cheirisophus volunteered to go to his friend Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral at Byzantium, to obtain a sufficient number of ships to transport them to Europe; but he was not successful in his application. (Diod. xiv. 30, 31; Xen. Anab. v. 1. ~ 4, vi. 1. ~ 16.) On his return to the army, which he found at Sinope, he was chosen commander-in-chief, Xenophon having declined for himself the proffered honour on the express ground of the prior claim of a Lacedaemonian. (Anab. vi. 1. ~~ 18-33.) Cheirisophus, however, was'unable to enforce submission to his authority, or to restrain the Arcadian and Achaean soldiers from their profligate attempt to plunder the hospitable Heracleots; and, on the sixth or seventh day from his election, these troops, who formed more than half the army, separated themselves from the rest, and departed by sea under ten generals whom they had appointed. Xenophon then offered to continue the march with the remainder of the forces, under the command of Cheirisophus, but the latter declined the proposal by the advice of Neon, who hoped to find vessels at Calpe furnished by Cleander, the Spartan Harmost at Byzantium, and wished to reserve them exclusively for their own portion of the army. With the small division yet under his command, Cheirisophus arrived safely at Calpe, where he died from the effects of a medicine which he had taken for a fever. (Xen. Anab. vi. 2. 4, 4. ~ 11.) [EE.. CHEIRI'SOPHUS (X ipfo'opos), a statuary in wood and probably in stone. A gilt wooden statue of Apollo Agyieus, made by him, stood at Tegea, and near it was a statue in stone of the artist himself, which was most probably also his own work. (Paus. viii. 53. ~ 3.) Pausanias knew nothing of his age or of his teacher; but from the way in which he mentions him in connexion with the Cretan school of Daedalus, and from his working both in wood and stone, he is probably to be placed with the latest of the Daedalian sculptors, such as Dipoenus and Scyllis (about B. c. 566). B6ckh considers the erection by the artist of his own statue as an indication of a later date (Corp. Inscrip. i. p. 19); but his arguments are satisfactorily answered by Thiersch, who also shews that the reply of Hermann to Bbckh, that Pausanias does not say that Cheirisophus made his own CHEIRON. statue, is not satisfactory. (Epochen, pp. 137-- 139.) Thiersch has also observed, that the name of Cheirisophus, like many other names of the early artists, is significant of skill in art (Xip, roo(ps). Other names of the same kind are, Daedalus (AaciSaos) the son of Eupalamus (EdTrdAapJuos), Eucheir (E'XEIp), Chersiphron (XEGippov'), and others. Now, granting that Daedalus is nothing more than a mythological personage, and that his name was merely symbolical, there can be no doubt that others of these artists really existed and bore these names, which were probably given to them in their infancy because they belonged to families in which art was hereditary. Thiersch quotes a parallel case in the names taken from navigation among the maritime people of Phaeacia. (Hoom. Od. viii. 112, &c.) Pausanias mentions also two shrines of Dionysus, an altar of Cora, and a temple of Apollo, but the way in which he speaks leaves it doubtful whether Cheirisophus erected these, as well as the statue of Apollo, or only the statue. [P. S.] CHEIRON (Xeipwc), the wisest and justest of all the centaurs. (Hom. I. xi. 831.) He was the instructor of Achilles, whose father Peleus was a friend and relative of Cheiron, and received at his wedding with Thetis the heavy lance which was subsequently used by Achilles. (II. xvi. 143, xix. 390.) According to Apollodorus (i. 2. ~ 4), Cheiron was the son of Cronus and Philyra. He lived on mount Pelion, from which he, like the other centaurs, was expelled by the Lapithae; but sacrifices were offered to him there by the Magnesians until a very late period, and the family of the Cheironidae in that neighbourhood, who were distinguished for their knowledge of medicine, were regarded as his descendants. (Plut. Sympos. iii. 1; Miller, Orchom. p. 249.) Cheiron himself had been instructed by Apollo and Artemis, and was renowned for his skill in hunting, medicine, music, gymnastics, and the art of prophecy. (Xen. Cyney. 1; Philostr. Her. 9, Icon. ii. 2; Pind. Pyth. ix. 65.) All the most distinguished heroes of Grecian story are, like Achilles, described as the pupils of Cheiron in these arts. His friendship with Peleus, who was his grandson, is particularly celebrated. Cheiron saved him from the hands of the other centaurs, who were on the point of killing him, and he also restored to him the sword which Acastus had concealed. (Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 3, &c.) Cheiron further informed him in what manner he might gain possession of Thetis, who was doomed to marry a mortal. He is also connected with the story of the Argonauts, whom he received kindly when they came to his residence on their voyage, for many of the heroes were his friends and pupils. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 554; Orph. Argon. 375, &c.) Heracles too was connected with him by friendship; but one of the poisoned arrows of this hero was nevertheless the cause of his death, for during his struggle with the Erymanthian boar, Heracles became involved in a fight with the centaurs, who fled to Cheiron, in the neighbourhood of Malea. Heracles shot at them, and one of his arrows struck Cheiron, who, although immortal, would not live any longer, and gave his immortality to Prometheus.- According to others, Cheiron, in looking at one of the arrows, dropped it on his foot, and wounded himself. (Ovid. Fast. v. 397; Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 38.) Zeus placed Cheiron among the stars. He had been married to Nais or Chu
Page 693 CHERA. rieo, and his daughter Endeis was the mother of Peleus. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 6.) Cheiron is the noblest specimen of a combination of the human and animal forms in the ancient works of art; for while the centaurs generally express the sensual and savage features of a man combined with the strength and swiftness of a horse, Cheiron, who possesses the latter likewise, combines with it a mild wisdom. He was represented on the Amyclaean throne of Apollo, and on the chest of Cypselus. (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 7, v. 19. ~ 2.) Some representations of him are still extant, in which young Achilles or Erotes are riding on his back. (iMus. Pio-Clement. i. 52; B3ttiger, Vasengemlilde, iii. p. 144, &c.) [L. S.] CHE'LIDON, the mistress of C. Verres, who is said by Cicero to have given all his decisions during his city praetorship (B. c. 74) in accordance with her wishes. She died two years afterwards, when Verres was propraetor in Sicily, leaving him her heir. She is called by the Pseudo-Asconius a plebeian female client of Verres. (Cic. Verr. i. 40, 52, v. 13, 15, ii. 47, iv. 32; Pseudo-Ascon. p. 193; Schol. Vatic. p. 376, ed. Orelli.) CHELIDONIS (XEXtovis), a Spartan woman of great beauty and royal blood, daughter of Leotychides. She married Cleonymus, who was much older than herself, and to whom she proved unfaithful in consequence of a passion for Acrotatus, son of Areus I. It was partly on account of this injury that Cleonymus, offended also by his exclusion from the throne, invited Pyrrhus to attempt the conquest of Sparta in B. c. 272. Chelidonis, alarmed for the result, was prepared to put an end to her own life rather than fall into her husband's hands; but Pyrrhus was beaten off from the city, chiefly through the valour of Acrotatus. If we may trust the account of Plutarch, the Spartans generally of both sexes exhibited more sympathy with the lovers than indignation at their guilt,-- a proof of the corruption of manners, which Phylarchus (ap. Athen. iv. p. 142, b.) ascribes principally to Acrotatus and his father. (Plut. Pyrrk. 26 -28.) [E. E.] CHELO'NE (XFeA)t), the tortoise. When all the gods, men, and animals were invited by Hermes to attend the wedding of Zeus and Hera, the nymph Chelone alone remained at home, to shew her disregard of the solemnity. But Hermes then descended from Olympus, threw Chelone's house, which stood on the bank of a river, together with the nymph, into the water, and changed her into a tortoise, who had henceforth to carry her house on her back. (Serv. ad Aen. i. 509.) [L. S.] CHEOPS (Xeos), an early king of Egypt, godless and tyrannical, who, according to Herodotus and Diodorus, reigned for fifty years, and built the first and largest pyramid by the compulsory labour of his subjects. Diodorus calls him Chembes or Chemmis. His account agrees with that of Herodotus, except that he supposes seven generations to have intervened between Remphis or Rhampsinitus and Cheops. (Herod. ii. 124-127; Larcher, ad loc.; Diod. i. 63.) [CEPHREN.] [E. E.] CHEPHREN. [CEPHREN.] CHERA (Xfipa), a surname of Hera, which was believed to have been given her by Temenus, the son of Pelasgus. He had brought up Hera, and erected to her at Old Stymphalus three sanctuaries under three different names. To Hera, as a maiden previous to her marriage, he dedicated one in which CHERSIPHRON. 693 she was called Trale; to her as the wife of Zeus, a second in which she bore the name of rEAEsa; and a third in which she was worshipped as the xipa, the widow, alluding to her separation from Zeus. (Paus. viii. 22. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CHE'RSIPHRON (Xepo-Iqipt), or, as the name is written in Vitruvius and one passage of Pliny, CTESIPHON, an architect of Cnossus in Crete, in conjunction with his son Metagenes, built or commenced building the great temple of Artemis at Ephesus. The worship of Artemis was most probably established at Ephesus before the time of the Ionian colonization [ARTEMIS, p. 376, a.]; and it would seem, that there was already at that distant period some temple to the goddess. (Paus. vii. 2. ~ 4.) We are not told what had become of this temple, when, about the beginning of the 6th century B. c., the Ionian Greeks undertook the erection of a new temple, which was intended for the centre of their national worship, like the temple of Hera at Samos, which was built about the same time by the Dorian colonies. The preparation of the foundations was commenced about B. c. 600. To guard against earthquakes, a marsh was chosen for the site of the temple, and the ground was made firm by layers of charcoal rammed down, over which were laid fleeces of wool. This contrivance was suggested by Theodorus of Samos. [THEODORUS.] The work proceeded very slowly. The erection of the columns did not take place till about 40 years later. (B. c. 560.) This date is fixed by the statement of Herodotus (i. 92), that most of the pillars were presented by Croesus. This therefore is the date of Chersiphron, since it is to him and to his son Metagenes that the ancient writers attribute the erection of the pillars and the architrave. Of course the plan could not be extended after the erection of the pillars; and therefore, when Strabo (xiv. p. 640) says, that the temple was enlarged by another architect, he probably refers to the building of the courts round it. It was finally completed by Demetrius and Paeonius of Ephesus, about 220 years after the foundations were laid; but it was shortly afterwards burnt down by HEROSTRATUS on the same night in which Alexander the Great was born, B. c. 356. It was rebuilt with greater magnificence by the contributions of all the states of Asia Minor. It is said, that Alexander the Great offered to pay the cost of the restoration on the condition that his name should be inscribed on the temple, but that the Ephesians evaded the offer by replying, that it was not right for a god to make offerings to gods. The architect of the new temple was DEINOCRATES. The edifice has now entirely disappeared, except some remnants of its foundations. Though Pliny (like others of the ancient writers) has evidently confounded the two buildings, yet his description is valuable, since the restored temple was probably built on the same foundations and after the same general plan as the old one. We have also descriptions of it by Vitruvius, who took his statements from a work on the temple, which was said to have been written by the architects themselves, Chersiphron and Metagenes. (vii. Praef. ~ 12.) There are also medals on which the elevation of the chief portico is represented. The temple was Octastyle, Dipteral, Diastyle, and Hypaethral. It was raised on a basement of 10 steps. Its dimensions were 425 X 220 feet. The columns were 127 in number, 60 feet high, and made of
Page 694 694 CHIOMARA. white marble, a quarry of which was discovered, at a distance of only eight miles from the temple, by a shepherd named Pixodarus. Thirty-six of the columns were sculptured (perhaps Caryatides within the cella), one of them by the great sculptor Scopas. (Plin. xxxvi. 14. s. 21: but many critics think the reading doubtful.) They were of the Ionic order of architecture, which was now first invented. (Plin. xxxvi. 23. s. 56, and especially Vitruv. iv. 1. ~~ 7, 8.) Of the blocks of marble which composed the architrave some were as much as 30 feet long. In order to convey these and the columns to their places, Chersiphron and Metagenes invented some ingenious mechanical contrivances. (Vitruv. x. 6, 7, or x. 2. ~~ 11, 12, ed. Schneider; Plin. xxxvi. 14. s. 21.) The temple was reckoned one of the seven wonders of the world, and is celebrated in several epigrams in the Greek Anthology, especially in two by Antipater of Sidon (ii. pp. 16, 20, Brunck and Jacobs). From this account it is manifest that Chersiphron and Metagenes were among the most distinguished of ancient architects, both as artists and mechanicians. (Plin. H. N. vii. 25. s. 38, xvi. 37. s. 79, xxxvi. 14. s. 21; Vitruv. iii. 2. ~ 7, vii. Praef. - 16; Strab. xiv. pp. 640, 641; Liv. i. 45; Diog. Lairt. ii. 9; Philo Byzant. de VII Orb. Mirac. p. 18; Hirt, Tenmpel der Diana von Ephesus, Berl. 1807, Gesckichle der Baukunst, i. pp. 232-4, 254, with a restoration of the temple, plate viii.; Rasche, Lex. Univ. Rei Num. s. v. EpJhesia, Ep/hesus; Eckhel, Doct. Nunm. Vet. ii. 512.) [P. S.] CHI'LIUS, a Greek poet, a friend of Cicero, who mentions him along with Archias, appears, among other things, to have written epigrams. (Cic. ad Att. i. 9, 12, 16.) CHILO or CILO. [CILo.] CHIMAERA (Xtiacpa), a fire-breathing monster, which, according to the Homeric poems, was of divine origin. She was brought up by Amisodarus, king of Caria, and afterwards made great havoc in all the country around and among men. The fore part of her body was that of a lion, and the hind part that of a dragon, while the middle was that of a goat. (Hom. II. vi. 180, xvi. 328; comp. Ov. Met. ix. 646.) According to Hesiod (T/eog. 319, &c.), she was a daughter of Typhaon and Echidna, and had three heads, one of each of the three animals before mentioned, whence she is called 7rpuKEcaAOS or Trp1o0utaeros. (Eustath. ad 11Hom. p. 634; Eurip. Ion, 203, &c.; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 3, ii. 3. ~ 1.) She was killed by Bellerophon, and Virgil (Aen. vi. 288) places her together with other monsters at the entrance of Orcus. The origin of the notion of this fire-breathing monster must probably be sought for in the volcano of the name of Chimaera near Phaselis, in Lycia (Plin. H. N. ii. 106, v. 27; Mela. i. 15), or in the volcanic valley near the Cragus (Strab. xiv. p. 665, &c.), which is described as the scene of the events connected with the Chimaera. In the works of art recently discovered in Lycia, we find several representations of the Chimaera in the simple form of a species of lion still occurring in that country. [L. S.] CHI'MARUS, a statuary in the reign of Tiberius, who made a statue and shrine of Germanicus, probably in bronze, on a marble base. (Inscr. ap. Donati, Suppl. Inscr. ad Nov. Thes. Murat. ii. p. 210.) [P. S.] CHIOMA'RA (Xtoedpa), wife of Ortiagon, CHIONE. king of Galatia, was taken prisoner by the Romans when Cn. Manlius Vulso invaded Galatia, B. c. 189, and was violated by the centurion into whose hands she fell. She agreed, however, to pay him a large sum for her ransom; and when he had delivered her up to a body of her countrymen who met them at an appointed place for the purpose, she caused him to be put to death, and carried back his head to her husband. (Polyb. xxii. 21, and ap. Pl/it. de Mul. Virt. p. 225, ed. Tauchn.; Val. Max. vi. 1. Exrtern. 2; comp. Liv. xxxviii. 12.) Polybius says (1. c.), that he had himself conversed with her at Sardis, and admired her high spirit and good sense. [E. E.] CHION (Xi'wv), the son of Matris, a noble citizen of Heracleia, on the Pontus, was a disciple of Plato. With the aid of Leon (or Leonides), Euxenon, and other noble youths, he put to death Clearchus, the tyrant of Heracleia. (a. c. 353.) Most of the conspirators were cut down by the tyrant's body-guards upon the spot, others were afterwards taken and put to death with cruel tortures, and the city fell again beneath the worse tyranny of Satyrus, the brother of Clearchus. (Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224, pp. 222, 223, ed. Bekker; Justin. xvi. 5.) There are extant thirteen letters which are ascribed to Chion, and which are of considerable merit; but they are undoubtedly spurious. Probably they are the composition of one of the later Platonists. They were first printed in Greek in the Aldine collection of Greek Letters, Venet. 1499, 8vo.; again, in Greek and Latin, in the reprint of that collection, Aurel. Allob. 1606. The first edition in a separate form was by J. Caselius, printed by Steph. Myliander, Rostoch, 1583, 4to.; there was also a Latin translation published in the same volume with a Latin version of the fourth book of Xenophon's Cyropaedeia, by the same editor and printer, Rostoch, 1584, 4to. A more complete edition of the Greek text, founded on a new recension of some Medicean MSS., with notes and indices, was published by J. T. Coberus, Lips. a.nd Dresd. 1765, 8vo. The best edition, containing all that is valuable in the preceding ones, is that of J. Conr. Orelli, in the same volume with his edition of Memnon, Lips. 1816, 8vo. It contains the Greek text, the Latin version of Caselius, the Prolegomena of A. G. Hoffmiann, the Preface of Coberus, and the Notes of Coberus, Hoffmann, and Orelli. There are several selections from the letters of Chion. (A. G. Hoffmann, Prolegom. ad Chionis Epist. Graec. futusram edit. conscripta; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i. p. 677.) [P. S.] CHION, of Corinth, a sculptor, who attained to no distinction, not from the want of industry or skill, but of good fortune. (Vitruv. iii. Praef.) [P. S.] CHIONE (X16v-). 1. A daughter of Boreas and Oreithyia, and sister of Cleopatra, Zetes, and Calais. She became by Poseidon the mother of Eumolpus, and in order to conceal the event, she threw the boy into the sea; but the child was saved by Poseidon. (Apollod. iii. 15. ~~ 2, 4; Paus. i. 38. ~ 3.) 2. A daughter of Daedalion, who was beloved by Apollo and Hermes on account of her beauty. She gave birth to twins, Autolycus and Philammon, the former a son of Hermes and the latter of Apollo. She was killed by Artemis for having found fault with the beauty of that goddess, and her father in his grief threw himself from a rock of
Page 695 CHIOS. CHNTODOMARIUS. 695 Parnassus, but ii falling he was changed by Apollo CHITO'NE (Xtrw'r'), a surname of Artemis, into a hawk. Chione is also called Philonis. (Ov. who was represented as a huntress with her chiton Met. xi. 300, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 200; comp. Au- girt up. Others derived the name from the Attic TOLYCUS.) There is a third mythical personage of village of Chitone, or from the circumstance of the this name. (Serv. ad Aen. iv. 250.) [L. S.] clothes in which newly-born children were dressed CHIO'NIDES (Xsesvii3s and XioviVs), an being sacred to her. (Callim. Hymn. in Dian. 225; Athenian comic poet of the old comedy, whom Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. in Jov. 77.) Respecting Suidas (s. v.) places at the head of the poets of the the festival of the Chitonia celebrated to her at old comedy (Trpwraywvztrv 7T, s dpaias KK,ý- Chitone, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. XTrcVia. [L. S.] bias), adding that he exhibited eight years before CHIUS AUFI'DIUS. [AUFIDIUS CHIUS.] the Persian war, that is, in B. c. 487. (Clinton, CHLAE'NEAS (XAavweias), an Aetolian, was sub ann.) On the other hand, according to a pas- sent by his countrymen as ambassador to the Lacesage in the Poetic of Aristotle (c. 3), Chionides daemonians, B. c. 211, to excite them against Philip was long after Epicharmus. [EPICHARMUS.] On V. of Macedon. He is reported by Polybius as the strength of this passage Meineke thinks that dwelling very cogently (avo'avT-,Jdirws) on the Chionides cannot be placed much earlier than B. c. oppressive encroachments of all the successive kings 460; and in confirmation of this date he quotes of Macedonia from Philip II. downwards, as well from Athenaeus (xiv. p. 638, a.) a passage from a as on the sure defeat which awaited Philip from play of Chionides, the lrwceXoi, in which mention the confederacy then formed against him. Chlaeis made of Gnesippus, a poet contemporary with neas was opposed by the Acarnanian envoy LycisCratinus. But we also learn from Athenaeus (1. c. cus, but the Lacedaemonians were induced to join. and iv. p. 137, e.), that some of the ancient critics the league of the Romans with the Aetolians and considered the Tircoeoli to be spurious, and with Attalus I. (Polyb. ix. 28-39, x. 41; Liv. xxvi. respect to the passage of Aristotle, Ritter has 24.) [E. E.] brought forward very strong arguments against its CHLOE (XAdvO), the blooming, a surname of genuineness. (For the discussion of the question Demeter the protectress of the green fields, who see Wolf, Proleg. ad Hotm. p. lxix.; Meineke, had a sanctuary at Athens conjointly with Ge Hist. Crit. pp. 27, 28; Grysarius, de Com. Doric. Curotrophos. (Paus. i. 22. ~ 3; Eustath. ad Horn. pp. 152, 153; Ritter, Comm. in Aristot. Poet. 3.) p. 772.) This surname is probably alluded to However this may be, the difference of some when Sophocles (Oed. Col. 1600) calls her A tmr 'p twenty years in the date of Chionides is of little e6XAoos. (Comp. Aristoph. Lysist. 815.) Respectconsequence compared with the fact, attested by ing the festivalChloeia, see Diet. of Ant. s.v. [L. S.] Suidas and implied by Aristotle, that Chionides CHLORIS (XXAwpi). 1. A daughter of the was the most ancient poet of the Athenian old Theban Amphion and Niobe. According to an comedy, -not absolutely in order of time, for Argive tradition, her original name was Meliboea, Susarion was long before him [SUSARION], and, and she and her brother Amyclas were the only if the passage of Aristotle be genuine, so were children of Niobe that were not killed by Apollo Euetes, Euxenides, and Myllus; but the first who and Artemis. But the terror of Chloris at the gave the Athenian comedy that form which it re- death of her brothers and sisters was so great, that tained down to the time of Aristophanes, and of she turned perfectly white, and was therefore called which the old comic lyric songs of Attica and the Chloris. She and her brother built the temple of Megaric buffoonery imported by Susarion were Leto at Argos, which contained a statue of Chloris only the rude elements. also. (Paus. ii. 21. ~ 10.) According to an OlymWe have the following titles of his Comedies: pian legend, she once gained the prize in the foot"-"Hpwes (a correction for"Hpwcs), Htrwcox (see race during the festival of Hera at Olympia. (Paus. above), II'po-at i, Aoero-vpto. Of the last not v. 16. ~ 3.) Apollodorus (iii. 5. ~ 6) and Hyginus a fragment remains: whether its title may be (Fab. 10, 69) confound her with Chloris, the wife taken as an argument for placing Chionides about of Neleus. the time of the Persian war, is of course a mere 2. A daughter of Amphion, the ruler of Orchomatter of conjecture. The Ilrwooil is quoted by menos, by Persephone, the daughter of Minyas. Athenaeus (1. c., and iii. p. 191, e.), the "Hpwes by She was the wife of Neleus, king of Pylos, and Pollux (x. 43), the Antiatticista (p. 97), and became by him the mother of Nestor, Chromius, Suidas (s. v. Ayvos). The poet's name occurs in Periclymenos, and Pero. (Hom. Od. xi. 281, &c.; Vitruvius. (vi. Praef.) [P. S.] Paus. x. 36. ~ 4, x. 29. ~ 2; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 9.) CHIONIS (Xio'vs), a Spartan, who obtained 3. The wife of Zephyrus, and the goddess of the victory at the Olympic games in four successive flowers, so that she is identical with the Roman Olympiads (01. 28-31), four times in the stadium Flora. (Ov. Fast. v. 1.95.) There are two more and thrice in the diaulos. (Paus. iii. 14. ~ 3, iv. mythical personages of the name of Chloris. (Hy23. ~~ 2, 5, vi. 13. ~ 1, viii. 39. ~ 2: Anckionis gin. Fab. 14; Anton. Lib. 9.) [L. S.] is the same as this Chionis; see Krause, Olympia, CHLORUS. [CONSTANTIUS.] pp. 243, 261.) CHNODOMA'RIUS or CHONDOMA'RIUS CHI'ONIS(Xfovts), a statuary of Corinth, about (Gundomar), king of the Alemanni, became conB. c. 480, executed, in conjunction with Amyclaeus spicuous in Roman history in A. D. 351. Magnenand Dyillus, the group which the Phocians dedi- tius having assumed the purple at Augustodunum, cated at Delphi. [AMYCLAEUS.] Chionis made in now Autun, in Gaul, the emperor Constantius it the statues of Athene and Artemis. (Paus. x. made an alliance with the Alemanni and induced 13. ~ 4.) [P. S.] them to invade Gaul. Their king, Chnodomarius, CHIOS (Xios), the name of two mythical per- consequently crossed the Rhine, defeated Decensonages, each of whom is said to have given the tius Caesar, the brother of Magnentius, destroyed name to the island of Chios. (Paus. vii. 4. ~ 6; many towns, and ravaged the country without opSteph. Byz. s. v. Xios.) [L. S.] position. In 356 Chnodomarius was involved in
Page 696 696% CHOERILUS. a war with Julian, afterwards emperor, and then Caesar, who succeeded in stopping the progress of the Alemanni in Gaul, and who defeated them completely in the following year, 357, in a battle near Argentoratum, now Strassburg. Chnodomarius had assembled in his camp the contingents of six chiefs of the Alemanni, viz. Vestralpus, Urius, Ursicinus, Suomarius, Hortarius, and Serapio, the son of Chnodomarius' brother Mederichus, whose original name was Agenarichus; but in spite of their gallant resistance, they were routed, leaving six thousand dead on the field. Obliged to cross the Rhine in confusion, they lost many thousands more who were drowned in the river. Ammianus Marcellinus says, that the Romans lost only two hundred and forty-three men, besides four officers of rank, but this account cannot be relied upon. Chnodomarius fell into the hands of the victors, and being presented to Julian, was treated by him with kindness, and afterwards sent to Rome, where he was kept a prisoner in the Castra Peregrina on Mount Caelius. There he died a natural death some time afterwards. Ammianus Marcellinus gives a detailed account of the battle of Strassburg, which had the most beneficial effect upon the tranquillity of Gaul. (Amm. Marc. xvi. 1 2; Aurel. Vict. Epit. c. 42; Liban. Orat. 10, 12.) [W. P.] CHOE'RILUS (XoipiAos or XolpsAXos). There were four Greek poets of this name who have been frequently confounded with one another. They are treated of, and properly distinguished, by A. F. Nake, Choerili Samii quae szupersunt, Lips. 1817, 8vo. 1. Choerilus of Athens, a tragic poet, contemporary with Thespis, Phrynichus, Pratinas, Aeschylus, and even with Sophocles, unless, as Welcker supposes, he had a son of the same name, who was also a tragic poet. (Welcker, Die Griech. Trwa(6d. p. 892.) His first appearance as a competitor for the tragic prize was in B. c. 523 (Suid, s. v.), in the reign of Hipparchus, when Athens was becoming the centre of Greek poetry by the residence there of Simonides, Anacreon, Lasus, and others. This was twelve. years after the first appearance of Thlespis in the tragic contests; and it is therefore not improbable that Choerilus had Thespis for an antagonist. It was also twelve years before the first victory of Phrynichus. (B. C. 511.) After another twelve years, Choerilus came into competition with Aeschylus, when the latter first exbibited (a. c. 499); and, since we know that Aeschylus did not carry off a prize till sixteen years afterwards, the prize of this contest must have been given either to Choerilus or to Pratinas. (Suid. s. vv. AiX-ydAos, ITpari'vas.) Choerilus was still held in high estiination in the year 483 B. c. after he had exhibited tragoedies for forty years. (Cyrill. Julian. i. p. 13,b.; Euseb. Chron. sub. 01. 74. 2; Syncell. p. 254, b.) In the statement in the anonymous life of Sophocles, that Sophocles contended with Choerilus, there is very probably some mistake, but there is no impossibility; for when Sophocles gained his first victory (B. c. 468), Choerilus would be just 80, if we take 25 as the usual age at which a tragic poet first exhibited. (Compare Welcker, 1. c. and Naike, p. 7.) Of the character of Choerilus we know little more than that, during a long life, he retained a good degree of popular favour. The number of his tragedies was 150, of his victories 13 (Suid, s. v.), CHOERILUS. being exactly the number of victories assigned to Aeschylus. The great number of his dramas not only establishes the length of his career, but a much more important point, namely, that the exhibition of tetralogies commenced early in the time of Choerilus; for new tragedies were exhibited at Athens only twice a year, and at this early period we never hear of tragedies being written but not exhibited, but rather the other way. In fact, it is the general opinion, that Choerilus was the first who composed written tragedies, and that even of his plays the greater number were not written. Some writers attributed to him the invention or great improvement of masks and theatrical costume (-roas rpoowrrELoIs ical T oice y 'raV 'rocWYv re-nEXeUip7re are the words of Suidas, s. v.). These inventions are in fact ascribed to each of the great tragedians of this age; and it is remarkable that the passages on the authority of which they are usually attributed to Aeschylus imply not so much actual invention as the artistic perfection of what previously existed in a rude form. It is evident, moreover, that these great improvements, by whomsoever made, must have been adopted by all the tragedians of the same age. The poetical character and construction of the plays of Choerilus probably differed but little from those of Thespis, until the period when Aeschylus introduced the second actor -a change which Choerilus of course adopted, for otherwise he could not have continued to compete with Aeschylus. The same remark applies to the separation made by Pratinas of the satyric drama from the regular tragedy. It is generally supposed that Choerilus had some share in effecting this improvement, on the authority of a line from an unknown ancient poet (ap. IPlotiemo de iMetris, p. 2633, ed. Putsch.), v'iKaIce piev 3aoaaevss 'V Xoipihos ' eardpoets. But it seems more natural to take the words Ei' ZarmipoIs to mean the tragic Chorus, at the time when the persons composing it retained the costume of satyrs. The name of Choerilus is mentioned in a very curious fragment of the comic poet Alexis, from his play Linus. (Athen. iv. p. 164, c.; Meineke, Frag. Comn. Graec. iii. p. 443.) Linus, who is instructing Hercules, puts into his hand some books, that lie may choose one of them to read, saying, 'Op emus Em'verTIv, 'HooSos, Tpa1ycvf8a, XoplA "os, "Of.apes, 'EiriLaplose, rvuy'ypcid/mara warroSamri, Here we have a poet for each sort of poetry: Orpheus for the early mystic hymns, Hesiod for the didactic and moral epos, Homer for the heroic epos, Epicharmus for comedy; but what are Tpa-yyeia, XoipiAos? The usual answer of those critics who abstain from evading the difficulty by an alteration of the text is, Tragedy and the Satyric Drama: but the question is a very difficult one, and cannot be discussed here. (See Nake, p. 5.) Possibly the passage may refer, after all, to the epic poet, Choerilus of Samos, and there may be some hit at his d6iopayi'a (see below) in the choice of Hercules, who selects a work on 4daprvo-ia. Of all the plays of Choerilus we have no remnant except the statement by Pausanias (i. 14. ~ 2) of a mythological genealogy from his play called 'AA67roi. The Latin grammarians mention a metre whiah they call Choerilian. It was -ou-------usV
Page 697 CHOERILUS. in fact, a dactylic hexameter stript of its final catalexis. It must not be supposed that this metre was invented by Choerilus, for the Greek metrical writers never mention it by that name. Perhaps it got its name from the fact of the above-mentioned line, in praise of Choerilus, being the most ancient verse extant in this metre. (See Nake, pp. 257, 263; Gaisford's edition of Hephaestion, notes, pp. 353, 354.) 2. Choerilus, a slave of the comic poet ECPHANTIDES, whom he was said to assist in the composition of his plays. (Hesych. s. v. 'EKKExcpXOIp'cep4A and XotpLAov 'Eicpaiv'r-os.) This explains the error of Eudocia (p. 437), that the epic poet Choerilus wrote tragedies. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Corm. Graec. pp. 37, 38; Gaisford, ad Heph. p. 96.) 3. Choerilus of Samos, the author of an epic poem on the wars of the Greeks with Xerxes and Dareius. Suidas (s. v.) says, that he was a contemporary of Panyasis and a young man (veaviecov) at the time of the Persian war, in the 75th Olympiad. But this is next to impossible, for Plutarch (Lys. 18) tells us that, when Lysander was at Samos (B. C. 404), Choerilus was residing there, and was highly honoured by Lysander, who hoped that the poet would celebrate his exploits. This was 75 years later than the 75th Olympiad: and therefore, if this date has anything to do with Choerilus, it must be the date of his birth (B. c. 479); and this agrees with another statement of Suidas, which implies that Choerilus was younger than Herodotus (od'rvos avilrd Kal eraituKa 7yso-- rivat paoer). We have here perhaps the explanation of the error of Suidas, who, from the connexion of both Panyasis and Choerilus with Herodotus, and from the fact that both were epic poets, may have confounded them, and have said of Choerilus that which can very well be true of Panyasis. Perhaps Choerilus was even younger. Nike places his birth about B. c. 470. Suidas also says, that Choerilus was a slave at Samos, and was distinguished for his beauty; that he ran away andi resided with Herodotus, from whom he acquired a taste for literature; and that he turned his attention to poetry: afterwards he went to the court of Archelaus, king of Macedonia, where he died. His death must therefore have been not later than i. c. 399, which was the last year of Archelaus. Athenaeus (viii. p. 345, e.) states, that Choerilus received from Archelaus four minae a-day, and spent it all upon good living (dpoQasyiav). There are other statements of Suidas, which evidently refer to the later poet, who was contemporary with Alexander. (See below.) There is some doubt whether the accounts which made him a native either of lasos or of Halicarnassus belong to this class. Either of them is perfectly consistent with the statement that he was a slave at Samos. (Compare Steph. Byz. s. v. 'Iaooo's; Hesych. Miles. p. 40, ed. Meurs.; Phot. Lex. s. v.:aieaKOdv r7podov.) His great work was on the Persian wars, but its exact title is not known: it may have been Irepoa-c. It is remarkable as the earliest attempt to celebrate in epic poetry events which were nearly contemporary with the poet's life. Of its character we may form some conjecture from the connexion between the poet and Herodotus. There are also fragments preserved by Aristotle from the Prooemium (Rhet. iii. 14, and SchoL); by Ephorus from the description of Dareius's bridge of boats, in which the Scythians are mentioned (Strab. vii. CHOEROBOSCUS. 697 p. 303); by Josephus from the catalogue of the nations in the army of Xerxes, among whom were the Jews (c. Apion. i. 22, vol. ii. p. 454, ed. Havercamp, iii. p. 1183, ed. Oberthiir; compare Euseb. Praep. Evang. ix. 9); and other fragments, the place of which is uncertain. (See Nike.) The chief action of the poem appears to have been the battle of Salamis. The high estimation in which Choerilus was held is proved by his reception into the epic canon (Suid. s. v.), from which, however, he was again expelled by the Alexandrian grammarians, and Antimachus was substituted in his place, on account of a statement, which was made on the authority of Heracleides Ponticus, that Plato very much preferred Antimachus to Choerilus. (Proclus, Comm. in Plat. Tim. p. 28; see also an epigram of Crates in the Greek Anthology, ii. p. 3, eds. Brunck and Jac., with Jacobs's note, Animadv. ii. 1. pp. 7-9.) The great inferiority of Choerilus to Homer in his similes is noticed by Aristotle. (Topic. viii. 1. ~ 24.) 4. Choerilus, probably of Iasos, a worthless epic poet in the train of Alexander the Great. (Curtius, viii. 5. ~ 8.) Horace says of him (Ep. ii. 1. 232-234), "Gratus Alexandro regi Magno fuit ille Choerilus, incultis qui versibus et male natis Rettulit acceptos, regale nomisma, Philippos;" and (Art. Po't. 757, 358), " Sic mihi, qui multum cessat, fit Choerilus ille, Quem bis terque bonum cum risu miror," From the former passage it is evident that we must refer to this Choerilus the statement of Suidas respecting Choerilus of Samos, that he received a gold stater for every verse of his poem. However liberally Alexander may have paid Choerilus for his flattery, he did not conceal his contempt for his poetry, at least if we may believe Acron, who remarks on the second of the above passages, that Alexander used to tell Choerilus that " he would rather be the Thersites of Homer than the Achilles of Choerilus." The same writer adds, that Choerilus bargained with Alexander for a piece of gold for every good verse, and a blow for every bad one; and the bad verses were so numerous, that he was beaten to death. This appears to be merely a joke. Suidas assigns to Choerilus of Samos a poem entitled Aaugafcd, and other poems. But in all probability that poem related to the Lamian war, B. c. 323; and. if so, it must have been the conmposition of this later Choerilus. To him also Nike assigns the epitaph on Sardanapalus, which is preserved by Strabo (xiv. p. 672), by Athenaeus (viii. p. 336, a., who says, that it was translated by Choerilus from the Chaldee, xii. p. 529, f.; compare Diod. ii. 23; Tzetz. Chil. iii. 453), and in the Greek Anthology. (Brunch, Anal. i. p. 185; Jacobs, i. p. 117; see Jacobs, Animadv. vol. i. pt. 1, p. 376.) [P. S.] CHOEROBOSCUS, GEO'RGIUS (r7'ecpyto9 XoLpoeocro s), a Greek grammarian, who lived probably towards the end of the sixth century of the Christian aera. He is the author of various grammatical and rhetorical works, of which only one has been printed, namely " de Figuris poeticis, oratoriis, et theologicis" (repl rpO'vov r cW Kuarc, "iro0s-lTicKv KI ala eoAoyIKI XpotV), published with a Latin translation together with the dissertation of Proclus on divine and poetical instinct, by Morellus, Paris, 1615, 12mo. His other works, the
Page 698 698 CHRISTODORUS. MSS. of which are scattered in the principal libraries of this country (Bodleian) and the continent, treat on various grammatical matters; his treatise on the Greek accent, the MS. of which is in the Vatican library, seems to deserve particular attention. Several treatises on theological matters, which are extant in MS. are likewise attributed to him. But as Choeroboscus is generally quoted by the earlier writers as Georgius Grammaticus, or Georgius Diaconus-he was a priest-he might sometimes have been confounded with some other grammarian or theologian of that name. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vi. pp. 338-341; Leo Allatius, De Georgiis, pp. 318-321.) [W. P.] CHOMATIA'NUS, DEME'TRIUS, a GraecoRoman jurist and canonist, who probably lived in the early part of the 13th century. He was chartophylax and afterwards archbishop of Bulgaria, and wrote Quaestiones relating to ecclesiastical law, now in manuscript at Munich. (Heimbach, de Basil.. Orig. p. 86.) This work is cited by Cujas. (Observ. v. c. 4.) Freherus, in the Chronologia in the first volume of the Jus GraecoRomanum of Leunclavius, under the year 913, enumerates him among the commentators upon the Basilica, but that he was so is denied by Bocking. (Institutionem, i. p. 108, n. 48.) It should be added, that Bocking (1. c.), apparently with good reason, in like manner refuses the character of scholiast on the Basilica to Bestes and Joannes Briennius [BRIENNIUS], though they are named as scholiasts in almost every modern work on Graeco-Roman law. [J. T. G.] CHONDOMA'RIUS. [CHNODOiARIUS.] CHONIATES. [NICETAS.] CHORI'CIUS (Xopticos), a rhetorician and sophist of Gaza, the pupil of Procopius of Gaza, and afterwards of another sophist of the same place, flourished in the reign of Justinian, about A. D. 520. His orations formed, in the time of Photius, a collection under the title of LeAEEat i Kal vrdOets 6Aywv Sidpopoo. They were on very various subjects, but chiefly panegyrical. Photius makes particular mention of a funeral oration for the rhetorician's teacher. (Cod. 160; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ix. p. 760, x. p. 719, ed. Harles.) Twenty-one of Choricius's orations exist in MS., of which two have been printed by Fabricius with a Latin version by J. C. Wolf (Bibl. Graec. viii. p. 841, old ed.) and a third by Villoison. (Anec. ii. pp. 21, 52.) [P.S.] CHOSROES, king of Parthia. [ARSACES xxv.] CHOSROES, king of Persia. [SASSANIDAE.] CHRESTUS (Xp]o'ros), of Byzantium, a distinguished scholar of Herodes Atticus, lived in the second century of the Christian aera, and taught rhetoric at Athens, where he had sometimes as many as a hundred auditors. Among the distinguished men who were his pupils, Philostratus enumerates Hippodromus, Philiscus, Nicomedes, Aristaenetus, and Callaeschrus. Chrestus was given to wine. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 11.) CHRISTODO'RUS (Xpo-rdSwpos), a Greek poet of Coptus in Egypt, was the son of Paniscus, and flourished in the reign of Anastasius I., A. D. 491-518. He is classed by Suidas as an epic poet (dTrroio's). 1. There is still extant a poem of 416 hexameter verses, in which he describes the statues in the public gymnasium of Zeuxippus. This gymnasium was built by Septimius Severus at Byzantium, and was burnt down A. D. 532. The poem of Christodorus is entitled "EKcpaeois CHROMATIUS. "rTv d-yaXlUTdrw 7r Eiv s rd ifLo'iov I 'o yVUidevoW v Tr e'rriKaovuEdvov 7TO ZUievbinrov. It is printed in the Antiq. Constantinop. of Anselmus Banduri, Par. 1711, Venet. 1729, and in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. ii. p.456; Jacobs, iii. p. 161.) He also wrote-2. 'IorauvptK, a poem, in six books, on the taking of Isauria by Anastasius. 3. Three books of Epigrams, of which two epigrams remain. (Anthol. Graec. 1. c.) 4. Four books of Letters. 5. ITdrpta, epic poems on the history and antiquities of various places, among which were Constantinople, Thessalonica, Nacle near Heliopolis, Miletus, Tralles, Aphrodisias, and perhaps others. Suidas and Eudocia mention another person of the same name a native of Thebes, who wrote 'IEeVTiCaK 3t' Edirv and eOavtara Trv d'yiwv dvcay)Vpwv (where Kiister proposes to read 1i.apTrdpw) Koo' cea KaAaeitavou. (Suidas, s. v. Xpto-rodwpos and Zevsm5rros; Eudocia, p. 436; Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 468; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. xiii. p. 871.) [P. S.] CHRISTO'PHORUS (Xpto'ro(f4pos), patriarch of ALEXANDRIA, about A. D. 836, wrote an exhortation to asceticism under the title Ti dLo/OUT'at d /lioss oTo Kal els TroTO TErdAOS Kara(a'Tpe(rp t. There are citations from this work in Allatius, ad Eustath. Antioch. p. 254, and Cotelerius, JMonum. 1Sta. in Bibl. Caesar. There are MSS. of the work at Vienna, Paris, Rome, Milan, and Oxford. It was printed in Greek and Latin, with notes, by F. Morellus, Par. 1608, who mistook it for the work of Theophilus of Alexandria: Oeopihou 'AXesavppias A&hyos, Triv d6olOVTora davOpw7ros. (Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 109.) There is also a synodic epistle to the emperor Theophilus Iconomachus, by Christophorus of Alexandria, Job of Antioch, and Basil of Jerusalem, and 1455 other bishops and clergy, on images, entitled 'ErctTroAh) 7rpds 7ov BaotXAEa ~e6(pLov repl riPv dyiLwv Kcal a'OrTEv EsIcdVWv, which is mentioned by Constantinus Porphyrogenitus in his Narratio de Imag. Edess. p. 90, and by the author of a MS. Narratio de Imag. B. Virg. ap. Lambec. viii. p. 334. The work exists in MS. in the Codex Baroccianus, 148. It was published, in Greek and Latin, first by Combefisius in his Manipul. Rerum. Constant. Par. 1664, 4to., pp. 110-145, and afterwards by Michael le Quien in his edition of Damascenus, Par. 1712, i. p. 629. (Nessel, Catal. Bibl. Vindobon, pt. v. p. 129; Cave, Hist. Litt. sub anno; Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. viii. p. 84, ix. p. 717, xi. p. 594.) [P. S.] CHRISTO'PHORUS the CAESAR, son of Constantine V. Copronymus. There is an edict against image-worship issued by him and his brother Nicephorus, A. D. 775, in the Imperial. Decret. de Cult. nIag. of Goldastus, Franc. 1608, 4to., No. 8, p. 75. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 740.) For what is known of the life of Christophorus, see NICEPHORUS. [P. S.] CHRISTO'PHORUS, PATRI'CIUS, a native of Mytilene, whose time is unknown, wrote in Iambic verse a IMenologium, or history of the saints, arranged according to the saints' days in each month. The MS. was formerly in the Palatine Library, but is now in the Vatican, Cod. 383, No. 7. There are also MSS. of the whole or part of the work at Venice, Moscow, and Paris. It is cited more than once in the Glossarium of Meursius. (Cave, Hist. Litt. vol. ii. Diss. pp. 5, 6; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. p. 594.) [P. S.] CHROMA'TIUS, a Latin writer and bishop af
Page 699 CHRYSANTAS. Aquileia, flourished at the close of the fourth century and the commencement of the fifth. The circumstance of his baptizing Rufinus, about A. D. 370, shews, that he properly belongs to the former. The year and place of his birth are alike unknown. It is supposed, that he was a Roman; but nothing certain can be ascertained respecting his native place. Though he condemned the writings of Origen, his friendship for Rufinus continued unabated. Rufinus also dedicated to him some of his works, especially his Latin translation of Eusebius's ecclesiastical history. That Jerome had a great esteem for him may be inferred from the fact that he inscribed to him his commentaries on the prophet Habakkuk and some other writings. He urged Jerome to translate the Hebrew Scriptures into Latin. Being afterwards displeased with this father, he advised him in a letter to cease attacking Rufinus, and thus to put an end to the quarrel subsisting between those who had formerly been friends. He was a strenuous defender of Chrysostom's cause in the West, for which he received the thanks of the latter. (Chrysostom, Epist. 155, vol. iii. p. 689, ed. Benedict.) Chromatius is supposed to have died about 410. Jerome styles him, most learned and holy; but he seems to have been a man of judgment and determination rather than of great abilities. When Anastasius, the Roman pontiff, condemned both Origen and Rufinus, and signified his decision to Chromatius, the bishop of Aquileia was so far from coinciding with the pontifical decree, that he received Rufinus into the communion of the church. Of his works there are extant Homilies and some Tracts on the beatitudes, on the remainder of Matthew's Gospel, chap. v., part of chap. vi., and on Matth. iii. 14. A few epistles also remain. The best edition of these pieces is that in the Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. v., Lugd. 1677. They had been previously published at Basel, 1528; at Louvain, 1646; and at Basel, 1551. The epistle to Jerome respecting Rufinus, and one addressed to the emperor Honorius in defence of Chrysostom, have been lost. Among Jerome's works there is an epistle concerning the nativity of the blessed Mary addressed to Jerome under the names of Chromatius and Heliodorus, and another bearing the same names directed to the same father. Both are spurious. Several epistles addressed to Chromatius by Jerome are extant among the voluminous works of the latter. (Cave, Historia Literaria; Le Long, Bib. Sac. p. 675; Lardner's Works, vol. iv., Lond. 1827, 8vo.) [S. D.] CHRYSANTAS (Xpvao-a'ras), a Persian peer (dUdroTs/o), is said by Xenophon to have been a man of superior powers of mind, but of diminutive bodily stature. (Cyrop. ii. 3. ~ 5.) He is represented throughout the Cyropaedeia as deservedly high in the favour of Cyrus, to whom he proved himself most useful, not only by his gallantry and promptitude in the field, but also by his wisdom in the council, and the zeal with which he forwarded the political plans of the prince. In the distribution of provinces after the conquest of Babylon, his services were rewarded, according to Xenophon (comp. Herod. i. 153), with the satrapy of Lydia and lonia. (Xen. Cyrop. ii. 2. ~ 17, &c., 3. ~~ 5 -7, 4. ~ 22, &c., iii. 1. ~ 1-6, 3. ~ 48, &c., iv. 1. ~~ 3, 4, 3. 15-23, v..3. ~ 6, vi. 2. ~ 21, 22, vii. 1.: 3, 5. ~ 55, 56, viii. I. ~ 1, &c., 4. e 9, &c., 6. $ 7.) [E. E.] CHRYSES. 699 CHRYSAOR (Xpvoiawp). 1. A son of Poseidon and Medusa, and consequently a brother of Pegasus. When Perseus cut off the head of Medusa, Chrysaor and Pegasus sprang forth from it. Chrysaor became by Callirrhoe the father of the three-headed Geryones and Echidna. (Hesiod, Thleoy. 280, &c.; Hygin. Fab. Praef. and 151.) 2. The god with the golden sword or arms. In this sense it is used as a surname or attribute of several divinities, such as Apollo (Hom. II. xv. 256), Artemis (Herod. viii. 77), and Demeter. (Hom. HPymn. in Cer. 4.) We find Chrysaoreus as a surname of Zeus with the same meaning, under which he had a temple in Caria, which was a national sanctuary, and the place of meeting for the national assembly of the Carians. (Strab. xiv. p. 660; comp. Paus. v. 21. ~ 5; Steph. Byz. s. v. Xpvooaopis.) [L. S.] CHRYSE'IS (Xpveoosj). [ASTYNOME.] Another mythical personage of this name occurs in Apollodorus (ii. 7. ~ 8). [L. S.] CHRYSERMIJS (Xp'i-epfsos), a Corinthian, whom we find mentioned as the author of the following works:-1. A history of India, extending to at least 80 books. 2. A history of Persia. 3. A history of the Peloponnesus. 4. A treatise on rivers. (Plut. De Fluv. 1, 18, 20, Parall. Min. 10; Stob. Floril. xxxix. 31, C. 11; Phot. Bibl. 167.) The period at which he flourished is not known. [E. E.] CHRYSERMUS (Xpvoeppeos), an ancient physician, who lived probably at the end of the second or the beginning of the first century B. c., as he was one of the tutors of Heracleides of Erythrae (Gal. De DPi/r. Puls. iv. 10, vol. viii. p. 743), perhaps also of Apollonius Mus, who was a fellow-pupil of Heracleides. (Strab. xiv. 1, p. 182, ed. Tauchn.) His definition of the pulse has been preserved by Galen (1. c. p. 741), as also one of his medical formulae (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Loc. ix. 2, vol. xiii. p. 243), and an anecdote of him is mentioned by Sextus Empiricus (Pyrrhon. Hypotyp. i. 14. ~ 84), and copied into Cramer's Anecd. Graec. vol. iii. p. 412, where for 'EpVscreplos we should read Xpv'ceppos. He is also mentioned by Pliny. (I-. N. xxii. 32.) [W. A. G.] CHRYSES (Xpvro-s). 1. A son of Ardys and a priest of Apollo at Chryse. He was the father of Astynome (Chryseis), and when he came to the camp of the Greeks, offering a rich ransom for the liberation of his daughter, he was treated by Agamemnon with harsh words. Chryses then prayed to Apollo for vengeance, and the god sent a plague into the camp of the Greeks, which did not cease raging until Calchas explained the cause of it, and Odysseus took Chryseis back to her father. (Homn. II. i. 10, &c.) 2. A son of Agamemnon or Apollo by Astynome. When Agamemnon restored Astynome to her father, she was with child, and, on giving birth to a boy, she declared him to be a son of Apollo, and called him Chryses. Subsequently, when Orestes and Iphigeneia fled to Chryses on their escape from Tauris, and the latter recognized in the fugitives his brother and sister, he assisted them in killing king Thoas. (Hygin. Fsb. 120, &c.) 3. A son of Minos and the nymph Pareia. He lived with his three brothers in the island of Paros, and having murdered two of the companions of Heracles, they were all put to death by tLe latter. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 9, iii. 1. ~ 2.)
Page 700 700 CHRYSIPPUS. 4. A son of Poseidon and Chrysogeneia, and father of Minyas. (Paus. ix. 36. ~ 3.) [L. S.] CHRYSES (Xpdo-7s), of Alexandria, a skilful mechanician, flourished about the middle of the sixth century after Christ. (Procop. de Aedif Justin. iii. 3.) [P. S.] CHRYSIPPUS (Xpvom7rros), a son of Pelops by the nymph Axioche or by Danais (Plut. Paradl. list. Gr. et Rom. 33), and accordingly a stepbrother of Alcathous, Atreus, and Thyestes. While still a boy, he was carried off by king Laius of Thebes, who instructed him in driving a chariot. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 5.) According to others, he was carried off by Theseus during the contests celebrated by Pelops (Hygin. Fab. 271); but Pelops recovered him by force of arms. His step-mother Hippodameia hated him, and induced her sons Atreus and Thyestes to kill him; whereas, according to another tradition, Chrysippus was killed by his father Pelops himself. (Paus. vi. 20. ~ 4; Hygin. Fab. 85; Schol. ad Thucyd. i. 9.) A second mythical Chrysippus is mentioned by Apollodorus (ii. 1. ~ 5). [L. S.] CHRYSIPPUS (Xpd',arTros). 1. Of Tyana, a learned writer on the art of cookery, or more properly speaking, on the art of making bread or sweetmeats, is called by Athenaeus oo()ds 7reýfJAaToAd'yos, and seems to have been little known before the time of the latter author. One of his works treated specially of the art of bread-making, and was entitled 'AproTorctKds. (Athen, iii, p. 113, xiv. pp. 647, c., 648, a. c.) 2. The author of a work entitled 'IraA/cd.. (Plut. Parall. Mmin. c. 28.) CHRYSIPPUS, a learned freedman of Cicero, who ordered him to attend upon his son in B. c. 52; but as he left young Marcus without the knowledge of his patron, Cicero determined to declare his manumission void. As, however, we find Chrysippus in the confidence of Cicero again in B. c. 48, he probably did not carry his threat into effect. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. iii. 4, 5, ad Att. vii. 2, 5, 11.) CHRYSIPPUS, VE'TTIUS, a freedman of the architect Cyrus, and himself also an architect. (Cic. ad Fam. vii. 14, ad Att. xiii. 29, xiv. 9.) CHRYSIPPUS (Xpudoar7ros), a Stoic philosopher, son of Apollonius of Tarsus, but born himself at Soli in Cilicia. When young, he lost his paternal property, for some reason unknown to us, and went to Athens, where he became the disciple of Cleanthes, who was then at the head of the Stoical school. Some say that he even heard Zeno, a possible but not probable statement, as Zeno died B.c. 264, and. Chrysippus was born B. c. 280. He does not appear to have embraced the doctrines of the Stoics without considerable hesitation, as we hear that he studied the Academic philosophy, and for some time openly dissented from Cleanthes. Disliking the Academic scepticism, he became one of the most strenuous supporters of the principle, that knowledge is attainable and may be established on certain foundations. Hence, though not the founder of the Stoic school, he was the first person who based its doctrines on a plausible system of reasoning, so that it was said, " if Chrysippus had not existed, the Porch could not have been" (Diog. Lairt. vii. 183), and among the later Stoics his opinions had more weight than those of either Zeno or Cleanthes, and he was considered an authority from which there was no appeal. He-died B. c. CHRYSIPPUS. 207, aged 73 (La'rt. 1. c.), though Valerius Maximus (viii. 7. ~ 10) says, that he lived till past 80. Various stories are handed down by tradition to account for his death-as that he died from a fit of laughter on seeing a donkey eat figs, or that he fell sick at a sacrificial feast, and died five days after. With regard to the worth of Chrysippus as a philosopher, it is the opinion of Ritter that, in spite of the common statement that he differed in some points from Zeno and Cleanthes (Cic. Acad. ii. 47), he was not in truth so much the author of any new doctrines as the successful opponent of those who dissented from the existing Stoic system, and the inventor of new arguments in its support. With the reasoning of his predecessors he appears to have been dissatisfied, from the story of his telling Cleanthes that he only wished to learn the principles of his school, and would himself provide arguments to defend them. Besides his struggles against the Academy, he felt very strongly the dangerous influence of the Epicurean system; and in order to counterbalance the seductive influence of their moral theory, he seems to have wished in some degree to popularize the Stoic doctrine, and to give to the study of ethics a more prominent place than was consistent with his statement, that physics (under which he included the whole science of theology, or investigations into the nature of God) was the highest branch of philosophy. This is one of the contradictions for which he is reproached by Plutarch, whose work De Stoicorur Repugnantiis is written chiefly against his inconsistencies, some of which are important, some merely verbal. The third of the ancient divisions of philosophy, logic (oi the theory of the sources of human knowledge), was not considered by Chrysippus of the same importance as it had appeared to Plato and Aristotle; and he followed the Epicureans in calling it rather the organum of philosophy than a part of philosophy itself. He was also strongly opposed to another opinion of Aristotle, viz. that a life of contemplative solitude is best suited to the wise man-considering this a mere pretext for selfish enjoyment, and extolling a life of energy and activity. (Plut. de Stoic. Rep. ii.) Chrysippus is pronounced by Cicero (de Nat. Deor. iii. 10) " homo sine dubio versutus, et callidus," and the same character of quickness and sagacity was generally attributed to him by the ancients. His industry was so great, that he is said to have seldom written less than 500 lines a-day, and to have left behind him 705 works. These however seem to have consisted very largely of quotations, and to have been undistinguished for elegance of style. Though none of them are extant, yet his fragments are much more numerous than those of his two predecessors. His erudition was profound, he is called by Cicero (Tusc. i. 45) "in omni historia curiosus," and he appears to have overlooked no branch of study except mathematics and natural philosophy, which were neglected by the Stoics till the time of Posidonius. His taste for analysing and refuting fallacies and sophistical subtleties was derived from the Megarians (Plut. Stoic. Rep. x.): in the whole of this branch of reasoning he was very successful, and has left numerous treatises on the subject, e.g. irep't Te Zv 741r 7rTw(r;wV,, repi Ashewv, K. T. A. (Diog. La;rt. vii. 192, 193.) He.was the inventor of the kind of argument called Sorites. (Ckrysippi acervus, Pers. Sat. vi. 80.) In person he was so slight, that his
Page 701 CHRYSIPPUS. statue in the Cerameicus was hidden by a neighbouring figure of a horse; whence Carneades, who, as head of the Academy, bore him no great goodwill, gave him the soubriquet of Kpv'4/tnros. (Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. p. 144; Ritter, Geschichte der Phil. xi. 5, 1; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Phil. II. ii. 9, 2; Baguet, de Chrysippi vita, doctrina et reliquiis Comment. Lovan. 1822; Petersen, Philosophiae Chrysippeae Fundamenta, Alton. 1827.) The general account of the doctrine of the Stoics is given under ZENO. [G. E. L. C.] CHRYSIPPUS (XpVi'nirnros), the name of several physicians, who have been frequently confounded together, and whom it is sometimes difficult to distinguish with certainty. 1. Of Cnidos, has sometimes been confounded with the celebrated Stoic philosopher of the same name, who, however, lived about a century later. He was the son of Erineus (Diog. Laert. viii. 89), and must have lived in the fourth century B. c., as he was a contemporary of Praxagoras (Cels. De Med. Praef. lib. i. p. 5; Plin. H. N. xxvi. 6), a pupil of Eudoxus of Cnidos and Philistion (Diog. Laert. 1. c.), father of Chrysippus the physician to Ptolemy Soter (id. vii. 186), and tutor to Erasistratus (id. 1. c.; Plin. H. N. xxix. 3; Galen, De Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr. c. 7, vol. xi. p. 171), Aristogenes (id. De Ven. sect. adv. Erasistr. Rom. Deg. c. 2, et De Cur. Rat. per Ven. Sect. c. 2, vol. xi. pp. 197, 252), Medius (id. ibid.), and Metrodorus. (Sext. Empir. cont. Maihem. i. 12, p. 271, ed. Fabric.) He accompanied his tutor Eudoxus into Egypt (Diog. Laert. viii. 87), but nothing more is known of the events of his life. He wrote several works, which are not now extant, and Galen says (De Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr. Rom. Deg. c. 5, vol. xi. p. 221), that even in his time they were in danger of being lost. Several, of his medical opinions are, however, preserved by Galen, by whom he is frequently quoted and referred to. (De Ven. Sect. adv. Erasistr., (c., vol. xi. pp. 149, &c., 171, &c., 197, 221, &c.) 2. The son of the preceding, was a physician to Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, B. c. 323-283, and was falsely accused, scourged, and put to death, but on what charge is not mentioned. (Diog. Laert. vii. 186.) 3. A pupil of Erasistratus (Diog. Lairt. vii. 186), who must have lived therefore in the third century B. c. Some persons think he was the author of the work De Brassica, " On the Cabbage," mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xx. 33) and Plinius Valerianus (De Med. iv. 29), but this is quite uncertain. 4. A writer on Agriculture, FrcepycKd, mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (vii. 186), and distinguished by him from the pupil of Erasistratus. 5. A follower of Asclepiades, who must therefore (if Asclepiades of Bithynia be the person meant) have lived in the first century B. c. One of his works is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Citron. iv. 8, p. 537), and a physician of the same name is mentioned by him in several other passages (pp. 99, 107, 323, 376), but whether the same person be meant in each passage is uncertain. 6. A native of Cilicia, who may perhaps have been the tutor of Athenaeus (who was also born in Cilicia), as Galen calls him the great-grandfather of the sect of the Pneumatici. (De Dif. Puls. ii. 10, vol. viii. p. 631.) He lived probably about the beginning of the Christian aera. [W. A. G ] CHRYSOCEPHALUS. 701 CHRYSIPPUS (Xpv-inrroe), a native of Cappadocia, was a celebrated ecclesiastical writer, who lived during the middle of the fifth century of the Christian aera. Chrysippus had two brothers, Cosmas and Gabriel, all of whom received a learned education in Syria, and were afterwards intrusted to the care of the abbot Euthymius at Jerusalem. There Chrysippus took orders, and became Oeconomus in the " Monasterium Laurae," praefect of the church of the Holy Resurrection, and custos of the church of the Holy Cross, an office which he held during ten years. He wrote many works on ecclesiastical matters, and his style is at once elegant and concise; but his productions are lost except a treatise entitled " Homilia de Sancta Deipara," which is contained with a Latin translation in the second volume of "Auctuarius Duceanus," and some fragments of a small work entitled " Encomium Theodori Martyris," which are extant in Eustathius Constantinopolitanus' " Liber de Statu Vitae Functorum." (Cave, Hist. Liter. vol. i. p. 357.) [W. P.] CHRYSOBERGES, LUCAS (Aovecs Xpv-o~ip7ys), an important writer on the Canon law and other ecclesiastical and religious subjects, was chosen patriarch of Constantinople in A. D. 1155, presided at the synod of Constantinople in 1166, and died in 1167. His works are mostly lost, and only some fragments are printed. Thirteen " Decreta Synodalia" are contained in Leunclavius, " Jus Graeco-Romanum." They treat on important subjects, as, for instance, No. 2. " De Clericis qui se immiscent saecularibus Negotiis;" No. 4. " De indecoris et scenicis Ritibus sanctorum notariorum Festo abrogandis;" No. 13. " Ne Clerici turpilucra fiant, aut medici," &c. A Greek poem in iambic verses, and another poem on fasting, both extant in MS. in the imperial library at Vienna, are attributed to Chrysoberges, and it is believed that he wrote his poem on fasting at the request of a lady, before he was appointed to the patriarchal see of Constantinople. One Maximus Chrysoberges, who lived about 1400, wrote " Oratio de Processione Spiritus Sancti," dedicated to the Cretans, and which is printed with a Latin translation in the second vol. of Leo Allatius, " Graecia Orthodoxa." (Cave, Hist. Liter. ii. p. 390, ad an. 1155; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. pp. 338, 339, ix. 679.) [W. P.] CHRYSOCE'PHALUS, MACA'RIUS (Maicdpios XpvooociaAos), a Greek ecclesiastical writer of great repute. The time at which he lived has been the subject of much investigation: Cave says that it is not correctly known; Oudin thinks that he lived about A. D. 1290; but Fabricius is of opinion that he lived in the fourteenth century, as would appear from the fact, that the condemnation of Barlaam and Gregorius Acindynus took place in the synod of Constantinople in 1351, in presence of. a great number of prelates, among whom there was Macarius, archbishop of Philadelphia. The original name of Chrysocephalus was Macarius, and he was also archbishop of Philadelphia; lie was called Chrysocephalus because, having made numerous extracts from the works of the fathers, he arranged them under different heads, which he called XpvOc, Cspdata, or " Golden Heads." Chrysocephalus was a man of extensive learning: his works, which were very numerous, were entirely on religious subjects, and highly esteemed in his day; but only one, of comnparatively
Page 702 702 CHRYSOCOCCES. small importance, the "1 Oratio in Exaltationem Sanctae Crucis," has been published, with a Latin translation, by Gretserus, in his great work " De Cruce." The most important work of Chrysocephalus is his Commentary on St. Matthew, in three volumes, each of which was divided into twenty books. Only the first volume, containing twenty books, is extant in the Bodleian. (Cod. Baronianus; it is entitled 'E(iy-ois els iTo card Ma'rOaiw clytov Eday-yEAov, avAXyyee'a ical evvresOEa'a tsaXatiwc^os 7rapa Matcapiov MyTrporoAtrov itXhae\(Peias 'ToD XpveooE6c(aeov, &c.) Fabricius gives the prooemium to it, with a Latin translation. The most important among his other works are " Orationes XIV. in Festa Ecclesiae," " Expositio in Canones Apostolorum et Conciliorum," which he wrote in the island of Chios, "Magnum Alphabetum," a Commentary on Lucas, so called because it is divided into as many chapters as there are letters in the alphabet, viz. twenty-four; it is extant in the Bodleian, and is inscribed Eday'yeXucKcv 8i'voeav pfalcircu v Xpuoeicepxhaos evvriOijv ei'vOdBe a3Treivos Maca'pios tihaesXPleas, 6 oi4 c rETrs 'r fs ucacapias Tpcil0os. Fabricius gives the prooemium, " Cosmogenia," a Commentary on Genesis, divided into two parts, the first of which is entitled "' Cosmogenia," and the second " Patriarchae." The MS. works of Chrysocephalus were nearly all known to Gretserus, and still more so to Leo Allatius, who often refers to them, and gives some fragments or passages of them in his works " De Concilio Florentino, adversus Creightonium," " Diatriba de Script. Symeon.," " De Psellis," &c. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. viii. pp. 675-683; Cave, Hist. Lit. vol. ii. D. pp. 19, 20.) [W. P.] CHRYSO'CHOUS (Xpvo-dXoos), a poor man at Alexandria, who may have lived between the fifth and tenth centuries after Christ, of whom a story is told by Nicolaus Myrepsus. (De Compos. Medicam. xxiv. 60, 85, pp. 664, 666.) At the age of thirty-two he lost his sight, upon which he went to a chapel of the Blessed Virgin to offer up prayers for his recovery. Here he is said to have been directed to a place where he would find a written paper, which contained a prescription for making an eye-wash; by means of which he was himself restored to sight, and also gained a large income by healing others. At his death he gave the prescription to one of his daughters, and it has been preserved by Nicolaus Myrepsus. [W. A. G.] CHRYSOCOCCES, GEO'RGIUS (rEw'pyros 6 Xpuooedicoicsi), was a learned Greek physician, who lived in the middle of the fourteenth century of the Christian aera, and wrote several valuable works on astronomy and mathematics. It would seem that Georgius Chrysococces is identical with Chrysococces the friend of Theodore Gaza, both of whom were employed for some time in the library of the Vatican, and saved several valuable Greek MSS. from oblivion or destruction. None of the works of Chrysococces have been printed, although their publication would apparently be a valuable acquisition to the history of astronomy. Ilis principal works extant in MS. are: 'Esinyrsjirs els TDv crUVraLV TWc:V leprcpuv Ev KE)( aAaouLSo, 5v w rots 'A-rTpovoFulKorsh aypcUijcsaoe, Kta rFEWypaUicKOsr 7rivativ, " Expositio in Constructionem Persarum per Capita 47, cum Astronomicis Designationibus, et Geographicis Tabulis," in the Bibl. Ambrosiana. It seems that this work is the same which we find in the Royal Library at Paris, under the title CHRYSOLORAS. rewpyfov 0rou Xpvooicic r0o larpov 'Aa-rpovofuKci. There is another Codex in the same library, intitled rewpyiov larpov 70Tv XpvooKteicKnt repp 7Vrs Esipja'seC s T?Lcs t'paer js Trws eaUs oIvTuylas 4jPiou Ical eiEksvIrs, " De inveniendis Syzygiis Lunae solaribus per singulos Anni Menses." In the Royal Library at Madrid is IcRs eiW KaraccaT KEvseiv 'npocrico'erov, TroI 'AoerpxasGov, " Quomodo construendum sit Horoscopium, aut Astrolabium." A codex in the Ambrosian Library, inscribed"Ersc0LsT els TO 'rv'Ilovoaicvy (airrpvyov, " Editio et Expositio Syntagmatis Canonum Astronomicorum Judaicorum," is attributed to Georgius Chrysococces, who has also left a MS. of Homer's Odyssey, written and accompanied with scholia by himself, in the year of the world 6844 (A. D. 1336), as it is said in the copy of this work which was formerly in the Bibl. Palatina at Heidelberg, whence it was sent to Rome by the Spaniards, and kept in the Vatican library till 1815, when it was sent back to Heidelberg with the rest of the Palatine library by order of pope Pius VII. It is doubtful if Georgius Chrysococces is the same Chrysococces who wrote a history of the Byzantine empire, of which a fragment on the murder of sultan Miirad I. in A. 1). 1389 is given by Fabricius. The complete astronomical works of Chrysococces, as stated above, have not been published, but several of his Astronomical and Geographical tables have been inserted in various modern works on Astronomy and Geography. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. pp. 54 57.) [W. P.] CHRYSO'GONUS (Xpvao'yovos.) 1. A celebrated player on the flute, who dressed in a sacred robe (OrvOuiK) orroX) played to keep the rowers in time, when Alcibiades made his triumphal entry into the Peiraeeus on his return from banishment in B. c. 407. From'a conversation between the father of Chrysogonus and Stratonicus, reported by Athenaeus, it seems that Chrysogonus had a brother who was a dramatic poet. Chrysogonus himself was the author of a poem or drama entitled noXtreia, which some attributed to Epicharmus. (Athen. xii. p. 353, d., viii. p. 350, e., xiv. p. 648, d.) 2. The father of the poet Samus, was an intimate friend and devoted servant of Philip V. of Macedon. (B. c. 220-179.) He was employed by Philip both in war and in peace, and possessed great influence with the king, which he seems to have exercised in an honourable manner, for Polybius says that Philip was most merciful when he followed the advice of Chrysogonus. (Polyb. v. 9, 97, vii. 12, ix. 23.) CHRYSO'GONUS, L. CORNE'LIUS, a favourite freedman of Sulla, purchased, at Sulla's sale of the goods of the proscribed, the property of S. Roscius Amerinus, which was worth 250 talents, for 2000 denarii, and afterwards accused Roscius's son, who was also named S. Roscius Amerinus, of the murder of his father. (B. c. 80.) Cicero pronounced his first public oration in defence of Roscius, and in that oration we have a powerful picture of the profligate character of Chrysogonus. It cannot be said with certainty whether in this proceeding Chrysogonus was, a:s Plutarch affirms, merely the instrument of Sulla. (Plut. Cic. 3; Cic. pro S. Rose. Amer.; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 18. s. 58.) [P. S.] CHRYSOLO'RAS, DEME'TRIUS (Aeuinrpros e XpvorAtwpas), a native of Thessalonica, was a Greek priest renowned as a theologian, philose
Page 703 CHRYSOLORAS. pher, astronomer, and statesman. His uncommon talents procured him an introduction to John Cantacuzenus, formerly emperor (John VI.) and from 1355 a monk. Cantacuzenus recommended him to the emperor Manuel II. (1391-1425),by whom he was employed in various important offices. Manuel sent him on several occasions as ambassador to foreign courts. One hundred letters which Chrysoloras wrote to that emperor are extant in MS. in the Bodleian, and in the Royal Library at Paris. Besides these letters, Chrysoloras wrote several treatises on religious subjects, entitled AtdaAoyor, such as " Dialogus adversus Demetrium Cydonium, pro Nicolao Cabasila de Processione Spiritus Sancti;" " Dialogus contra Latinos;" " Encomium in S. Demetrium Martyrem;" " Tractatus ex Libris Nili contra Latinos de Processione Spiritus Sancti;" " Epistola ad Barlaamum de Processione Spiritus Sancti," extant in a Latin translation, probably made by the same Barlaam with his own refutation, in the Bibliotheca Patrum Coloniensis;" " Homilise de Transfiguratione Christi;"'" De Sepultura;" " De Resurrectione;" " De Annunciatione," &c., extant in MS. in different libraries in England and on the continent. " Disputatio coram Manuele Imperatore inter Demetrium Chrysoloram et Antonium Asculanum de Christi Verbis, Melius ei (Judae) esset si natus non fuisset," Ex versione Georgii Trombae, Florence, 1 618; it seems that the Greek text of this work is lost. (Fabric. Bibl. Grae. xi. p. 411, &c.; Cave, His.t Lit. vol. ii. p. 520.) [W. P.] CHRYSOLO'RAS, MANUEL (MaevovuA d Xpverdoowpas), one of the most learned Greeks of his time, contributed to the revival of Greek literature in western Europe. Towards the close of the fourteenth century the Greek empire was in the greatest danger of being overthrown by sultan Bayazid II., who, however, was checked in his ambitious designs by Timur, and being taken prisoner by him, died in captivity. Before this event, and probably in A. D. 1389, Manuel Chrysoloras was sent by the emperor Manuel Palaeologus to some European kings (among others to the English), at whose courts he remained several years, endeavouring to persuade them to undertake a crusade against the Turks. His efforts, however, were unsuccessful, for the western princes had no confidence in the Greek emperor, nor in his promises to effect the union of the Greek with the Latin church. Having become acquainted with several of the most learned Italians, he accepted their proposition to settle in Italy and to lecture on the Greek language and literature. This he did with great success in Venice, Florence, Milan (1397), Pavia, and Rome: his most distinguished pupils were Leonardo Aretino, Leonardo Bruni, Poggio Bracciotini, Filelfo, Francisco Strozzi, and many more. His renown as a learned priest and eloquent orator were so great, that he was sent to the council of Constance, where he died a short time after his arrival, in the month of April, 1415. He was buried in the church of the Dominicans at Constance, and Aeneas Sylvius wrote his epitaph, which is given in the works cited below. Manuel Chrysoloras was the author of several treatises on religious subjects, and a considerable number of letters on various topics, which are extant in different libraries in Italy, France, Germany, and Sweden. Only two of his works have been printed, viz., 1. " Epistolae III de Comparatione CHRYSOSTOMUS. 703 Veteris et Novae Romae," the Greek text with a Latin version by Petrus Lambecius, appended to " Codices de Antiquitatibus Constantinop." Paris, 1665, fol. These letters are elegantly written. The first is rather prolix, and is addressed to the emperor John Palaeologus; the second to John Chrysoloras; and the third to Demetrius Chrysoloras. This John Chrysoloras, the contemporary of Manuel and Demetrius Chrysoloras, wrote some treatises and letters of little importance, several of which are extant in MS. 2. 'Epc~TruaTa sive Quaestiones (that is, " Grammaticales"), printed probably for the first time in 1488, and frequently reprinted at the latter end of that century and the beginning of the next. This is a grammar of the Greek language, and one of the first that circulated in Italy. (Fabric. Bibl. Grae. xi. p. 409, &c.) [W. P.] CHRYSOPELEIA (Xpvo-rowirea), a hamadryad who was one day in great danger, as the oak-tree which she inhabited was undermined by a mountain torrent. Arcas, who was hunting in the neighbourhood, discovered her situation, led the torrent in another direction, and secured the tree by a dam. Chrysopeleia became by Arcas the mother of Elatus and Apheidas. (Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 1; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480.) [L. S.] CHRYSO'STOMUS, JOANNES (Xpvsdo- otos, golden-mouthed, so surnamed from the power of his eloquence), was born at Antioch, most probably A. D. 347, though the dates 344 and 354 have also been given. His father Secundus was a general in the imperial army, and his mother Anthusa was left a widow soon after his birth. From her he received his first religious impressions, so that she was to him what Monica was to Augustin, though, unlike Augustin, Chrysostom from his earliest childhood was continually advancing in seriousness and earnestness of mind, and underwent no violent inward struggle before he embraced Christianity. To this circumstance, Neander (Kirchengesch. iii. p. 1440, &c.) attributes the peculiar form of his doctrine, his strong feeling that the choice of belief or unbelief rests with ourselves, and that God's grace is given in proportion to our own wish to receive it. Libanius taught him eloquence, and said, that he should have desired to see him his successor in his school, if the Christians had not stolen him. Before his ordination, he retired first to a monastery near Antioch, and afterwards to a solitary cavern, where he committed the whole of the Bible to memory. In this cavern he so injured his health that he was obliged to return to Antioch, where he was ordained deacon by the bishop Meletius, A. D. 381, who had previously baptized him, and afterwards presbyter by Flavianus, successor to Meletius, A. D. 386. At Antioch his success as a preacher was so great, that on the death of Nectarius, archbishop of Constantinople, he was chosen to succeed him by Eutropius, minister to the emperor Arcadius, and the selection was readily ratified by the clergy and people of the imperial city, A. D. 397. The minister who appointed him was a eunuch of infamous profligacy, and Chrysostom was very soon obliged to extend to him the protection of the church. Tribigild, the Ostrogoth, aided by the treachery of Gainas, the imperial general, who hated and despised Eutropius, threatened Constantinople itself by his armies, anl demanded as a condition of peace the head of Eutropius, who fled to the sanctuary of the cathedral. While he was grovelling in terror at the altar,
Page 704 704 CHRYSOSTOMUS. Chrysostom ascended the pulpit, and by his eloquence saved his life for the time, though it was afterwards sacrificed to the hatred of his enemies. The sermons of the archbishop soon gave great offence at Constantinople. The tone of his theology was always rather of a practical than a doctrinal kind, and his strong sense of the power of the human will increased his indignation at the immorality of the capital. He was undoubtedly rash and violent in his proceedings, and the declamatory character of his preaching was exactly adapted to express the stern morality of his thoughts. He was also disliked for the simplicity of his mode of living, and the manner in which he diverted the revenues of his see from the luxuries in which his predecessors had consumed them, to humane and charitable objects. Many of the worldly-minded monks and clergy, as well as the ministers and ladies of the court, became his enemies, and at their head appeared the empress Eudoxia herself, who held her husband's weak mind in absolute subjection. His unpopularity was spread still more widely in consequence of a visitation which he held in Asia Minor, two years after his consecration, in which he accused several bishops of simony and other gross crimes, and deposed thirteen of them. (Comp. Honm. iii. in Act. Apost.) Meanwhile, a contest had arisen in Egypt between Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, and certain monks of Nitria, who followed the opinions of Origen. At their head were four of one family, known as the Tall Brothers (d'eAeol pcaKpoi), against whom Theophilus seems to have been prejudiced by a strictly private quarrel. (Palladius, ap. Chrysost. ed. Montfauc. vol. xiii.) He excommunicated them, and they fled to Constantinople, where they sought the protection of Chrysostom and of the empress. A long dispute followed, in the course of which Theophilus, by artfully working on the simplicity of Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and other prelates hostile to the opinions of Origen, prejudiced them against Chrysostom as implicated in the charge of heresy with which those views had recently been branded by a synod. Eudoxia, who had summoned Theophilus to Constantinople to answer the charge of persecuting the Nitrian monks, became his warm friend when she saw in him her instrument for the destruction of Chrysostom; and he arrived at the capital of the East not as an accused person, but as the judge of its archbishop. But the same causes which had brought on Chrysostom the hatred of the higher orders had made him the idol of the people; and as it was thought unsafe to hold a synod against him within the city, it was summoned to meet on an estate at Chalcedon, called the oak, whence it is known by the name of rv'vo-os rrpos Triv Spdv. The accusations against him were various; his inhospitality was especially put forward (oTI 'ri v lqoLvAaEv dOerE, Lovoorfiav er7m'rIE7Eivw, O6t Ldvos E0iOiElt, daowru s wcv KvKicAdrwv o'v, Phot. Cod. 59), and the charge of Origenism was used to blind the better part of the assembly. Before this council Chrysostom steadily refused to appear, until four bishops, notoriously his enemies, were removed from it, who are called by Isidore of Pelusium (i. 152) o'veppyoti u6Xaov oavva'rdorl-cra with Theophilus. He was therefore deposed for contumacy, forty-five bishops subscribing his sentence, to which was added a hint to the emperor, that his sermons against Eudoxia subjected him to the penalties of treason. CH-RYSOSTOMUS. At first he refused to desert the flock which God had entrusted to him; but, on hearing that there was a danger of an insurrection in his favour, lie retired from Constantinople, to which he was recalled in a few days by a hasty message from the empress, whose superstitious fears were alarmed by an earthquake, which the enraged people considered as a proof of the divine anger at his banishment. But in two months after his return he was again an exile. The festivities attending the dedication of a silver statue of Eudoxia near the cathedral had disturbed the worshippers, and provoked an angry sermon from the archbishop, who, on hearing that this had excited anew the enmity of the empress, began another sermon with this exordium:-" Herodias again rages, once more she dances, she again requires the head of John." This offence Eudoxia could not forgive. A new synod of Eastern bishops, guided by the advice of Theophilus, condemned Chrysostom for resuming his functions before his previous sentence had been legally reversed, and he was hastily conveyed to the desolate town of Cucusus, on the borders of Isauria, Cilicia, and Armenia. Chrysostom's character shone even more brightly in adversity than it had done in power. In spite of the inclement climate to which he was banished, and continual danger from the neighbourhood of Isaurian robbers, he sent letters full of encouragement and Christian faith to his friends at Constantinople, and began to construct a scheme for spreading the gospel among the Persians and Goths. He met with much sympathy from other churches, especially the Roman, whose bishop, Innocent, declared himself his warm friend and supporter. All this excited jealousy at Constantinople, and in the summer of A. D. 407 an order came for his removal to Pityus, in Pontus, at the very extremity of the East-Roman empire. But the fatigues of his journey, which was performed on foot under a burning sun, were too much for him, and he died at Comana in Pontus, in the 60th year of his age. His last words were those of Job,-80-F a o'r O erT-dvCrwv i'Yvecev, and formed a worthy conclusion of a life spent in God's service. His exile nearly caused a schism at Constantinople, where a party, named after him Johannists, separated from the church, and refused to acknowledge his successors. They did not return to the general communion till A. D. 438, when the archbishop Proclus prevailed on the emperor Theodosius II. to bring back the bones of Chrysostom to. Constantinople, where they were received with the highest honours, the emperor himself publicly imploring the forgiveness of heaven for the crime of his parents, Arcadius and Eudoxia. Chrysostom, as we learn from his biographers, was short, with a large bald head, high forehead, hollow cheeks, and sunken eyes. The Greek church celebrates his festival Nov. 13, the Latin, Jan. 27. The works of Chrysostom are most voluminous. They consist of: 1. Homilies on different parts of Scripture and points of doctrine and practice. 2. Commentaries, by which, as we learn from Suidas, he had illustrated the whole of the Bible, though some of them afterwards perished in a fire at Constantinople. 3. Epistles addressed to agre;t number of different persons. 4. Treatises on various subjects, e. g. the Priesthood (six books), Providence (three books), &c. 5. Liturgies. Of the homilies, those on St. Paul are superior to anything in ancient theology, and Thomas Aquinas
Page 705 CHRYSOSTOMUS. said, that he would not accept the whole city of Paris for those on St. Matthew, delivered at Antioch, A. D. 390-397. The letters written in exile have been compared to those of Cicero composed under similar circumstances; but in freedom from vanity and selfishness, and in calmness and resignation, Chrysostom's epistles are infinitely superior to Cicero's. Among the collection of letters is one from the emperor Honorius to his brother Arcadius in defence of Chrysostom, found in the Vatican, and published by Baronius and afterwards by Montfaucon. The merits of Chrysostom as an expositor of Scripture are very great. Rejecting the allegorical interpretations which his predecessors had put upon it, he investigates the meaning of the text grammatically, and adds an ethical or doctrinal application to a perspicuous explanation of the sense. The first example of grammatical interpretation had indeed been set by Origen, many of whose critical remarks are of great merit; but Chrysostom is free from his mystical fancies, and quite as well acquainted with. the language of the New Testament. The Greek expositors who followed him have done little more than copy his explanations. The commentary of Theodoret is a faithful compendium of Chrysostom's homilies, and so also are the works of Theophylact and Oecumenius, so much so that to those who wish to gain a knowledge of the results of his critical labours, the study of the two latter may be recommended as perfectly correct compilers from their more prolix predecessor. Of Chrysostom's powers as a preacher the best evidence is contained in the history of his life; there is no doubt that his eloquence produced the deepest impression on his hearers, and while we dissent from those who have ranked him with Demosthenes and Cicero, we cannot fail to admire the power of his language in expressing moral indignation, and to sympathise with the ardent love of all that is good and noble, the fervent piety, and absorbing faith in the Christian revelation, which pervade his writings. His faults are too great diffuseness and a love of metaphor and ornament. He often repelled with indignation the applause with which his sermons were greeted, exclaiming, " The place where you are is no theatre, nor are you now sitting to gaze upon actors." (IHom. xvii. Matt. vii.) There are many respects in which he shews the superiority of his understanding to the general feelings of the age. We may cite as one example the fact, that although he had been a monk, he was far from exalting monachism above the active duties of the Christian life. (See Horn. vii. in Heb. iv.; Horn. vii. in Ephes. iv.) " How shall we conquer our enemies," he asks in one place, "if some do not busy themselves about goodness at all, while those who do withdraw from the battle?" (Horn. vi. in 1 Cor. iv.) Again, he was quite free from the view of inspiration which prevailed at Alexandria, and which considered the Bible in such a sense the word of God, as to overlook altogether the human element in its composition, and the difference of mind and character in its authors. Variations in trifles he speaks of as proofs of truth (Horn. i. in Matth.); so that he united the principal intellectual with the principal moral element necessary for an interpretator of Scripture, a critical habit of mind with a real depth of Christian feeling. At the same time he was not always free CHRYSOSTOMUS. 705 from the tendencies of the time, speaking often of miracles wrought by the relics of martyrs, consecrated oil, and the sign of the cross, and of the efficacy of exorcism, nor does he always express himself on some of the points already noticed with the same distinctness as in the examples cited above. His works are historically valuable as illustrating the manners of the 4th and 5th centuries of the Christian aera, the social state of the people, and the luxurious licence which disgraced the capital. (See Jortin, Eccles. Hist. iv. p. 169, &c.) The most elaborate among the ancient authorities for Chrysostom's life are the following:1. Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, whose work (a dialogue) was published in a Latin translation at Venice A. nD. 1533, and in the original text at Paris in 1680. It is to be found in Montfaucon's edition of Chrysostom's works, vol. xiii. 2. The Ecclesiastical Histories of Socrates (lib. vi.), Sozomenus (lib. viii.), Theodoret (v. 27). 3. The works of Suidas ('Iwad'vv's), and Isidore of Pelusium (ii. Epist. 42), besides several others, some published and some in MS., of which a list will be found in Fabricius (Bibl. Grace. vol. viii. pp. 456-460). Among the more modern writers it will suffice to mention Erasmus (vol. iii. Ep. 1150. p. 1331, &c., ed.Lugd. Bat.), J. Frederic Meyer (Chrysostomus LutheraWis, Jena, 1680), with Hack's reply (S. J. Chrysostomus a Lultheranismo vindicatus, 1683), Cave (Script. Eccl. Hist. Litter. vol. i ), Lardner (Credibility of the Gospel HIist. part ii. vol. x. c. 118), Tillemont ('fM&noires Ecclesiastiqies, vol. xi. pp. 1 -405, &c.), and Montfaucon, his principal editor. Gibbon's account (Decline and Fall, xxxii.) is compiled from Palladius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Tillemont, Erasmus, and Montfaucon. But the best of all will be found in Neander (Kirclhengesch. ii. 3, p. 1440, &c.), who has also published a separate life of Chrysostom. Chrysostom's works were first published in Latin at Venice in 1503, Comment. impensa et studio Bernardini Staynini Tridinensis et Gregorii de Gregoriis. Several editions followed at Basle, also in Latin, and in 1523 the Homilies on Genesis were translated there by Oecolampadius (Hauschein). In 1536 his works were published at Paris, but the most famous edition which appeared in that city was cura Frontonis Ducaei, 1613, whose: translation is much commended by Montfaucon. In Greek were first published at Verona, 1529, the Homilies on St. Paul's Epistles, edited by Gilbert Bishop of Verona, with a preface by Donatus, addressed to Pope Clement VII. In 1610 -13, the most complete collection of Chrysostom's works which had yet appeared was published at Eton by Norton, the king's printer, under the superintendence of Henry Savil, in 8 vols.: this edition contained notes by Casaubon and others. In 1609, at Paris, F. Morell began to publish the Greek text with the version of Ducaeus, a task which was completed by Charles Morell in 1633. Of this edition the text is compiled from that of Savil, and that of an edition of the Commentaries on the New Testament, published at Heidelberg by Commelin, 1591-1603. In 1718 -38 appeared, also at Paris, the editio optima by b Bernard de Montfaucon, in 13 vols. folio. He has I endeavoured to ascertain the date of the different works, has prefixed to most of them a short dissertation on the circumstances under which it wau 2z
Page 706 706 CITHONIA. written, with an inquiry into its authenticity, and has added very much hitherto unpublished, together with the principal ancient lives of Chrysostom. Montfaucon was a Benedictine monk, and was assisted by others of his order. Of separate works of Chrysostom the editions and translations are almost innumerable. Erasmus translated some of the homilies and commentaries; and the edition of two homilies (those on 1 Cor. and 1 Thess. iv.) " Gr. Lat. interprete Joanne Cheko, Cantabrigiensi, Londini, ap. Reyner Vuolfuin. 1543" is interesting as the first book printed with Greek types in England. Some of the homilies are translated in the Library of the Fathers now publishing at Oxford, and those on St. Matthew have been recently edited by the Rev. F. Field, Fellow of Trin. Coll. Cambridge. The number of MSS. of Chrysostom is also immense: the principal of these are in the royal library at Paris, the imperial library at Vienna (to which collection two of great value were added by Maria Theresa), and that of St. Mark at Venice. [G. E. L. C.] CHRYSO'STOMUS, DION. [DION.] CHRYSO'THEMIS (Xpvo-o06,es). There are four mythical females of this name (Hygin. Fab. 170, Poet. Astr. ii. 25; Diod. v. 22; Hom. II. ix. 287), and one male, a son of Carmanor, the priest of Apollo at Tarrha in Crete. He is said to have been a poet, and to have won the first victory in the Pythian games by a hymn on Apollo. (Paus. x, 7. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CHRYSO'THEMITS (Xpvcrdetis) and EUTE'LIDAS (EvreA1ias), statuaries of Argos, made in bronze the statues of Damaretus and his son Theopompus, who were each twice victorious in the Olympic games. The victories of Demaretus were in the 65th and 66th Olympiads, and the artists of course lived at the same time (B. c. 520 and onwards). Pausanias describes one of the statues, and quotes the inscription, which contained the names of the artists, and which described them as rexvav Eildres ie irpore'pwv, which appears to mean that, like the early artists in general, they each belonged to a family in which art was hereditary. (x. 6. ~ 2.) [P. S.] CHRYSUS (Xpveo's), the fourteenth (or thirteenth) of the family of the Asclepiadae, was the youngest son of Nebrus, the brother of Gnosidicus, and the father of Elaphus; and lived in the sixth century B. c. in the island of Cos. During the Crissaean war, while the Amphyctions were besieging the town of Crissa in Phocis, the plague broke out among their army. Having consulted the oracle of Delphi in consequence, they were directed to fetch from Cos " the young of a stag, together with gold," which was interpreted to mean Nebrus and Chrysus. They accordingly persuaded them both to join the camp, where Chrysus was the first person to mount the wall at the time of the general assault, but was at the same time mortally wounded, B. c. 591. He was buried in the hippodrome at Delphi, and worshipped by the inhabitants as a hero (e'vanyifc). (Thessali Oratio, in Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. p. 836, &c.) [W. A. G.] CHTHO'NIA (X6ovia), may mean the subterraneous, or the goddess of the earth, that is, the protectress of the fields, whence it is used as a surname of infernal divinities, such as Hecate (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 148; Orph. Hymn. 35. 9), Nyx (Orph. Hymn. 2. 8), and Melino8 (Orph. CHUMNUS. Hymn. 70. 1), but especially of Demeter. (Herod. ii. 123; Orph. JHymn. 39. 12; Artemid. ii. 35; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 987.) Although the name, in the case of Demeter, scarcely requires explanation, yet mythology relates two stories to account for it. According to one of them, Clymenus and Chthonia, the children of Phoroneus, founded at Hermione a sanctuary of Demeter, and called her Chthonia from the name of one of the founders. (Paus. ii. 35. ~ 3.) According to an Argive legend, Demeter on her wanderings came to Argolis, where she was ill-received by Colontas. Chthonia, his daughter, was dissatisfied with her father's conduct, and, when Colontas and his house were burnt by the goddess, Chthonia was carried off by her to Hermione, where she built a sanctuary to Demeter Chthonia, and instituted the festival of the Chthonia in her honour. (Paus. ii. 35. ~ 3; Dict. of Ant. s. v. X0dsua.) A third mythical personage of this name occurs in Apollodorus (iii. 15. ~ 1). [L. S.] CHTHO'NIUS (Xeo'vos) has the same meaning as Chthonia, and is therefore applied to the gods of the lower world, or the shades (Hom. II. ix. 457; Hesiod. Op. 435; Orph. Hymn. 17. 3, 69. 2, Argon. 973), and to beings that are considered as earth-born. (Apollod. iii. 4. ~ 1; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1398.) It is also used in the sense of "gods of the land," or "native divinities." (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1322.) There are also several mythical personages of the name of Chtlhonius. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5, iii. 4. ~~ 1, 5; Ov. Met. xii. 441; Diod. v. 53; Paus. ix. 5. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 178.) [L.S.] CHUMNUS, GEORGIUS, a native of Candace or Chandace, in the island of Crete, lived most probably during the later period of the Greek empire. He wrote a history in verse, beginning with the creation of the world and going down to the reign of David and Solomon, kings of Judaea, which is extant in MS. in the imperial library at Vienna, and was formerly in the library of John Suzzo (Susius) at Constantinople. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 43; Cave, Hist. Lit. vol. ii. D. p. 13.) [W. P.] CHUMNUS, MICHAEL, a Graeco-Roman jurist and canonist, who was nomophylax, and afterwards metropolitan of Thessalonica. He is said by Pohl (ad Suares. Notit. Basil. p. 138, n. [a.]) to have lived in the 13th century, in the time of Nicephorus Blemmydas, patriarch of Constantinople, and to have been the author of va, rious works. He is cited by Mat. Blastares (Leunc. J. G. R. i. pp. 482, 487), and is known by a short treatise on the degrees of relationship (7repi T'rv PaXerap'a [qu. apcv] vi rjs trvy'yeelas), inserted in the collection of Leunclavius (i. p. 519). By Suarez (who erroneously identifies Chumnus and Domnus), Chumnus is mentioned among the scholiasts upon the Basilica (Notit. Basil. ~ 42), but this seems to be an error. (Backing, Institutionen, Bonn, 1843, i. p. 108, n. 48; Heimbach, de Basil. Orig. p. 87.) [J. T. G.] CHUMNUS, NICE'PHORUS, renowned as a statesman, a philosopher, and a divine, lived in the latter part of the 13th and in the beginning of the 14th century. He was probably a native of Constantinople, and belonged undoubtedly to one of the first families in the Greek empire. Enjoying the confidence and friendship of the emperor Andronicus Palaeologus the elder, he was successively appointed praefect of the Canicleus, keeper of thle imperial seal-ring, and magnus stratope
Page 707 CHUMNUS. darcha, and his merits were so great, that as early as 1295 Andronicus asked the hand of his daughter, Irene, for one of his sons, John Palaeologus, to whom she was married in the same year. During the unfortunate civil contest between Andronicus the elder and his grandson, Andronicus the younger, Chumnus remained faithful to his imperial patron, and for some time defended the town of Thessalonica, of which he was praefect, against the troops of Andronicus the younger, whom he compelled to raise the siege. It seems that Chumnus had more influence and did more for the support of Andronicus the elder, than any other of the ministers of this unfortunate emperor. Towards the end of his life Chumnus took orders and retired into a convent, where he lived under the name of Nathanael, and occupied himself with literary pursuits. The time of his death has not been ascertained, but we must presume that he died after 1330, during the reign of Andronicus the younger. Nicephorus Chumnus is the author of numerous works and treatises on philosophical, religious, ecclesiastical, rhetorical, and legal subjects, none of which have ever been printed; they are extant in MS. in the principal libraries of Rome, Venice, and Paris. We give the titles of some of them as they stand in Latin in the catalogues of those libraries: " Confutatio Dogmatis de Processione Spiritus Sancti;" " Sermo in Christi Transfigurationem;" "Symbuleuticus de Justitia ad Thessalonicenses, et Urbis Encomium;" " Ex Imperatoris Decreto, ut Judices jurejurando obligentur, ad Munus sancte obeundum;" " Encomium ad Imperatorem" (Andronicum II.); "Querela adversus Niphonem ob male administratam Patriarchatus sui Provinciam;" " Oratio funebris in Theoleptum Metropolitam Philadelphiae;" "Ad Imperatorem de Obitu Despotae et Filii ejus," a letter to Andronicus II. the elder, on the death of his son, the despot John, who had married Irene, the daughter of Chumnus; " De Charitate, erga Proximum, et omnia reliquenda ut Christum sequamur, &c.;" "'De Mundi Natura;" " De Primis et Simplicibus Corporibus;" "Quod Terra quum in Medio sit, infra se nihil habeat;" " Quod neque Materia ante Corpora, neque Formae seorsim, sed haec ipsa simul constent;" "Contra Plotinum de Anima rationali Quaestiones variae, ubi de Metempsychosi, de Belluis, utrum Intellectu praeditae sint, nee ne, de Corporum Resurrectione, et aliis disseritur;" " De Anima sensitiva et vegetiva;" " Quod non impossibile sit, etiam secundum physices Rationes, collocatam esse Aquam in Firmamento, tum, quum Orbis Terrarum creatus sit, eamque ibi esse et perpetuo manere," &c. There are also extant " Oratio in Laudem Imperatoris Andronici Senioris," CICERO. 707 and a great number of letters on various subjects, several of which seem to be of great interest for history, while others, as well as the works cited above, appear to be of considerable importance for the history of Greek civilization in the middle ages. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. vii. pp. 675, 676; Cave, Hist. Liter. vol. ii. p. 494, ad an. 1320; Nicephorus Gregoras, lib. vii. p. 168, ed. Paris; Cantacuzenus, lib. i. p. 45, ed. Paris.) [W. P.] C. CICEREIUS, the secretary (scriba) of the elder Scipio Africanus, was a candidate for the praetorship in B. c. 174 along with Scipio's son, but when he saw that he was obtaining more votes than the latter, he resigned in his favour. (Val. Max. iv. 5. ~ 3, iii. 5. ~ 2.) Cicereius was, however, elected praetor in the following year (B. c. 173), and he obtained the province of Sardinia, but was ordered by the senate to go to Corsica first, in order to conduct the war against the inhabitants of that island. After defeating the Corsicans in battle, he granted them peace on the payment of 200,000 pounds of wax, and then passed over to Sardinia. On his return to Rome next year (B. c. 172) he sued for a triumph on account of his victory in Corsica, and when this was refused by the senate, he celebrated on his own authority a triumph on the Alban mount, a practice which had now become not unfrequent. In the same year he was one of the three ambassadors sent to the Illyrian king, Gentius; and in B. C. 167 he was again despatched on the same mission. In the year before (B. c. 168) he dedicated on the Alban mount the temple to Juno Moneta, which he had vowed in his battle with the Corsicans five years before. (Liv. xli. 33, xlii. 1, 7, 21, 26 xlv. 17, 15.) CI'CERO, the name of a family, little distinguished in history, belonging to the plebeian Claudia gens, the only member of which mentioned is C. Claudius Cicero, tribune of the plebs in B. c. 454. (Liv. iii. 31.) The word seems to be connected with cicer, and may have been originally applied by way of distinction to some individual celebrated for his skill in raising that kind of pulse, by whom the epithet would be transmitted to his descendants. Thus the designation will be precisely analogous to Bulbus, Fabius, Lentulus, Piso, Tubero, and the like. [W. R.] CI'CERO, the name of a family of the Tullii. The Tullii Cicerones had from time immemorial been settled at Arpinum, which received the full franchise in B. C. 188; but they never aspired to any political distinction until the stock was raised by the great orator from that obscurity into which it quickly relapsed after his death. His genealogy, so far as it can be traced, is represented in the following table. 1. M. Tullius Cicero. Married Gratidia. I 2. M. Tullius Cicero. Married Helvia. I 3. L. Tullius Cicero. Q. Tullius Cicero. 4. L. Tullius Cicero. 5. M. TULLIUS CICERO, the orator. MIarried. 1. Terentia. 2. Publilia. a a 6. Married Pomponia. 6 2 z2
Page 708 704 C, CEROO CICERO. a b Tullia. 7. M. Tullius Cicero. 8. Q. Tullius Cicero. Married, 1. C. Piso Frugi. 2. Furius Crassipes. 3. P. Cornelius Dolabella. I Lentulus. 1. M. TULLIUS CICERO, grandfather of the 5. M. TULLIUS CICERO, the orator, eldest son of orator, appears to have taken a lead in his own No. 2. In what follows we do not intend to enter community, and vigorously opposed the projects of deeply into the complicated political transactions of his fellow-townsman and brother-in-law, M. Grati- the era during which this great man flourished, dius, who had raised a great commotion at Arpi- except in so far as he was directly and personally num by agitating in favour of a law for voting by interested and concerned in the events. The conballot. The matter was referred to the consul plete history of that momentous crisis must be obM. Aemilius Scaurus (B. c. 115), who complimented tained by comparing this article with the biograCicero on his conduct, declaring that he would phies of ANTONIus, AUGUSTUs, BRUTUS, CAESAR, gladly see a person of such spirit and integrity CATILINA, CATO, CLODIUS PULCHER [CLAUDIUS], exerting his powers on the great field of the metro- CRAssus, LEPIDUS, POMPEIUS, and the other polls, instead of remaining in the seclusion of a great characters of the day. country town. The old man was still alive at the 1 CICERO. birth of his eldest grandson (B. c. 106), whom he B GRPHY O CICERO. little resembled in his tastes, for he was no friend M. Tullius Cicero was born on the 3rd of January, to foreign literature, and was wont to say, that his B. c. 106, according to the Roman calendar, at that contemporaries were like Syrian slaves, the more epoch nearly three months in advance of the true Greek they knew, the greater scoundrels they time, at the family residence in the vicinity of were. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 1, iii. 16, de Orat. ii. 66.) Arpinum. No trustworthy anecdotes have been 2. M. TULLIUS CICERO, son of the foregoing, preserved with regard to his childhood, for little and father of the orator. He was a member of the faith can be reposed in the gossiping stories colequestrian order, and lived upon his hereditary lected by Plutarch of the crowds who were wont estate, in the neighbourhood of Arpinum, near the to flock to the school where he received the first junction of the Fibrenus with the Liris, devoted to rudiments of knowledge, for the purpose of seeing literary pursuits, till far advanced in life, when he and hearing the young prodigy; but we cannot removed to Rome for the purpose of educating his doubt that the aptitude for learning displayed by two boys, Marcus and Quintus, and became the pro- himself and his brother Quintus induced their faprietor of a house in the Carinae. His reputation ther to remove to Rome, where he conducted their as a man of learning procured for him the society elementary education according to the advice of and friendship of the most distinguished charac- L. Crassus, who pointed out both the subjects to ters of the day, especially the orators M. Antonius which their attention ought chiefly to be devoted, and L. Crassus, and the jurists Q. Scaevola and and also the teachers by whom the information C. Aculeo, the latter of whom was his brother-in- sought might be best imparted. These instructors law, being married to the sister of his wife Helvia. were, with the exception perhaps of Q. Aelius, the Although naturally of a delicate constitution, by grammarian (Brut. 56), all Greeks, and among the care and moderation he attained to a good old age, number was the renowned Archias of Antioch, and died in the year B. c. 64, while his son, whose who had been living at Rome under the protection rapid rise he had had the happiness of witnessing, of Lucullus ever since B. c. 102, and seems to have was canvassing for the consulship with every pros- communicated a temporary enthusiasm for his own pect of success. (De Leg. ii. 1, de Oral. ii. 1, de pursuits to his pupil, most of whose poetical atOf. iii. 19, ad Alt. i. 6.) tempts belong to his early youth. In his sixteenth 3. L. TULLIUS CICERO, brother of the foregoing. year (B. c. 91) Cicero received the manly gown, He accompained M. Antonius the orator to Cilicia and entered the forum, where he listened with the in B. c. 103 as a private friend, and remained with greatest avidity to the speakers at the bar and from him in the province until his return the following the rostra, dedicating however a large portion of year. He must have lived for a considerable time his time to reading, writing, and oratorical exerafter this period, since he was in the habit of giving cises. At this period he was committed by his his nephew many particulars with regard to the father to the care of the venerable Q. Mucius pursuits of Antonius. (De Orat. ii. 1.) Scaevola, the augur, whose side he scarcely ever 4. L. TULLIUS CICERO, son of the foregoing. quitted, acquiring from his lips that acquaintance He was the constant companion and schoolfellow with the constitution of his country and the prinof the orator, travelled with him to Athens in B.. ciples of jurisprudence, and those lessons of practical 79, and subsequently acted as his assistant in col- wisdom which proved of inestimable value in his lecting evidence against Verres. On this occasion future career. During B. c. 89, in accordance with the Syracusans paid him the compliment of voting the ancient practice not yet entirely obsolete which him a public guest (hospes) of their city, and trans- required every citizen to be a soldier, he served his mitted to him a copy of the decree to this effect first and only campaign under Cn. Pompeius Strabo engraved on a tablet of brass. Lucius died in B. c. (father of Pompeius Magnus), then engaged in 68, much regretted by his cousin, who was deeply prosecuting with vigour the Social war, and was attached to him. (De Fin. v. 1, c. 'Verr. iv. 11, present at the conference between his commander 61, 64, 65, ad Att. i. 5.) and P. Vettius Scato, general of the Marsi, by
Page 709 CICERO. whom the IRomans had been signally defeated, a few months before, and the consul P. Rutilius Lupus slain. For upwards of six years from the date of his brief military career Cicero made no appearance as apublic man. During the whole of the fierce struggle between Marius and Sulla he identified himself with neither party, but appears to have carefully kept aloof from the scenes of strife and bloodshed by which he was surrounded, and to have given himself up with indefatigable perseverance to those studies which were essential to his success as a lawyer and orator, that being the only path open to distinction in the absence of all taste or talent for martial achievements. Accordingly, during the above period he first imbibed a love for philosophy from the discourses of Phaedrus the Epicurean, whose lectures, however, he soon deserted for the more congenial doctrines instilled by Philo, the chief of the New Academy, who with several men of learning had fled from Athens when Greece was invaded by the troops of Mithridates. From Diodotus the Stoic, who lived and died in his house, he acquired a scientific knowledge of logic. The principles of rhetoric were deeply impressed upon his mind by Molo the Rhodian, whose reputation as a forensic speaker was not inferior to his skill as a teacher; while not a day passed in which he did not apply the precepts inculcated by these various masters in declaiming with his friends and companions, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in Greek, but more frequently in the latter language. Nor did he omit to practise composition, for he drew up the treatise commonly entitled De Inventione Rhetorica, wrote his poem Manrius, and translated Aratus together with the Oeconomics of Xenophon. But when tranquillity was restored by the final discomfiture of the Marian party, and the business of the forum had resumed, in outward appearance at least, its wonted course, the season seemed to have arrived for displaying those abilities which had been cultivated with so much assiduity, and accordingly at the age of twenty-five Cicero came forward as a pleader. The first of his extant speeches, in a civil suit, is that for P. Quinctius (B. c. 81), in which, however, he refers to some previous efforts; the first delivered upon a criminal trial was that in defence of Sex. Roscius of Ameria, charged with parricide by Chrysogonus, a freedman of Sulla, supported, as it was understood, by the influence of his patron. No one being disposed to brave the wrath of the all-powerful dictator by openly advocating the cause of one to whom he was supposed to be hostile, Cicero, moved partly by compassion and partly by perceiving that this was a noble opportunity for commencing his career as a protector of the oppressed (see de Off. ii. 14), and establishing at considerable apparent but little real risk his character as a fearless champion of innocence, boldly came forward, pronounced a most animating and powerful address, in which he did not scruple to animadvert distinctly in the strongest terms upon the cruel and unjust measures of the favourite, and by implication on the tyranny of those by whom he was upheld, and succeeded in procuring the acquittal of his client. Soon after (B. c. 79) he again came indirectly into collision with Sulla; for having undertaken to defend the interests of a woman of Arretium, a preliminary objection was taken against her title to appear in court, inasmuch as she belonged to a town the in CICERO. 709 habitants of which in the recent troubles had leen deprived of the rights of citizenship. But Cicero denounced the act by which she and her fellow-citizens had been stripped of their privileges as utterly unconstitutional and therefore in itself null and void, and carried his point although opposed by the eloquence and experience of Cotta. It does not appear probable, notwithstanding the assertion of Plutarch to the contrary, that Cicero experienced or dreaded any evil consequences from the displeasure of Sulla, whose power was far too firmly fixed to be shaken by the fiery harangues of a young lawyer, although other circumstances compelled him for a while to abandon the field upon which he had entered so auspiciously. He had now attained the age of twenty-seven, but his constitution was far from being vigorous or his health robust. Thin almost to emaciation, with a long scraggy neck, his general appearance and habit of body were such as to excite serious alarm among his relations, especially since in addition to his close application to business, he was wont to exert his voice, when pleading, to the uttermost without remission, and employed incessantly the most violent action. Persuaded in some degree by the earnest representations of friends and physicians, but influenced still more strongly by the conviction that there was great room for improvement in his style of composition and in his mode of delivery, both of which required to be softened and tempered, he determined to quit Italy for a season, and to visit the great fountains of arts and eloquence. Accordingly (B. c. 79) he repaired in the first instance to Athens, where he remained for six months, diligently revising and extending his acquaintance with philosophy by listening to the famous Antiochus of Ascalon, studying rhetoric under the distinguished and experienced Demetrius Syrus, attending occasionally the lectures of Zeno the Epicurean, and enjoying the society of his brother Quintus, of his cousin Lucius, and of Pomponius Atticus, with whom he now cemented that close friendship which proved one of the chief comforts of his life, and which having endured unshaken the fiercest trials, was dissolved only by death. After quitting Athens he made a complete tour of Asia Minor, holding fellowship during the whole of his journey with the most illustrious orators and rhetoricians of the East, - Menippus of Stratoniceia, Dionysius of Magnesia, Aeschylus of Cnidus, and Xenocles of Adramyttium, - carefully treasuring up the advice which they bestowed and profiting by the examples which they afforded. Not satisfied even with this discipline and these advantages, he passed over to Rhodes (B. c. 78), where he became acquainted with Posidonius, and once more placed himself under the care of Molo, who took great pains to restrain and confine within proper limits the tendency to diffuse and redundant copiousness which he remarked in his disciple. At length, after an absence of two years, Cicero returned to Rome (B. c. 77), not only more deeply skilled in the theory of his art and improved by practice, but almost entirely changed. His general health was now firmly established, his lungs had acquired strength, the habit of straining his voice to the highest pitch had been conquered,' his excessive and unvarying vehemence had evaporated, the whole form and character of his oratory both in matter and delivery had assumed a steady, sub
Page 710 710 CICERO. dued, composed, and well-regulated tone. Transcendant natural talents, developed by such elaborate and judicious training under the most celebrated masters, stimulated by burning zeal and sustained by indomitable perseverance, could scarcely fail to command success. His merits were soon discerned and appreciated, the prejudice at first entertained that he was a mere Greekling, an indolent man of letters, was quickly dissipated; shyness and reserve were speedily dispelled by the warmth of public applause; he forthwith took his station in the foremost rank of judicial orators, and ere long stood alone in acknowledged pre-eminence; his most formidable rivals, Hortensius, eight years his senior, and C. Aurelius Cotta, now (B. c. 76) canvassing for the consulship, who had long been kings of the bar, having been forced, after a short but sharp contest for supremacy, to yield. Cicero had now reached the age (of 30) at which the laws permitted him to become candidate for the lowest of the great offices of state, and although comparatively speaking a stranger, and certainly unsupported by any powerful family interest, his reputation and popularity already stood so high, that he was elected (B. c. 76) quaestor by the votes of all the tribes. The lot decided that he should serve in Sicily under Sex. Peducaeus, praetor of Lilybaeum. During his tenure of office (B. c. 75) he executed with great skill the difficult and delicate task of procuring large additional supplies of corn for the relief of the metropolis, then suffering from a severe dearth, and at the same time displayed so much liberality towards the farmers of the revenue and such courtesy towards private traders, that he excited no jealousy or discontent, while he maintained such strict integrity, rigid impartiality, and disinterested self-denial, in all branches of his administration, that the delighted provincials, little accustomed to the exhibition of these virtues in the person of a Roman magistrate, devised unheard-of honours to testify their gratitude. Some of the leading weaknesses in the character of Cicero, inordinate vanity and a propensity to exaggerate extravagantly the importance of his services, now began to shew themselves, but they had not yet acquired such a mastery over his mind as to prevent him from laughing at the disappointments he encountered. Thus we find him describing with considerable humour in one of his speeches (pro Plane. 26) the exalted idea he had formed at this period of his own extraordinary merits, of the position which he occupied, and of the profound sensation which his proceedings must have caused at Rome. He imagined that the scene of his duties was, as it were, the stage of the world, and that the gaze of all mankind had been watching his performances ready to condemn or to applaud. Full of the consciousness of this celebrity he landed at Puteoli (B. c. 74), and intense was his mortification when he discovered that even his own acquaintances among the luxurious crowd who thronged that gay coast were absolutely ignorant, not only of what he had been doing, but even of where he had been, a lesson, he tells us, which though severe was most valuable, since it taught him that, while the eyes of his countrymen were bright and acute their ears were dull, and pointed out the necessity of mingling with the people and keeping constantly in their view, of frequenting assiduously all places of general resort, and of admitting visitors and clients to his presence, under CICERO. any circumstances, and at all hours, however inconvenient or unseasonable. For upwards of four years after his return to Rome in the beginning of B. c. 74, the life of Cicero presents an entire blank. That he was actively engaged in the courts of law is certain, for he himself informs us, that he was employed in a multitude of causes (Brut. 92), and that his powers had now attained to the full vigour of maturity; but we know not even the name of one of these orations, except perhaps that, " Pro M. Tullio," some important fragments of which have been recently brought to light. Meanwhile, Lucullus had been pressing the war in the East against Mithridates with great energy and the happiest results; the power of Pompey and of Crassus at home had been steadily increasing, although a bad feeling had sprung up between them in consequence of the events connected with the final suppression of the servile war of Spartacus. They, however, discharged harmoniously the duties of their joint consulship (B. c. 70), and seem to have felt that it was necessary for their interests to control the high aristocratical faction, for by their united exertions the plebeian tribunes recovered the vital privileges of which they had been deprived by Sulla, and the equites were once more admitted to serve as judices on criminal trials, sharing this distinction with the senate and the tribuni aerarii. In this year Cicero became candidate for the aedileship, and the issue of the contest was if possible more triumphant than when he had formerly solicited the suffrage of the people, for he was chosen not only by a majority in every tribe, but carried a greater number of votes than any one of his competitors. A little while before this gratifying demonstration of public approbation, he undertook the management of the most important trial in which he had hitherto been engaged-the impeachment preferred against Verres, for misgovernment and complicated oppression, by the Sicilians, whom he had ruled as praetor of Syracuse for the space of three years. (73-71.) Cicero, who always felt much more inclined to appear in the character of a defender than in the invidious position of an accuser, was prevailed upon to conduct this cause by the earnest entreaties of his provincial friends, who reposed the most perfect confidence in his integrity and good-will, and at the same time were fully alive to the advantage that would be secured to their suit from the local knowledge of their advocate. The most strenuous exertions were now made by Verres, backed by all the interest of the Metelli and other powerful families, to wrest the case out of the hands of Cicero, who, however, defeated the attempt; and, having demanded and been allowed 110 days for the purpose of collecting evidence, instantly set out, accompanied by his cousin Lucius, for Sicily, where he exerted himself so vigorously, that he traversed the whole island in less than two months, and returned attended by all the necessary witnesses and loaded with documents. Another desperate effort was made by Hortensius, now consul-elect, who was counsel for the defendant, to raise up obstacles which might have the effect of delaying the trial until the commencement of the following year, when he counted upon a more favourable judge, a more corrupt jury, and the protection of the chief magistrates; but here again he was defeated by the promptitude
Page 711 CICERO. CICERO, 711 and decision of his opponent, who opened the case sulship, on which every ambitious hope and desire very briefly upon the fifth of August, proceeded at had long been fixed, was yet to be won, and he once to the examination of the witnesses, and the had every reason to anticipate the most determined production of the depositions and other papers, resistance on the part of the nobles (we use the which taken together constituted a mass of testi- word in the technical Roman sense), who guarded mony so decisive, that Verres gave up the contest the avenues to this the highest honour of the state as hopeless, and retired at once into exile without with watchful jealousy against the approach of any attempting any defence. The full pleadings, how- new man, and were likely to strain every nerve to ever, which were to have been delivered had the secure the exclusion of the son of an obscure munitrial been permitted to run its ordinary course cipal knight. Well aware that any attempt to rewere subsequently published by Cicero, and form, move or soften the inveterate prejudices of these perhaps, the proudest monument of his oratorical men would be met, if not by open hostility and powers, exhibiting that extraordinary combination insult, most surely by secret treachery, he resolved of surpassing genius with almost inconceivable in- to throw himself into the arms of the popular dustry, of brilliant oratory with minute accuracy faction, whose principles he detested in his heart, of inquiry and detail, which rendered him irresis- and to rivet their favour by casting into the scale tible in a good cause and often victorious in a bad of their idol the weight of his own influence with one. the middle classes, his proper and peculiar party. The most important business of his new office The popularity of the orator rose higher than ever; (B. c. 69) were the preparations for the celebration the friendship of Pompey, now certainly the most of the Floralia, of the Liberalia, and of the Ludi important individual in the commonwealth, was Romani in honour of the three divinities of the secured, and the success which attended the operaCapitol. It had become a common custom for the tions in the East smothered if it did not extinguish aediles to lavish enormous sums on these shows, in the indignation of the senatorial leaders. Perhaps the hope of propitiating the favour of the multitude we ought not here to omit adding one more to the and securing their support. Cicero, whose fortune almost innumerable examples of the incredible inwas very moderate, at once perceiving that, even if dustry of Cicero. It is recorded, that, during his he were to ruin himself, it would be impossible for praetorship, notwithstanding his complicated enhim to vie in splendour with many of those who gagements as judge, pleader, and politician, he were likely to be his rivals in his upward course, found time to attend the rhetorical school of Anwith very correct judgment resolved, while he tonius Gnipho, which was now rising to great did nothing which could give reasonable offence, eminence. (Suet. de Illustr. Gramm. 7; Macrob. to found his claims to future distinction solely on Sat. iii. 12.) those talents which had already won for him his During the eighteen months which followed (65 -present elevation, and accordingly, although he 64), Cicero having declined to accept a province, avoided everything like meanness or parsimony kept his eye steadily fixed upon one great object, in the games presented under his auspices, was and employed himself unceasingly in watching equally careful to shun ostentation and profuse every event which could in any way bear upon expenditure. the consular elections. It appears from his letters, For nearly three years the history of Cicero is which now begin to open their treasures to us, again a blank, that is, until the close of B. c. 67, that he had six competitors, of whom the most when he was elected first praetor by the suffrages formidable were C. Antonius, a nephew of the of all the centuries, and this on three several oc- great orator, who perished during the Marian procasions, the comitia having been twice broken off scription, and the notorious Catiline. The latter in consequence of the disturbances connected with was threatened with a criminal prosecution, and it the passing of the Cornelian law. The duties of is amusing to observe the lawyer-like coolness with this magistracy, on which he entered in January, which Cicero speaks of his guilt being as clear as B. c. 66, were two-fold. He was called upon to the noon-day sun, at the same time indicating a preside in the highest civil court, and was also re- wish to defend him, should such a course be for quired to act as commissioner (quaestor) in trials his own interest, and expressing great pleasure at for extortion, while in addition to his judicial the perfidy of the accuser who was ready to betray functions he continued to practise at the bar, and the cause, and the probable corruption of the carried through single-handed the defence of Cluen- judices, a majority of whom it was believed tius, in the most singular and interesting cause might be bought over. Catiline was, however, acceldbre bequeathed to us by antiquity. But the quitted without the aid of his rival, and formed a most important event of the year was his first ap- coalition with Antonius, receiving strenuous assispearance as a political speaker from the rostra, tance from Crassus and Caesar, both of whom now when he delivered his celebrated address to the began to regard with an evil eye the partizan of people in favour of the Manilian law, maintaining Pompey, whose splendid exploits filled them with the cause of Pompey against the hearty opposition increasing jealousy and alarm. That Cicero viewed of the senate and the optimates. That his conduct this union with the most lively apprehensions is on this occasion was the result of mature delibera- evident from the fragments of his address, In Toga tion we cannot doubt. Nor will it be difficult to candida, in which he appears to have dissected and discern his real motives, which were perhaps not exposed the vices and crimes of his two opponents quite so pure and patriotic as his panegyrists would with the most merciless severity. But his fears have us believe. Hitherto his progress, in so far proved groundless. His star was still in the ascenas any external obstacles were concerned, had been dant; he was returned by all the centuries, while smooth and uninterrupted; the ascent had been his colleague Antonius obtained a small majority neither steep nor rough; the quaestorship, the only over Catiline. The attention of the new aedileship, the praetorship, had been gained almost consul immediately after entering upon office (B. c. without a struggle: but the great prize of the con- 63) was occupied with the agrarian law of Rullus,
Page 712 712 CICERO. with regard to which we shall speak more fully hereafter; in quelling the tumults excited by the enactment of Otho; in reconciling the descendants of those proscribed by Sulla to the civil disabilities under which they laboured; in defending C. Rabirius, charged with having been concerned in the death of Saturninus; in bringing forward a measure to render the punishment of bribery more stringent; in checking the abuses connected with the nominations to a legatio libera; and in remedying various defects in the administration of justice. But his whole thoughts were soon absorbed by the precautions required to baffle the treason of Catiline. The origin and progress of that famous plot, the consummate courage, prudence, caution, and decision manifested throughout by Cicero under circumstances the most delicate and embarrassing, are fully detailed elsewhere. [CATILINA.] For once the nation did not prove thankless to their benefactor. Honours were showered down upon him such as no citizen of Rome had ever enjoyed. Men of all ranks and all parties hailed him as the saviour of his country; Catulus in the senate, and Cato in the forum, addressed him as " parens patriae," father of his father-land; thanksgivings in his name were voted to the gods, a distinction heretofore bestowed only on those who had achieved a victory in a field of battle; and all Italy joined in testifying enthusiastic admiration and gratitude. But in addition to the open and instant peril from which the consul had preserved the commonwealth, he had made a grand stroke of policy, which, had it been firmly and honestly followed out by those most deeply interested, might have saved the constitution from dangers more remote but not less formidable. The equites or monied men had for half a century been rapidly rising in importance as a distinct order, and now held the balance between the optimates or aristocratic faction, the members of which, although exclusive, selfish, and corrupt, were for their own sakes steadfast supporters of the laws and ancient institutions, and felt no inclination for a second Sulla, even had he been one of themselves; and the populares or democratic faction, which had degenerated into a venal rabble, ever ready to follow any revolutionary scheme promoted by those who could stimulate their passions or buy their votes. Although in such a state of affairs the equites were the natural allies of the senate, from being deeply interested in the preservation of order and tranquillity, yet unfortunately the long-protracted struggle for the right of acting as judices in criminal trials had given rise to the most bitter animosity. But when all alike were threatened with immediate destruction this hostility was forgotten; Cicero persuaded the knights, who always placed confidence in him as one of themselves, to act heartily with the senate, and the senate were only too glad to obtain their co-operation in such an emergency. Could this fair fellowship have been maintained, it must have produced the happiest consequences; but the kindly feelings passed away with the crisis which called them forth; a dispute soon after arose with the farmers of the Asiatic revenues, who desired to be relieved from a disadvantageous contract; neither side shewed any spirit of fair mutual concession; the whole body of the equites making common cause with their brethren became violent and unreasonable; the senate remained obstinate, the frail bond was rudely snapped asunder, and CICERO. Caesar, who had viewed this alliance with no smail dissatisfaction, contrived to paralyze the hands of the only individual by whom the league could have been renewed. Meanwhile, Cicero could boast of having accoinplished an exploit for which no precedent could be found in the history of Rome. Of ignoble birth, of small fortune, without family or connexions, without military renown, by the force of his intellectual powers alone, he had struggled upwards, had been chosen to fill in succession all the high offices of the state, as soon as the laws permitted him to become a candidate, without once sustaining a repulse; in the garb of peace he had gained a victory of which the greatest among his predecessors would have been proud, and had received tributes of applause of which few triumphant generals could boast. His fortune, after mounting steadily though swiftly, had now reached its culminating point of prosperity and glory; for a brief space it remained stationary, and then rapidly declined and sunk. The honours so lavishly heaped upon him, instead of invigorating and elevating, weakened and debased his mind, and the most splendid achievement of his life contained the germ of his humiliation and downfal. The punishment inflicted by order of the senate upon Lentulus, Cethegus, and their associates, although perhaps morally justified by the emergency, was a palpable violation of the fundamental principles of the Roman constitution, which solemnly declared, that no citizen could be put to death until sentenced by the whole body of the people assembled in their comitia; and for this act Cicero, as the presiding magistrate, was held responsible. It was in vain to urge, that the consuls had been armed with dictatorial authority; for, although even a dictator was always liable to be called to account, there was in the present instance no semblance of an exertion of such power, but the senate, formally assuming to themselves judicial functions which they had no right to exercise, formally gave orders for the execution of a sentence which they had no right to pronounce. The argument, pressed again and again by Cicero, that the conspirators by their guilt had forfeited all their privileges, while it is virtually an admission of the principle stated above, is in itself a mere flimsy sophism, since it takes for granted the guilt of the victims-the very fact which no tribunal except the comitia or conmmissioners nominated by the comitia could decide. Nor were his enemies, and those who secretly faivoured the traitors, long in discovering and assailing this vulnerable point. On the last day of the year, when, according to established custom, he ascended the rostra to give an account to the people of the events of his consulship, Metellus Celer, one of the new tribunes, forbad him to speak, exclaiming, that the man who had put Roman citizens to death without granting them a hearing was himself unworthy of being heard. But this attack was premature. The audience had not yet forgotten their obligations and their recent escape; so that when Cicero, instead of simply taking the common oath to which he was restricted by the interposition of the tribune, swore with a loud voice that he had saved the republic and the city from ruin, the crowd with one voice responded, that he had sworn truly, and escorted him in a body to his house with every demonstration of respect and affection. Having again refused to accept the government
Page 713 CICERO. of a province, an employment for which he felt no vocation, Cicero returned to the senate as a private individual (B. c. 62), and engaged in several angry contests with the obnoxious tribune. But after the excitement occasioned by these disputes, and by the destruction of Catiline with his army which followed soon after, had subsided, the eyes of men were turned away for a while in another direction, all looking forward eagerly to the arrival of Pompey, who at length reached Rome in the autumn, loaded with the trophies of his Asiatic campaigns. But, although every one was engrossed with the hero and his conquests, to the exclusion of almost every other object, we must not pass over an event which occurred towards the end of the year, and which, although at first sight of small importance, not only gave rise to the greatest scandal in the city, but was indirectly the source of misfortune and bitter suffering to Cicero. While the wife of Caesar was celebrating in the house of her husband, then praetor and pontifex maximus, the rites of the Bona Dea, from which male creatures were excluded with the most scrupulous superstition, it was discovered that P. Clodius Pulcher, son of Appius (consul a. c. 79), had found his way into the mansion disguised in woman's apparel, and, having been detected, had made his escape by the help of a female slave. Instantly all Rome was in an uproar. The matter was laid before the senate, and by them referred to the members of the pontifical college, who passed a resolution that sacrilege had been committed. Caesar forthwith divorced his wife. Clodius, although the most powerful interest was exerted by his numerous relations and connexions to hush up the affair, and attempts were even made to stop the proceedings by violence, was impeached and brought to trial. In defence he pleaded an alibi, offering to prove that he was at Interamna at the very time when the crime was said to have been committed; but Cicero came forward as a witness, and swore that he had met and spoken to Clodius in Rome on the day in question. In spite of this decisive testimony, and the evident guilt of the accused, the judices, with that corruption which formed one of the most fatal symptoms of the rottenness of the whole social fabric, pronounced him innocent by a majority of voices. (B. c. 61.) Clodius, whose popular talents and utter recklessness rendered him no insignificant enemy, now vowed deadly vengeance against Cicero, whose destruction from thenceforward was the chief aim of his life. To accomplish this purpose more readily, he determined to become a candidate for the tribuneship; but to effect this it was necessary in the first place that he should be adopted into a plebeian family by means of a special law. This, after protracted opposition, was at length accomplished (B. c. 60), although irregularly, through the interference of Caesar and Pompey, and he was elected tribune in the course of B. c. 59. While this underplot was working, the path of Cicero had been far more thorny than heretofore. Intoxicated by his rapid elevation, and dazzled by the brilliant termination of his consulship, his selfconceit had become overweening, his vanity uncontrollable and insatiable. He imagined that the authority which he had acquired during the late perilous conjuncture would be permanently maintained after the danger was past, and that he would be invited to grasp the helm and steer single-handed the vessel of the state. But he slowly and pain CICERO. 713 fully discovered that, although addressed with courtesy, and listened to with respect, he was in reality powerless when seeking to resist the encroachments of such men as Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar; and hence he viewed with the utmost alarm the disposition now manifested by these three chiefs to bury their former jealousies, and to make common cause against the aristocratic leaders, who, suspicious of their ulterior projects, were using every art to baffle and outmanoeuvre them. Hence Cicero also, at this epoch perceiving how fatal such a coalition must prove to the cause of freedom, earnestly laboured to detach Pompey, with whom he kept up a close but somewhat cold intimacy, from Caesar; but having failed, with that unsteadiness and want of sound principle by which his political life was from this time forward disgraced, began to testify a strong inclination to join the triumvirs, and in a letter to Atticus (ii. 5), B. C. 59, actually names the price at which they could purchase his adherence-the seat in the college of augurs just vacant by the death of Metellus Celer. Finding himself unable to conclude any satisfactory arrangement, like a spoiled child, he expresses his disgust with public life, and longs for an opportunity to retire from the world, and devote himself to study and philosophic contemplation. But while in the letters written during the stormy consulship of Caesar (a. c. 59) he takes a most desponding view of the state of the commonwealth, and seems to consider slavery as inevitable, he does not appear to have foreseen the storm impending over himself individually; and when at length, after the election of Clodius to the tribuneship, he began to entertain serious alarm, he was quieted by positive assurances of friendship and support from Pompey conveyed in the strongest terms. One of the first acts of his enemy, after entering upon office, notwithstanding the solemn pledge he was said to have given to Pompey that he would not use his power to the injury of Cicero, was to propose a bill interdicting from fire and water any one who should be found to have put a Roman citizen to death untried. Here Cicero committed a fatal mistake. Instead of assuming the bold front of conscious innocence, he at once took guilt to himself, and, without awaiting the progress of events, changed his attire, and assuming the garb of one accused, went round the forum, soliciting the compassion of all whom lie met. For a brief period public sympathy was awakened. A large number of the senate and the equites appeared also in mourning, and the better portion of the citizens seemed resolved to espouse his cause. But all demonstrations of such feelings were promptly repressed by the new consuls, Piso and Gabinius, who from the first displayed steady hostility, having been bought by the promises of Clodius, who undertook to procure for them what provinces they pleased. The rabble were infuriated by the incessant harangues of their tribune; nothing was to be hoped from Crassus; the good offices of Caesar had been already rejected; and Pompey, the last and only safeguard, contrary to all expectations, and in violation of the most solemn engagements, kept aloof, and from real or pretended fear of some outbreak refused to interpose. Upon this, Cicero, giving way to despair, resolved to yield to the storm, and quitting Rome at the beginning of April, (u. c. 58), reached Brundisium about the middle of the month. From thence he crossed over to
Page 714 714 CICERO. Greece, and taking up his residence at Thessalonica, where he was hospitably received by Plancius, quaestor of Macedonia, remained at that place until the end of November, when he removed to Dyrrachium. His correspondence during the whole of this period presents the melancholy picture of a mind crushed and paralyzed by a sudden reverse of fortune. Never did divine philosophy fail more signally in procuring comfort or consolation to her votary. The letters addressed to Terentia, to Atticus, and others, are filled with unmanly wailing, groans, sobs, and tears. He evinces all the desire but wants the physical courage necessary to become a suicide. Even when brighter prospects begin to dawn, when his friends were straining every nerve in his behalf, we find them receiving no judicious counsel from the object of their solicitude, nought save renewed complaints, captious and querulous repinings. For a time indeed his prospects were sufficiently gloomy. Clodius felt no compassion for his fallen foe. The instant that the departure of Cicero became known, a law was presented to and accepted by the tribes, formally pronouncing the banishment of the fugitive, forbidding any one to entertain or harbour him, and denouncing as a public enemy whosoever should take any steps towards procuring his recall. His magnificent mansion on the Palatine, and his elaborately decorated villas at Tusculum and Formiae were at the same time given over to plunder and destruction. But the extravagant and outrageous violence of these measures tended quickly to produce a strong reaction. As early as the beginning of June, in defiance of the laws of Clodius, a movement was made in the senate for the restoration of the exile; and, although this and other subsequent efforts in the same year were frustrated by the unfriendly tribunes, still the party of the good waxed daily stronger, and the general feeling became more decided. The new consuls (B. c. 57) and the whole of the new college of tribunes, led on by Milo, took up the cause; but great delay was occasioned by formidable riots attended with fearful loss of life, until at length the senate, with the full approbation of Pompey, who, to give greater weight to his words, read a speech which he had prepared and written out for the occasion, determined to invite the voters from the different parts of Italy to repair to Rome and assist in carrying a law for the recall of him who had saved his country from ruin, passing at the same time the strongest resolutions against those who should venture under any pretext to interrupt or embarrass the holding of the assembly. Accordingly, on the 4th of August, the bill was submitted to the comitia centuriata, and carried by an overwhelming majority. On the same day Cicero quitted Dyrrachium, and crossed over to Brundisium, where he was met by his wife and daughter. Travelling slowly, he received deputations and congratulatory addresses from all the towns on the line of the Appian way, and having arrived at the city on the 4th of September, a vast multitude poured forth to meet and escort him, forming a sort of triumphal procession as he entered the gates, while the crowd collected in groups on the steps of the temples rent the air with acclamations when he passed through the forum and ascended the capitol, there to render homage and thanks to Jupiter Maximus. Nothing at first sight can appear more strange and inexplicable than the abrupt downfal of Cicero, CICERO. when isuddenly hurled from a commanding eminence he found himself a helpless and almost friendless outcast; and again, on the other hand, the boundless enthusiasm with which he was greeted on his return by the selfsame populace who had exulted so furiously in his disgrace. A little consideration will enable us, however, to fathom the mystery. From the moment that Cicero laid down his consulship he began to lose ground with all parties. The senate were disgusted by the arrogant assumption of superiority in an upstart stranger; the equites were displeased because he would not cordially assent to their most unreasonable and unjust demands; the people, whom he had never attempted to flatter or cajole, were by degrees lashed into fury against one who was unceasingly held up before their eyes as the violator of their most sacred privileges. Moreover, the triumvirs, who were the active though secret movers in the whole affair, considered it essential to their designs that he should be humbled and taught the risk and folly of playing an independent part, of seeking to mediate between the conflicting factions, and thus in his own person regulating and controlling all. They therefore gladly availed themselves of the energetic malignity of Clodius, each dealing with their common victim in a manner highly characteristic of the individual. Caesar, who at all times, even under the greatest provocation, entertained a warm regard and even respect for Cicero, with his natural goodness of heart endeavoured to withdraw him from the scene of danger, and at the same time to lay him under personal obligations; with this intent he pressed him to become one of his legates: this being declined, he then urged him to accept the post of commissioner for dividing the public lands in Campania; and it was not until he found all his proposals steadfastly rejected that he consented to leave him to his fate. Crassus gave him up at once, without compunction or regret: they had never been cordial friends, had repeatedly quarrelled openly, and their reconciliations had been utterly hollow. The conduct of Pompey, as might have been expected, was a tissue of selfish, cautious, calculating, cold-blooded dissimulation; in spite of the affection and unwavering confidence ever exhibited towards him by Cicero, in spite of the most unequivocal assurances both in public and private of protection and assistance, he quietly deserted him, without a pang, in the moment of greatest need, because it suited his own plans and his own convenience. But soon after the departure of Cicero matters assumed a very different aspect; his value began once more to be felt and his absence to be deplored. The senate could ill afford to lose the most able champion of the aristocracy, who possessed the greater weight from not properly belonging to the order; the knights were touched with remorse on account of their ingratitude towards one whom they identified with themselves, who had often served them well, and might again be often useful; the populace, when the first fervour of angry passion had passed away, began to long for that oratory to which they had been wont to listen with such delight, and to remember the debt they owed to him who had saved their temples, dwellings, and property from destruction; while the triumnviri, trusting that the high tone of their adversary would be brought low by this severe lesson, and that he would henceforth be passive, if not a subservient tool, were eager to check
Page 715 CICERQ. and overawe Clodius, who was now no longer disposed to be a mere instrument in their hands, but, breaking loose from all restraint, had already given symptoms of open rebellion. Their original purpose was fully accomplished. Although the return of Cicero was glorious, so glorious that he and others may for a moment have dreamed that he was once more all that he had ever been, yet he himself and those around him soon became sensible that his position was entirely changed, that his spirit was broken, and his self-respect destroyed. After a few feeble ineffectual struggles, he was forced quietly to yield to a power which he no longer dared to resist, and was unable to modify or guide. Nor were his masters content with simple acquiescence in their transactions; they demanded positive demonstrations on their behalf. To this degradation he was weak enough to submit, consenting to praise in his writings those proceedings which he had once openly and loudly condemned (ad Att. iv. 5), uttering sentiments in public totally inconsistent with his principles (ad Att. iv. 6), professing friendship for those whom he hated and despised (ad Fam. i. 9), and defending in the senate and at the bar men who had not only distinguished themselves as his bitter foes, but on whom he had previously lavished every term of abuse which an imagination fertile in invective could suggest. (Ad Fam. vii. 1, v. 8.) Such was the course of his life for five years (B. c. 57-52), a period during the whole of which he kept up warm social intercourse with the members of the triumvirate, especially Pompey, who remained constantly at Rome, and received all outward marks of high consideration. A large portion of his time was occupied by the business of pleading; but being latterly in a great measure released from all concern or anxiety regarding public affairs, he lived much in the country, and found leisure to compose his two great political works, the De Republica and the De Legibus. After the death of Crassus (B. c. 53) he was admitted a member of the college of augurs, and towards the end of B. c. 52, at the very moment when his presence might have been of importance in preventing an open rupture between Pompey and Caesar, he was withdrawn altogether from Italy, and a new field opened up for the exercise of his talents, an office having been thrust upon him which he had hitherto earnestly avoided. In order to put a stop in some degree to the bribery, intrigues, and corruption of every description, for which the Roman magistrates had become so notorious in their anxiety to procure some wealthy government, a law was enacted during the third consulship of Pompey (B. c. 52) ordaining, that no consul or praetor should be permitted to hold a province until five years should have elapsed from the expiration of his office, and that in the meantime governors should be selected by lot from those persons of consular and praetorian rank who- had never held any foreign command. To this number.Cicero belonged: his name was thrown into the urn, and fortune assigned to him Cilicia, to which were annexed PisidJa, Pamphylia, some districts (of Cappadocia) to the north of mount Taurus, and the island of Cyprus. His feelings and conduct on this occasion present a most striking contrast to those exhibited by his countrymen under like circumstances. Never was an honourable and lucrative appointment bestowed on one less willing to CICERO. 715 accept it. His appetite for praise seems to have become more craving just in proportion as his real merits had become less and the dignity of his position lowered; but Rome was the only theatre on which he desired to perform a part. From the moment that lie quitted the metropolis, his letters are filled with expressions of regret for what he had left behind, and of disgust with the occupations in which he was engaged; every friend and acquaintance is solicited and importuned in turn to use every exertion to prevent the period of his absence from being extended beyond the regular and ordinary space of a single year. It must be confessed that, in addition to the vexatious interruption of all his pursuits and pleasures, the condition of the East was by no means encouraging to a man of peace. The Parthians, emboldened by their signal triumph over Crassus, had invaded Syria; their cavalry was scouring the country up to the very walls of Antioch, and it was generally believed that they intended to force the passes of mount Amanus, and to burst into Asia through Cilicia, which was defended by two weak legions only, a force utterly inadequate to meet the emergency. Happily, the apprehensions thus excited were not realized: the Parthians received a check from Cassius which compelled them in the mean time to retire beyond the Euphrates, and Cicero was left at liberty to make the circuit of his province, and to follow out that system of impartiality, moderation, and self-control which he was resolved should regulate not only his own conduct but that of every member of his retinue. And nobly did he redeem the pledge which he had voluntarily given to his friend Atticus on this head-strictly did he realise in practice the precepts which he had so well laid down in former years for the guidance of his brother. Nothing could be more pure and upright than his administration in every department; and his staff, who at first murmured loudly at a style of procedure which most grievously curtailed their emoluments, were at length shamed into silence. The astonished Greeks, finding themselves listened to with kindness, and justice dispensed with an even hand, breathed nothing but love and gratitude, while the confidence thus inspired enabled Cicero to keep the publicans in good-humour by settling to their satisfaction many complicated disputes, and redressing many grievances which had sprung out of the wretched and oppressive arrangements for the collection of the revenue. Not content with the fame thus acquired in cultivating the arts of peace, Cicero began to thirst after military renown, and, turning to account the preparations made against the Parthians, undertook an expedition against the lawless robber tribes who, dwelling among the mountain fastnesses of the Syrian frontier, were wont to descend whenever an opportunity offered and plunder the surrounding districts. The operations, which were carried on chiefly by his brother Quintus, who was an experienced soldier and one of his legati, were attended with complete success. The barbarians, taken by surprise, could neither escape nor offer any effectual resistance; various clans were forced to submit; many villages of the more obstinate were destroyed; Pindenissus, a strong hill fort of the Eleutherocilices, was stormed on the Saturnalia (B. c. 51), after a protracted siege; many prisoners and much plunder were secured; the general was saluted as imperator by his troops; a despatch was transmitted
Page 716 71E CICERO. CICERO. to the senate, in which these achievements were detailed with great pomp; every engine was set to work to procure a flattering decree and supplications in honour of the victory; and Cicero had now the weakness to set his whole heart upon a triumph -a vision which he long cherished with a degree of childish obstinacy which must have exposed him to the mingled pity and derision of all who were spectators of his folly. The following spring (B. c. 50) he again made a progress through the different towns of his province, and as soon as the year of his command was concluded, having received no orders to the contrary, delegated his authority to his quaestor, C. Caelius, and quitted Laodicea on the 30th of July (B. c. 50), having arrived in that city on the 31st of the same month in the preceding year. Returning homewards by Ephesus and Athens, he reached Brundisium in the last week of November, and arrived in the neighbourhood of Rome on the fourth of January (B. c. 49), at the very moment when the civil strife, which had been smouldering so long, burst forth into a blaze of war, but did not enter the city because he still cherished sanguine hopes of being allowed a triumph. From the middle of December (B. c. 50) to the end of June (B. c. 49) he wrote almost daily to Atticus. The letters which form this series exhibit a most painful and humiliating spectacle of doubt, vacillation, and timidity, together with the utter absence of all singleness of purpose, and an utter want of firmness, either moral or physical. At first, although from habit, prejudice, and conviction disposed to follow Pompey, he seriously debated whether he would not be justified in submitting quietly to Caesar, but soon afterwards accepted from the former the post of inspector of the Campanian coast, and the task of preparing for its defence, duties which he soon abandoned in disgust. Having quitted the vicinity of Rome on the 17th of January, he spent the greater portion of the two following months at Formiae in a state of miserable restlessness and hesitation; murmuring at the inactivity of the consuls; railing at the policy of Pompey, which he pronounced to be a tissue of blunders; oscillating first to one side and then to the other, according to the passing rumours of the hour; and keeping up an active correspondence all the while with the leaders of both parties, to an extent which caused the circulation of reports little favourable to his honour. Nor were the suspicions thus excited altogether without foundation, for it is perfectly evident that he more than once was on the point of becoming a deserter, and in one epistle (ad Att. viii. 1) he explicitly confesses, that lie had embarked in the aristocratical cause sorely against his will, and that he would at once join the crowd who were flocking back to Rome, were it not for the incumbrance of his lictors, thus clinging to the last with pitiable tenacity to the faint and fading prospect of a military pageant, which must in his case have been a mockery. His distress was if possible augmented when Pompey, accompanied by a large number of senators, abandoned Italy; for now arose the question fraught with perplexity, whether he could or ought to stay behind, or was bound to join his friends; and this is debated over and over again in a thousand different shapes, his intellect being all the while obscured by irresolution and fear. These tortures were raised to a climax by a personal interview with Caesar, who uiged him to return to Rome and act as a mediator, a proposal to which Cicero, who appears, if we can trust his own account, to have comported himself for the moment with considerable boldness and dignity, refused to accede, unless he were permitted to use his own discretion and enjoy full freedom of speech -a stipulation which at once put an end to the conference. At last, after many lingering delays and often renewed procrastination, influenced not so much by any overpowering sense of rectitude or consistency as by his sensitiveness to public opinion, to the "sermo hominum" whose censure he dreaded far more than the reproaches of his own conscience, and impressed also with a strong belief that Caesar must be overwhelmed by the enemies who were closing around him, he finally decided to pass over to Greece, and embarked at Brundisium on the 7th of June (B. c. 49). For the space of nearly a year we know little of his movements; one or two notes only have been preserved, which, combined with an anecdote given by Macrobius (Sat. ii. 3), prove that, during his residence in the camp of Pompey he was in bad health, low spirits, embarrassed by pecuniary difficulties, in the habit of inveighing against everything he heard and saw around him, and of giving way to the deepest despondency. After the battle of Pharsalia (August 9, B. c. 48), at which he was not present, Cato, who had a fleet and a strong body of troops at Dyrrachium, offered them to Cicero as the person best entitled by his rank to assume the command; and upon his refusing to have any further concern with warlike operations, young Pompey and some others of the nobility drew their swords, and, denouncing him as a traitor, were with difficulty restrained from slaying him on the spot. It is impossible to tell whether this narrative, which rests upon the authority of Plutarch, is altogether correct; but it is certain that Cicero regarded the victory of Caesar as absolutely conclusive, and felt persuaded that farther resistance was hopeless. VWhile, therefore, some of his companions in arms retired to Achaia, there to watch the progress of events, and others passed over to Africa and Spain determined to renew the struggle, Cicero chose rather to throw himself at once upon the mercy of the conqueror, and, retracing his steps, landed at Brundisium about the end of November. Here he narrowly escaped being put to death by the legions which arrived from Pharsalia under the orders of M. Antonius, who, although disposed to treat the fugitive with kindness, was with the greatest difficulty prevailed upon to allow him to continue in Italy, having received positive instructions to exclude all the retainers of Pompey except such as had received special permission to return. At Brundisium Cicero remained for ten months until the pleasure of the conqueror could be known, who was busily engaged with the wars which sprung up in Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. During the whole of this time his mind was in a most agitated and unhappy condition. He was constantly tormented with unavailing remorse on account of the folly of his past conduct in having identified himself with the Pompeians when he might have remained unmolested at home; he was filled with apprehensions as to the manner in which he might be treated by Caesar, whom he had so often offended and so lately deceived; he moreover was visited by secret shame and compunction for having at once given up his associates upon the
Page 717 CICERO. first turn of fortune; above all, he was haunted by the foreboding that they might after all prove victorious, in which event his fate would have been desperate; and the cup of bitterness was filled by the unnatural treachery of his brother and nephew, who were seeking to recommend themselves to those in power by casting the foulest calumnies and vilest aspersions upon their relative, whom they represented as having seduced them from their duty. This load of misery was, however, lightened by a letter received on the 12th of August (B. c. 47) from Caesar, in which he promised to forget the past, and be the same as he had ever been-a promise which he amply redeemed, for on his arrival in Italy in September, he greeted Cicero with frank cordiality, and treated him ever after with the utmost respect and kindness. Cicero was now at liberty to follow his own pursuits without interruption, and, accordingly, until the death of Caesar, devoted himself with exclusive assiduity to literary labours, finding consolation in study, but not contentment, for public display and popular applause had long been almost necessary to his existence; and now that the senate, the forum, and the courts of law were silent, or, at all events, no longer presented an arena for free and open discussion, the calm delights of speculative research, for which he was wont to sigh amid the din and hurry of incessant business, seemed monotonous and dull. Posterity, however, has good cause to rejoice that hie was driven to seek this relief from distracting recollections; for, during the years B. c. 46, 45, and 44, nearly the whole of his most important works on rhetoric and philosophy, with the exception of the two political treatises named above, were arranged and published. In addition to the pain produced by wounded vanity, mixed with more honourable sorrow arising from the degradation of his country, he was harassed by a succession of domestic annoyances and griefs. Towards the close of B. c. 46, in consequence, it would appear, of some disputes connected with pecuniary transactions, he divorced his wife Terentia, to whom he had been united for upwards of thirty years, and soon after married a young and wealthy maiden, Publilia, his ward, but, as might have been anticipated, found little comfort in this new alliance, which was speedily dissolved. But his great and overpowering affliction was the death of his beloved daughter, Tullia (early in B. c. 45), towards whom he cherished the fondest attachment. Now, as formerly, philosophy afforded no support in the hour of trial; grief for a time seems to have been so violent as almost to affect his intellects, and it was long before he recovered sufficient tranquillity to derive any enjoyment from society or engage with zest in his ordinary occupations. He withdrew to the small wooded island of Astura, on the coast near Antium, where, hiding himself in the thickest groves, he could give way to melancholy thoughts without restraint; gradually he so far recovered as to be able to draw up a treatise on Consolation, in imitation of a piece by Crantor on the same topic, and found relief in devising a variety of plans for a monument in honour of the deceased. The tumults excited by Antony after the murder of Caesar (B. c. 44) having compelled the leading conspirators to disperse in different directions, Cicero, feeling that his own position was not free from danger, set out upon a journey to Greece CICERO. 717 with the intention of being absent until the new consuls should have entered upon office, from whose vigour and patriotism he anticipated a happy change. While in the neighbourhood of Rhegium (August 2, B. c. 44), whither he had been driven from the Sicilian coast by a contrary wind, he was persuaded to return in consequence of intelligence that matters were likely to be arranged amicably between Antony and the senate. How bitterly this anticipation was disappointed is sufficiently proved by the tone and contents of the first two Philippics; but the jealousy which had sprung up in Antony towards Octavianus soon induced the. former to quit the city, while the latter, commencing that career of dissimulation which he maintained throughout a long and most prosperous life, affected the warmest attachment to the senate, and especially to the person of their leader, who was completely duped by these professions. From the beginning of the year B. c. 43 until the end of April, Cicero was in the height of his glory; within this space the last twelve Philippics were all delivered and listened to with rapturous applause; his activity was unceasing, at one moment encouraging the senate, at another stimulating the people, he hurried from place to place the admired of all, the very hero of the scene; and when at length he announced the result of the battles under the walls of Mutina, he was escorted by crowds to the Capitol, thence to the Rostra, and thence to his own house, with enthusiasm not less eager than was displayed when he had detected and crushed the associates of Catiline. But when the fatal news arrived of the union of Lepidus with Antony (29th May), quickly followed by the defection of Octavianus, and when the latter, marching upon Rome at the head of an armed force, compelled the comitia to elect him consul at the age of 19, it was but too evident that all was lost. The league between the three usurpers was finally concluded on the 27th of November, and the lists of the proscribed finally arranged, among whom Cicero and sixteen others were marked for immediate destruction, and agents forthwith despatched to perpetrate the murders before the victims should take alarm. Although much care had been taken to conceal these proceedings, Cicero was warned of his danger while at his Tusculan villa, instantly set forth for the coast with the purpose of escaping by sea, and actually embarked at Antium, but was driven by stress of weather to Circeii, from whence he coasted along to Formiae, where he landed at his villa, diseased in body and sick at heart, resolving no longer to fly from his fate. ' The soldiers sent in quest of him were now known to be close at hand, upon which his attendants forced him to enter a litter, and hurried him through the woods towards the shore, distant about a mile from the house. As, they were pressing onwards, they were overtaken by their pursuers, and were preparing to defend their master with their lives, but Cicero commanded them to desist, and stretching forward called upon his executioners to strike. They instantly cut off his head and hands, which were conveyed to Rome, and, by the orders of Antony, nailed to the Rostra. A glance at the various events which form the subject of the above narrative will sufficiently demonstrate, that Cicero was totally destitute of the qualifications which alone could have fitted him to sustain the character of a great independent states
Page 718 718 CICERO. man amidst those scenes of turbulence and revolutionary violence in which his lot was cast. So long as he was contented in his struggle upwards to play a subordinate part, his progress was marked by extraordinary, well-merited, and most honourable success. But when he attempted to secure the highest place, he was rudely thrust down by bolder, more adventurous, and more commanding spirits; when he sought to act as a mediator, he became the tool of each of the rivals in turn; and when, after much and protracted hesitation, he had finally espoused the interests of one, he threw an air of gloom and distrust over the cause by timid despondency and too evident repentance. His want of firmness in the hour of trial amounted to cowardice; his numerous and glaring inconsistencies destroyed all confidence in his discretion and judgment; his irresolution not unfrequently assumed the aspect of awkward duplicity, and his restless craving vanity exposed him constantly to the snares of insidious flattery, while it covered him with ridicule and contempt. Even his boasted patriotism was of a very doubtful, we might say of a spuriousstamp, for his love of country was so mixed up with petty feelings of personal importance, and his hatred of tyranny so inseparably connected in his, mind with his own loss of power and consideration, that we can hardly persuade ourselves that the former was the disinterested impulse of a noble heart so much as the prompting of selfishness and vain glory, or that the latter proceeded from a generous devotion to the rights and liberties of his fellow-citizens so much as from the bitter consciousness of being individually depressed and overshadowed by the superior weight and eminence of another. It is vain to undertake the defence of his conduct by ingenious and elaborate reasonings. The whole case is placed clearly before our eyes, and all the common sources of fallacy and unjust judgment in regard to public men are removed. We are not called upon to weigh and scrutinize the evidence of partial or hostile witnesses, whose testimony may be coloured or perverted by the keenness of party spirit. Cicero is his own accuser, and is convicted by his own depositions. The strange confessions contained in his correspondence call for a sentence more severe than we have ventured to pronounce, presenting a most marvellous, memorable, and instructive spectacle of the greatest intellectual strength linked indissolubly to the greatest moral weakness. Upon his social and domestic relations we can dwell with unmixed pleasure. In the midst of almost universal profligacy he remained uncontaminated; surrounded by corruption, not even malice ever ventured to impeach his integrity. To his dependents lie was indulgent and warm-hearted, to his friends affectionate and true, ever ready to assist them in the hour of need with counsel, influence, or purse; somewhat touchy, perhaps, and loud in expressing resentment when offended, but easily appeased, and free from all rancour. In his intercourse with his contemporaries he rose completely above that paltry jealousy by which literary men are so often disgraced, fully and freely acknowledging the merits of his most formidable rivals,-Hortensius and Licinius Calvus, for the former of whom he cherished the warmest regard. Towards the members of his own family he uniformly displayed the deepest attachment. Nothing could be more amiable than the readiness with CICERO. which lie extended his forgiveness to his unworthy nephew and to his brother Quintus, after they had been guilty of the basest and most unnatural treachery and ingratitude; his devotion through life to his daughter Tullia, and his despair upon her death, have already called forth some remarks, and when his son, as he advanced in years, did not fulfil the hopes and expectations of his father, he was notwithstanding treated with the utmost forbearance and liberality. One passage only in the private life of Cicero is obscured by a shade of doubt. The simple fact, that when he became embarrassed by pecuniary difficulties he divorced the mother of his children, to whom he had been united for upwards of thirty years, and soon after married a rich heiress, his own ward, appears at first sight suspicious, if not positively discreditable. But it must be remembered that we are altogether ignorant of the circumstances connected with this transaction. From a series of obscure hints contained in letters to Atticus, we infer that Terentia had been extravagant during the absence of her husband in the camp of Pompey, and that she had made some arrangements with regard to her will which he looked upon as unfair and almost dishonest; in addition to which, we know from other sources that she was a woman of imperious and unyielding temper. On the other hand, the connexion with Publilia could not have been contemplated at the period of the divorce, for we find that his friends were busily employed for some time in looking out for a suitable match, and that, aniong others, a daughter of Pompey was suggested. Moreover, if the new alliance had been dictated by motives of a purely mercenary nature, more anxiety would have been manifested to retain the advantages which it procured, while on the coiitrarary we find that it was dissolved very quickly in consequence of the bride having incautiously testified satisfaction at the death of Tullia, of whose influence she may have been jealous, and that Cicero steadily refused to listen to any overtures, although a reconciliation was earnestly desired on the part of the lady. (Our great authority for the life of Cicero is his own writings, and especially his letters and orations. The most important passages will be found collected- in Meierotto, " Ciceronis Vita ex ipsius scriptis excerpta," Berolin. 1783, and in the " Onomasticon Tullianum," which forms an appendix to Orelli's Cicero, Zurich, 1826-1838. Much that is curious and valuable may be collected from the biographies of the orator and his contemporaries by.Plutarch, whose statements, however, must always be received with caution. Something may be gleaned from Velleius Paterculus also, and from the books of Appian and of Dion Cassius which belong. to this period. These and other ancient testimonies have been diligently arranged in chronological order in the " Historia M. Tullii Ciceronis," by F. Fabricius. Of modern works that of Middleton has attained great celebrity, although it must be regarded as a blind and extravagant panegyric; some good strictures on his occasional inaccuracies and constant partiality will be found in Tunstall's " Epistola ad Middletonum," Cantab. 1741, and in Colley Cibber's " Character and Conduct of Cicero," London, 1747; but by far the most complete and critical examination of all points relating to Cicero and his times, down to the end of a. c. 56, is contained in the fifth volume of Drumann's "Gesch
Page 719 CICERO. ichte Roms," a work not yet brought to a conclusion.) II. WRITINGS OF CICERO. The works of Cicero are so numerous and diversified, that it is necessary for the sake of distinctness to separate them into classes, and accordingly they may be conveniently arranged under five heads:-1. Philosophical works. 2. Speeches. 3. Correspondence. 4. Poems. 5. Historical and Miscellaneous works. The last may appear too vague and comprehensive, but nothing of importance belonging to this section has been preserved. 1. PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. Several of the topics handled in this department are so intimately connected and shade into each other by such fine and almost imperceptible gradations, that the boundaries by which they are separated cannot in all cases be sharply defined, and consequently some of the subdivisions may appear arbitrary or inaccurate; for practical purposes, however, the following distribution will be found sufficiently precise:A. Philosophy of Taste or Rhetoric. B. Political Philosophy. C. CPhilosophy of Morals. D. Speculative Philosophy. E. Theology. In the table given below, those works to which an asterisk is prefixed have descended to us in a very imperfect and mutilated condition, enough, however, still remaining to convey a clear conception of the general plan, tone, and spirit; of those to which a double asterisk is prefixed, only a few fragments, or even a few words, survive; those printed in Italics are totally lost; those included within brackets are believed to be spurious:Rhetoricorum s. De Inventione Rhetorica libri II. De Partitione Oratoria. De Oratore libri III. Brutus s. De Claris Oratoribus. A. Philosophy Orator s. De Optimo Genere of Taste. dicendi. De Optimo Genere Oratorum. Topica. Commsunes Loci. [Rhetoricorum ad C. Herennium libri IV.] ( De Republica libri VI.. Politl De Legibus libri (VI.?) lPosphtcal * De Jure Civili. Philosopy. Epistola ad Caesarem de Ordinanda Republica. De Officiis libri III. "* De Virtutibus. C.Philosophy Cato Major s. De Senectute. of Morals. " De Gloria libri II. * C De Consolatione s. De Luctu minuendo. * Academicorum libri IV. De Finibus libri V. Tusculanarum Disputationum D. Speculative libri V. D. Speculative Paradoxa Stoicorum sex. Philosoplhy. * Hortensius s. De Philosophia. " Timaeus ex Platone. " " Protagoras ex Platone. CICERO. 719 De Natura Deorum libri III. De Divinatione libri II. E. Theology. De Fato. " De Auguriis-Auguralia. The Editio Princeps of the collected philosophical works of Cicero was printed at Rome in 1471, by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 2 vols. folio, and is a work of excessive rarity. The first volume contains De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Officiis, Paradoxa, Laelius, Cato Major, Versus duodecim Sapientium; the second volume, Quaestiones Tusculanae, De Finibus, De Fato, Q. Cicero de Petitione Consulatus, Fragments of the Hortensius, Timaeus, Academicae Quaestiones, De Legibus. We have belonging to the same period, De Officiis, De Amicitia, De Senectute, Somnium Scipionis, Paradoxa, Tusculanae Quaestiones, in 2 vols. folio, without place or date, but known to have been published at Paris about 1471, by Gering, Crantz, and Friburger. Also, the De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Legibus, Hortensius, (Modestus,) De Disciplina Militari, appeared in 1 vol. 4to., 1471, at Venice, from the press of Vindelin de Spira. An excellent edition, intended to embrace the whole philosophical works of Cicero, was commenced by J. A. Goerenz, and carried to the extent of three volumes, 8vo., which contain the De Legibus, Academica, De Finibus, Leipz. 1809-1813. Before entering upon an examination of Cicero's philosophic writings in detail, we must consider very briefly the inducements which first prompted Cicero to devote his attention to the study of philosophy, the extent to which his original views were subsequently altered andd enlarged, the circumstances under which his various treatises were composed, the end which they were intended to accomplish, the degree of importance to be attached to these works, the form in which they are presented to the reader, and the opinions really entertained by the author himself. Cicero dedicated his attention to philosophy in the first instance not merely as a branch of general education, but as that particular branch which was likely to prove peculiarly serviceable to him in attaining the great object of his youthful aspirations-oratorical fame. (See Paradox. praef., De Off. prooem.) He must have discerned from a very early period that the subtle and astute, though often sophistical, arguments advanced by rival sects in supporting their own tenets and assailing the positions of their adversaries, and the habitual quickness of objection and readiness of reply which distinguished the oral controversies of the more skilful disputants could be turned to admirable account in the wordy combats of the courts; and hence the method pursued by the later Academy of probing the weak points and detecting the fallacies of all systems in succession, possessed the strongest attractions for one who to insure success must be able to regard each cause submitted to his judgment under many different aspects, and be prepared to anticipate and repel exceptions, of whatever nature, proceeding from whatever quarter. We have already seen, in the biographical portion of this article, that Cicero allowed no opportunity to escape of gaining an intimate acquaintance with the doctrines of the most popular sects, without resigning himself exclusively to one; and he was fully sensible that he owed much of the signal success which attended his efforts, after his return from Greece, to this
Page 720 720 CICERO. training in philosophy, which he emphatically denominates "the fountain-head of all perfect eloquence, the mother of all good deeds and good words." (Brut. 93.) During his residence at Athens and at Rhodes he appears to have imbibed a deep and earnest attachment for the pursuit which he henceforward viewed as something better and nobler than a mere instrument for acquiring dialectic skill. Accordingly, every moment that could be snatched from his multifarious avocations was employed with exemplary zeal in accumulating stores of philosophic lore, which were carefully treasured up in his memory. But the incessant demands of business long prevented him from arranging and displaying the wealth thus acquired; and had not the disorders of the times compelled him upon two occasions to retire for a brief space from public life, he would probably never have communicated to the world the fruits of his scientific researches. The first of the two periods alluded to above was when after his recall from exile he found himself virtually deprived of all political influence, and consequently, although busily engaged in discharging the duties of a pleader, found leisure to compose his De Oratore, De Republica, and De Legibus. The second period reached from his return to Italy after the battle of Pharsalia until the autumn after the death of Caesar, during the greater portion of which he lived in retirement and produced the rest of his philosophical works, some of them being published even subsequent to his re-appearance on the stage of public affairs. But, although these were all finished and sent abroad between the end of B. c. 46 and the middle of B. c. 44, it would be absurd to suppose that the varied information required for such a task could have been brought together and distributed into a series of elaborate treatises in the course of sixteen or eighteen months. It seems much more probable, as indicated above, that the materials were gradually collected during a long course of reading and inquiry, and carefully digested by reflection and frequent discussion, so that when a convenient season had arrived, the design already traced out was completed in all its details. Thus we find in the dialogue upon Laws (i. 20) a reference to the debates which had taken place among the wise on the nature of the Supreme Good, the doubts and difficulties with which the question was still encumbered, and the importance of arriving at some correct decision; after which the speaker proceeds briefly to express the same sentiments which nine years afterwards were expanded and formally maintained in the De Finibus. (Comp. Acad. i. 3.) In order to understand clearly the nature of these works and the end which they were intended to serve, we must bear in mind the important fact, that they were almost the first specimens of this kind of literature ever presented to the Romans in their own language. With the exception of the poems of Lucretius and some other publications on the doctrines of Epicurus by an Amafinius and a Rabirius, so obscure that Cicero seems to have thought them not worth the trouble of perusal, there was absolutely nothing. Hence Cicero was led to form the scheme of drawing up a series of elementary treatises which should furnish his countrymen with an easy introduction to the knowledge of the tenets professed by the leading sects of Greece on the most important branches of politics, morals, metaphysics, and theology. We must, if CICERO. we desire to form a fair judgment, never forget that the design proposed was to communicate in a, correct and precise but familiar and attractive form the results at which others had arrived, not to expound new conceptions-to present a sharp and striking outline of the majestic structures reared by the labours of successive schools, not to claim distinction as the architect of a new edifice. The execution of this project demanded extensive research, a skilful selection of the best portions of the best authors, the accurate adjustment and harmonious combination of these loose fragments, a choice of familiar examples and apt illustrations to shed light on much that would necessarily appear dark and incomprehensible to the inexperienced, and, most difficult of all, the creation of terms and phraseology capable of expressing with clearness and exactitude a class of ideas altogether new. If then we find upon examination that this difficult undertaking, requiring the union of talents the most opposite, of unwearying application, delicate discrimination, refined taste, practical skill in composition, and an absolute command over a stubborn and inflexible dialect, has been executed with consummate ability, we have no right to complain that many of the topics are handled somewhat superficially, that there is an absence of all originality of thought, and that no effort is made to enlarge the boundaries of the science. Nor have we any reason to regret the resolution thus formed and consistently carried out. We are put in possession of a. prodigious mass of most curious and interesting information bearing upon the history of philosophy, conveyed in the richest and most winning language. Antiquity produced no works which could rival these as manuals of instruction; as such they were employed until the downfal of the Roman empire; they stood their ground and kept alive a taste for literature during the middle ages; they were still zealously studied for a long period after the revival of learning; they even now command respect from the purity of the moral principles which they inculcate, and serve as models of perfect style and diction. We arrive at the conclusion, that Cicero is fully entitled to the praise of having accomplished with brilliant success all that he engaged to perform. In philosophy he must be regarded as the prince of popular compilers, but nothing more. It is certain that he could not have put forth his powers in a manner better calculated to promote the interests and extend the influence of his favourite pursuit. The greater number of these essays, in imitation of the writings of many of the Greek philosophers, are thrown into dialogue-a form extremely well suited for the purposes of instruction, since it affords facility for familiar explanation and for the introduction of those elucidations and digressions so necessary to communicate clearness and animation to abstract propositions, which, if simply enunciated in a purely scientific shape, must unavoidably appear to the learner dull and spiritless. In a dialogue, also, the teacher is not compelled to disclose his own opinions, but may give full scope to his ingenuity and eloquence in expounding and contrasting the views of others. The execution is, upon the whole, no less happy than the design. One cannot fail to be impressed with the dexterity exhibited in contriving the machinery of tile different conversations, the tact with which the most appropriate personages are se
Page 721 CICERO. letted, the scrupulous accuracy with which their respective characters are distinguished and preserved throughout, and the air of calm dignity "which pervades each separate piece. At the same time, we must confess, that there is throughout a want of that life and reality which lends such a charm to the dialogues of Plato. We feel that most of the colloquies reported by the Athenian might actually have been held; but there is a stiffness and formality about the actors of Cicero, and a tendency to lecture rather than to converse, which materially injures the dramatic effect, and in fact in some degree neutralizes the benefit to be derived from this method of imparting knowledge. He has also rather abused the opportunities presented for excursions into the attractive regions which lie out of the direct path, and so much space is sometimes occupied by enthusiastic declamations, that the main subject is for a time thrown out of sight and forgotten. The speculative opinions entertained by Cicero himself are of little importance, except as a mere matter of curiosity, and cannot be ascertained with certainty. In all controversies the chief arguments of the contending parties are drawn out with the strictest impartiality, marshalled in strong relief over against each other, and the decision then left to the reader. The habit of stating and comparing a multitude of conflicting theories, each of which could number a long array of great names among its supporters, would naturally confirm that disposition to deny the certainty of human knowledge which must have been imbibed in early life by the pupil of Philo of Larissa; while the multitude of beautiful and profound reflections scattered over the writings of the Greek sages would lead an unbiassed mind, honest in its search after truth, to select what was best in each without binding himself exclusively to one. (Those who desire to follow out this subject may consult Brucker, Historia Critica Philosophiae, vol. ii. pp. 1-70; Gaultier de Sibert, Examen de la Philosophie de Ciceron, in the Melmoires de l'Acadimie des Inscriptions, vols. xlii. and xliii.; Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. iv. pp. 76-168; G. Waldin, De Philosoph. Cic. Platonica, Jena, 1753; J. G. Zierlein, De Philosoph. Cic. Hal. 1770; J. C. Brieglieb, Progr. de Philosoph. Cic. Cob. 1784; M. Fremling, Philosoph. Oic. Lund. 1795; II. C. F. Hulsemann,DeIndole Philosoph. Cic. Luneb. 1799; D. F. Gedicke, Historia Philosoph. antiquae ex Cic. Scriptis, Berol. 1815; J. A. C. Van Heusde, M. Tull Cic. 44tAorrArTwv, Traj. ad Rhen. 1836; R. Kiihner, M. Tull. Cic. in Philosophiam ejusque Partes Merita, Hamburg, 1825. The last mentioned work contains a great quantity of information, distinctly conveyed, and within a moderate compass.) A. PHILosoPHY OF TASTE, Ot RHETORIC. The rhetorical works of Cicero may be considered as a sort of triple compound formed by combining the information derived from the lectures and disquisitions of the teachers under whom he studied, and from the writings of the Greeks, especially Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Isocrates, with his own speculative researches into the nature and theory of the art, corrected in his later years by the results of extensive experience. Rhetoric, considered as a science depending upon abstract principles which might be investigated philosophi CICERO. 721 cally and developed in formal precepts, had hitherto attracted but little attention in Rome except among the select few who were capable of comprehending the instructions of foreign professors delivered in a foreign tongue; for the Latin rhetoricians were long regarded, and perhaps justly, as ignorant pretenders, who brought such discredit on the study by their presumptuous quackery, that so late as B. C. 92, L. Crassus, who was not likely to be an unjust or illiberal judge in such matters, when censor was desirous of expelling the whole crew from the city. Thus Cicero had the honour of opening up to the masses of his countrymen a new field of inquiry and mental exercise, and of importing for general national use one of the most attractive productions of Athenian genius and industry. The Editio Princeps of the collected rhetorical works of Cicero was printed at Venice by Alexandrinus and Asulanus, fol. 1485, containing the De Oratore, the Orator, the Topica, the Partitiones Oratoriae, and the De Optimo Genere Oratorum, and was reprinted at Venice in 1488 and 1495, both in fol. The first complete edition, including, in addition to the above, the Brutus, the Rhetorica ad Herennium, and the De Inventione, was published at Venice by Aldus in 1514, 4to., edited in part by Naugerius. Of modern editions the most notable are the following: that by Schiitz, which contains the whole, Lips. 1804, 3 vols. 8vo.; the "Opera Rhetorica Minora," by Wetzel, Lignitz, 1807, containing all with the exceptions of the De Oratore, the Brutus, and the Orator; and the Orator, Brutus, Topica, De Optimo Genere Oratorum, with the notes of Beier and Orelli, Zurich, 1830, 8vo. 1. Rksetoricorum s. De Inventione Rhietorica Libri IL This appears to have been the earliest of the efforts of Cicero in prose composition. It was intended to exhibit in a compendious systematic form all that was most valuable and worthy of note in the works of the Greek rhetoricians. Aristotle had already performed this task in so far as his own predecessors were concerned; and hence his writings, together with those of his disciples and of the followers of Isocrates, would supply all the necessary materials for selection and combination. According to the original plan, this treatise was to have embraced the whole subject; but there is no reason to fix upon the exact number of four books as the extent contemplated, and it certainly never was completed. The author, after finishing the two which have descended to us, seems to have thrown them aside, and speaks of them at a later period perhaps too slightingly (de Orat. i. 2) as a crude and imperfect performance. After a short preface regarding the origin, rise, progress, use and abuse of eloquence, we find an enumeration and classification of the different branches of the subject. The whole art must be considered under five distinct heads:-1. Its general character and the position which it occupies among the sciences (genus). 2. The duty which it is called upon to perform (officium). 3. The end which it seeks to attain (finis). 4. The subject matter of a speech (materia). 5. The constituent elements of which a speech is made up (partes rhetoricae). After remarking cursorily, with regard to the genus, that the art of rhetoric is a branch of civil knowledge (civilis scientiae), that its ojficium is, to use all the SA
Page 722 722 CICERO. methods most suitable for persuasion by oratory, and its finis to achieve this persuasion, Cicero confines himself for the present to the materia and partes. Now the materia, subject-matter, or form of a speech, may belong to one of three classes, according to the nature of the audience. (Comp. Partit. Orat. 3.) 1. The genus demonstratiumoe (y'vos irbssEiKTcKO'V), addressed to mere listeners who study the oratory as an exhibition of art. 2. The genus deliberativum (yevos rvpeovxEvriKcov) addressed to those who judge of the future as in legislative and political assemblies. 3. The genus judiciale (yEvos uccavuKo'v), addressed to those who judge of the past as in courts of law. Again, the partes rhetoricae or constituent elements of a speech are five. 1. The invention of arguments (inventio). 2. The arrangement of these arguments (dispositio). 3. The diction in which these arguments are expressed (eloquietio). 4. The clear and distinct perception in the mind of the things and words which compose the arguments and the power of producing them at the fitting season (memoria). 5. The delivery, comprehending the modulation of the voice, and the action of the body (pronuntiatio). These points being premised, it is proposed to treat of inventio generally and independently, and then to apply the principles established to each of the three classes under which the materia may be ranged, according to the following method: Every case which gives rise to debate or difference of opinion (controversia) involves a question, and this question is termed the constitution (constitutio) of the case. The constitution may be fourfold. 1. When the question is one of fact (controversia facti), it is a constitutio conjecturalis. 2. When both parties are agreed as to the fact, but differ as to the name by which the fact ought to be distinguished (controversia nominis), it is a constitutio definitiva. 3. When the question relates to the quality of the fact (generis controversia), it is a constitutio generalis. 4. When the question concerns the fitness or propriety of the fact (quun aut quemn, aut quicume, aut quonodo, aut apud quos, aut quo jure, aut quo teompore agere oporteat quaeretur), it is a constitutio translativa. Again, the constitutio generalis admits of being divided into - a. The constitutio juridicialis, in which right and wrong, reward and punishment, are viewed in the abstract; and b. The constitutio negotialis, where they are considered in reference to existing laws and usages; and finally, the constitutio juridicialis is subdivided into a. The constitutio absolute, in which the question of right or wrong is viewed with reference to the fact itself; and /3. The constitutio assumptivae, in which the question of right and wrong is viewed not witlh reference to the fact itself, but to the external circumstances under which the fact took place. The constitutio assumptiva is itself fourfold -(1) concessio, when the accused confesses the deed with which he is charged, and does not justify it but seeks forgiveness, which may be done in two ways, (a) by purgatio, when the deed is admitted but moral guilt is denied in consequence of its having been done unwittingly (imprzudentia), or by accident (casuz), or unavoidably (necessitate), (P) by depsrecatio, when the misdeed is admitted to have been done, and to have been done wilfully, but notwithstanding forgiveness is sought-a very rare contingency; (2) remotio crinminis, when the accused defends himself by casting the blame on another; (3) relatio criminis, when the deed is CICERO. justified by previous provocation; (4) comparatio, when the deed is justified by pleading a praiseworthy motive. The constitution of the case being determined, we must next examine whether the case be simple (simplex) or compound (conjuncta), that is, whether it involves a single question or several, and whether the reasonings do or do not depend upon some written document (in ratione, an in scripto sit controversia). We must then consider the exact point upon which the dispute turns (quaestio), the plea in justification (ratio), the debate which will arise from the reply to the plea of justification (judicatio), and the additional arguments by which the defendant seeks to confirm his plea of justification after it had been attacked by his opponent (firmamennum), which will convert the judicatio into a disceptatio (comp. Part. Orat. 30), and so lead more directly to a decision. These matters being duly weighed, the orator must proceed to arrange the different divisions of his speech (partes orationis), which are six in number. 1. The Exordium or introduction, which is divided into a. the Principium or opening, and b. the Insinuatio, of which the great object is to awaken the attention and secure the goodwill of the audience. 2. The Narratio or statement of the case. 3. The Partitio or explanation of the manner in which the speaker intends to handle the case, indicating at the same time those points on which both parties are agreed, and those on which they differ. 4. The Confirmcatio or array of arguments by which the speaker supports his case. 5. The Reprelhensio or confutation of the arguments employed by the antagonist. 6. The Conclusio or peroration, consisting of a. the Enusmeratio or brief impressive summary of the whole; b. the Issndignatio, which seeks to enlist the passions of the audience, and, c. the Conquzestio or appeal to their sympathies. Each of these six divisions is discussed separately, and numerous rules and precepts are laid down for the guidance of the orator. In the second book the fifth and sixth of the above divisions, the Conufirmatio and Reprelhensio are considered at large with direct reference to cases belonging to the Genus Judiciale, and to each of the four constitutions and their subdivisions, after which the two remaining classes, the Genus Deliberativum and the Genus Demonstrativum, are very briefly noticed, and the dissertation upon Rhetorical invention closes somewhat abruptly. We have no means of deciding with certainty the exact time at which these books were composed and published. The expressions employed in the De Oratore (i. 2), " quoniam quae pueris aut adolescentulis nobis ex commentariolis nostris inclhoata ac rudia exciderunt, vix hac aetate digna et hoc usu quem ex causis, quas diximus, tot tantisque consecuti sumus" (comp. i. 6), point unquestionably to the early youth of Cicero, but without enabling us to fix upon any particular year. They formed, very probably, a portion of the fruits of that study continued incessantly during the period of tranquillity which prevailed in the city while Sulla was engaged in prosecuting the Mithridatic war (B. c. 87-84), and bear the appearance of notes taken down from the lectures of some instructor, arranged, simplified, and expanded by reference to the original sources.
Page 723 CICERO. "The work is repeatedly quoted by Quintilian, sometimes under the title Libri Rhetorici, sometimes as Libri Artis Rhetoricae, generally as Rhietorica (comp. Serv. ad Virg. Aen. viii. 321, ix. 481), and we might infer from a passage in Quintilian (ii. 14. ~ 5), that De Rhetorice was the appellation selected by the author; at all events, the addition De Inventione Rhetorica rests upon no ancient authority. An account of the most important editions of the De Inventione is given below, after the remarks upon the Rhetorica ad Herennium. 2. De Partitione Oratoria Dialogus. This has been correctly described as a catechism of Rhetoric, according to the method of the middle Academy, by way of question and answer, drawn up by Cicero for the instruction of his son Marcus, in which the whole art is comprised under three heads. 1. The Vis Oratoris, in which the subject is treated with reference to the speaker; 2. the Oratio, which treats of the speech; 3. the Quaestio, which treats of the case. The precepts with regard to the speaker are ranged under five heads. 1. Inventio. 2. Collocatio. 3. Eloquutio. 4. Actio. 5. Memoria. The precepts with regard to the speech are also under five heads. 1. Exordium. 2. Narratio. 3. Confirmatio. 4. Reprehensio. 5. Peroratio. The case may be a. Infinita, in which neither persons nor times are defined, and then. it is called propositum or consultatio, or it may be b. Finita, in which the persons are defined, and then it is called causa; this in reality is included in the former. The precepts with regard to the quaestio infinita or consultatio are ranged under 1. Cognitio, by which the existence, the nature, and the quality of the case are determined; 2. Actio, which discusses the means and manner in which any object may be obtained. The precepts with regard to the quaestio finita or causa are ranged under three heads, according as the case belongs to 1. the Genus Demonstrativum; 2. the Genus Deliberativum; 3. the Genus Judiciale. The different constitutiones are next passed under review, and the conversation concludes with an exhortation to the study of philosophy. These partitiones, a term which corresponds to the Greek 8tarpiEreos, may be considered as the most purely scientific of all the rhetorical works of Cicero, and form a useful companion to the treatise De Inventione; but from their strictly technical character the tract appears dry and uninteresting, and from the paucity of illustrations is not unfrequently somewhat obscure. From the circumstance that Cicero makes no mention of this work in his other writings, some critics have called in question its authenticity, but there seems to be no evidence either internal or external to justify such a suspicion, and it is repeatedly quoted by Quintilian without any expression of doubt. Another debate has arisen as to the period when it was composed. We are told at the commencement that it was drawn up during a period when the author was completely at leisure in consequence of having been at length enabled to quit Rome, and this expression has been generally believed to indicate the close of the year B. c. 46 or the beginning of B. c. 45, shortly before the death of Tullia and the departure of Marcus for Athens, when, as we know from his correspondence, he was devoting himself CICERO. 723 with the greatest diligence to literary pursuits. (Ad Fam. vii. 28, ix. 26.) Hand has, however, endeavoured to prove (Ersch and Griiber's Encyclopiidie, art. Cicero), that we may with greater probability fix upon the year B. c. 49, when Cicero after his return from Cilicia suddenly withdrew from Rome about the middle of January (ad Att. vii. 10), and having spent a considerable time at Formiae, and visited various parts of Campania, proceeded to Arpinum at the end of March, invested his son with the manly gown, and afterwards made him the companion of his flight. But this critic seems to have forgotten that Cicero never entered the city from the spring of B. c. 51 until late in the autumn of B. C. 47, and therefore could certainly never have employed the phrase " quoniam aliquando Rome exeundi potestas data est," and still less could he ever have talked of enjoying " summum otium" at an epoch perhaps the most painful and agitating in his whole life. The earliest edition of the Partitiones Oratorise, in a separate form, which bears a date, is that by Gabr. Fontana, printed in 1472, 4to., probably at Venice. There are, however, two editions, supposed by bibliographers to be older. Neither of them has place, date, nor printer's name, but one is known to be from the press of Moravus at Naples. The commentaries ofG. Valla and L. Strebaeus, with the argument of Latomius, are found in the edition of Seb. Gryphius, Leyden, 1541 and 1545, 8vo., often reprinted. We have also the editions of Camerarius, Lips. 1549; of Sturmius,Strasburg, 1565; of Minos, Paris, 1582; of Maioragius and Marcellinus, Venice, 1587; of Hauptmann, Leipzig, 1741. In illustration, the disquisition of Erhard. Reuschius, " De Ciceronis Partitionibus Oratoriis," Helmstaedt, 1723, will be found useful. 3. De Oratore ad Quintum Fratrem Libri III. Cicero having been urged by his brother Quintus to compose a systematic work on the art of Oratory, the dialogues which bear the above title were drawn up in compliance with this request. They were completed towards the end of B. c. 55 (ad Att. iv. 13), about two years after the return of their author from banishment, and had occupied much of his time during a period in which he had in a great measure withdrawn from public life, and had sought consolation for his political degradation by an earnest devotion to literary pursuits. All his thoughts and exertions were thus directed in one channel, and consequently, as might be expected, the production before us is one of his most brilliant efforts, and will be found to be so accurately finished in its most minute parts, that it may be regarded as a master-piece of skill in all that relates to the graces of style and composition. The object in view, as explained by himself, was to furnish a treatise which should comprehend all that was valuable in the theories of Aristotle, Isocrates, and other ancient rhetoricians, and at the same time present their precepts in an agreeable and attractive form, disembarrassed of the formal stiffness and dry technicalities of the schools. (Ad Fam. i. 9, ad Att. iv. 16.) The conversations, which form the medium through which instruction is conveyed, are supposed to have taken place in B. c. 91, immediately before the breaking out of the Social war, at the moment when the city was violently agitated by the proposal of the tribune M. Livius Drusus, to 3A2
Page 724 724 CICERO. grant to the senators the right of acting in common with the equites as judices on criminal trials. The measure was vehemently opposed by the consul Philippus, who was in consequence regarded as a traitor to his order, and supported by all the influence and talent of L. Licinius Crassus, the most celebrated orator of that epoch, who had filled the preceding year the office of censor.. This venerable statesman is represented as having retired to his villa at Tusculum during the celebration of the Roman games, in order that he might collect his thoughts and brace up his energies for the grand struggle which was soon to decide the contest. He was accompanied to his retirement by two youths of high promise, C. Amelius Cotta (consul B. c. 75) and P. Sulpicius Rufus, and there joined by his father-in-law and former colleague in the consulship (B. c. 95), Q. Mucius Scaevola, renowned for his profound knowledge of civil law, and by his friend and political ally, M. Antonius (consul B. c. 99), whose fame as a public speaker was little if at all inferior to that of Crassus himself. The three consular sages having spent the first day in reflections upon politics and the aspect of public affairs, unbend themselves on the second by the introduction of literary topics. The whole party being stretched at ease under the shadow of a spreading plane, the elders, at the earnest solicitation of Cotta and Sulpicius, commence a discourse upon oratory, which is renewed the following morning and brought to a close in the afternoon. At the end of the first dialogue, Scaevola, in order that strict dramatic propriety may be observed (see ad Att. iv. 16), retires, and his place, in the two remaining colloquies, is supplied by Q. Lutatius Catulus, and his half-brother, C. Julius Caesar Strabo, both distinguished as public speakers, the former celebrated for the extreme purity of his diction, the latter for the pungency of his wit. An animated debate first arises on the qualifications essential for pre-eminence in oratory. Crassus, who throughout must be regarded as expressing the sentiments of Cicero, after enlarging upon the importance, the dignity, and the universal utility of eloquence, proceeds to describe the deep learning, the varied accomplishments, and the theoretical skill which must enter into the combination which shall form a perfect orator, while Antonius, although he allows that universal knowledge, if attainable, would mightily increase the power of those who possessed it, is contented to pitch the standard much lower, and seeks to prove that the orator is more likely to be embarrassed than benefited by aiming at what is beyond his reach, and that, by attempting to master the whole circle of the liberal arts, he will but waste the time that might be more profitably employed, since the natural gifts of quick talents, a good voice, and a pleasing delivery, when improved by practice, self-training, and experience, are in themselves amply sufficient to produce the result sought. This preliminary controversy, in which, however, both parties agree in reality, as to what is desirable, although they differ as to what is practicable, being terminated, Antonius and Crassus enter jointly upon the resXvoxoyia (ad Att. iv. 16) of the subject, and expound the principles and rules upon which success in the rhetorical art depends and by the observance of which it may be achieved. The former discusses at large in the second book, the invention and arrangement of arguments, and winds up with a dissertation on memory, CICERO. the continuous flow of his discourse being broken and relieved by an essay, placed in the mouth of Caesar, upon the nature and use of humour, a digression, both amusing in itself, and interesting generally, as evincing the miserable bad taste of the Romans in this department. In the third book, Crassus devotes himself to an exposition of the ornaments of rhetoric, comprising all the graces of diction, to which are added a few remarks upon delivery, that is, upon the voice, pronunciation, and action of the speaker. The MSS. of the De Oratore known up to the early part of the 15th century, were all imperfect. There were blanks extending in Bk. i. from c. 28. ~ 128 to c. 34. ~ 157, and from c. 43. ~ 193 to Bk. ii. c. 59. ~ 19, although in the Erfurt MS. only as far as Bk. ii. c. 3. ~ 13; in Bk. ii. from c. 12. ~ 50 to c. 14. ~ 60; and in Bk. iii. from c. 5. ~ 17 to c. 28. ~110. These gaps were first supplied by Gasparinus of Barziza, from a MS. found at Lodi, and hence called Codex Laudensis, 1419, which in addition to the Rhetorica ad Herennium, the De Inventione, the Brutus and the Orator contained the three books De Oratore entire. This MS., which is now lost, was repeatedly copied, and its contents soon became known all over Italy; but it is uncertain whether the whole was transcribed, or merely those passages which were required to fill up existing deficiencies. The Editio Princeps of the De Oratore was printed at the monastery of Subiaco, by Sweynheym and Pannartz, in 4to. between 1465 and 1467. The most useful editions are those by Pearce, Camb. 1716, 1732, and Lond. 1746, 1771, 1795, 8vo.; by J. F. Wetzel, Brunswick, 1794, 8vo.; by Harles, with the notes of Pearce and others, Leipzig, 1816, 8vo.; by O. M. Miiller, Leipzig, 1619, 8vo.; by Heinichsen, Copenhagen, 1830, 8vo. Literature:-J. A. Ernesti, De Praestantia Librorum Cic. de Oratore Prolusio, Lips. 1736, 4to.; C. F. Matthiae, Prolegomenen zu Cic. Gespraiicen vom Redner, Worms, 1791, and Frankfort, 1812, 8vo.; H. A. Schott, Comment. qua Cic. de Fine Eloquentiae Sententia examinatur, Lips. 1801; G. E. Gierig, Von dem aisthetischen Werthe der Buicher des Cic. com Redner, Fulda, 1807; J. F. Schaarschmidt, De Proposito Libri Cic. de Oratore, Schneeberg, 8vo.; 1804; E. L. Trompheller, Versuch einer Ciarakteristik der Ciceronischen Biicher vom Redner, Coburg, 1830, 4to. 4. Brutus s. de Claris Oratoribus. This work is in the form of a dialogue, the speakers being Cicero himself, Atticus, and M. Brutus; the scene a grass plot, in front of a colonnade, attached to the house of Cicero at Rome, with a statue of Plato close at hand. It contains a complete critical history of Roman eloquence, from the earliest epochs, commencing with L. Junius Brutus, Appius Claudius, M. Curius, and sundry sages of the olden time, whose fame rested upon obscure tradition alone, passing on to those with regard to whose talents more certain information could be obtained, such as Cornelius Cethegus and Cato, the censor, advancing gradually till it reached such men as Catulus, Licinius Crassus, and M. Antonius, whose glory was bright in the recollection of many yet alive, and ending with those whom Cicero himself had heard with admiration as a youth, and rivalled as a man, the greatest of whom was Hortensius, and with him the list closes, living
Page 725 CICERO. orators being excluded. Prefixed, are some short, but graphic sketches, of the most renowned Grecian models; the whole discourse being interspersed with clever observations on the speculative principles of the art, and many important historical details connected with the public life and services of the individuals enumerated. Great taste and discrimination are displayed in pointing out the characteristic merits, and exposing the defects, of the various styles of composition reviewed in turn, and the work is most valuable as a contribution to the history of literature. But, from the desire to render it absolutely complete, and, at the same time, to confine it within moderate limits, the author is compelled to hurry from one individual to another, without dwelling upon any for a sufficient period to leave a distinct impression on the mind of the reader; and, while we complain of the space occupied by a mere catalogue of uninteresting names, by which we are wearied, we regret that our curiosity should have been excited, without being gratified, in regard to many of the shining lights which shed such a lustre over the last century of the commonwealth. The Brutus was composed next in order, although at a long interval, after the De Republica, at a period when Caesar was already master of the state, it was written before the Cato, the Cato itself coming immediately before the Orator, a combination of circumstances which fixes it down to the year B. c. 46. (Brut. 1, 2, 5, 6, Orat. 7, de Divin. ii. 1.) The Brutus was unknown until the discovery of the Codex Laudensis described above. Hence all the MSS. being confessedly derived from this source do not admit of being divided into families, although the text might probably be improved if the transcripts existing in various European libraries were more carefully examined and compared. The Editio Princeps of the Brutus was that printed at Rome, by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1469, 4to., in the same-volume with the De Oratore and the Orator. The best edition is that by Ellendt, with very copious and useful prolegomena, Kiinigsberg, 1826, 8vo., to which we may add an useful school edition by Billerbeck, Hannover, 1828. 5. Ad M. Brutum Orator. Cicero having been freqcfently requested by M. Brutus to explain his views with regard to what constituted a faultless orator, this term being understood to denote a public speaker in the senate or in the forum, but to exclude the eloquence displayed by philosophers in their discourses, and by poets and historians in their writings, endeavours in the present essay to perform the task imposed on him. We must not, therefore, expect to find here a series of precepts, the result of observation and induction, capable of being readily applied in practice, or a description of anything actually existing in nature, but rather a fancy picture, in which the artist represents an object of ideal beauty, such as would spring from the union of all the prominent characteristic excellences of the most gifted individuals, fused together and concentrated into one harrhonious whole. He first points out that perfection must consist in absolute propriety of expression, and that this could be obtained only by occasional judicious transitions from one style to another, by assuming, according to the nature of the subject, at one time CICERO. 725 a plain, familiar, unpretending tone; by rising at another into lofty, impassioned, and highly ornamented declamation; and by observing in general a graceful medium between the two extremes; by ascending, as the Greeks expressed it, from the IoeYv' to the dpolv, and falling back from the dp6ov to the pe'oov,-instead of adhering steadfastly, after the fashion of most great. orators, to one particular form. He next passes on to combat an error very prevalent among his countrymen, who, admitting that Athenian eloquence was the purest model for imitation, imagined that its essence consisted in avoiding with scrupulous care all copious, flowing, decorated periods, and in expressing every idea in highly polished, terse, epigrammatic sentences-a system which, however interesting as an effort of intellect, must necessarily produce results which will fall dull and cold upon the ear of an ordinary listener, and, if carried out to its full extent, degenerate into offensive mannerism. After dwelling upon these dangers and insisting upon the folly of neglecting the practice of Aeschines and Demosthenes and setting up such a standard as Thucydides, Cicero proceeds to shew that the orator must direct his chief attention to three points, which in fact comprehend the soul of the art, the wzhat, the where, and the how; the matter of his speech, the arrangement of that matter, the expression and enunciation of that matter each of which is in turn examined and discussed. The perfect orator being defined to be one who clearly demonstrates to his hearers the truth of the position he maintains, delights them by the beauty and fitness of his language, and wins them over to his cause (" is, qui in foro, causisque civilibus, ita dicet, ut probet, ut delectet, ut flectat"), we are led to consider the means by which these ends are reached. The groundwork and foundation of the whole is true wisdom, but true wisdom can be gained only by the union of all the highest natural endowments with a knowledge of philosophy and all the chief departments of literature and science; and thus Cicero brings us round to the conclusion, which is in fact the pervading idea of this and the two preceding works, that he who would be a perfect orator must be a perfect man. What follows (from c. 40 to the end) is devoted to a dissertation on the harmonious arrangement of words and the importance of rhythmical cadence in prose composition-a curious topic, which attracted much attention in ancient times, as may be seen from the elaborately minute dulness of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, but possesses comparatively little interest for the modern reader. The Orator was composed about the beginning of B. c. 45, having been undertaken immediately after the completion of the Cato. Cicero declares, that he was willing to stake his reputation for knowledge and taste in his own art upon the merits of this work: " Mihi quidem sic persuadeo, me quidquid habuerim judicii de dicendo in illum librum contulisse;" and every one must be charmed by the faultless purity of the diction, the dexterity manifested in the choice of appropriate phraseology, and the sonorous flow with which the periods roll gracefully onwards. There is now and then perhaps a little difficulty in tracing the connexion of the different divisions; and while some of the most weighty themes are touched upon very slightly, disproportionate space is assigned to the remarks upon the music of prose; but this probably arose
Page 726 726 CICERO. from the subject having been entirely passed over in the two preceding treatises. For it must be borne in mind that the De Oratore, the Brutus, and the Orator were intended to constitute a connected and continuous series, forming a complete system of the rhetorical art. In the first are expounded the principles and rules of oratory, and the qualifications natural and acquired requisite for success; in the second the importance of these qualifications, and the use and application of the principles and rules are illustrated by a critical examination of the leading merits and defects of the greatest public speakers; while in the third is delineated that ideal perfection to which the possession of all the requisite qualifications and a strict adherence to all the principles and rules would lead. The Editio Princeps of the Orator is that mentioned above, under the Brutus, printed at Rome in 1469. The best is that by Meyer, Lips. 1827, 8vo.; to which we may add the school edition of Billerbeck, Hannover, 1829, 8vo. Literature:-P. Ramus, Brutinae Quaestiones in Oratorem Cic., Paris. 1547, 4to., 1549, 8vo.; J. Perionius, Oratio pro Cic. Oratore contra P. Ramum, Paris. 1547, 8vo.; A. Maioragius, In Oratorem Cic. Commentarius, Basil. 1552; M. Junius, In Oratorem Cic. Scholia, Argent. 1585, 8vo.; H. A. Burchardus, Animadversiones ad Cic. Oratorem, Berolin. 1815, 8vo. 6. De Optimo Genere Oratorum. We have already noticed in the remarks on the Orator the opinion advocated by several of the most distinguished speakers of this epoch, such as Brutus and Calvus, that the essence of the true Attic style consisted in employing the smallest possible number of words, and concentrating the meaning of the speaker into subtle, terse, pointed sentences, which, however, from being totally devoid of all ornament and amplitude of expression, were for the most part stiff, lean, and dry, the very reverse of Cicero's style. In order to refute practically this prevalent delusion, Cicero resolved to render into Latin the two most perfect specimens of Grecian eloquence, the orations of Aeschines and Demosthenes in the case of Ctesiphon. The translation itself has been lost; but a short preface, in which the origin and object of the undertaking is explained, is still extant, and bears the title given above, De Optimo Genere Oratorum. The Editio Princeps of this tract, in an independent form, is that published with the commentary of Achilles Statius, Paris, 1551, 4to., and 1552, 8vo. We have also " De Optimo Genere Oratorum, ad Trebatium Topica, Oratoriae Partitiones, cum Commentario, ed. G. H. Saalfrank, vol. i. Ratisbon, 1823, 8vo." 7. Topica ad C. Trebatium. C. Trebatius, the celebrated jurisconsult, having found himself unable to comprehend the Topics of Aristotle, which treat of the Invention of Arguments, and having failed in procuring any explanation from a celebrated rhetorician, whose aid he sought, had frequently applied to Cicero for information and assistance. Cicero's incessant occupations prevented him for a long time from attending to these solicitations; but when he was sailing towards Greece, the summer after Caesar's death, he was reminded of Trebatius by the sight of Velia, a city with which the lawyer was closely connected, and accordingly, while on board of the ship, drew CICERO. up from recollection the work before us, and disspatched it to his friend from Rhegium on the 27th of July, B. c. 44. We are here presented with an abstract of the original, expressed in plain, familiar terms, illustrated by examples derived chiefly from Roman law instead of from Greek philosophy, accompanied by a promise to expound orally, at a future period, any points which might still appear confused or obscure. We cannot, of course, expect to find in such a book any originality of matter; but when we consider the circumstances under which it was composed, and the nature of the subject itself, we cannot fail to admire the clear head and the wonderful memory which could produce at once a full and accurate representation of a hard, complicated, and technical disquisition on the theory of rhetoric. The Editio Princeps is without place, date, or printer's name, but is believed to have been published at Venice about 1472. The commentaries upon this work are very numerous. The most celebrated are those by Boethius, G. Valla, Melancthon, J. Visorius, Hegendorphinus, Latomus, Goveanus, Talaeus, Curio, Achilles Statius, &c., which are contained in the editions printed at Paris by Tiletanus in 1543, 4to., by David in 1550, 4to., by Vascosanus in 1554, 4to., and by Richardus in 1557 and 1561, 4to. 8. Communes Loci. All that we know regarding this work is comprised in a single sentence of Quintilian (ii. 1. S11): "Communes loci, sive qui sunt in vitia directi, quales legimus a Cicerone compositos; seu quibus quaestiones generaliter tractantur, quales sunt editi a Quinto quoque Hortensio." Orelli supposes, that the Paradoxa are here spoken of; but this opinion is scarcely borne out by the expression in the preface to which he refers. 9. Rketoricorum ad C. Herennium Libri IV. A general view of the whole art of Rhetoric, including a number of precepts and rules for the guidance of the student. Passages from this treatise are quoted by St. Jerome (adv. Rufin. lib. i. p. 204, ed. Basil.), by Priscian, by Rufinus (de Comp. et Metr. Orat. pp. 315, 321 of the Rhetores Antiq. ed. Pith.), and by other ancient grammarians, who speak of it as the work of Cicero, and as such it was generally received by the most distinguished scholars of the fifteenth century, Leonardus Arretinus, Angelus Politianus, and Laurentius Valla. At a very early period, however, its authenticity was called in question by Raphael Rhegius and Angelus Decembrius, and the controversy has been renewed at intervals down to the present day. Almost all the best editors agree in pronouncing it spurious, but the utmost diversity of opinion has existed with regard to the real author. Regius propounded no less than three hypotheses, assigning it at one time to Q. Cornificius, who was quaestor B. c. 81, and an unsuccessful candidate for the consulship in B. c. 64; at another, to Virginius, a rhetorician contemporary with Nero; and lastly, to Timolaus, son of queen Zenobia, who had an elder brother Herennianus. Paulus and Aldus Manutius, Sigonius, Muretus, Barthius, and many of less note, all adopted the first supposition of Regius. G. J. Vossius began by deciding in favour of the younger Q. Cornificius, the colleague
Page 727 CICERO. of Cicero in the augurate (ad Fam. xii. 17-30), but afterwards changed his mind and fixed upon Tullius Tire; Julius Caesar Scaliger upon M. Gallio; Nascimbaenius upon Laureas Tullius; while more recently Schiitz has laboured hard to bring home the paternity to M. Antonius Gnipho, and Van Heusde to Aelius Stilo. The arguments which seem to prove that the piece in question is not the production of Cicero are briefly as follows: 1. It could not have been composed before the De Oratore, for Cicero there (i. 2) speaks of his juvenile efforts in this department as rough and never brought to a conclusion,-a description which corresponds perfectly with the two books De Inventione, whereas the Ad Herennium is entire and complete in all its parts; moreover, the author of the Ad Herennium complains at the outset that he was so oppressed with family affairs and business, that he could scarcely find any leisure for his favourite pursuits-a statement totally inapplicable to the early career of Cicero. 2. It could not have deen written after the De Oratore, for not only does Cicero never make any allusion to such a performance among the numerous labours of his later years, but it would have been quite unworthy of his mature age, cultivated taste, and extensive experience: it is in reality in every way inferior to the De Inventione, that boyish essay which he treats so contemptuously. We shall not lay any stress here upon the names of Terentia and young Tullius which occur in bk. i. c. 12, since these words are manifest interpolations. 3. Quintilian repeatedly quotes from the De Inventione and other acknowledged rhetorical pieces of Cicero, but never notices the Ad Herennium. 4. Marius Victorinus in his commentary on the De Inventione, makes no allusion to the existence of the Ad Herennium; it is little probable that he would have carefully discussed the imperfect manual, and altogether passed over that which was complete. 5. Servius refers three times (ad Virg. Aen. viii. 321, ix. 481, 614) to the " Rhetorica" and Cassiodorus (Rhetor. comp. pp. 339, 341, ed. Pith.) to the "Ars Rhetorica" of Cicero; but these citations are all from the De Inventione and not one from the Ad Herennium. The most embarrassing circumstance connected with these two works is the extraordinary resemblance which exists between them-a resemblance so strong that it is impossible to doubt that there is some bond of union. For although there are numerous and striking discrepancies, not only is the general arrangement the same, but in very many divisions the same precepts are conveyed ir nearly if not exactly the same phraseology, and illustrated by the same examples. Any one whe will compare Ad Herenn. i. 2, ii. 20, 22, 23 25, 27, with De Invent. i. 7, 42, 45, 48, 49, 51 will at once be convinced that these coincidencec cannot be accidental; but the single instance to b( found Ad lieremn. ii. 23, and De Invent. i. 50 woul alone be sufficient, for in both we find the sam( four lines extracted for the same purpose fron the Trinummus, and Plautus censured for a faul of which he is not guilty, the force of his expres sion having been misunderstood by his critics We cannot suppose that the author of the Ad He rennium copied from the De Inventione, since th former embraces a much wider compass than th latter; still less can we believe that Cicero woul be guilty of a shameless plagiarism, which mus have been open to such easy detection. Both pai CICERO. 727 ties cannot have derived their matter from a common Greek original, for not only is it incredible that two persons translating independently of each other should have rendered so many phrases in words almost identical, but the illustrations from Roman writers common to both at once destroy such an explanation. Only two solutions of the enigma suggest themselves. Either we have in the Ad Herennium and the De Inventione the notes taken down by two pupils from the lectures of the same Latin rhetorician, which were drawn out at full length by the one, and thrown aside in an unfinished state by the other after some alterations and corrections had been introduced; or we have in the Ad Herennium the original lectures, published subsequently by the professor himself. This last idea is certainly at variance with the tone assumed in the preliminary remarks, but may receive some support from the claim put forth (i. 9) to originality in certain divisions of insinuationes, which are adopted without observation in the Da Inventione. Whatever conclusion we may adopt upon this head, it is clear that we possess no evidence to determine the real author. The case made out in favour of Cornificius (we cannot tell which Cornificius) is at first sight plausible. Quintilian (iii. 1. ~ 21, comp. ix. 3. ~ 89) frequently mentions a certain Cornificius as a writer upon rhetoric, and in one place especially (ix. 3. ~ 98) enumerates his classification of figures, which corresponds exactly with the Ad Herennium (iv. 15, &c.); and a second point of agreement has been detected in a citation by Julius Rufinianus. (De Fig. Sent. p. 29.) But, on the other hand, many things are ascribed by Quintilian to Cornificius which nowhere occur in the Ad Herennium; and, still more fatal, we perceive, upon examining the words referred to above (ix. 3. ~ 93), that the remarks of Cornificius on figures must have been taken from a separate and distinct tract confined to that subject. We can accord to Schiltz the merit of having demonstrated that M. Antonius SGnipho may be the compiler, and that there is no testimony, external or internal, to render this position untenable; but we cannot go further. There are several historical allusions dispersed up and down reaching from the consulship of L. Cassius Longinus, B. c. 107, to the death of Sulpicius in B. c. 88; and if Burmann and others are correct in Sbelieving that the second consulship of Sulla is s distinctly indicated (iv. 54, 68), the fact will be established, that these books were not published i before B. c. 80. S The materials for arriving at a correct judgment Swith regard to the merits of this controversy, will, be found in the preface of the younger Burmann,, to his edition of the Rhetorica ad Herennium and s De Inventione, printed at Leyden in 1761, 8vo., e and republished with additional notes by Linde1 mann, Leipzig, 1828, 8vo.; in the prooemium of e Schiitz to his edition of the rhetorical works of n Cicero, Leipzig, 1804, 3 vols. 8vo., enlarged and t corrected in his edition of the whole works of;- Cicero, Leipzig, 1814; and in the disquisition of J. s. van Heusde, De Aelio Stilone, Utrecht, 1839; to -which we may add, as one of the earliest authorie ties, Utrium Ars Rietorica ad Herennium Ciceroni e falso inscribatur, appended to the Problemata in d Quintil. Instit. Orat. by Raphael Regius, published t at Venice in 1492. - The Editio Princeps of the Rhetorica ad Heren.
Page 728 728 CICERO. nium was printed along with the De Inventione, under the title " Ciceronis Rhetorica Nova et Vetus," by Nicol. Jenson, in 4to., Venice, 1470; and bibliographers have enumerated fourteen more belonging to the fifteenth century. The best edition in a separate form is that of Burmann, or the reprint of Lindemann, mentioned above. B. POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY. 1. De Republica Libri VI. This work on the best form of government and the duty of the citizen, was one of the earliest of Cicero's philosophical treatises, drawn up at a period when, from his intimacy with Pompey, Caesar and Crassus being both at a distance, he fancied, or at least wished to persuade others, that he was actually grasping the helm of the Roman commonwealth (de Div. ii. 1). Deeply impressed with the arduous nature of his task, he changed again and again not only various minute details but the whole general plan, and when at length completed, it was received with the greatest favour by his contemporaries, and is referred to by himself repeatedly with evident satisfaction and pride. It was commenced in the spring of B. c. 54 (ad Att. iv. 14, comp. 16), and occupied much of his attention during the summer months of that year, while he was residing at his villas in the vicinity of Cumae and of Pompeii. (Ad Q. Fr. ii. 14.) It was in the first instance divided into two books (ad Q. Fr. iii. 5), then expanded into nine (ad Q. Fr. 1. c.), and finally reduced to six (de Leg. i. 6, ii. 10, de Div. ii. 1). The form selected was that of Dialogue, in imitation of Plato, whom he kept constantly in view. The epoch at which the several conferences, extending over a space of three days, were supposed to have been held, was the Latinae feriae, in the consulship of C. Sempronius Tuditanus and M.' Aquillius, B. c. 129; the dramatis personae consisted of the younger Africanus, in whose suburban gardens the scene is laid, and to whom the principal part is assigned; his bosom friend C. Laelius the Wise; L. Furius Philus, consul B. c. 136, celebrated in the annals of the Numantine war, and bearing the reputation of an eloquent and cultivated speaker (Brut. 28); M.' Manilius, consul B. c. 149, under whom Scipio served as military tribune at the outbreak of the third Punic war, probably the same person as Manilius the famous jurisconsult; Sp. Mummius, the brother of him who sacked Corinth, a man of moderate acquirements, addicted to the discipline of the Porch; Q. Aelius Tubero, son of Aemilia, sister of Africanus, a prominent opponent of the Gracchi, well skilled in law and logic, but no orator; P. Rutilius Rufus, consul B. c. 105, the most worthy citizen, according to Velleius, not merely of his own day, but of all time, who having been condemned in a criminal trial (B. c. 92), although innocent, by a conspiracy among the equites, retired to Smyrna, where he passed the remainder of his life in honourable exile; Q. Mucius Scaevola, the augur, consul B. c. 117, the first preceptor of Cicero in jurisprudence; and lastly, C. Fannius, the historian, who was absent, however, on the second day of the conference, as we learn from the remarks of his father-in-law Laelius, and of Scaevola, in the De Amicitia (4, 7). In order to give an air of probability to the action of the piece, Rutilius is supposed to have been visited at Smyrna by Cicero during his Asiatic tour, and on CICERO. that occasion to have spent some days in recounting the particulars of this memorable conversation, in which he had taken a part, to his young friend who afterwards dedicated the De Republica to the person who was his travelling companion on this occasion. It is hard to discover who this may have been, but historical considerations go far to prove that either Q. Cicero or Atticus was the individual in question. (De Rep. i. 8, Brut. 22; Mai, Praef. ~ iv.) The precise date at which the De Republica was given to the world is unknown; it could scarcely have been before the end of B. c. 54, for the work was still in an unfinished state at the end of September in that year (ad Att. iv. 16), and during the month of October scarcely a day passed in which the author was not called upon to plead for some client (ad Q. Fr. iii. 3); on the other hand, it appears from an expression in the correspondence of Caelius with Cicero, while the latter was in Cilicia (ad Fam. viii. 1), that the "6 politici libri" were in general circulation in the earlypart of B. c. 51, while the language used is such as would scarcely have been employed except with reference to a new publication. The greater number of the above particulars are gleaned from incidental notices dispersed over the writings of Cicero. The dialogues themselves, although known to have been in existence during the tenth century, and perhaps considerably later, had ever since the revival of literature eluded the most earnest search, and were believed to have been irrecoverably lost with the exception of the episode of the Somnium Scipionis, extracted entire from the sixth book by Macrobius, and sundry fragments quoted by grammarians and ecclesiastics, especially by Lactantius and St. Augustin. But in the year 1822, Angelo Mai detected among the Palimpsests in the Vatican a portion of the longsought-for treasure, which had been partially obliterated to make way for a commentary of St. Augustin on the Psalms. A full history of this volume, which seems to have been brought from the monastery of Bobio during the pontificate of Paulus V., about the beginning of the 7th century, is contained in the first edition, printed at Roime in 1822, and will be found in most subsequent editions. Although what has been thus unexpectedly restored to light is in itself most valuable, yet, considered as a whole, the work presents a sadly deformed and mutilated aspect. These imperfections arise from various causes. In the first place, the commentary of Augustin reaches from the 119th to the 140th psalm, but the remainder, down to the 150th psalm, written, as may be fairly inferred, over sheets of the same MS., has disappeared, and gaps occur in what is left to the extent of 64 pages, leaving exactly 302 pages entire in double columns, each consisting of fifteen lines. In the second place, it must be remembered that to prepare an ancient MS. for the reception of a new writing, it must have been taken to pieces in order to wash or scrape every page separately, and that, no attention being paid to the arrangement of these disjecta membra, they would, when rebound, be shuffled together in utter disorder, and whole leaves would be frequently rejected altogether, either from being decayed or from some failure in the cleaning process. Accordingly, in the palimpsest in question the different parts of the original were in the utmost confusion, and great care was required not only in deciphering the faint characters, but in re
Page 729 CICERO. storing the proper sequence of the sheets. Altogether, after a minute calculation, we may estimate that by the palimpsest we have regained about one-fourth of the whole, and if the fragments collected from other sources be added, they will increase the proportion to one-third. The MS. is written in very large well-formed capitals, and from the splendour of its appearance those best skilled in palaeography have pronounced it to be the oldest MS. of a classic in existence, some being disposed to carry it back as far as the second or third century, the superinduced M3. being probably earlier than the tenth century. In the first book, the first 33 pages are wanting, and there are fourteen smaller blanks scattered up and down, amounting to 38 pages more. A few words are wanting at the beginning of the second book, which runs on with occasional blanks, amounting in all to 50 pages, until we approach the close, which is very defective. The third book is a mere collection of disjointed scraps; of the fourth the. MS. contains but a few lines, the same is the case with the fifth, and the sixth is totally wanting. The object of the work was to determine the best form of government, to define the duties of all the members of the body politic, and to investigate those principles of justice and morality which must form the basis of every system under which a nation can expect to enjoy permanent prosperity and happiness. We cannot doubt that Cicero was stimulated to this undertaking by perceiving the destruction which threatened the liberties of his country; and, in the vain hope of awakening those around him to some sense of their danger, he resolved to place before their eyes a lively representation of that constitution by which their forefathers had become masters of the world. The materials of which this production was formed appear, for we can speak with little certainty of the last four books, to have been distributed in the following manner:The greater part of the prologue to the first book is lost, but we gather that it asserted the superiority of an active over a purely contemplative career. After a digression on the uncertainty and worthlessness of physical pursuits, the real business of the piece is opened, the meaning of the word republic is defined, and the three chief forms of government, the monarchical, the aristocratical, and the democratical, are analyzed and compared, Scipio awarding the preference to the first, although, since all in their simple shape are open to corruption and degeneracy, and contain within themselves the seeds of dissolution, the ideal of a perfect constitution would be a compound of all these three elements mixed in due proportions-a combination to which the Roman constitution at one time closely approximated. The subject being pursued in the second book leads to a history of the origin and progress of the Roman state; and, passing from the particular to the general, the remainder of the book is occupied by an examination of the great moral obligations which serve as the foundation of all political union. The third book, as we glean from Lactantius and St. Augustin, contaired a protracted discussion on the famous paradox of Carneades, that justice was a visionary delusion. The fourth book entered upon the duties of citizens in public and private life, and enlarged upon general education and moral training. CICERO. 729 In the prologue to the fifth oook, of which we know less than of any of the preceding, Cicero indulged in lamentations on the general depravity of morals which were becoming rapidly more corrupt. The main topic in what followed was the administration of laws, including a review of the practice of the Roman courts, beginning with the paternal jurisdiction of the kings, who were the sole judges in the infancy of the city. We can hardly hazard a conjecture on the contents of the sixth book, with the exception of the well-known Somnium Scipionis, in which Scipio relates that he saw in a dream, when, in early youth, he visited Masinissa, in Africa, the form of the first Africanus, which dimly revealed to him his future destiny, and urged him to press steadily forward in the path of virtue and of true renown, by announcing the reward prepared in a future state for those who have served their country in this life with good faith. The authorities chiefly consulted by Cicero, in composing the De Republica, are concisely enumerated in the first chapter of the second book de Divinatione. " Sex de Republica libros scripsimusMagnus locus philosophiaeque proprius, a Platone, Aristotele, Theophrasto totaque Peripateticorum familia tractus uberrime." To these we must add Polybius, from whom many of the most important opinions are directly derived (e. g. comp. Polyb. vi. 3, 6, 7). The Editio Princeps of the recovered De Republica was printed, as we have seen above, at Rome, in 1822, with copious prolegomena and notes by Mai; this was followed by the edition of Creuzer and Moser, Frankf. 1826, 8vo., which is the most complete that has hitherto appeared. The following also contains useful matter, " La Republique de Ciceron, d'apres la texte inedit, recemment decouvert et commente par M. Mai, bibliothecaire de Vatican, avec une traduction francaise, un discours preliminaire et des dissertations historiques, par M. Villemain, de 1' Academie franqaise, ii tomes, Paris, Michaud, 1823." Literature:-F. C. Wolf, Observ. Crit. in M. Tull. Cic. Orat. pro Scauro, et pro Tullio, et librorum De Rep. Fragm. 1824; Zacharia, Staatswissenschaftliche Betracltungen r Cier Giceros neu auJfefundenes Werk vom Stadte, Heidelberg, 1823. The fragments known before the discovery of Mai are included in all the chief editions of the collected works, and were published with a French translation by Bernardi, ii tomes, Paris, 1807. 2. De Legibus Libri II1. Three dialogues, in a somewhat mutilated condition, on the nature, the origin, and the perfection of laws. These have given rise to a series of controversies respecting the real author of the work, the time at which it was written, its extent when entire, its proper title, the date of publication, the existence of a prologue, or preface, the sources from which the author derived his materials, and the design which he proposed to accomplish. On each of these points it is necessary to say a few words. 1. The opinion that Cicero was not the author, rests solely upon the fact that, contrary to his usual practice in such matters, he nowhere makes mention of these books; no notice of them is taken in the catalogue of his philosophical writings, inserted in the De Divinatione (ii. 1), nor in any part of his correspondence with Atticus, which generally con
Page 730 730 CICERO. tains some account of the literary labours in which he was from time to time engaged, nor in any of those passages where a reference mighit very naturally have been expected (e. g. Tusc. iv. 1, Brut. v. 19), while the expressions which have been adduced as containing indirect allusions, will be found upon examination to be so indistinct, or to have been so unfairly interpreted, that they throw no light whatever on the question. (e. g. de Orat. i. 42, ad Att. xiv. 17.) On the other hand, " M. Tullius... in libro de legibus primo," and " Cicero in quinto de legibus," are the words with which Lactantius (De Opif. Dei, i.) and Macrobius (vi. 4) introduce quotations, and all the best scholars agree in pronouncing that not only is there no internal evidence against the authenticity of the treatise, but that the diction, style, and matter, are in every respect worthy of Cicero, presenting no trace of a late or inferior hand, of interpolation, or of forgery. Even if we do not feel quite certain that the sentence in Quintilian (xii. 3), " M. Tullius non modo inter agendum numquam est destitutus scientia juris, sed etiam componere aliqua de eo coeperat," was intended to indicate the work before us, yet the word coeperat may be allowed at least to suggest a solution of the difficulty. Taking into account the actual state of these dialogues as they have descended to us, remarking the circumstance, which becomes palpable upon close examination, that some portions are complete, full, and highly polished, while others are imperfect, meagre, and rough, we are led to the conclusion, that the plan was traced out and partially executed; that, while the undertaking was advancing, some serious interruption occurred, possibly the journey to Cilicia; that being thus thrown aside for a time, the natural disinclination always felt by Cicero to resume a train of thought once broken off (comp. de Leg. i. 3) combined with a conviction that the disorders of his country were now beyond the aid of philosophic remedies, prevented him from ever following out his original project, and giving the last touches to the unfinished sketch. This supposition will account in a satisfactory manner for the silence observed regarding it in the De Divinatione, the Brutus, and elsewhere; and if it was in progress, as we shall see is very probable, towards the close of B. c. 52, we can be at no loss to explain why it makes no figure in the epistles to Atticus, for no letters between the friends are extant for that year, in consequence, perhaps, of both being together at Rome. Chapman, in his Chronological Dissertation, avoids the objection altogether by supposing, that the de Legibus was not written until after the de Divinatione, but from what is said below, it will appear that this hypothesis is probably erroneous, and, according to the view we have given, it is certainly unnecessary. 2. Since we find in the work allusions to the elevation of Cicero to the augurate (ii. 12, iii. 19), an event which did not take place until the vacancy caused by the death of Crassus (B. c. 53) was known at Rome, and also to the death of Clodius (ii. 17, B. c. 52), and since Cato and Pompey are both named as alive (iii. 18, i. 3, iii. 9), it is manifest that the action of the drama belongs to some epoch between the beginning of the year, B. c. 52, and the battle of Pharsalia, B. c. 48; but on the other hand this evidence will only enable us to decide that the drama was composed after the 18th of January, B. c. 52, the day when Clodius perished, CICERO. without defining any second limit before which it must have been composed. When, however, we remark the evident bitterness of spirit displayed towards Clodius and his friends, together with the suppressed, but not concealed, dissatisfaction, with the conduct of Pompey (ii. 16, 41, iii. 9, 21), we are led to suppose that these paragraphs were penned under the influence of feelings recently excited, such as might have been roused by the proceedings which distinguished the trial of Milo. We are inclined, therefore, to think that the date of the action of the drama, and the date of composition, are nearly identical, and that both may be assigned to the middle or end of B. c. 52. 3. With regard to the number of books at one time in existence, we are certain that there were more than three, for Macrobius (1. c.) quotes the fifth; but how many there may have been is purely a matter of conjecture. Fabricius, Hiilsemann, and Wagner, decide that there were just five; Goerenz argues very ingeniously that there must have been six; Davis fixes that there were eight. 4. The title De Legibus rests on the authority of nearly all the MSS. One alone exhibits Do Jure Civili et Legibus, which doubtless arose from a desire to include the supposed contents of the later books. (See de Leg. iii. 5 fin.; Gell. i. 22.) 5. If we are correct in our position, that Cicero never finished his work, it follows that it was not published during his life, and, therefore, remained unknown to his contemporaries. 6. As to the existence of a prologue, we should naturally have imagined that this was a question of fact, affording no scope for reasoning. Nevertheless the point also has been keenly debated. Turnebus, in one commentary, considers that the first few chapters constitute a regular introduction, but he afterwards changed his mind, and, startled by the abruptness with which the conversation opens, maintained that the exordium had been lost. Goerenz and Moser, the most judicious editors, adopt the first conclusion of Turnebus. 7. In all that relates to external form and decoration Plato is evidently the model, and the imitation throughout is most close and accurate. But the resemblance extends no farther than the surface: the definitions, the propositions, the arguments, and the whole substance, except what is immediately connected with Roman law, can be traced to the labours of the Stoics, especially to the pvalkca E04IOes, the repl icaAXov, the 7repl mKucaitovves,, and above all the 7repl vo'Lov of Chrysippus; for the few fragments which have been preserved of these tracts are still sufficient to shew that not only did Cicero draw his materials from their stores, but in some instances did little more than translate their words. Even in the passages on magistrates the ideas of Plato, Aristotle, and Theophrastus are presented with the modifications introduced by Dion (Diogenes?) and Panaetius. (De Leg. iii. 6.) 8. The general plan of the work is distinctly traced in one of the opening chapters (i. 5, 17). It was intended to comprehend an exposition of the nature of justice and its connexion with the nature of man, an examination of the laws by which states ought to be governed, and a review of the different systems of legislation which had been adopted by different nations. Accordingly, in the first book we have an investigation into the sources of justice and virtue. It is laid down (1), That the Gods are the ultimate
Page 731 CICERO. source of justice; (2) That men, being bound together by a community of faculties, feelings, and desires, are led to cultivate social union-and hence justice, without which social union could not exist. Thus human nature is a second source of justice. But since human nature is intimately connected with God by reason and virtue, it follows that God and the moral nature of man are the joint sources.of justice, law being the practical exposition of its principles. Much more stress is, however, laid upon the second of these two sources than upon the first, which is quickly dismissed and kept out of sight. In the second book the author explains his views of a Model Code, illustrated by constant references to the ancient institutions of Rome. Attention is first called to the laws which relate to religion and sacred observances, which are considered under the different heads of divine worship in general, including the solemnities to be observed in the performance of ordinances, and the classification of the Gods according to the degrees of homage to which they are severally entitled; the celebration of festivals; the duties of the various orders of priests; the exhibition of public games; the maintenance of ancient rites; the punishment of perjury and impurity; the consecration of holy places and things; and the respect to be paid to the spirits of the departed. The third book treated of Magistrates, commencing with a short exposition of the nature and importance of their functions as interpreters and enforcers of the laws. This is followed by a dissertation on the expediency of having one magistrate in a state to whom all the rest shall be subordinate, which leads to certain reflections on the authority of the consuls, as controlled by the tribunes. Here, however, there is a great blank, the part which is lost having contained, it would appear, an inquiry into the functions of all the chief officers of the Roman republic. What remains consists of three discussions, one on the power exercised by tribunes of the plebeians, a second on the propriety of supplying the vacancies in the senate from the number of those who had held certain appointments, and, thirdly, on the advantages and drawbacks of voting by ballot. The scene of these dialogues is laid in the villa of Cicero, in the neighbourhood of his native Arpinum, near the point where the Fibrenus joins the Liris. The Editio Princeps forms part of the edition of the philosophical works printed at Rome in 2 vols. fol. by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471; see above, p. 719, b. The editions of Davis, Camb. 1727-8, containing the notes of the old commentators, and an improved text, were long held in high estimation, and frequently reprinted, but is now superseded bythose of Goerenz, Leip. 1809, 8vo., forming the first volume of the collected philosophical works; of Moser and Creuzer, Frankf. 1824, 8vo., containing everything that the scholar can desire; and of Bake, Leyden, 1842, 8vo., which is the most recent. 3. De Jure Civili in Artem redigendo. A. Gellius quotes a sentence from a work of Cicero which he says bore the above title. The subject of civil law was also discussed in one of the last books De Legibus, but the words of Gellius can apply only to an independent treatise. See Orelli's Cicero vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 478. (Gell. i. 22; Quintil. xii. 3. ~ 10; Macrob. vi. 4; Cic. de Leg. iii, 20.) CICERO. 731 4. Epistola ad Caesarem de Republica ordinanda. Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, (xii. 40,) written in June, B. c. 45, tells his friend, that he had made several attempts to compose an address to Caesar, in imitation of those of Aristotle and Theopompus to Alexander, but had hitherto failed (:uvpsovXevtUr6v saepe conor: nihil reperio). A few days later, however, it appears to have been finished (ad Att. xiii. 26), and was soon after sent to Atticus (ad Att. xii. 49), but never forwarded to the dictator; for, having been previously submitted to his friends for their approbation, they made so many objections, and suggested so many alterations, that Cicero threw it aside in disgust. (Ad Att. xii. 51, 52, xiii. 1, 27, 28, 31.) C. PHILOSOPHY OF MORALS. 1. De Officiis Libri III A treatise on moral obligations, viewed not so much with reference to a metaphysical investigation of the basis on which they rest, as to the practical business of the world and the intercourse of social and political life. It was composed and published late in the year B. c. 44, certainly after the end of August (iii. sub fin.), and is addressed to young Marcus, at that time residing at Athens under the care of Cratippus the Peripatetic. This being a work professedly intended for the purposes of instruction, Cicero does not dwell upon the conflicting doctrines of rival sects, but endeavours rather to inculcate directly those views which he regarded as the most correct; and, rejecting the form of dialogue, enunciates the different precepts with the authority of a teacher addressing his pupil. The discipline of the Stoics is principally followed. In the first two books, the irepi KaOrnKovTos of Panaetius served as a guide, and not a little was borrowed from Diogenes of Babylon, Antipater of Tarsus, Hecato, Posidonius, Antipater of Tyre, and others enumerated in the commentary of Beier and the tract of Lynden on Panaetius. Notwithstanding the express declaration of Cicero to the contrary, we cannot, from internal evidence, avoid the conclusion, that the Greek authorities have in not a few passages been translated verbatim, and translated not very happily, for the unyielding character of the Latin language rendered it impossible to express accurately those nice gradations of thought and delicate distinctions which can be conveyed with so much clearness and precision by the copious vocabulary and graceful flexibility of the sister tongue. (See the essay of Garve named at the end of the article.) The third book, which is occupied with questions in casuistry, although it lays claim to greater originality than those which precede it, was certainly formed upon the model of the 7repI KaOVcovrds of the Stoic Hecato. But while the skeleton of the whole work is unquestionably of foreign origin, the examples and illustrations are taken almost exclusively from Roman history and Roman literature, and are for the most part selected with great judgment and clothed in the most felicitous diction. In the first book, after a few preliminary remarks, we find a threefold division of the subject. "When called upon to perform any action we must inquire, 1. Whether it is honestum, that is, good in itself, absolutely and abstractedly good; 2. Whether it is utile, that is, good when considered with reference to external objects; 3. What course
Page 732 732 CICERO. we must pursue when the honestum and the utile are at variance. Moreover, the honestum and the utile each admit of degrees which also fall to be examined in order that we may make choice of the highest. The general plan being thus sketched, it is followed out by a discussion of the four constituent elements into which the honestum may be resolved: a. Sapientia, the power of discerning truth; b. Justitia et Beneficentia, which consist in studying the welfare of those around us, in rendering to every one his own, and in preserving contracts inviolate; c. Fortitudo, greatness and strength of mind; d. Temperantia, the faculty of doing and saying everything in a becoming manner, in the proper place, and to the proper extent. Each of these is explained at length, and the book closes with a debate on the degrees of the honestum, that is, the method of deciding, when each of two lines of conduct is honestum, which is to be preferred as superior (honestius) to the other. The second book is devoted to the utile, and considers how we may best conciliate the favour of our fellow-men, apply it to our own advancement, and thus arrive at wealth and public distinction, enlarging peculiarly on the most pure and judicious mode of displaying liberality, whether by pecuniary gifts or by aid of any other description. This is succeeded by a short notice of two utilitates passed over by Panaetius-the care of the health and the care of the purse, after which a few words are added on the comparison of things expedient with each other. In the third book it is demonstrated that there never can be any real collision between the honestum and the utile; but that when an action is viewed through a proper medium the honestum will invariably be found to be inseparable from the utile and the utile from the honestum, a proposition which had been briefly enunciated at the beginning of book second, but is here fully developed and largely illustrated. A number of difficult cases are then stated, which serve as exercises in the application of the rules laid down, among which a prominent place is assigned to the story of Regulus. The Editio Princeps of the De Officiis is one of the oldest specimens of classical typography in existence, having been printed along with the Paradoxa by Fust and Schbffer at Mayence in 1465 and again in 1466, both in small 4to. These are not of excessive rarity, and occur more frequently upon vellum than upon paper. Next comes an edition in 4to., without date or name of place or of printer, but generally recognised as from the press of Ulric Zell, at Cologne, about 1467, which were followed by that of Ulric Hann, fol., Rome, 1468-9, also without name or date, that of Sweynheym and Pannartz, Rome, fol., 1469, of Vindelin de Spira, Venice, fol., 1470, and of Eggesteyn, Strasburg, 4to., 1770. Many of these have given rise to lengthened controversies among bibliographers, the substance of which will be found in Dibdin's " Introduction to the Classics," Lond. 1827. Among the almost countless editions which have appeared since the end of the 15th century, it is sufficient to specify those of Heusinger, Brunswick, 8vo., 1783, which first presented a really pure text and has been repeatedly reprinted; of Gernhard, Leipzig, 8vo., 1811; and of Beier, 2 vols. 8vo., Leipzig, 1820-21, which may be considered as the best. Literature:--A. Buscher, Ethicae Ciceronianae CICERO. Libri II., Hamb. 1610; R. G. Rath, Cicero da Oficiis in brevi conspectu, Hall. 1803; Thorbecke, Princip. phil. mor. e Ciceronis Op., Leyden, 1817; and the remarks which accompany the translation of Garve, of which a sixth edition was published at Breslau in 1819. 2. De Virtutibus. This work, if it ever existed, which is far from being certain, must have been intended as a sort of supplement to the De Officiis, just as Aristotle added a tract, irepl dpeTr6v, to his Ethics. (Hieron. in Zachar. Prophet. Comment. i. 2; Charisius, ii. p. 186.) 3. Cato Major s. De Senectute. This little tract, drawn up at the end of B. c. 45 or the commencement of B. c. 44, for the purpose of pointing out how the burden of old age may be most easily supported, is addressed to Atticus, who was now in his sixty-eighth year, while Cicero himself was in his sixty-second or sixty-third. It is first mentioned in a letter written from Puteoli on the 11th of May, B. c. 44 (ad Att. xiv. 21, comp. xvii. 11), and is there spoken of as already in the hands of his friend. In the short introductory dialogue, Scipio Aemilianus and Laelius are supposed to have paid a visit during the consulship of T. Quinctius Flamininus and M.' Acilius Balbus (B. c. 150; see c. 5 and 10) to Cato the censor, at that time 84 years old. Beholding with admiration the activity of body and cheerfulness of mind which he displayed, they request him to point out by what means the weight of increasing years may be most easily borne. Cato willingly complies, and commences a dissertation in which he seeks to demonstrate how unreasonable are the complaints usually urged regarding the miseries which attend the close of a protracted life. The four principal objections are stated and refuted in regular succession. It is held that old age is wretched, 1. Because it incapacitates men for active business; 2. Because it renders the body feeble; 3. Because it deprives them of the enjoyment of almost all pleasures; 4. Because it heralds the near approach of death. The first three are met by producing examples of many illustrious personages in whom old age was not,attended by any of these evils, by arguing that such privations are not real but imaginary misfortunes, and that if the relish for some pleasures is lost, other delights of a more desirable and substantial character are substituted. The fourth objection is encountered still more boldly, by an eloquent declaration that the chief happiness of old age in the eyes of the philosopher arises from the conviction, that it indicates the near approach of death, that is, the near approach of the period when the soul shall be released from its debasing connexion with the body, and enter unfettered upon the paths of immortality. This piece has always been deservedly esteemed as one of the most graceful moral essays bequeathed to us by antiquity. The purity of the language, the liveliness of the illustrations, the dignity of the sentiments, and the tact with which the character of the strong-minded but self-satisfied and garrulous old man is maintained, have excited universal applause. But however pleasing the picture here presented to us, every one must perceive that it is a fancy sketch, not the faithful copy of a scene
Page 733 CICERO. from nature. In fact the whole treatise is a tissue of special pleading on a question which is discussed in the same tone of extravagance on the opposite side by Juvenal in his tenth satire. The logic also is bad, for in several instances general propositions are attacked by a few specious particular cases which are mere exceptions to the rule. No one can doubt the truth of the assertions, that old age doe*h&ciapacitate us for active business, that it does render the body feeble, and that it does blunt the keenness of our senses; but while it is a perfectly fair style of argument to maintain that these are imaginary and not real ills, it is utterly absurd to deny their existence, because history affords a few instances of favoured individuals who have been exempted from their influence. Cicero appears to have been indebted for the idea, if not for the plan, of this work to Aristo of Chios, a Stoic philosopher (c. 1); much has been translated almost literally from the Republic of Plato (see cc. 2, 3, 14), and more freely from the Oeconomics and Cyropaedeia of Xenophon. The passage with regard to the immortality of the soul is derived from the Timaeus, the Phaedon, the Phacdrus, and the Menon (see Kilihner, p. 116), and some editors have traced the observations upon the diseases of young men (c. 19) to Hippocrates. It must be remarked, that although Cato was a rigid follower of the Porch, the doctrines here propounded have little of the austerity of that sect, but savour more of the gentle and easy discipline of the Peripatetics. (Kiihner, 1. c.) The five earliest editions of the Cato Mqjor were all printed at Cologne, the first three by Ulric Zell, the fourth by Winter de Homborch, the fifth by Arnold Therhoernen, not one of which bears a date, but some of them are certainly older than the edition of the collected philosophical works printed at Rome, in 2 vols. fol., by Sweynheym and Pannartz, which contains the De Senectute. [See above, p. 719, b.] The best modern editions are those of Gernhard, which include the Paradoxa also, Leipzig, 8vo., 1819, and of Otto, Leipzig, 1830. 4. Laelius s. Do Amicitia. This dialogue was written after the preceding, to which it may be considered as forming a companion. Just as the dissertation upon old age was placed in the mouth of Cato because he had been distinguished for energy of mind and body preserved entire to the very close of a long life, so the steadfast attachment which existed between Scipio and Laelius pointed out the latter as a person peculiarly fitted to enlarge upon the advantages of friendship and the mode in which it might best be cultivated. To no one could Cicero dedicate such a treatise with more propriety than to Atticus, the only individual among his contemporaries to whom he gave his whole heart. The imaginary conversation is supposed to have taken place between Laelius and his two sons-inlaw, C. Fannius and Q. Mucius Scaevola, a few days after the death of Africanus (B. c. 129), and to have been repeated, in after times, by Scaevola. to Cicero. Laelius begins by a panegyric on his friend. Then, at the request of the young men, he explains his own sentiments with regard to the origin, nature, limits, and value of friendship; traces its connexion with the higher moral virtues, and lays down the rules which ought to be ob CICERO. 733 served in order to render it permanent and mutually advantageous. The most pleasing feature in this essay is the simple sincerity with which it is impressed. The author casts aside the affectation of learning, and the reader feels convinced throughout that he is speaking from his heart. In giving full expression to the most amiable feelings, his experience, knowledge of human nature, and sound sense, enabled him to avoid all fantastic exaggeration, and, without sacrificing his dignified tone, or pitching his standard too low, he brings down the subject to the level of ordinary comprehension, and sets before us a model which all may imitate. The exordium is taken from the Theaetetus, and in the 8th chapter we detect a correspondence with a passage in the Lysis of Plato; the Ethics of Aristotle, and the Memorabilia of Socrates by Xenophon afforded some suggestions; a strong resemblance can be traced in the fragments of Theophrastus wrepi (p)ias, and some hints are supposed to have been taken from Chrysippus reppl (plaSr and 7srepI TroO Smcrisv. (Kiuhner, p. 118.) The Editio Princeps was printed at Cologne by Job. Guldenschaff, the second, which includes the Paradoxa, at the same place by Ulric Zell; neither bears any date, but both are older than the collection of the philosophical works printed at Rome in 2 vols. fol. by Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471, which contains the Laelius. The best modern editions are those of Gernhard, Leipzig, 8vo. 1825, and of Beier, Leipzig, 12mo. 1828. 5. De Gloria Libri II. Cicero completed a work under the above title, in two books dedicated to Atticus, on the 4th of 'July, B. c. 44. A few words only having been preserved, we have no means of determining the manner or tone in which the subject was handled. Petrarch was in possession of a MS. of the De Gloria, which afterwards passed into the hands of Bernardo Giustiniani, a Venetian, and then disappeared. Paulus Manutius and Jovius circulated a story that it had been destroyed by Petrus Alcyonius, who had stolen numerous passages and inserted them in his own treatise De Etxilio; but this calumny has been refuted by Tiraboschi in his history of Italian literature. (See Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 487: Cic. de Of. ii. 9, ad Alt. xv. 27, xvi. 2.) 6. De Consolatione s. De Luctu minuendo. This treatise was written B. c. 45, soon after the death of his beloved daughter, Tullia, when seeking distraction and relief in literary pursuits. We learn from Pliny (praef. H.N.), that the work of Crantor the Academician was closely followed. A few inconsiderable fragments have been preserved chiefly by Lactantius, and will be found in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 489. The tract published at Venice in 1583 under the title Consolatio Ciceronis is a notorious forgery, executed, as is generally believed, by Sigonius or Vianellus. (Cic. ad At,. xii. 20, 23, Tuscul. iii. 28, 31; Augustin, de Civ. Dei, xix. 4; Hieron. Epitaph. Nepot.) D. SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY. 1. Acadenzmicorum Libri I1. The history of this work before it finally quitted the hands of its author is exceedingly curious and somewhat obscure, but must be clearly understood before we can explain the relative position of those
Page 734 734 CICERO. portions of it which have been transmitted to modern times. By comparing carefully a series of letters written to Atticus in the course of B. c. 45 (ad Att. xiii. 32, 12-14, 16, 18, 19, 21-23, 25, 35, 44), we find that Cicero had drawn up a treatise upon the Academic Philosophy in the form of a dialogue between Catulus, Lucullus, and Hortensius, and that it was comprised in two books, the first bearing the name of Catulus, the second that of Lucullus. A copy was sent to Atticus, and soon after it had reached him, two new introductions were composed, the one in praise of Catulus, the other in praise of Lucullus. Scarcely had this been done, when Cicero, from a conviction that Catulus, Lucullus, and Hortensius, although men of highly cultivated minds, and well acquainted "with general literature, were known to have been little conversant with the subtle arguments of abstruse philosophy, determined to withdraw them altogether, and accordingly substituted Cato and Brutus in their place. (Ad. Att. xiii. 16.) Immediately after this change had been introduced, he received a communication from Atticus representing that Varro was much offended by being passed over in the discussion of topics in which he was deeply versed. Thereupon, Cicero, catching eagerly at the idea thus suggested, resolved to recast the whole piece, and quickly produced, under the old title, a new and highly improved edition, divided into four books instead of two, dedicating the whole to Varro, to whom was assigned the task of defending the tenets of Antiochus of Ascalon, while the author himself undertook to support the views of Philo, Atticus also taking a share in the conversation. But although these alterations were effected with great rapidity, the copy originally sent to Atticus had in the meantime been repeatedly transcribed: hence both editions passed into circulation, and a part of each has been preserved. One section, containing 12 chapters, is a short fragment of the first book of the second or Varronian edition; the other, containing 49 chapters, is the entire second book of the first edition, to which is prefixed the new introduction noticed above (ad Att. xiii. 32), together with the proper title of Lucullus. Thus it appears that the first book of the first edition has been altogether lost, and the whole of the second edition, with the exception of the fragment of the first book already mentioned and a few scraps quoted by Lactantius, Augustin, and the grammarians. Upon examining the dates of the letters referred to, it will be seen that the first edition had been despatched to Atticus about the middle of June, for the new introductions were written by the 27th (ad Att. xiii. 32); that the second edition, which is spoken of with great complacency-" Libri quidem ita exierunt (nisi forte me communis qLhavTria decipit), ut in tali genere ne apud Graecos quidem simile quidquam"--was fully completed towards the close of July (ad Att. xiii. 15), a few days before the last touches had been given to the De Finibus (xiii. 19); and that it was actually in the possession of Varro before the ides of August. (xiii. 35, 44.) Goerenz has taken great pains to prove that these books were published under the title of Academica, and that the appellation Academicae Quaestiones, or Academicae Disputationes, by which they are frequently distinguished, are without authority and altogether inappropriate. The object proposed was, to give an accurate CICERO. narrative of the rise and progress of the Academic Philosophy, to point out the various modifications introduced by successive professors, and to demonstrate the superiority of the principles of the New Academy, as taught by Philo, over those of the Old Academy, as advocated by Antiochus of AscaIon. It is manifestly impossible, under existing circumstances, to determine with certainty the amount of difference between the two editions. That there was a considerable difference is certain, for, although Cicero was in the first instance induced to depart from his plan merely because he considered the topics discussed out of keeping with the character of the individuals who were represented as discussing them, still the division of the two books into four necessarily implies some important change in the arrangement if not in the substance of the subject-matter. We are, moreover, expressly informed, that many things were omitted, and that the four books of the second edition, although more concise than the two of the first, were at the same time better and more brilliant (splendidira, iora, breviora, meliora). It is probable that the first book of the first edition, after giving a sketch of the leading principles of the different branches of the Academy as they grew out of each other in succession, was occupied with a detailed investigation of the speculations of Carneades, just as those of Philo, which were adopted to a certain extent by Cicero himself, form the leading theme of the second. What remains of the first book of the second edition enables us to discover that it was devoted to the history of Academic opinions from the time of Socrates and Plato, who were regarded as the fathers of the sect, down to Antiochus, from whom Cicero himself had in his youth received instruction while residing at Athens. The second book may have been set apart for an inquiry into the theories of Arcesilas, who, although the real founder of the New Academy, appears to have been alluded to in the former edition only in an incidental and cursory manner; while the third and fourth books would embrace the full and clear development and illustration of his pregnant though obscure doctrines, as explained in the eloquent disquisitions of Carneades and Philo. Such is the opinion of Goerenz, and although it does not admit of strict proof, yet it is highly plausible in itself, and is fully corroborated by the hints and indications which appear in those portions of the dialogue now extant. The scene of the Catulus was the villa of that statesman at Cumae, while the Luzcullus is supposed to have been held at the mansion of Hortensius near Bauli. The dialogues of the second edition commence at the Cumanum of Varro; but, as we learn from a fragment of the third book quoted by Nonius Marcellus, the parties repaired during the course of the conference to the shores of the Lucrine lake. The Editio Princeps is included in the collection of Cicero's philosophical works printed in 2 vols. fol. by Sweynheym and Pannartz, Rome, 1471, see above, p. 719, b. The edition of Davis, Camb. 8vo. 1725, was frequently reprinted, and for a long period remained the standard, but is now superseded by those of Goerenz, Leipzig, 8vo. 1810, forming the first volume of his edition of the philosophical works of Cicero; and of Orelli, Zurich, 8vo. 1827
Page 735 CICERO. 2. De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum Libri V. A series of dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in which the opinions of the Grecian schools, especially of the Epicureans, the Stoics, and the Peripatetics, on the Supreme Good, that is, the finis, object, or end, towards which all our thoughts, desires, and actions are or ought to be directed,the kernel, as it were, of practical wisdom,-are expounded, compared, and discussed. The style is throughout perspicuous and highly polished, the doctrines of the different sects are stated with accurate impartiality according to the representations contained in accredited authorities; but, from the abstruse nature of many of the points investigated, and the subtilty of the arguments by which the different positions are defended, this treatise must be regarded as the most difficult, while it is the most perfect and finished, of all the philosophical performances of Cicero. These conversations are not supposed to have been all held at the same period, nor in the same place, nor between the same parties. They agree in this, that, after the fashion of Aristotle (ad Att. xiii. 19), the author throughout assumes the most prominent place, and that the rest of the actors, at least those to whom important parts are assigned, were dead at the time of publication-a precaution taken to avoid giving umbrage to living men by exciting jealousy in reference to the characters which they are respectively represented as supporting (d-AoeXOTidTrov, id fore putaram, ad Att. 1. c.), but the time, the scene, and the performers are twice changed. In the third and fourth books they are different from those in the first and second, and in the fifth from those in any of the preceding. The first book opens with an apology for the study of philosophy; after which Cicero relates, for the information of Brutus, a debate which took place at his Cumanum, in the presence of C. Valerius Triarius, between Cicero himself and L. Manlius Torquatus, who is represented as being praetor elect and just about to enter upon his office-a circumstance which fixes this imaginary colloquy to the close of the year B. c. 50, a date agreeing perfectly with the allusion (ii. 18) to the excessive power then wielded by Pompey. Cicero, being challenged by Torquatus to state his objections to the discipline of Epicurus, briefly impugns in general terms his system of physics, his imperfect logic, and, above all, the dogma that the Supreme Good is Pleasure, and the Supreme Evil, Pain. This elicits from Torquatus a lengthened explanation of the sentiments really entertained by Epicurus and the worthiest of his followers respecting lao '~, sentiments which he contends had been misunderstood and misrepresented, but whose truth he undertakes to demonstrate in a series of propositions; in opposition to which Cicero, in the second book, sets in array the reasonings by which the Stoics assailed the whole system. In the third book we find ourselves in the library of young Lucullus in his Tusculan villa, to which Cicero had repaired for the purpose of consulting a work of Aristotle, and there meets Cato, immersed in study and surrounded by the books of the Stoics. In this way a controversy arises, in which Cicero maintains, that there was no real discordance between the ethics of the Porch and those previously promulgated by the Old Academy and the Peripa CICERO. 735 tetics; that the differences were merely verbal, and that Zeno had no excuse for breaking off from Plato and Aristotle, and establishing a new school, which presented the same truths in a worse form. These assertions are vigorously combated by Cato, who- argues, that the principles of his sect were essentially distinct, and descants with great energy on the superior purity and majesty of their ideas concerning the Supreme Good; in reply to which Cicero, in the fourth book, employs the weapons with which the New Academy attacked the Stoics. The second discourse is supposed to have been held in B. c. 52, for we find a reference (iv. 1) to the famous provision for limiting the length of speeches at the bar contained in a law passed by Pompey against bribery in his second consulship, an enactment here spoken of as having recently come into force. This was the year also in which L. Lucullus the elder died and left his son under the guardianship of Cato. In the fifth book we are carried back to 3. c. 79 and transported from Italy to Athens, where Cicero was at that time prosecuting his studies. [See above, p. 709,b.] The dramatis personae are Cicero himself, his brother Quintus, his cousin Lucius, Pomponius Atticus, and M. Pupius Piso. These friends having met in the Academia, the genius of the place calls up the recollection of the mighty spirits who had once trod that holy ground, and Piso, at the request of his companion, enters into a full exposition of the precepts inculcated by Aristotle and his successors on the Summum Bonum, the whole being wound up by a statement on the part of Cicero of the objections of the Stoics, and a reply from Piso. The reason which induced Cicero to carry this last dialogue back to his youthful days was the difficulty he experienced in finding a fitting advocate for the Peripatetic doctrines, which had made but little progress among his countrymen. M. Brutus and Terentius Varro were both alive, and therefore excluded by his plan; L. Lucullus, although dead, was not of sufficient weight to be introduced with propriety on such an occasion; Piso alone remained, but in consequence of the quarrel between Cicero and himself arising out of his support of Clodius, it was necessary to choose an epoch when their friendship was as yet unshaken. (See Goerenz, introd. xix.) It will be observed that throughout, the author abstains entirely from pronouncing any judgment of his own. The opinions of the Epicureans are first distinctly explained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics; the opinions of the Stoics are next explained, then follows the refutation by the New Academy; in the third place, the opinions of the Peripatetics are explained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics. In setting forth the opinions of Epicurus, in addition to the writings of that sage enumerated by Diogenes Laertius, much use seems to have been made of his epistle to Menoeceus and his irepl cupicv otýcv, and not unfrequently the very words of the original Greek have been literally translated; while the lectures of Phaedrus and Zeno [see above, p. 709] would supply accurate information as to the changes and additions introduced by the successive disciples of the Garden after the death of their master. The Stoical refutation of Epicurus, in book second, was probably derived from Chrysippus repl Troi o axoe K al r's Sov's and from the writings and oral communications of Posidonius [see above, p. 709,b.]; the Stoical doctrinesinn book
Page 736 736 CICERO. third were taken from Zeno, from Diogenes, and from Chrysippus 7repl rehSCv; the refutation of the Stoics in book fourth probably proceeds from Carneades. The Peripatetical doctrines in book fifth are from Aristotle and Theophrastus, as explained and enlarged by Antiochus of Ascalon; while the Stoical objections are in all probability due to Diodotus [see above p. 709, a.], who, we are told elsewhere, was strongly opposed to Antiochus. (Acad. ii. 36.) In determining the precise date at which the work before us was completed and published, we cannot agree with Goerenz, that the expression " duo magna euvrdyga'rT absolvi" (ad Att. xii. 45, 11th June, B. c. 45) can with certainty be made to comprehend both the De Finibus and the Academica. No distinct notice of the former occurs until the 27th of June, when, in a letter to Atticus, (xiii. 32,) we find "Torquatus Romae est. Misi ut tibi daretur," where Torquatus denotes the first book. On the 24th of July (ad Alt. xiii. 12), the treatise is spoken of as finished. " Nunc illam TrEpl -re\av cvrna7i(, sane mihi probatam, Bruto, ut tibi placuit, despondimus." Again, on the 30th of the same month, " Ita confeci quinque libros irepl rEZv, ut Epicurea L. Torquato, Stoica M. Catoni, 7reptLraT7'rllad M. Pisoni darem. 'A Ao7'TrrIrovr id fore putaram, quod omnes illi decesserant" (ad Att. xiii. 19); and we learn from an epistle, despatched only two days afterwards (ad Alt. xiii. 21, comp. 22), that it had been for some time in the hands of Atticus, through whom Balbus had obtained a copy of the fifth book, while the widow Caerellia, in her philosophic zeal, had contrived by some means to get possession of the whole. Cicero complains of this for two reasons; first, because it was but fitting that since the work was dedicated to Brutus it should be presented to him before it became trite and stale, and in the second place, because he had made some changes in the last book; which he was desirous to insert before finally dismissing it from his hands. It is not unlikely that the formal presentation to Brutus took place about the middle of August, when he paid a visit to Cicero at his Tusculanum (ad Att. xiii. 44), and that two editions of the fifth book, differing in some respects from each other, may have gone abroad, which will account for some singular variations and interpolations which have long exercised the ingenuity of editors. (See Goerenz. praef. p. xiv.) The Editio Princeps in 4to. is without date, name of place or printer, but is believed to have appeared at Cologne, from the press of Ulric Zell, about 1467, and was followed by the edition of Joannes ex Colonia, 4to., Venice, 1471. The edition of Davis, 8vo., Cambridge, 1728, was long held in high estimation, and frequently reprinted, but is now superseded by those of Rath, Hal. Sax. 8vo., 1804; of Goerenz, Leipz. 1813, 8vo., forming the third volume of the collected philosophical works; of Otto, Leipz. 8vo., 1831; and, last and best of all, of Madvig, Copenhagen, 1839, 8vo. 3. Tusculanarum Disputationem Libri V. This work, addressed to M. Brutus, is a series of discussions on various important points of practical philosophy supposed to have been held in the Tusculanum of Cicero, who, on a certain occasion, soon after the departure of Brutus for the government of Gaul (B. c. 46), requested one of the CICERO. numerous circle of friends and visitors by whom 1 was surrounded, to propose some subject for debt which he then proceeded to examine as he sat walked about. These exercises were continued it. five days, a new topic being started and exhausted at each successive conference. There is an utter want of dramatic effect in this collection of dialogues, for the antagonist is throughout anonymous, and is not invested with any life or individuality, but is a sort of a man of straw who brings forward a succession of propositions which are bowled down by Cicero as fast as they are set up. This personage is usually designated in MSS. by the letter A, and editors have amused themselves by quarrelling about the import of the symbol which they have variously interpreted to mean Atticus, Adolescens, Auditor, and so forth. There is little room for doubt as to the period when this work was actually composed, since it abounds in allusions to historical events and to former treatises which enable us, when taken in connexion with other circumstances, to determine the question within very narrow limits. Thus, in the eleventh chapter of the fifth book, we have a reference to the De Finibus which was not published until the month of August, B.C. 45, while the dissertations before us were familiarly known before the middle of May in the following year (ad Att. xv. 24), and must consequently have been given to the world early in B. c. 44, since the task appears to have been undertaken just at the time when the Academica were completed (ad Att. xiii. 32). Schiitz (Proleg.) has satisfactorily proved that Tusculanae Disputationes is the true title, and not Tusculanae Quaestiones as a few MSS. have it. The first book treats of the wisdom of despising death which, it is maintained, cannot be considered as an evil either to the living or to the dead, whether the soul be mortal or immortal. This leads to an investigation of the real nature of death, and a review of the opinions entertained by different philosophers with regard to the soul. The arguments for its immortality are derived chiefly from the writings of the Stoics and of Plato, especially from the Phaedon. The second book is on the endurance of pain, in which it is demonstrated, after Zeno, Aristo, and Pyrrho, that pain is not an evil, in opposition to Aristippus and Epicurus, who held it to be the greatest evil, to Hieronymus of Rhodes, who placed the chief good in the absence of pain, and to the numerous band of philosophers, belonging to different schools, who agreed that pain was an evil, although not the greatest of evils. Here everything is taken from the Stoics. In the third book it is proved that a wise man is insensible to sorrow; and the doctrines of the Peripatetics, of Epicurus, of the Cyrenaics, and of Crantor, being examined in turn, and weighed against the tenets of Zeno, are found wanting. The authorities chiefly consulted appear to have been Chrysippus, Cleanthes, Cleitomachus, Antiochus of Ascalon, Carneades, and Epicurus irepi 'Tovs. The thesis supported in the fourth book, which forms a continuation to the preceding, is, that the wise man is absolutely free from all mental disquietude (animi perturbatione). We have first a curious classification of perturbations in which the terms sorrow, joy, fear, pity, and a host of others, are carefully analysed and defined according to the discipline of the Porch; and, after a few remarks upon the main proposition, we find a long essay on
Page 737 CICERO. CICEERO. i3 e best means of tranquillising the heart, and for- 4. Paradoxa. `ying it against the attacks of all those passions..d desires which must be regarded as diseases of Six favourite Paradoxes of the Stoics explained the mind. Here again the Stoics, and especially in familiar language, defended by popular arguZeno and Chrysippus, are chiefly followed, although ments, and illustrated occasionally by examples several hints can be traced to Aristotle, Plato, and derived from contemporary history, by which even to the Pythagoreans. means they are made the vehicles for covert attacks The fifth book contains a reply in the affirmative upon Crassus, Hortensius, and Lucullus, and for to the question, whether virtue is in itself sufficient vehement declamation against Clodius. This must to insure happiness, thus carrying out to its full ex- not be viewed as a serious work, or one which the tent the grand moral dogma of the Stoics in opposition author viewed in any other light than that of a to the more qualified views of the Peripatetics and mere je cd' esprit (" Ego vero, illa ipsa, quae vix Academics. The materials for this section were in gymnasiis et in otio Stoici probant, ludens consupplied by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Xeno- jeci in communes locos, praef.), for the proposicrates, Speusippus, Polemo, Carneades, and the tions are mere philosophical quibbles, and the Stoics. (v. 12, 13, 18, 27.) arguments by which they are supported are palpaAlthough each of these five books is complete bly unsatisfactory and illogical, resolving themwithin itself and independent of the rest, yet we selves into a juggle with words, or into induction feel inclined to adopt the hypothesis of Olivet, that resting upon one or two particular cases. The they were drawn up and digested according to ai theorems enunciated for demonstration are, 1. That regular and well-imagined plan, and ought to be which is morally fair (T Kacao'v) is alone good taken in connexion with each other as forming one (dyaNPi). 2. Virtue alone is requisite to secure harmonious whole. In fact, all the reasonings con- happiness. 3. Good and evil deeds admit of no verge to one point. They all act in unison to de- degrees, i. e. all crimes are equally heinous, all virfend one position-that man possesses within himself tuous actions equally meritorious. 4. Every fool the means of securing his own happiness. To make is a madman. 5. The wise man alone is free, and this evident it was necessary to expose the folly of therefore every man not wise is a slave. 6. The those alarms, and the weakness of those assailants wise man alone is rich. by which tranquillity is scared away from the hu- The preface, which is addressed to M. Brutus, man bosom. Hence, the fear of death, and the fear must have been written early in B. c. 46, for Cato of pain, are shewn to be the result of ignorance and is spoken of in such terms that we cannot doubt error, while joy, sorrow, love, hatred, with the that he was still alive, or at all events that intelliwhole array of desires and passions which excite gence of his fate had not yet reached Italy, and such tumults, are treated as mere visionary unsub- there is also a distinct allusion to the De Claris stantial forms which the sage can dissipate by a vi- Oratoribus as already published. But although gorous exertion of his will. the offering now presented is called a " parvum The Tusculan Disputations are certainly inferior opusculum," the result of studies prosecuted during in recondite learning, in subtle reasoning, and in the shorter nights which followed the long watchelaborately finished composition, to the Academica, ings in which the Brutus had been prepared, it is the De Finibus, and the De Officiis; yet no one equally certain that the fourth paradox bears deamong the philosophical essays of Cicero is more cisive evidence of having been composed before the deservedly popular, or forms a better introduction to death of Clodius (a. c. 52), and the sixth before such studies, on account of the easy, familiar, and the death of Crassus (B. c. 53). Hence we must perspicuous language in which the ideas are ex- conclude that Cicero, soon after his arrival at Rome pressed, and the liveliness imparted to each of the from Brundusium, amused himself by adding to a discourses by the numerous entertaining and apt series of rhetorical trifles commenced some years illustrations, many of which being poetical quota- before, and then despatched the entire collection to tions from the earlier bards, are in themselves highly his friend. interesting to the grammarian and the historian of The Editio Princeps of the Paradoxa was printliterature. Certainly no work has ever been more ed along with the De Qfficiis, by Fust and Schoffer, enthusiastically, perhaps extravagantly, admired. at Mayence, 4to., 1465, and reprinted at the same Erasmus, after ascribing to it every conceivable ex- place by Fust and Gernshem, fol., 1466. They cellence both in matter and manner, declares his were published along with the De Qfficiis, De conviction, that the author was directly inspired Amicitia, and De Senectute, by Sweynheym and from heaven, while another worthy deems that his Pannartz, 4to., Rome, 1469; and the same, with faith must have been of the same quality with that the addition of the Somnium Scipionis, by Vindelin of Abraham. de Spira, Venice, 4to., 1470; besides which there The Editio Princeps was printed at Rome by are a very great number of other editions belongUlric Han, 4to., 1469; the second by Gering, ing to the 15th century. The most useful editions Crantz, and Friburg, fol., Paris, about 1471, fol- are those of Wetzel, 8vo., Lignitz, 1808, and of lowed by several others in the 15th century. Of Gernhard, 8vo., Leipz. 1819, the former containing modern editions, that of Davis, 8vo., Camb. 1709, also the De Senectute and the De Anmicitia, the containing the emendations of Bentley, was long latter the De Senec/ule. The Paradoxa were pubhighly valued and was frequently reprinted, but is lished separately by Borgers, 8vo., Leyden, 1826, now superseded by those of Rath, Hal. 8vo., 1805; of Orelli, including the Paradoxa, and enriched 5. Hortensius s. De Plilosophia, with a collection of the best commentaries, Zurich, A dialogue in praise of philosophy, drawn up 8vo., 1829; of Kilihner, Jenae, 8vo. 1829, second for the purpose of recommending such pursuits to edition, 1835; and of Moser, Hannov., 3 vols. the Romans. Hortensius was represented as de8vo., 1836-37, which is the most complete of preciating the study and asserting the superior any. claims of eloquence; his arguments were combated i/u
Page 738 738 CICERO. by Q. Lutatius Catulus, L. Licinius Lucullus, Balbus the Stoic, Cicero himself, and perhaps other personages. The work was composed and published B. c. 45, immediately before the Academica, but the imaginary conversation must have been supposed to have been held at some period earlier than B. c. 60, the year in which Catulus died. A considerable number of unimportant fragments have been preserved by St. Augustin, whose admiration is expressed in language profanely hyperbolical, and by the grammarians. These have been carefully collected and arranged by Nobbe, and are given in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 479-486. (Cic. de Divin. ii. 1, Tuscul. ii. 2.) 6. Timaeus s. De Universo. We possess a fragment of a translation of Plato's Timaeus, executed after the completion of the Academica, as we learn from the prooemium. It extends from p. 22, ed. Bekker, with occasional blanks as far as p. 54, and affords a curious specimen of the careless and inaccurate style in which Cicero was wont to represent the meaning of his Greek originals. It was first printed in the edition of Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471, and with a commentary by G. Valla, at Venice, in 1485. It is given in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 495 --513. 7. Protagoras ex Platone. A translation of the Protagoras of Plato into Latin. At what period this was executed we cannot determine, but it is generally believed to have been an exercise undertaken in early youth. A few words seem to have been preserved by Priscian on Donatus, which will be found in Orelli's Cicero, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 477. (Comp. Cic. de Of. ii. 24; Quintil. x. 5. ~ 2.) E. THEOLOGY. 1. De Nature Deorum Libri III. Three dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in which the speculations of the Epicureans and the Stoics on the existence, attributes, and providence of a Divine Being are fully stated and discussed at length, the debate being illustrated and diversified by frequent references to the opinions entertained upon these topics by the most celebrated philosophers. The number of sects and of individuals enumerated is so great, and the field of philosophic research thrown open is so wide, that we can scarcely believe that Cicero could have had recourse to original sources for the whole mass of information which he lavishes so profusely on his subject, but must conclude that he made use of some useful manual or summary, such as were doubtless compiled by the preceptors of those days for the use of their pupils, containing a view of the tenets of different schools presented in a condensed form. Be that as it may, in no production do we more admire the vigorous understanding and varied learning of the author, in none does he display a greater command over appropriate language, in none are liveliness and grace more happily blended with lucid arrangement and brilliant eloquence. Although the materials may have been collected by degrees, they were certainly moulded into shape with extraordinary rapidity, for we know that this work was published immediately after the Tusculan Disputations, and immediately before the De Diinzatione (de Div. ii. 1), and that the whole CICERO. three appeared in the early part of B. c. 44. The imaginary conversation is supposed to have been held in the presence of Cicero, somewhere about the year B. c. 76, at the house of C. Aurelius Cotta, the pontifex maximus (consul B. c. 75), who well sustains the part of a New Academician, attacking and overthrowing the doctrines of others without advancing any dogma of his own, while the discipline of the Porch, mixed up however with much that belongs rather to Plato and Aristotle, is developed with great earnestness and power by Q. Lucilius Balbus, the pupil of Panaetius, and the doctrines of the Garden are playfully supported by Velleius (trib. pleb. B. c. 90), who occupies himself more in ridiculing the speculations of different schools than in any laboured defence of those espoused by himself. Accordingly, in the first book he opens with an attack upon Plato and the Stoics; he then adverts briefly to the theories of no less than 27 of the most famous philosophers, commencing with Thales of Miletus and ending with Diogenes of Babylon, characterising them, in many cases not unjustly, as little superior to the dreams of madmen, the fables of poets, or the superstitions of the vulgar. Passing on from this motley crew to Epicurus, he pronounces him worthy of all praise, first, because he alone placed the argument for the existence of gods upon its proper and only firm basis,-the belief implanted by nature in the hearts of all mankind; secondly, because he assigned to them their real attributes, happiness, immortality, apathy; representing them as dwelling within themselves, susceptible of neither pleasure nor pain from without, bestowing no benefits and inflicting no evils on men, but fit objects of honour and worship on account of their essential excellence, a series of propositions which are carefully elucidated by an inquiry into the form, the mode of existence, and tile mental constitution of divine beings. Cotta now comes forward, takes up each point in succession, and overturns the whole fabric piecemeal. He first proves that the reasons assigned by Epicurus for the existence of gods are utterly inadequate; secondly, that, granting their existence, nothing can be less dignified than the form and attributes ascribed to them; and thirdly, granting these forms and qualities, nothing more absurd than that men should render homage or feel gratitude to those from whom they have not received and do not hope to receive any benefits. The second book contains an investigation of the question by Balbus, according to the principles of the Stoics, who divided the subject into four heads. 1. The existence of gods. 2. Their nature. 3. Their government of the world. 4. Their watchful care of human affairs (providence), which is in reality included under the third head. The existence of gods is advocated chiefly a. From the universal belief of mankind; b. From the wellauthenticated accounts of their appearances upon earth; c. From prophesies, presentiments, omens, and auguries; d. From the evident proofs of design, and of the adaptation of means to a beneficent end, everywhere visible in the arrangements of the material world; e. From the nature of man himself and his mental constitution; f. From certain physical considerations which tend clearly and unequivocally to the establishment of a system- of pantheism, the introduction of which is somewhat curious in this place, since, if admitted, it would
Page 739 CICERO. V.t once destroy all the preceding arguments; g. From the gradual upward progression in the works of creation, from plants to animals and from the lower animals to man, which leads us to infer that the series ascends from man to beings absolutely perfect. In treating of the nature of the gods, the pantheistic principle is again broadly asserted, -God is the Universe and the Universe is God,"whence is derived the conclusion that the Deity must be spherical in form, because the sphere is the most perfect of figures. But while the Universe is God as a whole, it contains within its parts many gods, among the number of whom are the heavenly bodies. Then follows a curious digression on the origin of the Greek and Roman Pantheon, and on the causes which led men to commit the folly of picturing to themselves gods differing in shape, in age, and in apparel; of assigning to them the relationships of domestic life, and of ascribing to them the desires and passions by which mortals are agitated. Lastly, the government and providence of the gods is deduced from three considerations: (a) From their existence, which being granted, it necessarily follows, that they must rule the world. (PB) From the admitted truth, that all things are subject to the laws of Nature; but Nature, when properly defined and understood, is another name for God. (y) From the beauty, harmony, wisdom, and benevolence, manifested in the works of creation. This last section is handled with great skill and effect; the absurdity of the doctrine which taught that the world was produced by a fortuitous concourse of atoms is forcibly exposed, while the arguments derived from astronomy, from the structure of plants, of fishes, of terrestial animals, and of the human frame, form a most interesting essay on natural theology. The whole is wound up by demonstrating that all things serviceable to man were made for his use, and that the Deity watches over the safety and welfare, not only of the whole human race collectively, but of every individual member of the family. In the third book Cotta resumes the discourse for the purpose not of absolutely demolishing what has been advanced by Balbus, but of setting forth, after the fashion of the Sceptics, that the reasonings employed by the last speaker were unsatisfactory and not calculated to produce conviction. In following his course over the different divisions in order, we find two remarkable blanks in the text. By the first we lose the criticism upon the evidence for the visible appearances of the gods on earth; the second leaves us in ignorance of the doubts cast upon the belief of a general ruling Providence. We have no means of discovering how these deficiencies arose; but it has been conjectured, that the chapters were omitted by some early Christian transcriber, who conceived that they might be quoted for a special purpose by the enemies of revealed religion. The authorities followed in these books, in so far as they can be ascertained, appear to have been, for the Epicurean doctrines, the numerous works of Epicurus himself, whose very words are sometimes quoted, and the lectures of his distinguished follower Zeno, which Cicero had attended while residing at Athens; in the development of the Stoic principles much was derived from Cleanthes, from Chrysippus, from Antipater of Tarsus, and from Posidonius -repi OcJv, while in the dex CICERO. 739 terous and subtle logic of Cotta we may unquestionably trace the master-spirit of Carneades as represented in the writings of his disciple Cleitomachus. (Kilhner, p. 98.) The Editio Princeps is included in the collection of the philosophical works of Cicero printed by Sweynheym and Pannartz, in 2 vols. fol., Rome, 1471. [Seeabove, p. 719,b.] The edition of Davis, Camb. 8vo., 1718, long held the first place, and has been often reprinted; but that of Moser and Creuzer, 8vo., Leipz. 1818, must now be regarded as the best. The pretended 4th book published by Seraphinus at Bologna, 8vo., 1811, is an absurd forgery, if indeed the author ever intended or hoped to deceive, which seems doubtful. 2. De Divinatione Libri II. This is intended as a continuation of the preceding work, out of which the inquiry naturally springs. We are here presented with an exposition of the conflicting opinions of the Porch and the Academy upon the reality of the science of divination, and the degree of confidence which ought to be reposed in its professors. In the first book the doctrines of the Stoics are defended by Q. Cicero, who begins by dividing divination into two branches. 1. The divination of Nature. 2. The divination of Art. To the first belong dreams, inward presages, and presentiments, and the ecstatic phrenzy, during which the mind inspired by a god discerns the secrets of the future, and pours forth its conceptions in prophetic words; in the second are comprehended the indications yielded by the entrails of the slaughtered victim, by the flight, the cries, and the feeding of birds, by thunder and lightning, by lots, by astrology, and by all those strange sights and sounds which were regarded as the shadows cast before by coming events. A cloud of examples is brought to establish the certainty of each of the various methods, cases of failure being explained away by supposing an error in the interpretation of the sign, while the truth of the general principles is confirmed by an appeal to the concurring belief of philosophers, poets, and mankind at large. Hence Quintus maintains, that we are justified in concluding that the future is revealed to us both from within and from without, and that the information proceeds from the Gods, from Fate, or from Nature; having, however, previously insisted that he was not bound to explain how each circumstance came to pass, it being sufficient for his purpose if he could prove that it actually did come to pass. In the second book Cicero himself brings forward the arguments of Carneades, who held that divination was altogether a delusion, and that the knowledge which it pretends to convey, if real, would be a curse rather than a blessing to men. He then proceeds to confute each of the propositions enunciated by his antagonist, and winds up by urging the necessity of upholding and extending the influence of true religion, and of waging a vigorous war in every quarter against superstition under every form. Although many modern writers may be and probably are quite correct in their assertion, that the whole religious system of the Romans was a mere engine of government, that it was a deliberate cheat, in which men of education were the deceivers and the ignorant populace the dupes, yet we have no right in the present instance, and tho 3B2
Page 740 740 CICERO. CICERO. same remark extends to all the philosophical writings, to pronounce that the reasonings employed by Cicero are to be taken as the expression of his own views. Here and elsewhere he always carefully guards himself against such an imputation; his avowed object in every matter of controversy was merely to assist the judgment of the reader by stating fairly the strong points upon both sides of the question, scrupulously leaving the inference to be drawn by each individual, according to the impression produced. In the piece before us whatever may have been. the private convictions of the author, it would have been little seemly in a member of that august college whose duty to the state consisted in presiding over and regulating augury to declare openly, that the whole of the discipline which he was required to enforce was a tissue of fraud and imposture; and Cicero above all others was the last man to be guilty of such a breach of public decency. The scene of the conversation is the Lyceum in the Tusculanum of Cicero. The tract was composed after the death of Caesar, for that event is spoken of in the course of the debate. Cicero appears to have consulted Chrysippus, who wrote several works upon this subject, especially a book entitled wrepl xpnPTqejv, to have availed himself of the labours of Posidonius and Diogenes of Babylon irepl p{avzrucijs, and to have derived some assistance from Cratippus, Antipater, Plato, and Aristotle. In the second book he avowedly followed Carneades, and there is a reference (ii. 47) to Panaetius also. (See Kilhner, p. 100.) The Editio Princeps is included in the collection of Cicero's philosophical works, printed in 2 vols. fol., by Sweynheym and Pannartz, Rome, 1471. The edition of Davis, Camb. 8vo., 1721, containing the De Fato also, was for a long period the standard, but has now given way to that of Rath, Hal. 8vo., 1807, and especially to that superintended by Creuzer, Kayser, and Moser, 8vo., Frankf. 1828, which is superior to every other. 3. De Fato Liber Singularis. A dialogue to complete the series upon speculative theology, of which the De Natura Deorum and the De Divinatione form the first two parts. (De Divin. ii. 1.) It is a confused and mutilated fragment on the subject of all others the most perplexing to unaided reason, the doctrine of predestination and its compatibility with free-will. The beginning and the end are wanting, and one if not more chasms break the continuity of what remains. We find it generally stated that the work consisted of two books, and that the whole or the greater portion of what has been preserved belongs to the second; but there is no evidence whatever to prove in what manner it was originally divided, nor do we know whether it was ever finished, although, judging from the careless style of the composition, we are led to infer that the author left his task incomplete. It would appear to have contained, or to have been intended to contain, a review of the opinions held by the chief philosophic sects upon Fate, or Destiny, the most prominent place being assigned to the Stoics-who maintained that Fate, or Destiny, was the great ruling power of the Universe, the Ad-yos or anima mundi, in other words, the Divine Essence from which all impulses were derived-and to the Academics, who conceived that the movements of the mind were voluntary, and independent of, or at least not necessarily subject to, external controul. The scene of conversation is the Puteolanum of Cicero, where he spent the months of April and May after the death of Caesar, the speakers being Cicero himself, and Hirtius, at that time consulelect. The De Fato has generally been published along with the De Divinatione;. all the editions of the latter, mentioned above contain it, and the same remarks apply. 4. De Aguariis --A uguralia. Charisius quotes three words from a work of Cicero under the former title, Servius refers apparently to the same under the latter designation. We know nothing more upon the subject. (Charisius, i. p. 98, comp. p. 112; Serv. ad Virg. Aen, v. 737.) 2. SPEECHES, In oratory Cicero held a position very different from that which he occupied in relation to philosophy, whether we consider the amount of exertion and toil bestowed on each pursuit respectively, or the obstacles external and internal which impeded his advancement. Philosophy was originally viewed by him merely as an instrument which might prove useful in fabricating weapons for the strife of the bar, and in bestowing a more graceful form on his compositions. Even after he had learned to prize more fully the study of mental science, it was regarded simply as an intellectual pastime. But the cultivation of eloquence constituted the main business of his whole life. It was by the aid of eloquence alone that he could hope to emerge from obscurity, and to rise to wealth and honour. Upon eloquence, therefore, all his energies were concentrated, and eloquence must be held as the most perfect fruit of his talents. Cicero was peculiarly fortunate in flourishing during the only epoch in the history of his country which could have witnessed the full development of his intellectual strength; had he lived fifty years earlier public taste would not have been sufficiently refined to appreciate his accomplishments, fifty years later the motive for exertion would have ceased to exist. In estimating the degree of excellence to which Cicero attained, we must by no means confine ourselves, as in the case of the philosophical works, to a critical examination of the speeches in reference to the matter which they contain, and the style in which they are expressed, for in an art so eminently practical the result gained is a most important element in the computation. Even had the orations which have come down to us appeared poor and spiritless, we should nevertheless have been justified in concluding, that the man who unquestionably obtained a mastery over the minds of his hearers, and who worked his way to the first offices of state by the aid of eloquence alone, must have been a great orator; while, on the other hand, we could not have pronounced such an opinion with confidence from a mere perusal of his orations, however perfect they may appear as writings, unless we possessed the assurance, that they were always suited to the ears of those who listened to them, and generally produced the effect desired. This being premised, we may very briefly glance at the merits of these works as literary composi
Page 741 CICERO. tions, and then consider their characteristics with reference to the class to which they severally belong, and the audiences to whom they were addressed; as deliberative or judicial; delivered in the senate, from the rostra, or before the tribunal of a judge. Every one must at once be struck by the absolute command which Cicero had over the resources of his native tongue. His words seem to gush forth without an effort in an ample stream; and the sustained dignity of his phraseology is preserved from pompous stiffness by the lively sallies of a ready wit and a vivid imagination, while the happy variety which lie communicated to his cadences prevents the music of his carefully-measured periods from falling on the ear with cloying monotony. It is a style which attracts without startling, which fixes without fatiguing the attention. It presents a happy medium between the florid exuberance of the Asiatic school and the meagre dryness which Calvus, Brutus, and their followers mistook for Attic terseness and vigour. But this beauty, although admirably calculated to produce a powerful impression for the moment, loses somewhat of its charm as soon as the eye is able to look steadily upon its fascinations. It is too evidently a work of art, the straining after effect is too manifest, solidity is too often sacrificed to show, melody too often substituted for rough strength; the orator, passing into a rhetorician, seeks rather to please the fancy than to convince the understanding; the declaimer usurps the place of the practical man of business. If the skill of Cicero in composition is surpassing, not less remarkable was his tact and judgment. No one ever knew human nature better, or saw more clearly into the recesses of the heart. No one was ever more thoroughly familiar with the national feelings and prejudices of the Romans, or could avail himself more fully of such knowledge. But although prompt to detect the weaknesses of others, he either did not perceive or could not master his own. The same wretched vanity which proved such a fruitful source of misery in his political career, introduced a most serious vice into his oratory,-a vice which, had it not been palliated by a multitude of virtues, might have proved fatal to his reputation. On no occasion in his speeches can he ever forget himself. We perpetually discover that he is no less eager to recommend.the advocate than the cause to his judges. The audiences which Cicero addressed were either the senate, the persons entrusted with the administration of the laws, or the whole body of the people convoked in their public meetings. In the senate, during the last days of the Republic, eloquence was for the most part thrown away. The spirit of faction was so strong that in all important questions the final issue was altogether independent of the real bearing of the case or of the arguments employed in the debate. Of the extant orations of Cicero, nineteen were addressed to the Senate. viz. the first against Rullus, the first and fourth against Catiline, twelve of the Philippics, including the second, which was never delivered, the fragments of the In Toga Candida and of the In Clodium et Curionem, the In Pisonem, and the De Provinciis Consularibus. Each of these is examined separately; it is enough to remark at present, that tlhe first fifteen were called forth by great emergencies, at periods when Cicero for a brief CICERO. 741 space was regarded as the leader of the state, and would, therefore, exert himself with spirit and conscious dignity; that the three following contain the outpourings of strongly-excited personal feelings, that against Piso especially, being a singular specimen of the coarsest invective, while the De Provinciis, which alone is of a strictly deliberative character, is a lame attempt to give a false colouring to a bad cause. Occasional failures in the courts of justice would be no indication of want of ability in the advocate, for corruption was carried to such a frightful extent, that the issue of a trial was frequently determined before a syllable had been spoken, or a witness examined; but it would appear that Cicero was generally remarkably fortunate in procuring the acquittal of those whose cause he supported, and, except in the instance of Verres, he scarcely ever appeared as an accuser. The courts of justice were the scene of all his earliest triumphs; his devotion to his clients alone won for him that popularity to which he owed his elevation; he never was seen upon the rostra until he had attained the rank of praetor, and there is no record of any harangue in the senate until two years later. We have some difficulty in deciding the precise amount of praise to be awarded to him in this branch of his profession, because we are in no instance in possession of both sides of the case. We know not how much is a masterly elucidation, how much a clever perversion of the truth. The evidence is not before us; we see points which were placed in prominent relief, but we are unable to discover the facts which were quietly kept out of view, and which may have been all-important. What we chiefly admire in these pleadings is the well-concealed art with which he tells his story. There is a sort of graceful simplicity which lulls suspicion to sleep; the circumstances appear so plain, and so natural, that we are induced to follow with confidence the guidance of the orator, who is probably all the while leading us aside from the truth. Although the criterion of success must be applied with caution to the two classes of oratory we have just reviewed, it may be employed without hesitation to all dealings with popular assemblies. We must admit that that man must be one of the greatest of orators who will boldly oppose the prejudices and passions of the vulgar, and, by the force of his eloquence, will induce them to abandon their most cherished projects. This Cicero frequently did. We pass over his oration for the Manilian law, for here he had the people completely on his side; but when, two years afterwards, he came forward to oppose the Agrarian law of the tribune Rullus, he had to struggle with the prejudices, interests, and passions of the people. The two speeches delivered on this occasion have come down to us, and are triumphs of art. Nothing can be more dexterous than the tact with which he identifies himself with his hearers, reminds them that he was the creature of their bounty, then lulls all suspicion to sleep by a warm eulogy on the Gracchi, declares that he was far from being opposed to the principle of such measures, although strongly opposed to the present enactment, which was in fact a disguised plot against their liberties, and then cunningly taking advantage of some inadvertence in the wording of the law, contrives to kindle their indignation by representing it as a studied insult to their favourite Pompey, and through him to them
Page 742 742 CICERO. selves. Not less remarkable is the ingenuity with which, in the second address, he turns the tables upon his adversary, who had sought to excite the multitude by accusing Cicero of being a supporter of Sulla, and demonstrates that Rullus was the real partizan of the late dictator, since certain clauses in the new rogation would have the effect of ratifying some of his most obnoxious acts. The defenders of the scheme were forced to abandon their design, and left the consul master of the field, who boasted not unreasonably, that no one had ever carried a popular assembly more completely with him when arguing in favour of an Agrarian law, than he had done when declaiming against it. His next exhibition was, if possible, still more marvellous. The love of public amusements which has always formed a strong feature in the Italian character, had gradually become an engrossing passion with the Romans. At first the spectators in the theatres occupied the seats without distinction of rank or fortune. The elder Scipio, however, introduced an ordinance by which the front benches in the orchestra were reserved for the senate; but, notwithstanding the immense influence of Africanus, the innovation gave a heavy blow to his popularity. Accordingly, when Roscius Otho carried a law by which places immediately behind the senators were set apart for the equestrian order, the populace were rendered furious; and when Otho, not long after the new regulation was put in force, entered the theatre, he was greeted with a perfect storm of disapprobation. The knights on the other hand, shewed every inclination to support their benefactor, both parties grew more violent, and a riot seemed inevitable, when Cicero entered, called upon the spectators to follow him to the area of a neighbouring temple, and there so wrought upon their feelings that they returned and joined heartily in doing honour to Otho. Such a victory needs no comment. The address is unhappily lost. In order to avoid repetition, an account of each oration is given separately with the biography of the individual principally concerned. The following table presents a view of all the speeches whose titles have been preserved. As before, those which have totally perished are printed in italics; those to which two asterisks are prefixed survive only in a.few mutilated fragments; those with one asterisk are imperfect, but enough is left to convey a clear idea of the work. Pro P. Quinctio, B. c. 81. [QUINCTIUS.] Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino, B. c. 80. [RoscIus.] Pro lMuliere Arretina. Before his journey to Athens. (See above, p. 709, and pro Caecin. 33.) * Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo, B. c. 76. [Roscius.] Pro Adolescentibus Siculis, B. c. 75. (See Plut. Cic. 6.) * * Quum Quaestor Lilybaeo decederet, B. c. 74. Pro Scamandro, B. c. 74. (See pro Cluent. 17.) [CLUENTIUS.] ** Pro L. Vareno, B. c. 71, probably. [VARENUS.] * Pro M. Tullio, B. c. 71. [M. TULLIUS.] Pro C. Mustio. Before B. c. 70. (See Ver. Act. ii. 53. Never published, according to PseudAscon. in 53.) In Q. Caecilium, B. c. 70. [VERRES.] In Verrem Actio prima, 5th August, B. c. 70. [VERRES.] In Verren Actio secunda. Not delivered. [VERREs.] CICERO. * Pro M. Fonteio, B. c. 69. [FONTEIUS.] Pro A. Caecina, B. c. 69, probably. [CAECINA.] SPro P. Oppio, B. c. 67. [Oirrus.] Pro Lege Manilia, B. c. 66. [MANILIUS.] ** Pro C. Fundanio, n. c. 66. [FUNDANIUS.] Pro A. Cluentio Avito, B. c. 66. [CLUENTIUS.] * * Pro C. Manilio, B. c. 65. [MANILIUS.] Pro L. Corvino, B. c. 65. (See Q. Cic. de petil, cons. 5.) S* Pro C. Cornelio. Two orations. B. c. 65. [CORNELIUS.] Pro C. Calpurnio Pisone, B. c. 64. [Piso.] * * Oratio in Toga Candida, B. c. 64. See above, p. 711, b. [CATILINA.] S* Pro Q. Gallio, B. c. 64. [GALLIUS.] Orationes Consulares. (Ad Att. ii. 1; B. c. 63.) 1. In Senatu, 1st January. * 2. De Lege Agraria, Oratio prima, in senatu. De Lege Agraria, Oratio [RULLUS.] secunda, ad populum. De Lege Agraria, Oratio tertia, ad populum. * * 3. De L. Roscio Othone. [OTHO.] * 4. Pro C. Rabirio. [RABaIRUS.] * 5. De Proscriptorum Liberis. 6. In deponenda Provincia. [CATILINA, p. 680.] 7. In Catilinam prima Oratio, 8th Nov. 8.,, secunda, 9th Nov. [CATILINA.] 9.,, tertia, 10.,, quarta, 5th Dec. Pro Murena. Towards the end of B. c. 63, but before 10th Dec. [MURENA.] * * Contra Concionem Q. Metelli, 3rd Jan., B. c. 62. [METELLUS.] Pro P. Cornelio Sulla, B. c. 62. [SULLA.] * * In Clodium et Curionem, B. c. 61. [See M. TULLIUS.] [Pro A. Licinio Archia. Generally assigned to B. c. 61. [ARCHIAS.]] Pro Scipione Nasica, B. c. 60. (Ad Att. ii. 1.) Pro L. Valerio Flacco, B. c. 59. [L. FLACCUS.] Pro A. Minucio Thermo. Twice defended in B. C. 59. [THERaMUS.] Pro Ascitio. Before B. c. 56. (Pro Cael. 10.) [RUFUS.] Pro M. Cispio. After B. c. 57. (Pro Planc. 31.) [Post Reditum in Senatu, 5th Sept., B. c. 57.] [Post Reditum ad Quirites, 6th or 7th Sept., B. c. 57.] [Pro Domo sua ad Pontifices, 29th Sept., B. c. 57.] [De Haruspicum Responsis, B. c. 56.] Pro L. Calpurnio Pisone Bestia, 11th Feb., B. c. 56. (Ad Q. Fr. ii. 13. ~ 6.) Pro P. Sextio. Early in March, B.c. 56. [SEXTIUS.] In Vatinium Interrogatio. Same date. [VATINIUS.] Pro M. Caelio Rufo. [RUFus.] Pro L. Cornelio Balbo, B. c. 56. [BALBUS.] De Provinciis Consularibus, B. c. 56. [A. GABINIUS.] * * De Rege Alexandrino, B.C. 56. [A. GABINIUS; PTOLEMAEUS AULETES.] In L. Pisonem, B. c. 55. [Piso.] * * In A. Gabinium. (Quintil. xi. 1. ~ 73.) Pro Cn. Plancio, B. C. 55. [PLANCIUS.] Pro Caninio Gallo, B. c. 55. [GALLUS.] Pro C. Rabirio Postumo, B. c. 54. [RABIRmS POST UMnUS.] * * Pro Vatinio, B. c. 54. [VATINIUS.]
Page 743 CICERO. * Pro M. Aemilio Scauro, B. c. 54. [SCAURUs.] Pro Crasso in Senatu, B. c. 54. (Ad Fam. i. 9. ~ 7.) Pro Druso, B. c. 54. (Ad Alt. iv. 15.) [DRusus.] Pro 7. ilessio, B. c. 54. (Ad Att. iv. 15.) [MEsSIUS.) De Reatinorum Causa contra Interamnates. (Ad Alt. iv. 15.) * * De Acre alieno Milonis Interrogatio, B. c. 53. [MILO.] Pro T. Annio Milone, B. c. 52. [MILo.] Pro l. SaufJio. Two orations. B. c. 52. [SAUFEIUS.] Contra T. Munatium Plancum. In Dec. B. c. 52. (See Ad Fam. viii. 2, Philipp. vi. 4; Dion Cass. xl. 55.) Pro Cornelio Dolabella, B,. c. 50. (Ad Fam. iii. 10.) [Pro M. Marcello, B. C. 47. [M. MARCELLUS.] ] Pro Q. Ligario, B. c. 46. [Q. LIGARIUS.] Pro Rege Deiotaro, B. c. 45. [DEIOTARUS.] De Pace, in Senatu, 17 March, B.c. 44. (Dion Cass. xliv. 63.) It will be seen from the marks attached to the Orations in the above lists that doubts are entertained with regard to the genuineness of those Pro Archia, Post Reditum in Senatu, Pro Domo sua ad Pontifices, De Haruspicum Responsis, Pro M. Marcello. An account of the controversy with regard to these is given under M. MARCELLUS. The following are universally allowed to be spurious, and therefore have not been admitted into the catalogue: ["Responsio ad Orationem C. Sallustii Crispi." [SALLUSTIUS.] Oratio ad Populum et ad Equites antequam iret in exilium. Epistola s. Declamatio ad Octavianum. Oratio adversus Valerium. Oratio de Pace.] The Editio Princeps of the Orations is probably that printed in 1471 at Rome by Sweynheym and Pannartz, fol., under the inspection of Andrew, bishop of Aleria. Another edition was printed in the same year at Venice, by Valdarfer; and a third at Venice, in 1472, by Ambergau, both in folio; besides which there is a fourth, in very ancient characters, without date, name of place or printer, which many bibliographers believe to be the earliest of all. The most useful editions are those of Jo. Roigny, fol., Paris, 1536, containing a complete collection of all the commentaries which had appeared up to that date; of Graevius, 3 vols. in 6 parts, Amsterdam, 1695-] 699, forming part of the series of Variorum Classics in 8vo., and comprising among other aids the notes of Manutius and Lambinus entire; to which we may add that of Klotz, Leipzig, 1835, 3 vols. 8vo., with excellent introductions and annotations in the German language. The best edition of each speech will be noticed when discussing the speech itself. 3. CORRESPONDENCE. Cicero during the most important period of his life maintained a close correspondence with Atticus, and with a wide circle of literary and political friends and connexions. Copies of these letters do not seem to have been systematically preserved, and so late as B. c. 44 no regular collection had been formed, although Tiro was at that time in possession of about seventy, which he is supposed CICERO. 743 to have published with large additions after the death of his patron. (Ad Att. xvi. 5, comp. ad Fam. xvi. 17.) We now have in all upwards of eight hundred, undoubtedly genuine, extending over a space of 26 years, and commonly arranged in the following manner: 1. "Epistolarum ad Familiares s. Epistolarum ad Diversos Libri XVI," titles which have been permitted to keep their ground, although the former conveys an inaccurate idea of the contents, and the latter is bad Latin. The volume contains a series of 426 epistles, commencing with a formal congratulation to Pompey on his success in the Mithridatic war, written in the course of B. c. 62, and terminating with a note to Cassius, despatched about the beginning of July, B. c. 43, announcing that Lepidus had been declared a public enemy by the senate, in consequence of having gone over to Antony. They are not placed in chronological order, but those addressed to the same individuals, with their replies, where these exist, are grouped together without reference to the date of the rest. Thus the whole of those in the third book are addressed to Appius Pulcher, his predecessor in the government of Cilicia; those of the fourteenth to Terentia; those of the fifteenth to Tiro; those of the fourth to Sulpicius, Marcellus, and Figulus, with replies from the two former; while the whole of those in the eighth are from M. Caelius Rufus, most of them transmitted to Cicero while in his province, containing full particulars of all the political and social gossip of the metropolis. 2. " Epistolarum ad T. Pomponium Atticum Libri XVI." A series of 396 epistles addressed to Atticus, of which eleven were written in the years B. c. 68, 67, 65, and 62, the remainder after the end of B. C. 62, and the last in Nov. B. c. 44. (Ad Alt. xvi. 15.) They are for the most part in chronological order, although dislocations occur here and there. Occasionally, copies of letters received from or sent to others-from Caesar, Antony, Balbus, Hirtius, Oppius, to Dolabella, Plancus, &c., are included; and to the 16th of the last book no less than six are subjoined, to Plancus, Capito, and Cupiennius. 3. " Epistolarum ad Q. Fratrem Libri III." A series of 29 epistles addressed to his brother, the first written in B. c. 59, while Quintus was still propraetor of Asia, containing an admirable summary of the duties and obligations of a provincial governor; the last towards the end of B. C. 54. 4. We find in most editions " Epistolarum ad Brutum Liber," a series of eighteen epistles all written after the death of Caesar, eleven from Cicero to Brutus, six from Brutus to Cicero, and one from Brutus to Atticus. To these are added eight more, first published by Cratander, five from Cicero to Brutus, three from Brutus to Cicero. The genuineness of these two books has proved a fruitful source of controversy, and the question cannot be said to be even now fully decided, although the majority of scholars incline to believe them spurious. [BRUTus, No. 21.] 5. In addition to the above, collections of letters by Cicero are quoted by various authors and grammarians, but little has been preserved except the names. Thus we can trace that there must have once existed two books to Cornelius Nepos, three books to Caesar, three books to Pansa, nine books Sto Hirtius, eight books to M. Brutus, two books to young M. Cicero, more than one book to Calvus,
Page 744 744 CICERO. more than one book to Q. Axius, single letters to M. Titinius, to Cato, to Caerellia, and, under the title of "Epistola ad Pompeium," a lengthened narrative of the events of his consulship. (Ascon. ad Orat. pro Plane. c. 34, pro Sull. c. 24.) Notwithstanding the manifold attractions offered by the other works of Cicero, we believe that the man of taste, the historian, the antiquary, and the. student of human nature, would willingly resign them all rather than be deprived of the Epistles. Greece can furnish us with more profound philosophy, and with superior oratory; but the ancient world has left us nothing that could supply the place of these letters. Whether we regard them as mere specimens of style, at one time reflecting the conversational tone of familiar every-day life in its most graceful form, at another sparkling with wit, at another claiming applause as works of art belonging to the highest class, at another couched in all the stiff ccurtesy of diplomatic reserve; or whether we consider the ample materials, derived from the purest and most inaccessible sources, which they supply for a history of the Roman constitution during its last struggles, affording a deep insight into the personal dispositions and motives of the chief leaders,-or, finally, seek and find in them a complete key to the character of Cicero himself, unlocking as they do the most hidden secrets of his thoughts, revealing the whole man in all his greatness and all his meanness,-their value is altogether inestimable. To attempt to give any idea of their contents would be to analyze each individually. The Editio Princeps of the Epistolae ad Familiares was printed in 1467, 4to., being the first work which issued from the press of Sweynheym and Pannartz at Rome. A second edition of it was published by these typographers in 1469, fol., under the inspection of Andrew of Aleria, and two others were produced in the same year at Venice by Jo. de Spira. Editions of the Epistolae ad Atticzum, ad Ml. Brutum, ad Q. Fratrem, were printed in 1470 at Rome by Sweynheym and Pannartz, and at Venice by Nicol. Jenson, both in folio; they are taken from different MSS., and bibliographers cannot decide to which precedence is due. The first which exhibited a tolerable text was that of P. Victorius, Florence, 1571, which follows the MS. copy made by Petrarch. The commentaries of P. Manutius attached to the Aldine of 1548, and frequently reprinted, are very valuable. The most useful edition is that of Schiltz, 6 vols. 8vo., Hal. 1809-12, containing the whole of the Epistles, except those to Brutus, arranged in chronological order and illustrated with explanatory notes. The student may add to these the translation into French of the letters to Atticus by Mongault, Paris, 1738, and into German of all the letters by Wieland, Zurich, 1808-1821, 7 vols. 8vo, and the work of Abeken, Cicero in seinen Briefin, Hanov. 1835. 4. POETICAL WORKS. Cicero appears to have acquired a taste for poetical composition while prosecuting his studies under Archias. Most of his essays in this department belong to his earlier years; they must be regarded as exercises undertaken for improvement or amusement, and they certainly in no way increased his reputation. CICERO. 1. " Verisus Homerici. Translations from Homer. (See de Fin. v. 18.) 'he lines which are found de Divin. ii. 30, Tusculan. iii. 26, 9, de Fin. v. 18; Augustin, de Civ. Dci, v. 8, amounting in all to 44 hexameters, may be held as specimens. 2. * Arati Phaenomena. 3. "" Arati Prognostica. About two-thirds of the former, amounting to upwards of five hundred hexameter lines, of which 470 are nearly continuous, have been preserved, while twenty-seven only of the latter remain. The translation is for the most part very closethe dull copy of a dull original. Both pieces were juveline efforts, although subsequently corrected and embellished. (De Nat. Deor. ii. 41, comp. ad Att. ii. 1.) [ARATus, AVIENUS, GERMANIcus.] 4. ' Alcyones. Capitolinus (Gordian. 3) mentions a poem under this name ascribed to Cicero, of which nearly two lines are quoted by Nonius. (s. v. Praevius.) 5. Uxorius. See Capitolin. 1. c. 6. Nilus. J 7. ** Limon. Four hexameter lines in praise of Terence from this poem, the general subject of which is unknown, are quoted by Suetonius. (Vit. Terent. 5.) 8. 1* Marius. Written before the year B. c. 82. (De Leg. i. 1; Vell. Pat. ii. 26.) A spirited fragment of thirteen hexameter lines, describing a prodigy witnessed by Marius and interpreted by him as an omen of success, is quoted in de Divinatione (i. 47), a single line in the de Legibus (i. 1), and another by Isidorus. (Orig. xix. 1.) 9. * De Rebus in Consulatu gestis. Cicero wrote a history of his own consulship, first in Greek prose, which he finished before the month of June, B. c. 60 (ad Att. ii. 1), and soon afterwards a Latin poem on the same subject, divided, it would seem, into three parts. A fragment consisting of seventyeight hexameters, is quoted from the second book in the de Divinatione (i. 11-13), three lines from the third in a letter to Atticus (ii. 3), and one verse by Nonius. (s. v. Eventus.) 10. " De meis Temporibus. We are informed by Cicero in a letter belonging to B. c. 54 (ad Fam. i. 9), that he had written three books in verse upon his own times, including, as we gather from his words, an account of his exile, his sufferings, and his recall-the whole being probably a continuation of the piece last mentioned. Four disjointed lines only remain (Quintil. xi. 1. ~ 24, ix. 4. ~ 41), one of which is, " Cedant arma togae concedat laurea linguae," and the other, the unlucky jingle so well known to us from Juvenal (x. 122), " 0 fortunatam natam me consule Romam." 11. * * Tamelastis. An elegy upon some unknown theme. One line and a word are found in the commentary of Servius on Virgil. (Eel. i. 58.) 12. * * Libellus Jocularis. Our acquaintance with this is derived solely from Quintilian (viii. 6. ~ 73), who quotes a punning couplet as the words of Cicero " in quodam joculari libello." 13. Pontius Glaucus. Plutarch tells us that Cicero, while yet a boy, wrote a little poem in tetrameters with the above title. The subject is unknown. (Plut. Cic. 2.) 14. Epigramma in Tironem. Mentioned by Pliny. (Ep. vii. 4.) The poetical and other fragments of Cicero are given in their most accurate form, with useful in
Page 745 CICERO. troductory notices, in the edition of the whole works by Nobbe, 1 vol. 4to., Leipz. 1827, and again with some improvements by Orelli, vol. iv. pt. ii., 1828. 5. HISTORICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. 1. * * De meis Consiliis s. Meorum Consiliorume Expositio. We find from Asconius and St. Augustin that Cicero published a work under some such title, in justification of his own policy, at the period when he feared that he might lose his election for the consulship, in consequence of the opposition and intrigues of Crassus and Caesar. A few sentences only remain. (Ascon. ad Orat. in Tog. Cand.; Augustin. c. Julian. Pelag. v. 5; Fronto, Exc. Elocut.) 2. De Consulatu (irepi rIs drar'ias). The only purely historical work of Cicero was a commentary on his own consulship, written in Greek and finished before the month of June, B. c. 60, not one word of which has been saved. (Ad Alt. ii. I; Plut. Caes. 8; Dion Cass. xlvi. 21; comp. ad Fam. v. 12.) 3. De Laude Caesaris. It is clear from the commencement of a letter to Atticus (iv. 5; 10th April, B. c. 56), that Cicero had written a book or pamphlet in praise of Caesar. He does not give the title, and was evidently not a little ashamed of his performance. 4. * * l. Cato s. Laus M. Catonis. A panegyric upon Cato, composed after his death at Utica in B. c. 46, to which Caesar replied in a work entitled Anticato. [CAESAR, p. 555, a.] A few words only remain. (Ad Att. xii. 40; Gell. xiii. 19; Macrob. vi. 2; Priscian. x. 3, p. 485, ed. Krehl.) 5. Laus Porciae. A panegyric on Porcia, the sister of M. Cato and wife of L. Domitus Ahenobarbus, written in B. c. 45, soon after her death. (Ad Att. xiii. 37, 48.) 6. * * Oeconomica ex Xenophonte. Probably not so much a close translation as an adaptation of the treatise of Xenophon to the wants and habits of the Romans. It was composed in the year B. C. 80, or in 79, and was divided into three books, the arguments of which have been preserved by Servius. The first detailed the duties of the mistress of a household at home, the second the duties of the master of a household out of doors, the third was upon agriculture. The most important fragments are contained in the eleventh and twelfth books of Columella, which together with those derived from other sources have been carefully collected by Nobbe (Ciceronis Opera, Leipzig, 1827), and will be found in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. 2. p. 472. (Serv. ad Virg. Georg. i. 43; Cic. de Off. ii. 24.) 7. Chorographia. Priscian, according to the text usually received (xvi. 16), mentions "Chorographiam Ciceronianam," but the most recent editor, Krehl, supposes " orthographiam" to be the true reading, while others substitute " chronographiam." If " chorographia" be correct, it may refer to the geographical work in which Cicero was engaged B. c. 59, as we read in letters to Atticus. (ii. 4, 6, 7.) 8. A dmiranda. A sort of commonplace book or register of curious facts referred to by the elder Pliny. (HA. N. xxxi. 8, 28, comp. xxix. 16, vii. 2, 21.) It is doubtful whether works under the following titles were ever written by Cicero: CICERO. 745 "1. De Ortlographia. 2. De Re Militari. 3. Synonysma. 4. De Nuomerosa Oratione ad Tironem. 5. Orpheus s. de Adolescente Studioso. 6. De MAlemoria. Any tracts which have been published from time to time under the above titles as works of Cicero, such as the De Re Militari attached to many of the older editions, are unquestionably spurious. (See Angelo Mai, Catalog. Cod. Ambros. cl.; Bandini, Catalog. Bibl. Laurent. iii. p. 465, and Suppl. ii. p. 381; Fabric. Bibl. Lat. i. p. 211; Orelli, Ciceronis Opera, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 584.) The Editio Princeps of the collected works of Cicero was printed at Milan by Alexander Minutianus, 4 vols. fol., 1498, and reprinted with a few changes due to Budaeus by Badius Ascensius, Paris, 4 vols. fol., 1511. Aldus Manutius and Naugerius published a complete edition in 9 vols. fol., Venet., 1519-1523, which served as the model for the second of Ascensius, Paris, 1522, 2 or 4 vols. fol. None of the above were derived from MS. authorities, but were merely copies of various earlier impressions. A gradual progress towards a pure text is exhibited in those which follow:-C ratander, Basil. 1528, 2 vols. fol., corrected by Bentinus after certain Heidelberg MSS.; IHervagius, Basil. 1534, 4 vols. fol.; Junta, Ven. 1534-1537, 4 vols. fol., an entirely new recension by Petrus Victorius, who devoted his attention especially to the correction of the Epistles from the Medicean MSS.; Car. Stephanus, Paris, 1555, 4 vols. fol., containing many new readings from MSS. in France; Dionysius Lambinus, Lutet. ap. Bernardum Turrisanum, 1566, 4 vols. fol., with an ample commentary,-in every respect more worthy of praise than any of the foregoing, and of the greatest importance to the critic; Gruter, Hamburg, Froben. 1618, 4 vols. fol., including the collations of sundry German, Belgian, and French MSS., followed in a great measure by Jac. Gronovius, Lug. Bat. 1691, 4 vols. 4to., and by Verburgius, Amst. Wetstein. 1724, 2 vols. fol., or 4 vols. 4to., or 12 vols. 8vo., which comprehends also a large collection of notes by earlier scholars; Olivet, Genev. 1743 -1749, 9 vols. 4to., with a commentary " in usum Delphini," very frequently reprinted; Ernesti, Hal. Sax. 1774-1777, 5 vols. 8vo., in 7 parts, immeasurably superior, with all its defects, to any of its predecessors, and still held by some as the standard; Schiitz, Lips. 1814-1823, 20 vols., small 8vo., in 28 parts, with useful prolegomena and summaries prefixed to the various works. The small editions printed by Elzevir, Amst. 1684 -1699, 11 vols. 12mo., by Foulis, Glasg. 1749, 20 vols. 16mo., and by Barbou, Paris, 1768, 14 vols. 12mo., are much esteemed on account of their neatness and accuracy. All others must now, however, give place to that of Orelli, Turic. 1826-1837, 9 vols. 8vo., in 13 parts. The text has been revised with great industry and judgment, and is as pure as our present resources can render it, while the valuable and well-arranged selection of readings placed at the bottom of each page enable the scholar to form an opinion for himself. There is unfortunately no commentary, but this want is in some degree supplied by an admirable " Onomasticon Tullianum," drawn up by Orelli and Baiter jointly, which forms the three concluding volumes. The seventh volume contains the Scholiasts upon Cicero, C. Marius Victorinus, Rufinus, C. Julius
Page 746 746 CICERO. Victor, Boeýthius, Favonius Eulogius, Asconius Pedianus, Scholia Bobiensia, Scholiasta Gronovianus. 6. Q. TULLvUS CICERo, son of No. 2, was born about B. c. 102, and was educated along with his elder brother, the orator, whom he accompanied to Athens in B. c. 79. (De Fin. v. 1.) In B. c. 67 he was elected aedile, and held the office of praetor in B. c. 62. After his period of service in the city had expired, he succeeded L. Flaccus as governor of Asia, where he remained for upwards of three years, and during his administration gave great offence to many, both of the Greeks and of his own countrymen, by his violent temper, unguarded language, and the corruption of his favourite freedman, Statius. The murmurs arising from these excesses called forth from Marcus that celebrated letter (ad Q. Fr. i. 2), in which, after warning him of his faults and of the unfavourable impression which they had produced, he proceeds to detail the qualifications, duties, and conduct of a perfect provincial ruler. Quintus returned home in B. c. 58, soon after his brother had gone into exile, and on his approach to Rome was met by a large body of the citizens (pro Sext. 31), who had flocked together to do him honour. He exerted himself strenuously in promoting all the schemes devised for procuring the recall of the exile, in consequence of which he was threatened with a criminal prosecution by App. Claudius, son of C. Clodius (adAtt. iii. 17), and on one occasion nearly fell a victim to the violence of one of the mercenary mobs led on by the demagogues. (Pro Sext. 35.) In B. c. 55 he was appointed legatus to Caesar, whom he attended on the expedition to Britain, and on their return was despatched with a legion to winter among the Nervii. (a. c. 54.) Here, immediately after the disasters of Titurius Sabinus and Aurunculeius Cotta, his camp was suddenly attacked by a vast multitude of the Eburones and other tribes which had been roused to insurrection by Ambiorix. The assault was closely pressed for several,days in succession, but so energetic were the measures adopted by Cicero, although at that very time suffering from great bodily weakness, and so bravely was he supported by his soldiers, that they were enabled to hold out until relieved by Caesar, who was loud in his commendations of the troops and their commander. (Caes. B. G. v. 24, &c.) Quintus was one of the legati of the orator in Cilicia, B. c. 51, took the chief command of the military operations against the mountaineers of the Syrian frontier, and upon the breaking out of the civil war, insisted upon sharing his fortunes and.following him to the camp of Pompey. (Ad Att. ix. 1, 6.) Up to this time the most perfect confidence and the warmest affection subsisted between the brothers; but after the battle of Pharsalia (a. c. 48) the younger, giving way to the bitterness of a hasty temper exasperated by disappointment, and stimulated by the representations of his son, indulged in the most violent language towards M. Cicero, wrote letters to the most distinguished persons in Italy loading him with abuse, and, proceeding to Alexandria, made his peace with Caesar. (B. c. 47.) (Ad Att. xi. 5, 9, 13, 14-16, 20.) A reconciliation took place after his return to Italy; but we hear little more of him until the year aB. c. 43, when he fell a victim to the proscription of the triumvirs. Quintus, in addition to his military reputation, CICERO. was an aspirant to literary fame also, and in poetry Cicero considered him superior to himself. (Ad Q, Fr. iii. 4.) The fact of his having composed four tragedies in sixteen days, even although they may have been mere translations, does not impress us with a high idea of the probable quality of his productions (ad Q. Fr. iii. 5); but we possess no specimens of his powers in this department, with the exception of twenty-four hexameters on the twelve signs, and an epigram of four lines on the love of women, not very complimentary to the sex. (Antholog. Lat. v. 41, iii. 88.) In prose we have an address to his brother, entitled De Petltione Consulatus, in which he gives him very sound advice as to the best method of attaining his object. Quintus was married to Pomponia, sister of Atticus; but, from incompatibility of temper, their union was singularly unhappy..As an example of their matrimonial squabbles, the reader may refer to a letter addressed to Atticus (v. 1), which contains a most graphic and amusing, description of a scene which took place in the presence of the lady's brother-in-law. (Appian, B. G. iv. 20; Dion Cass. xl. 7, xlvii. 10.) 7. M. TULLIUS CICERO, only son of the orator and his wife Terentia, was born in the year B. C. 65, on the very day, apparently (ad Att. i. 2), on which L. Julius Caesar and C. Marcius Figulus were elected consuls. He is frequently spoken of, while a boy, in terms of the warmest affection, in the letters of his father, who watched over his education with the most earnest care, and made him the companion of his journey to Cilicia. (B. c. 51.) The autumn after their arrival he was sent along with his school-fellow and cousin, Quintus, to pay a visit to king Deiotarus (ad Att. v. 17), while the proconsul and his legati were prosecuting the war against the highlanders of Amanus. He returned to Italy at the end of B. c. 50, was invested with the manly gown at Arpinum in the course of March, B. c. 49 (ad Att. ix. 6, 19), being then in his sixteenth year, passed over to Greece and joined the army of Pompey, where he received the command of a squadron of cavalry, gaining great applause from his general and from the whole army by the skill which he displayed in military exercises, and by the steadiness with which he endured the toils of a soldier's life. (De O fT ii. 13.) After the battle of Pharsalia he remained at Brundisium until the arrival of Caesar from the East (ad Fam. xiv. 11, ad Att. xi. 18), was chosen soon afterwards (B. c. 46), along with young Quintus and a certain M. Caesius, to fill the office of aedile at Arpinum (ad Fam. xiii. 11), and the following spring (B. c. 45) expressed a strong wish to proceed to Spain and take part in the war against his former friends. He was, however, persuaded by his father to abandon this ill-judged project (ad Att. xii. 7), and it was determined that he should proceed to Athens and there prosecute his studies, along with several persons of his own age belonging to the most distinguished families of Rome. Here, although provided with an allowance upon the most liberal scale (ad Att. xii. 27, 32), he fell into irregular and extravagant habits, led astray, it is said, by a rhetorician named Gorgias. The young man seems to have been touched by the remonstrances of Cicero and Atticus, and in a letter addressed to Tiro (ad Fanr. xvi. 21), expresses great shame and sorrow for his past misconduct, giving an account at the same
Page 747 CICERO. time of his reformed mode of life, and diligent application to philosophy under Cratippus of Mytilene -representations confirmed by the testimony of various individuals who visited him at that period. (Ad Att. xiv. 16, xv. 4, 6, 17, 20, xvi. 1, adFasm. xii. 16.) After the death of Caesar he was raised to the rank of military tribune by Brutus, gained over the legion commanded by L. Piso, the lieutenant of Antonius, defeated and took prisoner C. Antonius, and did much good service in the course of the Macedonian campaign. When the republican army was broken up by the rout at Philippi, he joined Sext. Pompeius in Sicily, and taking advantage of the amnesty in favour of exiles, which formed one of the terms of the convention between that chief and the triumvirs when they concluded a short-lived peace (a. c. 39), returned to the metropolis. Here he lived in retirement and obscurity, until Octavianus, touched perhaps with remorse on account of his former treachery to the family, caused him to be admitted into the college of augurs, and after his final rupture with Antony, assumed him as his colleague in the consulship. (B. c. 30, from 13th Sept.) By a singular coincidence, the despatch announcing the capture of the fleet of Antony, which was immediately followed by his death, was addressed to the new consul in his official capacity, and thus, says Plutarch, " the divine justice reserved the completion of Antony's punishment for the house of Cicero," for the arrival of the intelligence was immediately followed by a decree that all statues and monuments of Antony should be destroyed, and that no individual of that family should in time coming bear the name of Marcus. Middleton has fallen into the mistake of supposing that the victory thus announced was the battle of Actium, but this was fought about eleven months before the event in question. Soon after the termination of his office, Cicero was nominated governor of Asia, or, according to others, of Syria, and we hear no more of him. Young Cicero was one of those characters whose name would never have appeared on the page of history had it not been for the fame of his father; and that fame proved to a certain extent a misfortune, since it attracted the eyes of the world to various follies and vices which might have escaped unnoticed in one enjoying a less illustrious parentage. Although naturally indolent (ad Att. vi. 1), the advantages of education were by no means lost upon him, as we may infer from the style and tone of those two epistles which have been preserved (ad Fain. xvi. 21, 25), which prove that the praise bestowed on his compositions by his father did not proceed from mere blind partiality (ad Altt. xiv. 7. xv. 17), while his merits as a soldier seem unquestionable. Even the stories of his dissipation scarcely justify the bitterness of Seneca and Pliny, the latter of whom records, upon the authority of Tergilla, that lie was able to swallow two congii of wine at a draught, and that on one occasion, when intoxicated, he threw a cup at M. Agrippa, an anecdote which Middleton, who is determined to see no fault in any one bearing the name of Cicero, oddly enough quotes as an example of courage and high spirit. (Plin. H. N. xxii. 3, &c., xiv. 28; Senec. Suasor. 6, de Benef. iv. 30; Plut. Cic. and Brut.; Appian, B. C. iv. 19, 20, v. 2; Dion Cass. xlv. 15, xlvi. 3, 18, 41, 19.) CICURINUS. 747 8. Q. TULLIUS CICERO, son of No. 61, and of Pomponia, sister of Atticus, must have been born about B. c. 66 or 67, for we find that it was proposed to invest him with the manly gown in the year B.C. 51 (ad Att. v. 20). He passed a considerable portion of his boyhood with his cousin Marcus, under the eye of his uncle, whom he accompanied to Cilicia, and who at an early period remarked his restless vehemence and self-confidence, observing that he required the curb, while his own son stood in need of the spur (ad Att. vi. 1, 3, 7), although he at the same time had formed a favourable opinion of his disposition from the propriety with which he conducted himself amidst the wrangling of his parents (ad Alt. 1. c.). Before leaving Cicilia, however, he appears to have begun to entertain some doubts of his nephew's uprightness, and these suspicions were fully verified by a letter which the youth, tempted it would seem by the prospect of a great reward, despatched to Caesar soon after the outbreak of the civil war, betraying the design which his father and his uncle had formed of quitting Italy. (Ad Att. x. 4, 7.) His unamiable temper broke forth with savage violence after the battle of Pharsalia, when he loaded his uncle with the most virulent vituperation in hopes that he might thus the more easily propitiate the conqueror. Having obtained pardon from Caesar he accompanied him to Spain, ever seeking to gain favour by railing against his own nearest relations, and after the death of the dictator was for a while the right-hand man of Antony (ad Att. xiv. 20), but, having taken some offence, with characteristic fickleness he went over to Brutus and Cassius, by whom he was kindly received, was in consequence included in the proscription of the triumvirs, and was put to death at Rome in B. c. 43. He is said on this occasion to have in some degree made amends for his former errors by the steadfastness with which he refused to divulge the place where his father was concealed, even when pressed by torture. (Dion Cass. xlvii. 10.) [W. R.] CICURI'NUS, the name of a patrician family of the Veturia gens. Varro says (L. L. vii. 91, ed. Miiller), that the Veturii obtained the surname of Cicurii from their quiet and domesticated (ciczr) disposition. Cicurinus seems to have been the name of two distinct families of the Veturia gens, which were called respectively the Crassi Cicurini and Gemini Cicurini: the members of each are given below in chronological order. 1. P. VETURIUS GEMINUS CICURINUS, consul B. c. 499 with T. Aebutius Elva. In this year siege was laid to Fidenae, Crustumeria was taken, and Praeneste revolted from the Latins to the Romans. In Liyy (ii. 19) his praenomen is Caius, but Dionysius (v. 58) has Publius; and the latter name is preferable, as it seems likely enough that the P. Veturius, who was one of the first two quaestors, was the same as the consul. (Plut. Poplic. 12.) 2. T. VETURIUS GEMINUS CICURINUS, consul B. C. 494 with A. Virginius Tricostus Caeliomantanus, in which year the plebs seceded to the sacred mountain, and the tribunate of the plebs was established. Cicurinus was sent against the Aequi, who invaded the Latin territory this year; but they retired at his approach, and took refuge in the mountains. (Liv.. ii. 28-30; Dionys. vi. 34; Ascon. in Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli.) 3. T. VETURIUS GEMINUS CICURINUS, consul B. c. 462, with L. Lucretius Triciptinus, defeated
Page 748 748 CILNII. the Volsci, and on this account entered the city with the honour of an ovation. (Liv. iii. 8, 10; Dionys. ix. 69; Diod. xi. 81.) 4. C. VETURIUS P. F. GEMINUS CICURINUS, consul B.c. 455 with T. Romilius Rocus Vaticanus, marched with his colleague against the Aequi. They defeated the enemy, and gained immense booty, which however they did not distribute among the soldiers, but sold on account of the poverty of the treasury. They were in consequence both brought to trial in the next year: Veturius was accused by L. Alienus, the plebeian aedile, and sentenced to pay a fine of 10,000 asses. As some compensation for his ill-treatment by the plebeians he was elected augur in 453. (Liv. iii. 31, 32; Dionys. x. 33; Diod. xii. 5.) 5. SP. VETURIUS SP. F. P. N. CRASSUS CICURINUS, one of the first decemvirate, B. c. 451 (Fast. Capitol.), called L. Veturius by Livy (iii. 33) and T. Veturius by Dionysius (x. 56). 6. SP. VETURIUS CRASSUS CICURINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 417. Livy (iii. 47) calls him Sp. Rutilius Crassus; but this no doubt is a false reading, for Diodorus (xiii. 7) has Sp. Veturius, and the Rutilia gens was moreover plebeian, and had not the cognomen of Crassus. 7. M.VETURIUS Ti. F. SP. N. CRASSUS CICURINUS, consular tribune B. c. 399,-the only patrician elected this year; his five colleagues were all plebeians. (Liv. v. 13; Diod. xiv. 54.) 8. C. VETURIUS CRASSUS CICURINUS, consular tribune B. c. 377, and a second time in 369 during the agitation of the Licinian laws. (Liv. vi. 32, 36; Diod. xv. 61, 77.) 9. L.VETURIUS L. F. SP.N. CRASSUS CICURINUS, consular tribune two years successively, B. c. 368, 367, in the latter of which years the Licinian laws were carried. (Liv. vi. 38, 42.) CIDA'RIA (Ksoapia), a surname of the Elcusinian Demeter at Pheneus, in Arcadia, derived either from an Arcadian dance called Ki8apts, or from a royal head-dress of the same name. (Paus. viii. 15. ~ 1.) [L. S.] CILIX (KiAtL), a son of Agenor and Telephassa. He and his brothers Cadmus and Phoenix were sent out by their father in search of Europa, who had been carried off by Zeus. Cilix settled in the country which derived from him the name of Cilicia. He is called the father of Thasus and Thebe. (Herod. vii. 91; Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 178; Diod. v. 49.) [L. S.] CILLA (KiAxa), a daughter of Laomedon and Placia or Leucippe, and a sister of Priam. At the time when Hecabe was pregnant with Paris, the seer Aesacus declared that mother and child must be put to death in order to avert a great calamity; but Priam, who referred this prophetic declaration to Cilla and her son Menippus by Thymoetus, made them suffer instead of Hecabe and Paris. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 8; Tzetz. ad Lycoplh. 224.) [L.S.] CILLAS or CILLUS (KiAeas or KiAAos), the charioteer of Pelops, whose real name, according to a Troezenian tradition, was Sphaerus. His tomb was shewn near the town of Cilla in the neighbourhood of the temple of Apollo. (Paus. v. 10. ~ 2; Strab. xiii. p. 613.) [L. S.] CI'LNII, a powerful family in the Etruscan town of Arretium, who seem to have been usually firm supporters of the Roman interests. They were driven out of their native town in B. c. 301, by the party opposed to them, but were restored by CILO. the Romans. The Cilnii were nobles or Lucnmones in their state, and some of them in ancient times may have held even the kingly dignity. (Comp. Hor. Carm. i. 1. 1, iii. 29. 1, Serm. i. 6. 3.) Till the fall of the republic no separate individual of this family is mentioned, for the " Cilnius" of Silius Italicus (vii. 29) is a poetical creation, and the name has been rendered chiefly memorable by C. Cilnius Maecenas, the intimate friend of Augustus. [MAECENAS.] It appears from sepulchral inscriptions that the Etruscan form of the name was COfenle or Cf/elne, which was changed by the Romans into Cilnius, much in the same way as the Etruscan Leone was altered into Licinius. (Muller, Etrusker, i. p. 414.) CILO or CHILO, a Roman surname, seems to have been written in either way, as we find both forms on coins of the Flaminia gens. (Eckhel, v. p. 212.) The Latin grammarians, however, state that Cilo was applied to a person with a long and narrow head, and Ch(ilo to one with large or thick lips. (Velius Long. p. 2234, Flav. Caper, p. 2242, Charis. p. 78, ed. Putschius; Festus, s. v. Chilo.) CILO, a Roman senator, called by Appian KiL\wV, proscribed in B. c. 43 (Appian, B. C. iv. 27), may perhaps be the same as the Cilo, the friend of Toranius and Cicero, whom the latter mentions in B. c. 45. (Cic. ad Fam. vi. 20.) CILO, or CHILO, L. FLAMI'NIUS, occurs only on coins, of which a specimen is annexed. The obverse represents the head of Venus, and the reverse Victory driving a biga. The interpretation of the inscription on the obverse, IIII. VIR. PRI. FL., is not certain. We know that Julius Caesar increased the number of the superintendents of the mint from three to four, and it has therefore been supposed that this Flaminius Chilo was one of the first four superintendents appointed by Caesar, and that the above letters refer to this, being equivalent to III Vir primusflandae monetae. (Eckhel, v. pp. 212, 213.) CILO, JU'NIUS, procurator of Pontus in the reign of Claudius, brought the Bosporan Mithridates to Rome in A. D. 50, and received afterwards the consular insignia. (Tac. Ann. xii. 21.) Dion Cassius speaks (lx. 33) of him as governor of Bithynia, and relates an amusing tale respecting him. The Bithynians came before Claudius to complain of Cilo having taken bribes, but as the emperor could not hear them on account of the noise, he asked those standing by his side what they said. Narcissus thereupon told him that they were returning thanks to Cilo, upon which Claudius appointed him to the government of the province for ti o years longer. CILO, or CHILO, P. MA'GIUS, murdered at Peiraeeus, in a. c. 45, M. Claudius Marcellus, who had been consul in 51, and killed himself immediately afterwards. Cilo was a friend and client of Marcellus and a rumour was circulated at the time by Caesar's enemies, that the dictator had instigated him to commit the murder. Brutus wrote to Cicero
Page 749 CIMBER. to defend Caesar from this charge. The real motive for the crime seems to have been, thait Marcellus refused to advance Cilo a sum of money to relieve him from his embarrassments. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 10, ad Fam. iv. 12.) Valerius Maximus (ix. 11. ~ 4) says, that Cilo had served under Pompey, and that he was indignant at Marcellus preferring another friend to him. Livy (Epit. 115) calls him Cn. Magius. CILO SEPTIMIA'NUS, L. FA'BIUS, to whom an inscription quoted by Tillemont after Onuphrius Panvinius gives the names Catinius Acilianus Lepidus Fulginianus, was consul in A. D. 193 and 204, and was the chosen friend of Septimius Severus, by whom he was appointed praefect of the city and tutor to his two sons. Having endeavoured to mediate between the brothers, he incurred the hatred of the elder, who after the murder of Geta gave orders that the man who had ever acted towards him the part of a father, and whom he had often addressed by that title, should be included in the massacre which followed. The soldiers hastened to the mansion of Cilo, and after plundering it of all the costly furniture and other precious effects, dragged him from the bath, compelled him to walk through the streets in his "wooden slippers and a single scanty garment, buffeting him as they hurried along with the intention of putting him to death when they should have reached the palace. This gratuitous cruelty proved his salvation. For the populace, beholding one whom they had been wont to honour treated with such indignity, began to murmur, and were joined by the city-guards. A tumult was imminent, when Caracalla came forth to meet the mob, and partly through fear, partly perhaps touched for a moment with compunction, threw his own cloak over the shoulders of his former preceptor, once more addressed him as father and master, gave orders that the tribune and his attendants who had been sent to perpetrate the crime should themselves be put to death, not, says Dion, because they had wished to slay their victim, but because they had failed to do so, and continued to treat him with the outward semblance at least of respect. The only other anecdote preserved with regard to Cilo is, that he saved the life of Macrinus at the time when the latter was upon the point of sharing the fate of Plautianus [PLAuTIANUS], whose agent he was, and thus the destruction of Caracalla was indirectly hastened by the friend and benefactor whom he had sought to destroy. (Dion Cass. lxxvii. 4, lxxviii. 11; Spartian. Caracall. 4; Aurel. Vict. Epit. 20.) [W. R.] CIMBER, C. A'NNI US, the son of Lysidicus, had obtained the praetorship from Caesar, and was one of Antony's supporters in B. c. 43, on which account he is vehemently attacked by Cicero. He was charged with having killed his brother, whence Cicero calls him ironically Philadelphus, and perpetrates the pun Nisi forte jure Germanum Cimber occidit, that is, " unless perchance he has a right to kill his own countryman," as Cimber is the name of a German people, and Germanus signifies in Latin both a German and a brother. (Cic. Phil. xiii. 12, xi. 6; Quintil. viii. 3. ~ 27; comp. Cic. ad Att. xv. 13; Suet. Aug. 86.) Cimber was an orator, a poet, and an historian, but his merits were of a low order, and he is ridiculed by Virgil in an epigram preserved by Quintilian (1. c.). (Hluschke, De C. Annio Cimbro, Rostoch. 1824.) CIMON. 749 CIMBER, P. GABI'NIUS, one of the Catilinarian conspirators, B. c. 63. (Cic. in Cat. iii. 3, 5, 6, iv. 6.) CIMBER, L. TILLIUS (not Tullius), one of the murderers of Caesar, B. c. 44. When Caesar first became supreme, Cimber was one of his warmest supporters (Cic. Philipp. ii. 11; Senec. de Ira, iii. 30); and we find Cicero making use of his influence with the Dictator in behalf of a friend (Ad Fam. vi. 12). He was rewarded with the province of Bithynia. But for some reason (Seneca says from disappointed hopes) he joined the conspirators. On the fatal day, Cimber was foremost in the ranks, under pretence of pre. senting a petition to Caesar praying for his brother's recall from exile. Caesar motioned him away; and Cimber then, seizing the Dictator's gown with both hands drew it over his neck, so as to pull him forward. After the assassination, Cimber went to his province and raised a fleet, with which (if we may believe the author of the Pseudo-Brutus Epistles to Cicero, i. 6) he defeated Dolabella. When Cassius and Brutus marched into Macedonia, Cimber co-operated with the fleet, and appears to have done good service. (Appian, B. C. iv. 102, 105.) He was a bold active man, but addicted to wine and riotous living, so that he asked jokingly, Ego quemquam feram, qui vinum ferre non possum? (Senec. Epist. 83. 11.) [H. G. L.] CIMON (KilAwv). 1. Nicknamed from his silliness KoaiAseos (Plut. Cim. 4), will be best described by the following table. Cypselus T the same wife Stesagoras I. Miltiades I. Cimon I. (Herod. vi. 35.) Stesagoras II. Miltiades II. (Her. vi. 38.) (The victor at Marathon.) Married H-egesipyle, the daughter of Olorus, a Thracian king. Cimon II. Elpinice. He was banished by Peisistratus from Athens, and during his banishment won two Olympic victories with his four-horse chariot. He allowed Peisistratus to be proclaimed victor at the second, and was in consequence suffered to return to Athens. But when after the death of Peisistratus he gained another Olympic victory with the same horses, he was secretly murdered by order of the sons of the tyrant. (Herod. vi. 103.) 2. Grandson of the preceding, and son of the great Miltiades, is mentioned in Herodotus as paying his father's fine and capturing Eion. (vi. 136, vii. 107.) This latter event, the battle of Eurymedon, the expedition in aid of Sparta, and his death in Cyprus, are the only occasions in which he is expressly named by his relation, Thucydides; whose summary, moreover, of the history of this period leaves us by its briefness necessarily dependent for much on the additional authorities, which form the somewhat heterogeneous basis of Plutarch's biography. We find here the valuable contemporary recollections of Ion of Chios (cc. 5. 9), and the almost worthless contemporary gossip and scandal of the Thasian Stesimbrotus: some little
Page 750 750 CIMON. also from the poets of the time, Cratinus, Melanthius, and Archelaus. He seems to have followed Thucydides, though not very strictly, as a guide in general, while he filled up the details from the later historians, perhaps from Theopompus more than from Ephorus, whose account, as followed probably by Diodorus (xi. 60), differs materially. He appears to have also used Callisthenes, Cratinus, Phanodemus, Diodorus Periegetes, Gorgias, and Nausicrates; Aristotle, Eupolis, Aristophanes, and Critias. On the death of Miltiades, probably in B. c. 489, Cimon, we are told by Diodorus (Excerpta, p. 255), in order to obtain the corpse for burial, took his father's place in prison till his fine of 50 talents should be paid. [MILTIADES.] It appears, however, certain (see Dem. c. Androt. p. 603) that the d'ri~da, if not the imprisonment, of the public debtor was legally inherited by the son, and Cornelius Nepos, whose life comes in many parts from Theopompus, states the confinement to have been compulsory. The fine was eventually paid by Callias on his marriage with Elpinice, Cimon's sister. [CALLIAS, No. 2, p. 567, b.] A more difficult point is the previous connexion and even marriage of Cimon with this sister or half-sister, which was recorded by numerous writers, but after all was very probably the scandal of Stesimbrotus and the comedians. (Eupolis, ap. Plut. Cim. 15, comp. 4; Nepos, Cim. 1; Athen. xiii. p. 589.) Nor, again, can we very much rely on the statement which Plutarch introduces at this time, that he and Themistocles vied with each other at the Olympian games in the splendour of their equipments and banquets. (Plut. Themist. 5 ) It is more credible that his first occasion of attracting notice and admiration was the forwardness with which, when the city in B. c. 480 was to be deserted, he led up to the citadel a company of young men to offer to the goddess their now unserviceable bridles. (Plut. Cim. 5.) After the battle of Plataea, Aristeides brought him forward. They were placed together in 477 at the head of the Athenian contingent to the Greek armament, under the supreme command of Pausanias. Cimon shared the glory of transferring that supremacy to Athens, and in the first employment of it reduced the Persian garrison at Eion, and opened the important district in the neighbourhood for Athenian colonization. (Plut. Cim. 6; Herod. vii. 107; Thuc. i. 98; Nepos, Cim. 2; Schol. ad Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 755, &c., ed. Reiske; Clinton, F. H. ii. App. ix.) In honour of this conquest he received from his countrymen the distinction, at that time unprecedented, of having three busts of Hermes erected, inscribed with triumphal verses, but without mention of the names of the generals. (Plut. Cim. 6; Aesch. c. Clesiph. p. 573, ed. Reiske.) In 476, apparently under his conduct, the piratical Dolopians were expelled from Scyros, and a colony planted in their room; and the remains of Theseus discovered there, were thence transported, probably after some years' interval (B. c. 468) with great pomp to Athens. (Plut. Cim. 8; Paus. i. 17. ~ 6, iii. 3. ~ 6.) The reduction of Carystus and Naxos was, most likely, effected under his command (Thuc. i. 98); and at this period he was doubtless in war and politics his country's chief citizen. His coadjutor at home would be Aristeides; how far he contributed to the banishment of Themistocles may CIMON, be doubtful. (Comp. Plut. Arist. 25, Them. 24.) The year B. c. 466 (according to Clinton; Kriiger and others persist in placing it earlier) saw the completion of his glory. In the command of the allied forces on the Asiatic coast he met a Persian fleet of 350 ships, attacked them, captured 200, and following the fugitives to the shore, by the river Eurymedon, in a second and obstinate engagement on the same day, routed the land armament; indeed, according to Plutarch, he crowned his victory before night by the defeat of a reinforcement of 80 Phoenician ships. (Plut. Cim. 12; Thuc. i. 100; Diod. xi. 60, with Wesseling's note.) His next achievement was the expulsion of the Persians from the Chersonese, and the subjection of the territory to Athens, accompanied perhaps with the recovery of his own patrimony. The effect of these victories was doubtless very great; they crushed perhaps a last aggressive movement, and fixed Persia finally in a defensive position. In later times it was believed, though on evidence, as was shewn by Callisthenes, quite insufficient, that they had been succeeded by a treaty (the famous peace of Cimon) negotiated through Callias, and containing in its alleged conditions the most humiliating concessions. They placed Cimon at the height of his power and glory, the chief of that empire which his character had gained for Athens, and which his policy towards the allies was rendering daily firmer and completer. Themistocles, a banished man, may perhaps have witnessed his Asiatic triumphs in sorrow; the death of Aristeides had left him sole possessor of the influence they had hitherto jointly exercised: nor had time yet matured the opposition of Pericles. (Plut. Cim. 13, 14.) Still the loss of the old friend and the rapidly increasing influence of the new opponent rendered his position precarious. The chronology of the events that follow is henceforth in most points disputed; according to Clinton's view, which cannot hastily be deserted, the revolt of Thasos took place in 465; in 463 Cimon reduced it; in the year intervening occurred the earthquake and insurrection at Sparta, and in consequence, upon Cimon's urgent appeal, one if not two (Plut. Cim. 16; comp. Aristoph. Lysistr. 1137) expeditions were sent from Athens, under his command, to assist the Spartans. In these occurrences were found the means for his humiliation. During the siege of Thasos, the Athenian colonists on the Strymon were cut off by the Thracians, and Cimon seems to have been expected, after his victory there, to retrieve this disaster: and, neglecting to do so, he was on his return brought to trial; but the accusation of having taken bribes from Alexander of Macedon, was, by Pericles at any rate, not strongly urged, and the result was an acquittal. The termination of his Lacedaemonian policy in the jealous and insulting dismissal of their Athenian auxiliaries by the Spartans, and the consequent rupture between the two states was a more serious blow to his popularity. And the victory of his opponents was decided when Ephialtes and Pericles, after a severe struggle, carried their measure for reducing the authority of the aristocratic Areiopagus. Upon this it would seem his ostracism ensued. Soon after its commencement (B. c. 457) a Lacedaemonian army, probably to meet the views of a violent section of the defeated party in Athens, posted itself at Tanagra. The Athenians advanced
Page 751 CIMON. to meet it: Cimon requested permission to fight' in his place; the generals in suspicion refused: he departed, begging his own friends to vindicate his character: they, in number a hundred, placed in the ensuing battle his panoply among them, and fell around it to the last man. Before five years of his exile were fully out, B. c. 453 or 454, he was recalled on the motion of Pericles himself; late reverses having inclined the people to tranquillity in Greece, and the democratic leaders perhaps being ready, in fear of more unscrupulous opponents, to make concessions to those of them who were patriotic and temperate. He was probably employed in effecting the five years' truce with Sparta which commenced in 450. In the next year he sailed out with 200 ships to Cyprus, with the view of retrieving the late mishaps in Egypt. Here, while besieging Citium, illness or the effects, of a wound carried him off. His forces, while sailing away with his remains, as if animated by his spirit, fell in with and defeated a fleet of Phoenician and Cilician galleys, and added to their naval victory a second over forces on shore. (Plut. Cim. 14-19; Thuc. i. 112; Diod. xi. 64, 86, xii. 3, 4; Theopomp. ap. Ephori fragm. ed. Marx, 224.) Cimon's character (see Plut. Cim. 4, 5, 9, 10, 16, Peric. 5) is marked by his policy. Exerting himself to aggrandize Athens, and to centralize in her the power of the naval confederacy, he still looked mainly to the humiliation of the common enemy, Persia, and had no jealous feeling towards his country's rivals at home. He was always an admirer of Sparta: his words to the people when urging the succours in the revolt of the Helots were, as recorded by Ion (Plat. Cim. 16) "not to suffer Greece to be lamed, and Athens to lose its yoke-fellow." He is described himself to have had something of the Spartan character, being deficient in the Athenian points of readiness and quick discernment. He was of a cheerful, convivial temper, free and indulgent perhaps rather than excessive in his pleasures ((PALorrrOr ical CdeApss, Eupolis, ap. Plit. Cim. 15), delighting in achievement for its own sake rather than from ambition. His frankness, affability, and mildness, won over the allies from Pausanias; and at home, when the recovery of his patrimony or his share of spoils had made him rich, his liberality and munificence were unbounded. His orchards and gardens were thrown open; his fellow demesmen (Aristot. ap.Plut. Cim. 10; comp. Cic. de Of. ii. 18 and Theopomp. ap. Atlhen. xii. 533) were free daily to his table, and his public bounty verged on ostentation. With the treasure he brought from Asia the southern wall of the citadel "was built, and at his own private charge the foundation of the long walls to the Peiraeeus, works which the marshy soil made difficult and expensive, were laid down in the most costly and efficient style. According to the report of Ion, the tragic poet, who as a boy supped in his company (Pint. Cim. 5, 9), he was in person tall and good-looking, and his hair, which he wore long, thick and curly. He left three sons, Lacedaemonius, Eleus, and Thessalus, and was, according to one account, married to Isodice, a daughter of Euryptolemus, the cousin of Pericles, as also to an Arcadian wife. (Diodorus Periegetes, ap. Plut. Cim. 16.) Another record gives him three more sons, Miltiades, Cimon, and Peisianax. (Schol. ad Aristid. iii. p. 515, Dindorf.) (Herod., Thucyd.; Plut. Cimon; Nepos, Cimon; Diodorus. Plutarch's life of Cimrnon is separately CINADON. 751 edited in an useful form by Arnold Ekker, Utrecht, 1843, in which references will be found to other illustrative works.) [A. II. C.] CIMON. 1. Of Cleonae, a painter of great renown, praised by Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 34) and Aelian. (V. H. viii. 8.) It is difficult to ascertain, from Pliny's obscure words, wherein the peculiar merits of Cimon consisted: it is certain, however, that he was not satisfied with drawing simply the outlines of his figures, such as we see in the oldest painted vases, but that he also represented limbs, veins, and the folds of garments. He invented the Catagrapha, that is, not the profile, according to the common interpretation (Caylus, M16m. de l'Acad. vol. xxv. p. 265), but the various positions of figures, as they appear when looking upwards, downwards, and sideways; and he must therefore be considered as the first painter of perspective. It would appear from an epigram of Simonides (Anthol. Palat. ix. 758), that he was a contemporary of Dionysius, and belonged therefore to the 80th Olympiad; but as he was certainly more ancient, Kipuwv should in that passage be changed into Mixcov. (Bdttiger, Archdiolog. d. Malerei, p. 234, &c.; Miller, Handb. ~ 99.) 2. An artist who made ornamented cups. (Athen. xi. p. 781, e.) [L. U.] CI'NADON (Koda6wov), the chief of a conspiracy against the Spartan peers (g0ooto0) in the first year of Agesilaus II. (B. c. 398-397.) This plot appears to have arisen out of the increased power of the ephors, and the more oligarchical character which the Spartan constitution had by this time assumed. (Thirlwall's Greece, iv. pp. 373-378; Manso's Sparta, iii. 1, p. 219, &c.; Wachsmuth, Hellen.Alter. i. 2, pp. 214, 215, 260, 262.) Cina-,don was a young man of personal accomplishment and courage, but not one of the peers. The design of his conspiracy was to assassinate all the peers, in order, as he himself said, "that he might have no superior in Lacedaemon." The first hint of the existence of the plot was given by a soothsayer, who was assisting Agesilaus at a sacrifice. Five days afterwards, a person came to the ephors, and told them the following story: He had been taken, he said, into the agora by Cinadon, who asked him to count the Spartans there. He did so, and found that, including one of the kings, the ephors, the senators, and others, there were less than forty. " These," said Cinadon, " account your enemies, but the others in the agora, who are more than four thousand, your confederates." He then referred to the like disparity which might be seen in the streets and in the country. The leaders of the conspiracy, Cinadon further told him, were few, but trustworthy; but their associates were in fact all the Helots, and Neodamodes, and Hypomeiones, who, if the Spartans were mentioned in their presence, were unable to conceal their ferocious hatred towards them. For arms, he added, there were at hand the knives, swords, spits, hatchets, and so forth, in the iron market; the rustics would use bludgeons and stones, and the artificers had each his own tools. Cinadon finally warned him, he said, to keep at home, for the time of action was at hand. Upon hearing this account, the ephors called no assembly, but consulted with the senators as they happened to meet them. Cinadon, who had been at other times employed by the ephors on important commissions, was sent to Aulon in Messenia,
Page 752 752 CINCINNATUS. with orders to take certain persons prisoners; but secret instructions were given to some young men who were sent with him, and the choice of whom was so managed as not to excite his suspicions. This step was taken because the ephors were ignorant of the number of the conspirators. Accordingly, Cinadon was seized and tortured: letters were sent to Sparta mentioning the persons whom he had denounced as his confederates; and it is a remarkable proof of the formidable character of the conspiracy that among them was Tisamenus, the soothsayer, a descendant of Tisamenus the Eleian, who had been admitted to the full franchise. (Herod. ix. 33.) Cinadon was then brought to Sparta, and he and the other conspirators were led in irons through the streets, and scourged as they went, and so they were put to death. (Xen. Hell. iii. 3, ~5 4-11; Aristot. Polit. v. 6. ~ 2.) [P. S.] CINAETHON (KcvaiwuV), of Lacedaemon, one of the most fertile of the Cyclic poets, is placed by Eusebius (Chron. 01. 3. 4) in B. c. 765. He was the author of: 1. Telegonia (Tsyjyovia), which gave the history of Odysseus from the point where the Odyssey breaks off to his death. (Euseb. 1. c.) 2. Genealogies, which are frequently referred to by Pausanias (ii. 3. ~ 7, 18. ~ 5, iv. 2. ~ 1, viii. 53. ~ 2; comp. Schol. ad Homn. II. iii. 175), and which must consequently have been extant in A. D. 175. 3. feracleia ('HpadcAeia), containing an account of the adventures of Heracles. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rhiod. i. 1357.) 4. Oedipodiac (OS-asroe5a), the adventures of Oedipus, is ascribed to Cinaethon in an ancient inscription (Heeren, in Bibl. d. alien Literat. und Kunst, vol. iv. p. 57), but other authorities speak of the author as uncertain. (Paus. ix. 5. ~ 5; Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1760.) 5. The Little Iliad ('IAids rtKcpd) was also attributed by some to Cinaethon. (Schol. Vat. ad Eur. Troad. 822; comp. Welcker, Epischier Cyclus, p. 243.) CINAETHUS or CYNAETHUS (KivacOos or Kv'vaeOos), of Chios, a rhapsodist, who was generally supposed by the ancients to have been the author of the Homeric hymn to Apollo. He is said to have lived about the 69th Olympiad (B. c. 504), and to have been the first rhapsodist of the Homeric poems at Syracuse. (Schol. ad Pind. Nem. ii. 1.) This date, however, is much too low, as the Sicilians were acquainted with the Homeric poems long before. Welcker (Epischer Cyclus, p. 243) therefore proposes to read Kaa- TnsV s'KTrrVY ' T' )v evidr7Tv 'OA. instead of Karad rnv ErnKOerO-reV e'vvidr 'OA., and places him about B. c. 750. Cinaethus is charged by Eustathius (ad II. i. p. 16, ed. Polit.) with having interpolated the Homeric poems. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i. p. 508.) CI'NCIA GENS, plebeian, of small importance. None of its members ever obtained the consulship: the first Cincius who gained any of the higher offices of the state was L. Cincius Alimentus, praetor in B. c. 209. The only cognomen of this gens is ALIMENTUS: those who occur without a surname are given under CINCIus.. CINCINNA'TUS, the name of a patrician family of the Quinctia gens. Some of the Quinctii, mentioned without a surname, probably belonged to this family. 1. L. QUINCTIus L. F. L. N. CINCINNATUS, plays a conspicuous part in the civil and military transactions of the period in which hie lived. He particularly distinguished himself as a violent oppo CINCINNATUS. nent of the claims of the plebeians. He was born about B. c. 519. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. note 927.) The story of his having been reduced to poverty by the merciless exaction of the bail forfeited by the flight of his son Caeso (Liv. iii. 13) has no foundation. (Niebuhr, ii. p. 289.) In B. c. 460 he was illegally appointed consul suffectus in the room of P. Valerius. (Liv. iii. 19; Niebuhr, ii. p. 295.) Irritated by the death of his son Caeso, he proposed a most arbitrary attempt to oppose the enactment of the Terentilian law, but the design was abandoned. (Liv. iii. 20, 21.) Two years afterwards (B. c. 458), according to the common story, Cincinnatus was appointed dictator, in order to deliver the Roman consul and army from the perilous position in which they had been placed by the Aequians. (Plin. H. N. xviii. 4; Cic. de Senect. 16, who however refers the story to his second dictatorship.) The story of the manner in which he effected this is given by Livy (iii. 26-29). The inconsistencies and impossibilities in the legend have been pointed out by Niebuhr (ii. pp. 266-269), who is inclined to regard it as altogether fabulous. During his dictatorship, in defiance of the tribunes, he held the comitia for the trial of Volscius, through whose evidence his son Caeso had been condemned, and who was charged with false witness. The accused went into voluntary exile. (Dion. Exc. de Sent. 22, p. 151, ed. R.; Zonar. vii. 15.) In B. c. 450 Cincinnatus was an unsuccessful candidate for the office of decemvir. (Liv. iii. 35.) In the disputes about the law for opening the consulship to the plebeians, we find him the advocate of milder measures. (Liv. iv. 6.) In B. c. 439, at the age of eighty, he was a second time appointed dictator to oppose the alleged machinations of Spurius Maelius. (Liv. iv. 13-15.) This is the last event recorded of him. 2. L. QUINCTIus L. F. L. N. CINCINNATUS, son of No. 1, was consular tribune in B. c. 438. In the following year he was appointed master of the horse by the dictator Aemilius Mamercus. (Liv. iv. 16, 17; Diod. xii. 38.) In 425 he was a second time elected consular tribune (Liv. iv. 35; Diod. xii. 81), and, according to Livy (iv. 44), a third time in 420. 3. T. QUIaCTIrs L. F. L. N. CINCINNATUS PENNUS, son of L. Cincinnatus, and son-in-law of A. Postumius Tubertus, was consul in B. c. 431. In this year the Aequians and Volscians renewed their attacks, and encamped on mount Algidus. The danger was so pressing, that it was resolved to appoint a dictator. The opposition of the consuls was overruled; and Cincinnatus, to whose lot it fell to do so, named as dictator his father-in-law. Cincinnatus and Postumius then led separate armies against the enemy, who sustained a severe defeat. (Liv. iv. 26-29.) Cincinnatus was again consul in 428 (Liv. iv. 30; Diod. xii. 75) and consular tribune in 426. (Liv. iv. 31; Diod. xii. 80.) With two of his colleagues he commanded against the Veientians, but sustained a defeat, on which Aemilius Mamercus was appointed dictator. In the capacity of legatus he aided the dictator in the victory which he gained over the Veientians and Fidenatians. Having been subsequently brought to trial for his ill-conduct against the Veientians, he was acquitted on the ground of his services under the dictators, Postumius and Aemilius. (Liv. iv. 41.)
Page 753 CINEAS. 4. Q. QUINCTIus L. F. L. N. CINCINNATUS, consular tribune in B.. 415, and again in 405. (Liv. iv. 49, 61; Diod. xiii. 34, xiv. 17.) 5. T. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 388, and again in 384. In 380, in the war with the Praenestines, he was appointed dictator, gained a decisive victory over them on the banks of the Alia, and in nine days captured nine towns. (Liv. vi. 4, 18, 28, 29; Diod. xv. 23, 36; Eutrop. ii. 2; Festus, s. v. Triens.) 6. L. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS, consular tribune in B. c. 386, again in 385, and a third time in 377, when, with his colleague Ser. Sulpicius, he raised the siege of Tusculum, of which the Latins had nearly made themselves masters. (Liv. vi. 6, 32, 33; Diod. xv. 25, 28, 61.) 7. C. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS, consular tribune in B. c 377. (Liv. vi. 32.) 8. Q. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS, consular tribune in B. c. 369. (Liv. vi. 36.) 9. T. QUINCTIUS CINCINNATUS CAPITOLINUS, consular tribune in B. c. 368, and in the following year master of the horse to the dictator M. Furius Camillus, when the Licinian laws were carried. Livy calls him T. Quinctius Pennus, and as we have the surnames Cincinnatus Capitolinus in the Capitoline Fasti, his full name may have been T. Quinctius Pennus Cincinnatus Capitolinus. (Liv. vi. 38, 42; Diod. xv. 78.) [C. P. M.] CI'NCIUS. 1. M. CINCIUs, praefect of Pisae in B. c. 194, wrote to the senate to inform them of an insurrection of the Ligures. (Liv. xxxiv. 56.) He is probably the same as the M. Cincius Alimentus, tribune of the plebs in 204 [p. 132, a]. 2. L. CINCIUs, the procurator or bailiff of Atticus, is frequently mentioned in Cicero's letters. (Ad Alt. i. 1, 7, 8, 16, 20, iv. 4, a., vi. 2, ad Q. Fr. ii. 2, iii. 1. ~ 2.) 3. CINClUS, who was entrusted with the government of Syria in A. D. 63, during the expedition of Corbulo. (Tac. Ann. xv. 25.) CI'NEAS (Kl'as), a Thessalian, is mentioned by Demosthenes, in a well-known passage (de Cor. p. 324), as one of those who, for the sake of private gain, became the instruments of Philip of Macedon in sapping the independence of their country. Polybius (xvii. 14) censures Demosthenes for bringing so sweeping a charge against a number of distinguished men; but he does not enter specially into the question with respect to Cineas and the Thessalians. (Comp. Dem. de Cor. p. 245, de OCers. p. 105; Diod. xvi. 38, 69.) [E. E.] CI'NEAS (Kweas), a Thessalian, the friend and minister of Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus. iHe was the most eloquent man of his day, and reminded his hearers (in some degree) of Demosthenes, whom he heard speak in his youth. Pyrrhus prized his persuasive powers so highly, that " the words of Cineas (he was wont to say) had won him more cities than his own arms." He was also famous for his conversational powers, and some instances of his repartees are still preserved. (Pllin. H. N. xiv. 12.) That he was versed in the philosophy of Epicurus is plain from the anecdote related by Cicero (Cat. Maj. 13) and Plutarch. (Pyrrh. 20.) But this is no ground for assuming that he professed this philosophy. At all events he did not practise it; for, instead of whiling away life in useless ease, he served Pyrrhus long and actively; and he took so much CINESIAS. 758 interest in the art of war, as to. epitomise the Tactica of Aeneas (Aelian, Tact. 1); and this, no doubt, is the work to which Cicero refers when he speaks of Cineas' books d e re miliari (ad Fam. ix. 25). Dr. Arnold says Plutarch mentions his Commentaries, but it does not appear to what he refers. The historical writer referred to by Strabo (vii. fin. p. 329) may be the same person. The most famous passage in his life is his embassy to Rome, with proposals for peace from Pyrrhus, after the battle of Heraclea (B. c. 280). Cineas spared no arts to gain favour. Thanks to his wonderful memory, on the day after his arrival he was able (we are told) to address all the senators and knights by name (Plin. H. N. vii. 24); and in after times stories were current that he sought to gain them over by offering presents to them and their wives, which, however, were disdainfully rejected. (Plut. Pyrrh. 18; Diod. Exc. Vatic. xxii.; Liv. xxxiv. 4.) The terms he had to offer were hard, viz. that all the Greeks in Italy should be left free, and that the Italian nations from Samnium downwards should receive back all they had forfeited to Rome. (Appian, Samn. Fragm. x.) Yet such was the need, and such the persuasiveness of Cineas, that the senate would probably have yielded, if the scale had not been turned by the dying eloquence of old Appius Caecus. [CLAUDIUS, No. 10.] The ambassador returned and told the king (say the Romans), that there was no people like that people,-their city was a temple, their senate an assembly of kings. Two years after (B. c. 278), when Pyrrhus was about to cross over into Sicily, Cineas was again sent to negotiate peace, but on easier terms; and though the senate refused to conclude a treaty while the king was in Italy, his minister's negotiations were in effect successful. (Appian, Samn. Fragm. xi.) Cineas was then sent over to Sicily, according to his master's usual policy, to win all he could by persuasion, before he tried the sword. (Plut. Pyrrh. 22.) And this is the last we hear of him. He probably died before Pyrrhus returned to Italy in B. c. 276, and with him the star of his master's fortune set. He was (as Niebuhr says) the king's good genius, and his place was filled by unworthy favourites. [H. G. L.] CINE'SIAS (Kivrnras), a dithyrambic poet of Athens. The Scholiast on Aristophanes (Ran. 153) calls him a Theban, but this account seems to be virtually contradicted by Plutarch (de Glor. Ath. 5), and may perhaps have arisen, as Fabricius suggests (Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 117), from confounding him with another person of the same name. (Comp. Aristot. ap. hol.. tad Aristo)ph. Av. 1379.) Fabricius himself mentions Evagoras as his father, on the authority apparently of a corrupt fragment of Plato, the comic poet, which is quoted by Galen. (See Dalechamp, ad Athcn. xii. p. 551.) In the " Gorgias" of Plato (p. 501, e.) he is expressly called the son of Meles. Iis talents are said to have been of a very inferior order. Plutarch (1.c.) calls him a poet of no high repute or creative genius. The comic wriler, Pherecrates (up. Plut. de llMus. 30), accuses him of having introduced sad corruptions into music, and to this Aristophanes perhaps alludes in the word craparoicdcpTrras. (Nub. 332.) In the Birds (1372-1409), he is introduced as wishing to fly up to Olymnpus to bring down from the clouds, their proper region, a fresh supply of "' rambling odes, air-tost and snow
Page 754 754 CINNA. beaten" (depoSovaJrovs Kcal vPi(oedAovs dCvaeoAd, comp. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 9. ~ 1). But he presented many salient points, besides the character of his poems, to the attacks of comedy. Athenaeus tells us (xii. p. 551), that he was so tall and thin as to be obliged to wear, for the support of his body, a species of stays made of the wood of the linden tree. Hence Aristophanes (Av. 1378) calls him priiptvov: hence, too (Ran. 1433), he makes Euripides propose to fit Cinesias, by way of wings, to a fellow-rogue, Cleocritus; and in a fragment of the Thpvwrd8s77 (ap. Athen. 1. c.) he speaks of him as a fit ambassador from the Dithyrambic poets to their shadowy brethren of the craft in Hades. (Comp. Strattis, ap. Athen. 1. c.; Dalechamp, ad loc., and the authors there referred to.) A more legitimate ground of satire was furnished by his impiety, which was open and excessive, and his very profligate life; and we learn from Lysias, the orator (ap. Athen. 1. c.), who himself attacked him in two orations,- now lost with the exception of the fragment here referred to,-that not a year passed in which he was not assailed on this score by the comic poets. He had his revenge however; for he succeeded in procuring (probably about B. c. 390) the abolition of the Choragia, as far as regarded comedy, which had indeed been declining ever since the Archonship of Callias in B. c. 406. In consequence of this Strattis attacked him in his play called " Cinesias." (Schol. ad Arist. Ran. 404; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 497; Bickh, Publ. JEcon. of Athens, bk. iii. ch. 22; Clinton, sub annis 406, 388, 337.) From Lysias also (ap. Athen.l.c.) we learn, that Cinesias abandoned prudently the practice of his art, and betook himself to the trade of an informer, which he found a very profitable one. (Comp. Perizon. ad Ael. V. H. iii. 8, x. 6; Schol. ad Aristoph. 11. cc.; Plut. de Superst. 10; Harpocrat. and Suid. s. v. Kiv-r/las.) [E. E.] CINGE'TORIX, a Gaul, one of the first men in the city of the Treviri (Trives, Trier). He attached himself to the Romans, though son-in-law to Indutiomarus, the head of the independent party. When this leader had been put to death by order of Caesar, he was promoted to be chief of his native city. (Caes. B. G. v. 3, 55-58, vi. 8.) Caesar (B. G. v. 22) mentions another Cingetorix, a chief of the Kentish Britons. [H. G. L.] CINGO'NIUS VARRO. [VARRO.] CINNA, an early Roman jurist, mentioned by Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 44), among the disciples of Servius Sulpicius. [T. CAESIUS.] He is cited by Ulpian (Dig. 23. tit. 2. s. 6), and by Javolenus. (Dig. 35, tit. 1. s. 40. ~ 40.) There are no data to identify him with any of the various historical Cinnas of his age. He was later than the celebrated L. Cornelius Cinna, who was consul in B. c. 87-84; but may have been his son. [CINNA, No. 3.] The grandson, Cn. Corn. Cinna Magnus, consul in A. D. 5, is of rather too late a date, and, moreover, is termed by Seneca (de Clem. i. 9), a stupid man, " quod nostro j urisconsulto minime convenit," says Maiansius, who seems disposed to identify the jurist with the poet C. Helvius Cinna, the author of Smyrna. (Maiansius, ad XXX. JCtos. ii. p. 143.) [J. T. G.] CINNA, CA'TULUS, a Stoic philosopher, a teacher of M. Aurelius. (Capitol. Anton. Phil. 3; Antonin. i. 13.) CINNA, CORNE'LIUS. Cinna was the name of a patrician family of the Cornelia gens. CINNA. j. L. CORNELIUS L. F. CINNA, consul in B. C. 127. (Fast. Sic.) 2. L. CORNELIUS L. F. L. N. CINNA, son of No. 1, the famous leader of tlhe popular party, during the absence of Sulla in the East. (B. c. 87 -84.) He was praetorian legate in the Marsic war. (Cic. pro Font. 15.) In B. c. 87, when Sulla was about to take the command against Mithridates, he allowed Cinna to be elected consul with Cn. Octavius, on condition of his taking an oath not to alter the constitution as then existing. (Plut. Sull. 10; Dion Cass. Frag. 117.) Yet China's first act as consul was to impeach Sulla (Cic. in Cat. iii. 10, Brut. 47, Tusec. Disp. v. 19); and as soon as the general had left Italy, he began his endeavour to overpower the senate, by forming a strong popular party out of the new citizens, chiefly of the Italian states, who had lately been enrolled in the 35 old tribes, whereas they had before voted separately as eight tribes (Appian, B. C. i. 55, 56; Cic. Philipp. viii. 2; Veil. Pat. ii. 20); and by their aid it was proposed to recall Marius and his party. The other consul, Octavius, was ill fitted to oppose the energy of the popular leaders (Plut. Mar. 41, 42, Sertor. 4); yet Sulla had left the party of the senate so strong, that on the day of voting, Octavius was able to defeat his opponents in the forum, and Cinna fled the city. He was soon joined by Sertorius and others, who assisted in raising the Italians against the party now in power at Rome; for which the senate, by unconstitutionally deposing him from the consulate, had given him a very specious pretext. Cinna and his friends then marched upon Rome and invested it from the land, while Marius, having landed from Africa, blockaded it on the sea-side; and to his life more properly belong the siege and capture of the city, with the massacre of Sulla's friends. [MARIUS.] Next year (B. c. 86) Cinna and Marius made themselves consuls; but Marius dying in January, was succeeded by L.Valerius Flaccus. Him Cinna got rid of by appointing him to the command against Mithridates, hoping thereby also to provide Sulla with a new enemy. But Flaccus was killed by his legatus C. Flavius Fimbria. (Vell. Pat. ii. 23; Appian, B. 0. i. 75.) In B. c. 85, Cinna entered on his third consulate with Cn. Papirius Carbo, an able man, who had already been of great use to the party. Sulla now threatened to return and take vengeance on his enemies; and the next year(B. c. 84), Cinna and Carbo being again consuls, he fulfilled his threat. Cinna had assembled an army at Brundisium, and sent part of it across to Liburnia, intending to meet Sulla before he set foot in Italy; but when he ordered the rest to follow, a mutiny arose, and in the effort to quell it he was slain. [For the sequel see SULLA.] Cinna was a bold and active man, but his boldness was akin to rashness, and his activity little directed by judgment. Single-handed he could do nothing; he leant for support first on Sertorius, then on Marius, then on Carbo; and fell at last from wanting the first quality of a general, ability to command the confidence of his troops. Velleius's character of him is more antithetical than true. (ii. 24.) 3. L. CORNELIUS L. F. L. N. CINNA, son of No. 2. When very young he joined M. Lepidus in overthrowing the constitution of Sulla (B. c. 78); and on the defeat and death of Lepidus in Sar
Page 755 CINNA. dinia, he went with M. Perperna to join Sertorius in Spain. (Suet. Caes. 5; Plut. Sert. 15.) Caesar, his brother-in-law, wishing to make use of him against the party of the senate, procured his recall from exile. But his father had been proscribed by Sulla, and young Cinna was by the laws of proscription unable to hold office, till Caesar, when dictator, had them repealed. He was not elected praetor till B. c. 44. By that time he had become discontented with Caesar's government; and though he would not join the conspirators, he approved of their act. And so great was the rage of the mob against him, that notwithstanding he was praetor, they nearly murdered him; nay, they did murder Helvius Cinna, tribune of the plebs, whom they mistook for the praetor, though he was at the time walking in Caesar's funeral procession. (Plut. Brut. 18, Caes. 68; Suet. Caes. 52, 85, &c.; Val. Max. ix. 9. ~ 1.) Cicero praises him for not taking any province (Philipp. iii. 10); but it may be doubted whether the conspirators gave him the choice, for the praetor does not seem to have been a very disinterested person. He married a daughter of Pompeius Magnus. 4. CINNA, probably brother of the last, served as quaestor under Dolabella against Brutus. (Plut. Brut. 25; Cic. Philipp. x. 6.) 5. CN. CORNELIUS CINNA MAGNUS, son of No. 3, and therefore grandson of Pompey, whence he received the surname of Magnus. Though he sided with Antony against Octavius, he was preferred to a priesthood by the conqueror, and became consul in A. D. 5. (Senec. de Clem. i. 9; Dion Cass. lv. 14. 22.) [H. G. L.] The name of Cinna occurs, in the form of Cinc4, on asses, semisses, and trientes. A specimen of one is given below: the obverse represents the head of Janus, the reverse the prow of a ship. CINNA, C. HE'LVIUS, a poet of considerable renown, was the contemporary, companion, and friend of Catullus. (Catull. x., xcv., cxiii.) The year of his birth is totally unknown, but the day of his death is generally supposed to be a matter of common notoriety-; for Suetonius (Caes. 85) informs us, that immediately after the funeral of Julius Caesar the rabble rushed with fire-brands to the houses of Brutus and Cassius, but having been with difficulty driven back, chanced to encounter Helvius Cinna, and mistaking him, from the resemblance of name, for Cornelius Cinna, who but the day before had delivered a violent harangue against the late dictator, they killed him on the spot, and bore about his head stuck on a spear. The same story is repeated almost in the same words by Valerius Maximus (ix. 9. ~ 1), by Appian (B. C. ii. 147), and by Dion Cassius (xliv. 50), with this addition, that they all three call Helvius Cinna a tribune of the plebeians, and Suetonius himself in a previous chapter (50) had spoken of Helvius Cinna as a tribune, who was to CINNA. 755 have brought forward a law authorizing Caesar to marry whom he pleased and as many as he pleased, in order to make sure of an heir. Plutarch likewise (Caes. 68) tells us that Cinna, a friend of Caesar, was torn to pieces under the supposition that he was Cinna, one of the conspirators. None of the above authorities take any notice of Cinna being a poet; but Plutarch, as if to supply the omission, when relating the circumstances over again in the life of Brutus (c. 20), expressly describes the victim of this unhappy blunder as roriTriIKos dv4p (v 84 risK Klvvas, rol+fcrIKos dvripp-the reading WroAhrLsds visp being a conjectural emendation of Xylander). The chain of evidence thus appearing complete, scholars have, with few exceptions, concluded that Helvius Cinna, the tribune, who perished thus, was the same with Helvius Cinna the poet; and the story of his dream, as narrated by Plutarch (Caes. 1. c.) has been embodied by Shakspeare in his Julius Caesar. Weichert, however, following in the track of Reiske and J. H. Voss, refuses to admit the identity of these personages, on the ground that chronological difficulties render the position untenable. He builds almost entirely upon two lines in Virgil's ninth eclogue, which is commonly assigned to. c. 40 or 41. Nam neque adhuc Vario videor, nec dicere Cinna Digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser alores, arguing that, since Varius was alive at this epbch, Cinna must have been alive also; that the Cinna here celebrated can be no other than Helvius Cinna; and that inasmuch as Helvius Cinna was alive in B. C. 40, he could not have been murdered in B. c. 44. But, although the conclusion is undeniable if we admit the premises, it will be at once seen that these form a chain, each separate link of which is a pure hypothesis. Allowing that the date of the pastoral has been correctly fixed, although this cannot be proved, we must bear in mind-1. That Varo and not Vario is the reading in every MS. 2. That even if Vario be adopted, the expression in the above verses might have been used with perfect propriety in reference to any bard who had been a contemporary of Virgil, although recently dead. 3. That we have no right to assert dogmatically that the Cinna of Virgil must be C. Helvius Cinna, the friend of Catullus. Hence, although we may grant that it is not absolutely certain that Helvius Cinna the tribune and Helvius Cinna the poet were one and the same, at all events this opinion rests upon much stronger evidence than the other. The great work of C. Helvius Cinna was his Smyrna; but neither Catullus, by whom it is highly extolled (xcv.), nor any other ancient writer gives us a hint with regard to the subject, and hence the various speculations in which critics have indulged rest upon no basis whatsoever. Some believe that it contained a history of the adventures of Smyrna the Amazon, to whom the famous city of lonia ascribed its origin; others that it was connected with the myth of Adonis and with the legend of Myrrha, otherwise named Smyrna, the incestuous daughter of Cinyras; at all events, it certainly was not a drama, as a commentator upon Quintilian has dreamed; for the fragments, short and unsatisfactory as they are, suffice to demonstrate that it belonged to the epic style. These consist of two disjointed hexameters 3c2
Page 756 756 CINNAMUS. preserved by Priscian (vi. 16. ~ 84, ed. Krehl) and the Scholiast on Juvenal (vi. 155), and two consecutive lines given by Servius (ad Virg. Georg. i. 288), which are not without merit in so far as melodious versification is concerned. Te matutinus flentem conspexit Eous Et flentem paulo vidit post Hesperus idem. The circumstance that nine years were spent in the elaboration of this piece has been frequently dwelt upon, may have suggested the well-known precept of Horace, and unquestionably secured the suffrage of the grammarians. (Catull. xcv.; Quintil. x. 4. ~ 4; Serv. and Philargyr. ad Viry. Eel. ix. 35; Hor. A. P. 387, and the comments of Acro, Porphyr., and the Schol. Cruq.; Martial, ]japiygr. x. 21; Gell. xix. 9, 13; Sueton. de Illustr. Gramm. 18.) Besides the Smyrna, he was the author of a work entitled Propempticon Pollionis, which Voss imagines to have been dedicated to Asinius Pollio when setting forth in u. c. 40 on an expedition against the Parthini of Dalmatia, from which he returned in triumph the following year, and founded the first public library ever opened at Rome from the profits of the spoils. This rests of course upon the assumption that Cinna was not killed in B. c. 44, and until that fact is decided, it is vain to reason upon the subject, for the fragments, which extend to six hexameter lines, of which four are consecutive, throw no light on the question. (Charis. Instit. Gramm. p. 99, ed. Putsch; Isidor. Orig. xix. 2, 4.) Lastly, in Isidorus (vi. 12) we find four elegiac verses, while one hexameter in Suetonius (de Illustr. Gramm. 11), one hexameter and two hendecasyllabics in Gellius (ix. 12, xix. 13), and two scraps in Nonius Marcellus (s. vv. Ciypeat. cummi), are quoted from the "Poemata" and "Epigrammata" of Cinna. The class to which some of these fugitive essays belonged may be inferred from the words of Ovid in his apology for the Ars Amatoria. (Triat. ii. 435.) (Weichert, Poetar. Latin. Reliqu.) [W. R. ] CIFNNAMUS, JOANNES ('IdcaivW Kivvapeo), also called CI'NAMUS (Kivaaos), and SI'NNAMUS (2Tivaepos), one of the most distinguished Byzantine historians, and the best European historian of his time, lived in the twelfth century of the Christian aera. He was one of the " Grammatici" or " Notarii" of the emperor Manuel Comnenus, who reigned from A. D. 1143 till 1180. The functions of the imperial notaries, the first of whom was the proto-notarius, were nearly those of private secretaries appointed for both private and state affairs, and they had a considerable influence upon the administration of the empire. Cinnamus was attached to the person of Manuel at a youthful age, and probably as early as the year of his accession, and he accompanied that great emperor in his numerous wars in Asia as well as in Europe. Favoured by such circumstances, he undertook to write the history of the reign of Manuel, and that of his predecessor and father, the emperor CaloJoannes; and so well did he accomplish his task, that there is no history written at that period which can be compared with his work. The full title of this work is 'E nero) T9rV icaropOcwY d'rwo'wv T poaicapiTl a /lao-Ae ical aropepvpoy'eavP7Trc tvpiy 'Iwdva'y rej Koi,'rjv, seal dipy7oa'is TrV.rpa O-eu 'av - rwy doisiptC vi acTroe - /[3aoAe? i ca rop upoysvav're Kvpi[y CINNAMUS. MavoveXr T(- Koputev4y aronqeOra 'lawdvvp 8ca(rAuc 7paa/xata-ric Kividypc. It is divided into six books, or more correctly into seven, the seventh, however, being not finished: it is not known if the author wrote more than seven books; but as to the seventh, which in the Paris edition forms the end of the sixth and last book, it is evidently mutilated, as it ends abruptly in the account of the siege of Iconium by the emperor Manuel in 1176. As Cinnamus was still alive when Manuel died (1180), it is almost certain that he finished the history of his whole reign; and the loss of the latter part of his work is the more to be regretted, as it would undoubtedly have thrown light on many circumstances connected with the conduct of the Greek aristocracy, and especially of Andronicus Comnenus, afterwards emperor, during the short reign of the infant son and successor of Manuel, Alexis II. In the first book Cinnamus gives a short and concise account of the reign of Calo-Joannes, and in the following he relates the reign of Manuel. Possessed of great historical knowledge, Cinnamus records the events of his time as a man accustomed to form an opinion of his own upon important affairs; and, being himself a statesman who took part in the administration of the empire, and enjoyed the confidence of the emperor Manuel, he is always master of his subject, and never sacrifices leading circumstances to amusing trifles. His knowledge was not confined to the political state of the Greek empire; he was equally well acquainted with the state of Italy, Germany, Hungary, and the adjoining barbarous kingdoms, the Latin principalities in the East, and the empires of the Persians and Turks. His view of the origin of the power of the popes, in the fifth book, is a fine instance of historical criticism, sound and true without being a tedious and dry investigation, and producing the effect of a powerful speech. He is, however, often violent in his attacks on the papal power, and is justly reproached with being prejudiced against the Latin princes, although he deserves that reproach much less than Nicetas and Anna Comnena. His praise of the emperor Manuel is exaggerated, but he is very far from making a romantic hero of him, as Anna Comnena did of the emperor Alexis. Cinnamnus is partial and jealous of his enemies, rivals, or such as are above him; he is impartial and just where he deals with his equals, or those below him, or such persons and events as are indifferent to him personally. In short, Cinnamus shews that he was a Byzantine Greek. His style is concise and clear, except in some instances, where he embodies his thoughts in rhetorical figures or poetical ornaments of more show than beauty. This defect also is common to his countrymen; and if somebody would undertake to trace the origin of the deviation of the writers, poets, and artists among the later Greeks from the classical models left them by their forefathers, he would find it in the supernatural tendency of minds imbued with Christianism being in perpetual contact with the sensualism of the Mohammedan faith and the showy materialism of Eastern imagination. Xenophon, Thucydides, and Procopius were the models of Cinnamus; and though he cannot be compared with the two former, still he may be ranked with Procopius, and he was not unworthy to be the disciple of such masters. His work will ever be of interest to the scholar and the historian.
Page 757 CIOS. Leo Allatius made Cinnamus an object of deep study, and intended to publish his work; so did Petrus Possinus also; but, for some reasons unknown, they renounced their design. The first edition is that of Cornelius Tollius, with a Latin translation and some notes of no great consequence, Utrecht, 1652, 4to. Tollius dedicated this edition, which he divided into four books, to the states of Utrecht, and in his preface gives a brilliant description of the literary merits of Cinnamus. The second edition is that in the Paris collection of the Byzantines by Du Cange, published at Paris, 1670, fol., together with the description of the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople, by Paulus Silentiarius, and the editor's notes to Nicephorus Bryennius and Anna Comnena. It is divided into six books. Du Cange corrected the text, added a new Latin translation, such of the notes of Tollius as were of some importance, and an excellent philologico-historical commentary of his own; he dedicated his edition to the minister Colbert, one of the principal protectors of the French editors of the Byzantines. This edition has been reprinted in the Venice collection, 1729, fol. Cinnamus has lately been published at Bonn, 1836, 8vo., together with Nicephorus Bryennius, by Augustus Meineke; the work is divided into seven books. The editor gives the Latin translation of Du Cange revised in several instances, and the prefaces, dedications, and commentaries of Tollius and Du Cange. (Hankius, De Script. Byzant. Gracec. p. 516, &c.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vii. p. 733, &c.; the Prefaces and Dedications of Tollius and DDu Cange; Leo Allatius, De Psellis, p. 24, &c.) [W. P.] CI'NYRAS (Kivwpas), a famous Cyprian hero. According to the common tradition, he was a son of Apollo by Paphos, king of Cyprus, and priest of the Paphian Aphrodite, which latter office remained hereditary in his family, the Cinyradae. (Pind. Pyth. ii. 26, &c.; Tac. Hist. ii. 3; Schol. ad Theocrit. i. 109.) Tacitus describes him as having come to Cyprus from Cilicia, from whence he introduced the worship of Aphrodite; and Apollodorus (iii. 14. ~ 3) too calls him a son of Sandacus, who had emigrated from Syria to Cilicia. Cinyras, after his arrival in Cyprus, founded the town of Paphos. He was married to Metharne, the daughter of the Cyprian king, Pygmalion, by whom he had several children. One of them was Adonis, whom, according to some traditions, he begot unwittingly in an incestuous intercourse with his own daughter, Smyrna. Hle afterwards killed himself on discovering this crime, into which he had been led by the anger of Aphrodite. (Hygin. Fab. 58, 242; Antonin. Lib. 34; Ov. Met. x. 310, &c.) According to other traditions, he had promised to assist Agamemnon and the Greeks in their war against Troy; but, as he did not keep his word, he was cursed by Agamemnon, and Apollo took vengeance upon him by entering into a contest with him, in which he was defeated and slain. (Hom. 11. xi. 20, with the note of Eustath.) His daughters, fifty in number, leaped into the sea, and were metamorphosed into alcyones. He is also described as the founder of the town of Cinyreia in Cyprus. (Plin. I. N. v. 31; Nonn. Dionys. xiii. 451.) [L. S.] CIOS (K-os), a son of Olympus, from whom Cios (Prusa) on the Propontis derived its name, as he was believed to have led thither a band of colonists from Miletus. (Schol. ad Theocrit. xiii. 30; CISPIUS. 757 ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 1177.) Strabo (xii. p. 564) calls him a companion of Heracles who founded Cios on his return from Colchis. [L. S.] CIPIUS, a person who gave rise to the proverb " non omnibus dormio," was called Pararenchon (snrappj'yXcwv), because he pretended to be asleep, in order to give facility to his wife's adultery. (Festus, s. v. Non omnibus dormio; Cic. ad Fam. vii. 24.) There are two coins extant with the name M. CIPI. M. F. upon them, but it is not impossible that they may belong to the Cispia gens, as the omission of a letter in a name is by no means of uncommon occurrence on Roman coins. CIPUS or CIPPUS, GENU'CIUS, a Roman praetor, to whom an extraordinary prodigy is saiid to have happened. For, as he was going out of the gates of the city, clad in the paludamentum, horns suddenly grew out of his head, and it was said by the haruspices that if he returned to the city, he would be king: but lest this should happen, he imposed voluntary exile upon himself. (Val. Max. v. 6. ~ 3; Ov. Met. xv. 565, &c.; Plin. II. N. xi. 37. s. 45.) CIRCE (Kipirc'), a mythical sorceress, whom Homer calls a fair-locked goddess, a daughter of Helios by the oceanid Perse, and a sister of Aeetes. (Od. x. 135.) She lived in the island of Aeaea; and when Odysseus on his wanderings came to her island, Circe, after having changed several of his companions into pigs, became so much attached to the unfortunate hero, that he was induced to remain a whole year with her. At length, when he wished to leave her, she prevailed upon him to descend into the lower world to consult the seer Teiresias. After his return from thence, she explained to him the dangers which he would yet have to encounter, and then dismissed him. (Od. lib, x.-xii.; comp. Hygin. Fab. 125.) Her descent is differently described by the poets, for some call her a daughter of Hyperion and Aerope (Orph. Argon. 1215), and others a daughter of Aeetes and Hecate. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iii. 200.) According to Hesiod (Theog. 1011) she became by Odysseus the mother of Agrius. The Latin poets too make great use of the story of Circe, the sorceress, who metamorphosed Scylla and Picus, king of the Ausonians. (Ov. Met. xiv. 9, &c.) [L, S.] CIRRHA (Kippa), a nymph from whom the town of Cirrha in Phocis was believed to have derived its name. (Paus. x. 37. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CI'SPIA GENS, plebeian, which came originally from Anagnia, a town of the Hernici. An ancient tradition related that Cispius Laevus, of Anagnia, came to Rome to protect the city, while Tullus Hostilius was engaged in the siege of Veii, and that he occupied with his forces one of the two hills of the Esquiline, which was called after. him the Cispius mons, in the same way as Oppius of Tusculum did the other, which was likewise called after him the Oppius mons. (Festus, s. v.e Septimontio, Cispiuis imons; Vanr. L. L. v. 50, e.d.
Page 758 "758 CITHAERON. Muller, where the name is also written Cespeus and Cispius.) No persons of this name, however, occur till the very end of the republic. The only cognomen of the gens is LAEVUs: for those whose surname is not mentioned, see CisPIUs. CI'SPIUS. 1. M. CISPIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 57, the year in which Cicero was recalled from banishment, took an active part in Cicero's favour. The father and brother of Cispius also exerted themselves to obtain Cicero's recall, although he had had in former times a law-suit with the family. On one occasion the life of Cispius was in danger through his support of Cicero; he was attacked by the mob of Clodius, and driven out of the forum. In return for these services Cicero defended Cispius when he was accused of bribery (ambitus), but was unable to obtain a verdict in his favour. (Cic. pro. Plane. 31, post red. in Sen. 8, pro Sext. 35.) 2. L. CisrPis, one of Caesar's officers in the African war, commanded part of the fleet. (Hirt. B. Afr. 62, 67.) He is perhaps the same as the Cispius Laevus, whom Plancus mentions in a letter to Cicero in B. c. 43. (Cic. ad Fam. x. 21.) 3. CISPIUS, a debtor of Cicero's. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 24, xiii. 33.) Whether he is the same as either of the preceding, is uncertain. CISSEUS (KtLo-o's), a king in Thrace, and father of Theano or, according to others, of Hecabe, (Horn. 11. vi. 295, xi. 223; Eurip. lec. 3; Hygin. Fab. 91; Virg. Aen. vii. 720; Serv. ad Aen. v. 535.) There are two other mythical beings of the name of Cisseus. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5; Virg. Aen. x. 317.) [L. S.] CI'SSIDAS (Kso-lnSas), a Syracusan, commanded the body of auxiliaries which Dionysius I. sent, for the second time, to the aid of Sparta. (B. c. 367.) He assisted Archidamus in his successful attack on Caryae, and in his expedition against Arcadia in the same year. But during the campaign in Arcadia he left him, as the period fixed for his stay by Dionysius had now expired. On his march towards Laconia he was intercepted by a body of Messenians, and was obliged to send to Archidamus for assistance. The prince having joined him with his forces, they changed their route, but were again intercepted by the combined troops of the Arcadians and Argives. The result was, the defeat of the latter in that which has been called the " Tearless Battle." (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. ~~ 28-32; see p. 267, b.) [E. E.] CITE'RIUS SIDO'NIUS, the author of an epigram on three shepherds, which has no poetical merits, and is only remarkable for its quaintness. It is printed in Wernsdorff's Po'tae Latini inores (vol. ii. p. 215), and in the Anthologia Latina (ii. Ep. 257, ed. Burmann, Ep. 253, ed. Meyer). Its author appears to be the same as the Citerius, one of the professors at Bourdeaux, and the friend of Ausonius, commemorated in a poem of the latter. (Prof. Burdig. xiii.) We learn from Ausonius that Citerius was born at Syracuse, in Sicily, and was a grammarian and a poet. In his hyperbolical panegyric, Ausonius compares him to Aristarchus and Zenodotus, and says that his poems, written at an early age, were superior to those of Simonides. Citerius afterwards settled at Bourdeaux, married a rich and noble wife, bat died without leaving any children. CITH-IAERON (KtIOaep,), a mythical king in CIVILIS. Boeotia, from whom mount Cithaeron was believed to have derived its name. Once when Hera was angry with Zeus, Cithaeron advised the latter to take into his chariot a wooden statue and dress it "up so as to make it resemble Plataea, the daughter of Asopus. Zeus followed his counsel, and as he was riding along with his pretended bride, Hera, overcome by her jealousy, ran up to him, tore the covering from the suspected bride, and on discovering that it was a statue, became reconciled to Zeus. (Paus. ix. 1, ~ 2, 3. ~.) Respecting the festival of the Daedala, celebrated to commemorate this event, see Diet. of Ant. s.v. [L. S.] CI'VICA CEREA'LIS. [CRnEALIS.] CIVI'LIS, CLAU'DIUS, was the leader of the Batavi in their revolt from Rome, A. D. 69-70. The Batavi were a people of Germanic origin, who had left the nation of the Catti, of which they were a part, and had settled in and about the island which is formed by the mouths of the Rhenus (Rhine) and Mosa (Maas). The important position which they occupied led the Romans to cultivate their friendship, and they rendered good service to Rome in the wars in Germany and Britain, under the early emperors. When Rome gave up the idea of subduing Germany, the nations west of the Rhine, especially those of Germanic origin, began to feel a hope of settingthemselves free. The civil wars afforded an opportunity for the attempt, and the oppressions of the imperial legates furnished the provocation. It was out of such an act of oppression that the rebellion of Civilis sprung." Julius Paulus and Claudius Civilis were brothers+ of the Batavian royal race, and excelled all their nation in personal accomplishments. On a false charge of treason, Nero's legate, Fonteius Capito, put Julius Paulus to death, A. D. 67 or 68, and sent Civilis in chains to Nero at Rome, where he was heard and acquitted by Galba. He was afterwards prefect of a cohort, but under Vitellius he became an object of suspicion to the army, who demanded his punishment. (Compare Tac. list. i. 59.) He escaped the danger, but he did not forget the affront. He thought of Hannibal and Sertorius, like whom he had lost an eye; and, being endowed, says Tacitus, with greater mental power than is common among barbarians, lie began the execution of his schemes of enmity to Rome under the pretence of supporting the cause of Vespasian. In order to understand the events which occurred at this period in the Germanies and Gaul, it must be remembered that the legions of Germany were Vitellius's own troops, who had called him to the purple, and who remained steadfast to his cause to the very last. The legates, on the other hand, early chose the side of Vespasian, and it was not without reason that they were accused by their soldiers of treasonable "* In the following narrative it is necessary to bear in mind the distinction between Germany, properly so called, and the two Gallic provinces on the left bank of the Rhine, which, from their population being chiefly of Germanic origin, were called the Germanies (Germania Inferior, and Germania Superior). The scene of the war with Civilis was on the left bank of the Rhine, and chiefly in Germania Inferior. t Tacitus (Hist. i. 59) also calls Civilis Julius, and so do other writers. (Plut. Erot. 25, p. 770: where, however, Julius Tutor is possibly meant, Frontin. Slrat. iv. 3. ~ 14.)
Page 759 CIVILIS. tonnivance at the progress of the insurrection on the Rhine. (See especially Tacit. Hist. iv. 27.) Thus Civilis was urged by a letter from Antonius Primus, and by a personal request from Hordeonius Flaccus, to prevent the German legions from marching into Italy to the support of Vitellius, by the appearance of a Germanic insurrection; an appearance which Civilis himself resolved to convert into a reality. IHis designs were aided by an edict of Vitellius, calling for a levy of the Batavians, and still more by the harshness with which the command was executed; for feeble old men were compelled to pay for exemption from service, and beautiful boys were seized for the vilest purposes. Irritated by these cruelties, and urged by Civilis and his confederates, the Batavians refused the levy; and Civilis having, according to the ancient German custom, called a solemn meeting at night in a sacred grove, easily bound the chiefs of the Batavians by an oath to revolt. Messengers were sent to secure the assistance of the Canninefates, another Germanic tribe, living on the same island, and others to try the fidelity of the Batavian cohorts, which had formerly served in Britain, and were now stationed at Magontiacum, as a part of the Roman army on the Rhine. The first of these missions was completely successful. The Canninefates chose Brinno for their chief; and he, having joined to himself the Frisii, a nation beyond the Rhine, attacked the furthest winter quarters of the Romans, and compelled them to retire from their forts. Upon this, Civilis, still dissembling, accused the prefects, because they had deserted the camp, and declared that with his single cohort he would repress the revolt of the Canninefates, while the rest of the army might betake themselves quietly to their winter quarters. His treachery was, however, seen through, and he found himself compelled openly to join the insurgents. At the head of the Canninefates, Frisii, and Batavi, he engaged the Romans on the bank of the Rhine. In the midst of the battle, a cohort of the Tungri deserted to Civilis, and decided the battle on the land; while the Roman fleet, which had been collected on the river to co-operate with the legions, was carried over to the German bank by the rbwers, many of whom were Batavians, who overpowered the pilots and centurions. Civilis followed up his victory by sending messengers through the two Germanies and the provinces of Gaul, urging the people to rebellion; and aimed at the kingdom of the Germanies and Gauls. Hordeonius Flaccus, the governor of the Germanies, who had secretly encouraged the first efforts of Civilis, now ordered his legate, Mummius Lupercus, to march against the enemy. Civilis gave him battle; and Lupercus was immediately deserted by an ala of Batavians; the rest of the auxiliaries fled; and the legionary soldiers were obliged to retreat into Vetera Castra, the great station which Augustus had formed on the left bank of the Rhine, as the head quarters for operations against Germany. About the same time some veteran cohorts of Batavians and Canninefates, who were on their march into Italy by the order of Vitellius, were induced by the emissaries of Civilis to mutiny and to march back into lower Germany, in order to join Civilis, which they were enabled to effect by the indecision of Hordeonius Flaccus; defeating, on their way, the forces of Herennius Gallus, who was stationed at Bonn, and who was forced by his soldiers to resist their march. Civilis was now at the head of a complete CIVILIS. 759 army; but, being still unwilling to commit himself to an open contest with the Roman power, he caused his followers to take the oath to Vespasian, and sent envoys to the two legions which, as above related, had taken refuge in Vetera Castra, to induce.them to take the same oath. Enraged at their refusal, he called to arms the whole nation of the Batavi, who were joined by the Bructeri and Teucteri, while emissaries were sent into Germany to rouse the people. The Roman legates, Mummius Lupercus and Numisius Rufus, strengthened the fortifications of Vetera Castra. Civilis marched down both banks of the Rhine, having ships also on the river, and blockaded the camp, after a fruitless attempt to storm it. The operations of Hordeonius Flaccus were retarded by his weakness, his anxiety to serve Vespasian, and the mistrust of his soldiers, to whom this inclination was no secret; and he was at last compelled to give up the command to Dillius Vocula. The dissensions at this period in the Roman camp are described elsewhere. [HORDEONIUS FLACCUS; HERENNIUS GALLUS; DILLIUS VOCULA.] Civilis, in the meantime, having been joined by large forces from all Germany, proceeded to harass the tribes of Gaul west of the Mosa, even as far as the Menapli and Morini, on the sea shore, in order to shake their fidelity to the Romans. His efforts were more especially directed against the Treviri and the Ubii. The Ubii were firm in their faith, and suffered severely in consequence. He then pressed on the siege of Vetera Castra, and, yielding to the ardour of his new allies beyond the Rhine, tried again to storm it. The effort failed, and he had recourse to attempts to tamper with the besieged soldiery. These events occurred towards the end 'of A. D. 69, before the battle of Cremona, which decided the victory of Vespasian over Vitellius. [VEsPASIANUS.] When the news of that battle reached the Roman army on the Rhine, ALPINUS MONTANUS was sent to Civilis to summon him to lay down his arms, since his professed object was now accomplished. The only result of this mission was, that Civilis sowed the seeds of disaffection in the envoy's mind. Civilis now sent against Vocula his veteran cohorts and the bravest of the Germans, under the command of Julius Maximus, and Claudius Victor, his sister's son, who, having taken on their march the winter quarters of an auxiliary ala, at Asciburgium, fell suddenly upon the camp of Vocula, which was only saved by the arrival of unexpected aid. Civilis and Vocula are both blamed by Tacitus, the former for not sending a sufficient force, the latter for neglecting to follow up his victory. Civilis now attempted to gain over the legions who were besieged in Vetera Castra, by pretending that he had conquered Vocula, but one of the captives whom he paraded before the walls for this purpose, shouted out and revealed the truth, his credit, as Tacitus observes, being the more established by the fact, that he was stabbed to death by the Germans on the spot. Shortly afterwards, Vocula marched up to the relief of Vetera Castra, and defeated Civilis, but again neglected to follow up his victory, most probably from design. [VOCULA.] Civilis soon again reduced the Romans to great want of provisions, and forced them to retire to Gelduba, and thence to Novesium, while he again invested Vetera Castra, and took Gelduba. The Romans, paralyzed by new dissensions [HORDEONIUS FLAOcus; VOCULA], suffered another defeat from Civi
Page 760 760 CIVILIS. lis; but some of them, rallying under Vocula, retook Magontiacum. At the beginning of the new year (A. D. 70), the war assumed a fresh and more formidable character. The news of the death of Vitellius exasperated the Roman soldiers, encouraged the insurgents, and shook the fidelity of the Gauls; while a rumour was moreover circulated that the winter quarters of the Moesian and Pannonian legions were besieged by the Dacians and Sarmatians; and above all the burning of the Capitol was esteemed an omen of the approaching end of the Roman empire. Civilis, whose last remnant of dissimulation was necessarily torn away by the death of Vitellius, gave his undivided energies to the war, and was joined by Classicus and Julius Tutor, who at length gained over the army of Vocula. [CLASSIcus; TUTOR; SABINUS.] The besieged legions at Vetera Castra could now hold out no longer; they capitulated to Civilis, and took the oath to the empire of the Gauls (in verba Galliarumn), but as they marched away, they were all put to death by the Germans, probably not without the connivance of Civilis. That chieftain, having at length performed his vow of enmity to the Romans, now cut off his hair which, according to the custom of the Germans, he had suffered to grow since the beginning of his enterprise. (Tac. Germ. 31.) Neither Civilis nor any others of the Batavians took the oath in verba Galliarum, which was the watchword of Classicus and Tutor, for they trusted that, after having disposed of the Romans, they should be able to overpower their Gallic allies. Civilis and Classicus now destroyed all the Roman winter camps, except those at Magontiacum and Vindonissa. The Germans demanded the destruction of Colonia Agrippinensis, but it was at length spared, chiefly through the gratitude of Civilis, whose son had been kept in safety there since the beginning of the war. Civilis now gained over several neighbouring states. IHe was opposed by his old enemy CLAUDIUS LABEO, at the head of an irregular force of Betasii, Tungri, and Nervii; and, by a daring act of courage, he not only decided the victory, but gained the alliance of the Tungri and the other tribes. The attempt, however, to unite all Gaul in the revolt completely failed, the Treviri and the Lingones being the only people who joined the insurgents. [SABINUS.] The reports of these events which were carried to Rome had at length roused Mucianus, who now sent an immense army to the Rhine, under Petilius Cerealis and Annius Gallus [CEREALIs; GALLUS.] The insurgents were divided among themselves, Civilis was busy among the Belgae, trying to crush Claudius Labeo; Classicus was quietly enjoying his new empire; while Tutor neglected the important duty, which had been assigned to him, of guarding the Upper Rhine and the passes of the Alps. Cerealis had therefore little difficulty in overcoming the Treviri and regaining their capital. [TUTOR; VALENTINUS.] While he was stationed there he received a letter from Civilis and Classicus, informing him that Vespasian was dead, and offering him the empire of the Gauls. Civilis now wished to wait for succours from beyond the Rhine, but the opinion of Tutor and Classicus prevailed, and a battle was fought on the Mosella in which the Romans, though at first almost beaten, gained a complete victory, and destroyed the enemy's camp. Colonia Agrippinensis now came over to the Romans; but Civilis and Classicus still made a CLARUS. brave stand. The Canninefates destroyed the greater part of a Roman fleet, and defeated a body of the Nervii, who, after submitting to Fabius Priscus, the Roman legate, had of their own accord attacked their former allies. Having renewed his army from Germany, Civilis encamped at Vetera Castra, whither Cerealis also marched with increased forces, both leaders being eager for a decisive battle. It was soon fought, and Cerealis gained the victory by the treachery of a Batavian; but, as the Romans had no fleet, the Germans escaped across the Rhine. Here Civilis was joined by reinforcements from the Chauci; and, after making, with Verax, Classicus, and Tutor, one more effort which was partially successful, to hold his ground in the island of the Batavi, he was again defeated by Cerealis, and driven back across the Rhine. Emissaries were sent by Cerealis to make private offers of peace to the Batavians, and of pardon to Civilis, who found that he had no alternative but to surrender. He obtained an interview with Cerealis on a bridge of the river Vahalis. The History of Tacitus breaks off suddenly just after the commencement of his speech. (Tac. Hist. iv. 12-37, 54-79, v. 14-26. Joseph. Bell. Jud. vii. 4. ~ 2; Dion Cass. Ixvi. 3.) [P. S.] CLANIS, the name of two mythical beings. (Ov. Met. v. 140, xii. 379.) [L. S.] CLARA, DI'DIA, daughter of the emperor Didius Julianus and his wife Manlia Scantilla. She was married to Cornelius Repentinus, who was appointed praefectus urbi in the room of Flavius Sulpicianus; she received the title of Augusta upon her father's accession, and was deprived of it at his death. Her effigy appears upon coins, but these are of great rarity. (Spartian. Julian. 3, 8; Eckhel, vol. vii. p. 151.) [W. R.] CLA'RIUS (KAdipios), a surname of Apollo, derived from his celebrated temple at Claros in Asia Minor, which had been founded by Manto, the daughter of Teiresias, who, after the conquest of her native city of Thebes, was made over to the Delphic god, and was then sent into the country, where subsequently Colophon was built by the lonians. (Paus. vii. 3. ~ 1, ix. 33. ~ 1; Tacit. Ann. ii. 54; Strab. xiv. p. 642; Virg. Aen. iii. 360; comp. Muller, Dor. ii. 2. ~ 7.) Clarius also occurs as a surname of Zeus, describing him as the god who distributes things by lot (KrAtpos or tcAjpos, Aeschyl. Suppl. 360). A hill near Tegea was sacred to Zeus under this name. (Paus. viii. 53. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CLARUS, a cognomen of a noble Roman family in the second century of the Christian aera. 1. C. SEPTICIUS CLARUS, a brother of No. 2, and an uncle of No. 3, was an intimate friend of the younger Pliny, who dedicated to him his Epistles, and speaks of him as one " quo nihil verius, nihil simplicius, nihil candidius, nihil fidelius novit." (Ep. ii. 9.) Several of Pliny's Epistles are addressed to him (i. 1, 15, vii. 28, viii. 1). Clarus was appointed Praefectus Practorio by Hadrian, but removed from this office soon afterwards,
Page 761 CLASSICUS. having, like most of Hadrian's other friends, incurred his suspicion. (Spartian. Hadr. 9, 11, 15.) 2. M. ERUCIUS CLARUS, brother of the preceding, is spoken of by Pliny (Ep. ii. 9), as a man of honour, integrity, and learning, and well skilled in pleading causes. He is probably the same as the Erucius Clarus who took and burnt Seleuceia, in conjunction with Julius Alexander, in A. D. 115 (Dion Cass. lxviii. 30), and also the same as the M. Erucius Clarus, who was consul suffectus with Ti. Julius Alexander, in A.D. 117, the year of Trajan's death. 3. SEX. ERUCIUS CLARUS, son of No. 2, was also a friend of Pliny, who obtained for him from Trajan the latus clavus, which admitted him to the senate, subsequently secured the quaestorship for him, and writes a letter to his friend Apollinaris, requesting his assistance in canvassing for Erucius who was then aspiring to the tribunate. (Plin. Ep. ii. 9.) A. Gellius speaks of him as a contemporary, and says that he was most devoted to the study of ancient literature; we also learn from the same author that he was praefect of the city, and had been twice consul. (Gell. vi. 6, xiii. 17.) The date of his first consulship is not known, but we learn from Spartianus (Sever. 1), and an ancient inscription, that he was consul a second time in A. D. 146, with Cn. Claudius Severus. One of Pliny's Epistles (i. 15), is addressed to him. 4. C. ERucIus CLARUS, consul in A. D. 170, with M. Cornelius Cethegus (Fast.), was probably the son of No. 3, and the same as the Praefectus Vigilum mentioned in the Digest. (1. tit. 15. s. 3. ~2.) 5. C. (JULius) ERucIvs CLARUS, probably the son of No. 4, was consul in A. D. 193, with Q. Sosius Falco. The emperor Commodus had determined to murder both consuls, as they entered upon their office on the 1st of January, but he was himself assassinated on the preceding day. (Dion Cass. lxvii. 22; Capitol. Pertin. 15.) After the death of Niger, who had been one of the claimants to the vacant throne, Severus wished Clarus to turn informer, and accuse persons falsely of having assisted Niger, partly with the view of destroying the character of Clarus, and partly that the wellknown integrity of Clarus might give an appearance of justice to the unjust judgments that might be pronounced. But as Clarus refused to discharge this disgraceful office, he was put to death by Severus. (Dion Cass. lxxiv. 9; Spartian. Sever. 13.) CLA'SSICUS, JULIUS, a Trevir, was prefect of an ala of the Treviri in the Roman army on the Rhine, under Vitellius, A. D. 69 (Tac. Hist. ii. 14), and afterwards joined Civilis at the head of some of the Treviri in his rebellion against the Romans, A. D. 70. During the first part of the war with Civilis, the Treviri, like the rest of Gaul, remained firm to the Romans. They even fortified their borders, and opposed the Germans in great battles. (Tac. Hist. iv. 37.) But when the news of Vitellius's death reached Gaul (A. D. 70), there arose a rumour that the chiefs of Gaul had secretly taken an oath to avail themselves of the civil discords of Rome for the recovery of their independence. There was, however, no open sign of rebellion till after the death of HORDEONIUS FLACCUS, when messengers began to pass between Civilis and Classicus, who was still commanding an ala of Trevirans in the army of Vocula. He was des CLAUDIA. 761 cended from a family of royal blood and of renown both in peace and war, and through his ancestors he accounted himself rather an enemy than an ally of the Roman people. His conspiracy was shared by JULIUS TUTOR, a Treviran, and JULIUs SABINUS, a Lingon. They met, with some Trevirans and a few Ubii and Tungri, in a house at Colonia Agrippinensis; and, having resolved to occupy the passes of the Alps, to seduce the Roman legions, and to kill the legates, they sent emissafies to rouse the Gauls. Vocula was warned of the plot, but did not feel strong enough to crush it. He even suffered himself to be enticed by the conspirators to leave his camp at Colonia and to march against Civilis, who was besieging Vetera Castra. The army was not far from this place, when Classicus and Tutor, having communicated privately with the Germans, drew off their forces and formed a separate camp. Vocula, after attempting in vain to gain them back, retired to Novesium. They followed at a little distance, and at length persuaded the disaffected soldiers of Vocula to mutiny against him; and in the midst of the mutiny Classicus sent into the camp a deserter named Aemilius Longus, who murdered Vocula. Classicus then entered the camp, bearing the insignia of a Roman emperor, and compelled the soldiers to take the oath to the empire of Gaul (pro imperio Galliarum). The command was now divided between Classicus and Tutor; and Classicus sent the worst disposed of the captured Roman soldiers to induce the legions who were besieged in Vetera Castra to surrender and to take the same oath. The further progress of the war is related under CIVILIS. The last mention of Classicus is when he crossed the Rhine with Civilis after his defeat by Cerealis, and aided him in his last effort in the island of the Batavi. (Tac. Hist. iv. 54-79, v. 19-22.) [P. S.] CLAU'DIA. 1. Five of this name were daughters of App. Claudius Caecus, censor B. c. 312. [CLAUDIUS, Stemma, No. 10.) It is related of one of them, that, being thronged by the people as she was returning home from the games, she expressed a wish that her brother Publius had been alive, that he might again lose a fleet, and lessen the number of the populace. For this she was fined by the plebeian aediles, B. c. 246. (Liv. xix.; Valern Max. viii., 1. ~ 4; Sueton. Tib. 2; Gell. x. 6.) 2. CLAUDIA QUINTA [CLAUDIUS, Stemma, No. 18], probably the sister of App. Claudius Pulcher [CLAUDIUs, No. 17], and grand-daughter of App. Claudius Caecus. Her fame is connected with the story of the transportation of the image of Cybele from Pessinus to Rome. The vessel conveying the image had stuck fast in a shallow at the mouth of the Tiber. The soothsayers announced that only a chaste woman could move it. Claudia, who had been accused of incontinency, stepped forward from among the matrons who had accompanied Scipio to Ostia to receive the image, and after calling upon the goddess to vindicate her innocence, took hold of the rope, and the vessel forthwith followed her. A statue was erected to her in the vestibule of the temple of the goddess. (Liv. xxix. 14; Ov.Fasti, iv. 305, &c.; Cic. de Harusp. Resp. 13; Val. Max. i. 8. ~ 11; Plin. H. N. vii. 35.) 3. CLAUDIA [CLAUDIUS, Stemma, No. 19], daughter of Appius Claudius Pulcher [No. 17]. She was married to Pacuvius Calavius of Capua, (Liv. xxiii. 2.)
Page 762 762 CLAUDIA. 4. CLAUDIA [Stemma, No. 30], daughter of App. Claudius Pulcher [No. 25], was one of the vestal virgins. (Cic. pro Caelio, 14; Val. Max. v. 4. ~ 6.) 5. CLAUDIA [Stemma, No. 31], sister of No. 4, was married to Tib. Gracchus. (Plut. Tib. Gracch. 4.) 6. CLAUDIA [Stemma, No. 37], daughter of C. Claudius Pulcher [No. 29], married Q. Marcius Philippus. (Cic. pro Dom. 32.) 7. CLODIA [Stemma, No. 41], eldest sister of P. Clodius Pulcher, the enemy of Cicero (Cic. ad Fam. i. 9), married Q. Marcius Rex. (Plut. Cic. 29; Dion Cass. xxxv. 17.) She is said to have been debauched by her brother Publius. (Plut. Cic. 29; Cic. ad Famn. i. 9.) For a discussion respecting the number of sisters Clodius had, see Drumann, vol. ii. p. 374, &c. 8. CLODIA [Stemma, No. 42], the second of the three sisters of P. Clodius, and older than her brother. (Cic. pro Cael. 15.) She was married to Q. Metellus Celer, but became infamous for her debaucheries (Cic. I.e. 14), which so destroyed all domestic peace, that, as Cicero says (ad Att. ii. 1), she was at open war with her husband, and, on his sudden death, she was suspected of having poisoned him, During her husband's lifetime she had wished to form a connexion with Cicero, and, being slighted by him, revenged herself by exciting her brother Publius against him, and during his exile annoyed his family. (Pro Cael. 20, ad Alt. ii. 12; Plut. Cic. 29.) Among her paramours was M. Caelius, who after a time left her. To revenge herself, she instigated Atratinus to charge him with having borrowed money of her to hire assassins to murder Dio, the head of the embassy sent by Ptolemaeus Auletes, and with having attempted to poison Clodia herself. Crassus and Cicero spoke in defence of Caelius, who was acquitted. Cicero in his speech represents Clodia as a woman of most abandoned character, and charges her with having carried on an incestuous intrigue with her brother Publius. (Pro Cael. 14-20, 32.) The nickname Quadrantaria was often applied to her. (Pro Cael. 26; Quintil. viii. 6. ~ 53.) Cicero in his letters frequently calls her BowrLms. (Ad Alt. ii. 9, 12, 14.) Either this Clodia, or her youngest sister, was alive in B. c. 44. (Ad Alt. xiv. 8.) 9. CLODIA [Stemma, No. 43], the youngest sister of P. Clodius, was married to L. Licinius Lucullus, before his election to the consulship in B. c. 74. (Plut. Lucull. 21, 34, 38; Varr. R. R. iii. 16. ~ 1.) After his return from the Mithridatic war, Lucullus separated from her, on account of her infidelity, and in B.c. 61 brought her to trial for an incestuous amour with her brother P. Clodius. (Plut. Lucull. 34, 38; Cic. pro Mil. 27, ad Fam. i. 9.) 10. CLAUDIA [Stemma, No. 44], daughter of App. Claudius Pulcher [No. 38], was married to Cn. Pompeius, the elder son of the triumvir. (Cic. ad Fam. ii. 13, iii. 4, 11; Dion Cass. xxxix. 60.) 11. CLAUDIA [Stemma, No. 45), sister of the preceding, was married to M. Brutus, who separated from her in B. c. 45. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 4, ad Alt. xiii. 9, 10, Brut. 77, 94.) 12. CLODIA [Stemma, No. 49], daughter of P. Clodius, was betrothed in B. c. 43 to Octavianus (Augustus), who, however, never regarded her as his wife, and at the outbreak of the Perusinian war sent her back to her mother Fulvia. (Suet. Aug. 62; Dion Cass. xlviii. 5.) CLAUDIANUS. 13. CLAUDIA PULCHRA, lived in the reign of Tiberius. In A. D. 26, to prepare the way for the accusation of Agrippina, she was brought to trial by Domitius Aper, and convicted of adultery, poisoning, and conspiracy against the emperor. (Tac. Ann. iv. 52; Dion Cass. lix. 19.) She is the last member of this family whose name occurs in history. 14. CLAUDIA, called by Suetonius (Calig. 12) JUNIA CLAUDILLA, was the daughter of M. Junius Silanus, and was married to Caligula, according to Dion Cassius (lviii. 25) in A. D. 35. (Tac. Ann. vi. 20, 45.) 15. CLAUDIA, daughter of the emperor Claudius I. by his wife Plautia Urgulanilla. (Suet. Claud. 27.) 16. CLAUDIA, an illegitimate daughter of Plautia Urgulanilla, the wife of the emperor Claudius I. and his freedman Boter (Suet. Claud. 27), was exposed by the command of Claudius. 17. CLAUDIA AUGUSTA, daughter of the emperor Nero by his wife Poppaea Sabina. She died young. (Suet; Ner. 35.) [C. P. M.] CLAU'DIA, daughter of Crispus the brother of Claudius Gothicus, wife of Eutropius, mother of Constantius, and grandmother of Constantine the Great. (Trebell. Poll. Claud. 13.) [W. R.] CLAUDIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. The patrician Claudii were of Sabine origin, and came to Rome in B. c. 504, when they were received among the patricians. [CLAUDIUS, No. 1.] The patrician Claudii bear various surnames, as Caecus, Caudex, Centho, Orassus, Pulcher, Regillensis, and Sabinus, the two latter of which, though applicable to all of the gens, were seldom used, when there was also a more definite cognomen. But as these surnames did not mark distinct families, an account of all the patrician Claudii is given under CLAUDIUS, with the exception of those with the cognomen NERO, since they are better known under the latter name. The surnames of the plebeian Claudii are ASELLUS, CANINA, CENTUMALUS, CICEtRO, FLAMEN, and MARCELLUS, of which the last is by far the most celebrated. The patrician Claudii were noted for their pride and arrogance, and intense hatred of the commonalty. " That house during the course of centuries produced several very eminent, few great men; hardly a single noble-minded one. In all ages it distinguished itself alike by a spirit of haughty defiance, by disdain for the laws, and iron hardness of heart." (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 599.) The praenomen Lucius was avoided after two of that name had dishonoured it, the one by robbery, the other by murder. (Sueton. Tib. 1.) The honours and public offices borne by members of this gens are enumerated by Suetonius. (I. c.) During the republic no patrician Claudius adopted one of another gens: the emperor Claudius was the first who broke through this custom by adopting L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, afterwards the emperor Nero. (Suet. Claud. 39; Tac. Ann. xii. 25.) [C. P. M.] CLAUDIA'NUS, CLAU'DIUS, the last of the Latin classic poets, flourished under Theodosius and his sons Arcadius and Honorius. Our knowledge of his personal history is very limited. That he was a native of Alexandria seems to be satisfactorily established from the direct testimony of Suidas, corroborated by an allusion in Sidonius
Page 763 CLAUDIANUS. Apollinaris (Epist. ix. 13), and certain expressions in his own works (e. g. Epist. v. 3, i. 39, 56). It has been maintained by some that he was a Gaul, and by others that he was a Spaniard; but neither of these positions is supported by even a shadow of evidence, while the opinion advanced by Petrarch and Politian, that he was of Florentine extraction, arose from their confounding the Florentinus addressed in the introduction to the second book of the Raptus Proserpinae, and who was praefectus urbi in A. D. 396, with the name of their native city. We are entirely ignorant of the parentage, education, and early career of Claudian, and of the circumstances under which he quitted his country. We find him at Rome in 395, when he composed his panegyric on the consulate of Probinus and Olybrius. He appears to have cultivated poetry previously, but this was his first essay in Latin verse, and the success by which it was attended induced him to abandon the Grecian for the Roman muse. (Epist. iv. 13.) During the five years which immediately followed the death of Theodosius, he was absent from Rome, attached, it would appear, to the retinue of Stilicho (de Cons. Stilich. praef. 23), under whose special protection he seems to have been received almost immediately after the publication of the poem noticed above. We say after, because he makes no mention of the name of the all-powerful Vandal in that composition, where it might have been most naturally and appropriately introduced in conjunction with the exploits of Theodosius, while on all subsequent occasions he eagerly avails himself of every pretext for sounding the praises of his patron, and expressing his own fervent devotion. Nor was he less indebted to the good offices of Serena than to the influence of her husband. He owed, it is true, his court favour and preferment to the latter, but by the interposition of the former he gained his African bride, whose parents, although they might have turned a deaf ear to the suit of a poor poet, were unable to resist the solicitations of the niece of Theodosius, the wife of the general who ruled the ruler of the empire. The following inscription, discovered at Rome in the fifteenth century, informs us that a statue of Claudian was erected in the Forum of Trajan by Arcadius and Honorius at the request of the senate, and that he enjoyed the titles of Notarius and Tribunus, but the nature of the office, whether civil or military, denoted by the latter appellation we are unable to determine:CL. CLAUDIANI V. C. CL. CLAUDIANO V. C. TRIBUNO ET NOTARIO INTER CETERAS VIGENTES ARTES PRAEGLORIOSISSIMO POETARUM LICET AD MEMORIAM SEMPITERNAM CARMINA AB EODEMx SCRIPTA SUFFICIANT ADTAMEN TESTIMONJI GRATIA OB JUDICII SUI FIDEM DD. N N. ARCADIUS ET HONORIUS FILICISSIMI AC DOCTISSIMI IMPERATORES SENATU PETENTE STATUAM IN FORO DIvi TRAJANI ERIGI COLLOCARIQUE JUSSERUNT. The close of Claudian's career is enveloped in the same obscurity as its commencement. The last historical allusion in his writings is to the 6th consulship of Honorius, which belongs to the year 404.. That he may have been involved in the misfortunes of Stilicho, who was put to death in 408, and may have retired to end his days in his native country, is a probable conjecture, but nothing more. The idea that he at this time became exposed to thle enmity of the powerful and viundic CLAUDIANUS. 763 tive Hadrian, whom he had provoked by the insolence of wit, and who with cruel vigilance had watched and seized the opportunity of revenge, has been adopted by Gibbon with less than his usual caution. It rests upon two assumptions alike incapable of proof-first, that by Pharius, whose indefatigable rapacity is contrasted in an epigram (xxx.) with the lethargic indolence of Mallius, the poet meant to indicate the praetorian prefect, who was a native of Egypt; and secondly, that the palinode which forms the subject of one of his epistles refers to that effusion, and is addressed to the same person. The religion of Claudian, as well as that of Appuleius, Ausonius, and many of the later Latin writers, has been a theme of frequent controversy. There is, however, little cause for doubt. It is impossible to resist the explicit testimony of St. Augustin (de Civ. Dei, v. 26), who declares that he was " a Christi nomine alienus," and of Orosius, who designates him as " Poeta quidem eximius sed paganus pervicacissimus." The argument for his Christianity derived from an ambiguous expression, interpreted as an admission of the unity of God (in. Cons. Honor. 96), is manifestly frivolous, and the Greek and Latin hymns appended to most editions of his works are confessedly spurious. That his conscience may have had all the pliancy of indifference on religious topics is probable enough, but we have certainly nothing to adduce against the positive assertions of his Christian contemporaries. The works of Claudian now extant are the fol lowing: 1. Three panegyrics on the third, fourth and sixth consulships of Honorius respectively. 2. A poem on the nuptials of Honorius and Maria, 3. Four short Fescennine lays on the same subject. 4. A panegyric on the consulship of Probinus and Olybrius, with which is interwoven a description of the exploits of the emperor Theodosius. 5. The praises of Stilicho, in two books, and a panegyric on his consulship, in one book. 6. The praises of Serena, the wife of Stilicho: this piece,is mutilated or was left unfinished. 7. A panegyric on the consulship of Flavius Mallius Theodorus. 8. The Epithalamium of Palladius and Celerina. 9. An invective against Rufinus, in two books. 10. An invective against Eutropius, in two books. 11. De Bello Gildonico, the first book of an historical poem on the war in Africa against Gildo. 12. De Bello Getico, an historical poem on the successful campaign of Stilicho against Alaric and the Goths, concluding with the battle of Pollentia. 13. Raptus Prosespinae, three books of an unfinished epic on the rape of Proserpine. 14. Gigantonmachia, a fragment extending to a hundred and twenty-eight lines only. 15. Ten lines of a Greek poem on the same subject, perhaps a translation by some other hand from the former. 16. Five short epistles; the first of these is a sort of prayer, imploring forgiveness for some petulant attack. It is usually inscribed "Deprecatio ad Hadrianum Praefectum Praetorio," but from the variations in the manuscripts this title appears to be merely the guess of some transcriber. The remaining four, which are very brief, are addressed-to Serena, to Olybrius, to Probinus, to Gennadius. 17. Eidyhiza, a collection of seven poems chiefly on subjects connected with natural history, as may be seen by their titles, Phoenix, Hystrix, Torpedo, Niluzs, Magynes, Aponus, Dc Piis Frairibus. 18. A collection of short occa
Page 764 764 CLAUDIANUS. sional pieces, in Greek as well as Latin, comprehended under the general title ofEpigrnammate. The Christian hymns to be found among these in most editions are, as we have observed above, certainly spurious. 19. Lastly, we have a hundred and thirty-seven lines entitled "Laudes Herculis;" but with the exception of some slight resemblance in style, we have no ground for attributing them to Claudian. The measure employed in the greater number of these compositions is the heroic hexameter. The short prologues prefixed to many of the longer poems are in elegiacs, and so also are the last four epistles, the last two idylls, and most of the epigrams. The first of the Fescennines is a system of Alcaic hendecasyllabics; the second is in a stanza of five lines, of which the first three are iambic dimeters catalectic, the fourth is a pure choriambic dimeter, and the fifth a trochaic dimeter brachycatalectic; the third is a system of anapaestic dimeters acatalectic; and the fourth is a system of choriambic trimeters acatalectic. It will be at once perceived that the first thirteen articles in the above catalogue, constituting a very large proportion of the whole works of Claudian, although some of them differ from the rest and from each other in form, belong essentially to one class of poems, being such as would be exacted from a laureate as the price of the patronage he enjoyed. The object in view is the same in allall breathe the same spirit, all are declamations in verse devoted either professedly or virtually to the glorification of the emperor, his connexions and favourites, and to the degradation of their foes. "We must also bear in mind, while we discuss the merits and defects of our author, and compare him with those who went before, that although Virgil and Horace were flatterers as well as he, yet their strains were addressed to very different ears. When they, after entering upon some theme apparently far removed from any courtly train of thought, by some seemingly natural although unexpected transition seemed as it were compelled to trace a resemblance between their royal benefactor and the gods and heroes of the olden time, they well knew that their skill would be appreciated by their cultivated hearers, and that the value of the compliment would be enhanced by the dexterous delicacy with which it was administered. But such refinements were by no means suited to the "purple-born" despots of the fifth century and their half-barbarous retainers. Their appetite for praise was craving and coarse. If the adulation was presented in sufficient quantity, they cared little for the manner in which it was seasoned, or the form under which it was served up. Hence there is no attempt at concealment; no veil is thought requisite to shroud the real nature and object of these panegyrics. All is broad, direct, and palpable. The subject is in each case boldly and fully proposed at the commencement, and followed out steadily to the end. The determination to praise everything and the fear lest something should be left unpraised, naturally lead to a systematic and formal division of the subject; and hence the career of each individual is commonly traced upwards from the cradle, and in the case of Stilicho separate sections are allotted to his warlike, his peaceful, and his magisterial virtues,-the poet warning his readers of the transition from one subdivision to another with the samoe care as when an CLAUDIANUS. accurate lecturer discriminates the several heads of his discourse. It can scarcely be argued, however, that the absence of all reserve rendered the task more easy. The ingenuity of the author is severely taxed by other considerations, with this disadvantage, that just in proportion as we might feel disposed to admire his skill in hiding the ugliness of his idol within the folds of the rich garment with which it is invested, so are we constrained to loathe his servile hypocrisy and laugh at his unblushing falsehood. It was indeed hard to be called upon to vaunt the glories of an empire which was crumbling away day by day from the grasp of its feeble rulers; it was harder still to be forced to prove a child of nine years old, at which age Honorius received the title of Augustus, to be a model of wisdom and kingly virtue, and to blazon the military exploits of a boy of twelve who had never seen an enemy except in chains; and hardest of all to be constrained to encircle with a halo of divine perfections a selfish Vandal like Stilicho. To talk of the historical value of such works as the Belium Gildonicszm and the Belloum Geticum is sheer folly. Wherever we have access to other sources of information, we discover at once that many facts have been altogether suppressed, and many others distorted and falsely coloured; and hence it is impossible to feel any confidence in the fidelity of the narrator in regard to those incidents not elsewhere recorded. The simple fact that pieces composed under such circumstances, to serve such temporary and unworthy purposes, have been read, studied, admired, and even held up as models, ever since the revival of letters, is in itself no mean tribute to the powers of their author. Nor can we hesitate to pronounce him a highly-gifted man. Deeply versed in all the learning of the Egyptian schools, possessing a most extensive knowledge of the history of man and of the physical world, of the legends of mythology, and of the moral and theological speculations of the different philosophical sects, he had the power to light up this mass of learning by the fire of a brilliant imagination, and to concentrate it upon the objects of his adulation as it streamed forth in a flashing flood of rhetoric. The whole host of heaven and every nation and region of the earth are called upon to aid in extolling his patron, the prince, and their satellites; on the other hand, an infernal Pantheon of demons and furies with all the horrors of Styx and Tartarus, are evoked as the allies and tormentors of a Rufinus, and all nature is ransacked for foul and loathsome images to body forth the mental and corporeal deformity of the eunuch consul. His diction is highly brilliant, although sometimes shining with the glitter of tinsel ornaments; his similes and illustrations are elaborated with great skill, but the marks of toil are frequently too visible. His versification is highly sonorous, but is deficient in variety; the constant recurrence of the same cadences, although in themselves melodious, palls upon the ear. His command of the language is perfect; and although the minute critic may fancy that lie detects some traces of the foreign extraction of the bard, yet in point of style neither Lucan nor Statius need be ashamed to own him as their equal. His powers appear to greatest advantage in description. His pictures often approach perfection, combining the softness and rich glow of the Italian with the force and reality of the Dutch school.
Page 765 CLA UDIANUS. We have as yet said nothing of the Rape of Proserpine, from which we might expect to form the most favourable estimate of his genius, for here at least it had fair and free scope, untrammeled by the fetters which cramped its energies in panegyric. But, although these causes of embarrassment are removed, we do not find the result anticipated. If we become familiar with his other works in the first instance, we rise with a feeling of disappointment from the perusal of this. We find, it is true, the same animated descriptions and harmonious numbers; but there is a want of taste in the arrangement of the details, of sustained interest in the action, and of combination in the different members, which gives a fragmentary character to the whole, and causes it to be read with much greater pleasure in extracts than continuously. The subject, although grand in itself, is injudiciously handled; for, all the characters being gods, it is impossible to invest their proceedings with the interest which attaches to struggling and suffering humanity. The impression produced by the commencement is singularly unfortunate. The rage of the King of Shades that he alone of gods is a stranger to matrimonial bliss, his determination to war against heaven that he may avenge his wrongs, the mustering and marshalling of the Titans and all the monsters of the abyss for battle against Jupiter, are figured forth with great dignity and pomp; but when we find this terrific tempest at once quelled by the very simple and sensible suggestion of old Lachesis, that he might probably obtain a wife, if he chose to ask for one, the whole scene is converted into a burlesque, and the absurdity is if possible heightened by the blustering harangue of Pluto to the herald, Mercury-. Throughout this poem, as well as in all the other works of Claudian. we lament the absence not only of true sublimity but of simple nature and of real feeling: our imagination is often excited, our intellect is often gratified; but our nobler energies are never awakened; no cord of tenderness is struck, no kindly sympathy is enlisted; our hearts are never softened. Of the Idylls we need hardly say anything; little could be expected from the subjects: they may be regarded as clever essays in versification, and nothing more. The best is that in which the hot springs of Aponus are described. The Fescennine verses display considerable lightness and grace;.the epigrams, with the exception of a very few which are neatly and pointedly expressed, are not worth reading. The Editio Princeps of Claudian was printed at Vicenza by Jacobus Dusenius, fol., 1482, under the editorial inspection of Barnabus Celsanus, and appears to be a faithful representation of the MS. from which it was taken. Several of the snialler poems are wanting. The second edition was printed at Parma by Angelus Ugoletus, 4to., 1493, superintended by Thadaeus, who made use of several MSS. for emending the text, especially one obtained from Holland. Here first we find the epigrams, the Epithalamium of Palladius and Serena, the epistles to Serena and to Hadrian, the Aponus, and. the Gigantomachia. The edition printed at Vienna by Hieronymus Victor and Joannes Singrenius, 4to., 1510, with a text newly revised by Joannes Camers, is the first which contains the Laudes Herculis, In Sirenas, Laus Christi, and Miracula Christi. The first truly critical edi CLAUDIUS. 73. tion was that of Theod. Pulmannus, printed at Antwerp by Plantinus, 16mo., 1571, including the notes of Delrio. The second edition of Caspar Barthius, Francf. and Hamburg. 1650 and 1654, 4to., boasts of being completed with the aid of seventeen MSS., and is accompanied by a voluminous commentary; but the notes are heavy, and the typography very incorrect. The edition of Gesner, Lips. 1759, is a useful one; but by far the best which has yet appeared is that of the younger Burmann, Amst. 1760, forming one of the series of the Dutch Variorum Classics, in 4to. An edition was commenced by G. L. Kanig, and one volume published in 1808 (Gbtting.), but the work did not proceed farther. The " Raptus Proserpinae" was published separately, under the title " Claudiani de Raptu Proserpinae Tragoediae duae," at Utrecht, by Ketelaer and Leempt, apparently several years before the Editio Princeps of the collected works noticed above, and three other editions of the same poem belong to the same early period, although neither the names of the printers nor the precise dates can be ascertained. We have a complete metrical translation of the whole works of Claudian by A. Hawkins, 2 vols. 8vo., Lond. 1817; and there are also several English translations of many of the separate pieces, few of which are of any merit. [W. R.] CLAUDIA'NUS (KAavclavOs), the author of five epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 447; Jacobs, iii. p. 153), is commonly identified with the celebrated Latin poet of the same name; but this seems to be disproved by the titles and contents of two additional epigrams, ascribed to him in the Vatican MS., which are addressed "to the Saviour," and which shew that their author was a Christian. (Jacobs, Paralip. ap. Anthol. Graec. xiii. pp. 615-617.) He is probably the poet whom Evagrius (Hist. Eccl. i. 19) mentions as flourishing under Theodosius II., who reigned A. D. 408-450. The Gigantomachia, of which a fragment still exists (Iriarte, Catal. MSS. Msatrit. p. 215), and which has been ascribed to the Roman poet, seems rather to belong to this one. He wrote also, according to the Scholia on the Vatican MS., poems on the history of certain cities of Asia Minor and Syria, ardapta Tapcrov, 'Avamdpeov, Brpvirov, Nucamas, whence it has been inferred that lie was a native of that part of Asia. (Jacobs, Anth. Graee. xiii. p. 872.) [P. S.] CLAUDIA'NUS ECDI'DIUS MAMERT US. [MAMERTUS,] CLAU'DIUS, patrician. [CLAUDIA GENS.] 1. APP. CLAUDIUS SABINUS REGILLENSIS, a Sabine of the town of Regiilum or Regilli, who in his own country bore the name of Attus Clausus (or, according to some, Atta Claudius; Dionysius calls him Tiros Kauistos), being the advocate of peace with the Romans, when hostilities broke out between the two nations shortly after the beginning of the commonwealth, and being vehemently opposed by most of his countrymen, withdrew with a large train of followers to Rome. (a. c. 504.) He was forthwith received into the ranks of the patricians, and lands beyond the Anio were assigned to his followers, who were formed into a new tribe, called the Claudian. (Liv. ii. 16, iv. 3, x. 8; Dionys. v. 40, xi. 15; Sueton. Tib. 1; Tac. Ann. xi. 24, xii. 25; Niebuhr, i. p. 560.) He exhibited the characteristics which marked his
Page 766 766 CLAUDIUJS. CADIS CLAUDIUS. STEMMA CLAUDIORUM. 1. App. Claudius Sabinus Regilleusis, Cos. aB. c. 495. 2. App. Claud. Sabinus, C68. B. c. 471. 4. App. Claud. Crassus, Decemvir B. c. 451. 3. C. Claud. Sabinus, COS. B. c. 460. 5. App. Claud. Crassus, 6. P. Claud. Crassus. Trib. Mil. B. c. 424. 7. App. Claud. Crassus, 8. App. Claud. Crassus, -Trib. Mil1. B. c. 403. Dict. B. c. 362, COS. B. c. 349. 9. C. Claud. Crassus, Dict. B. c. 337. 10. App. Claud. Caccus, Cens. B. C. 312. 11. App. Claud. Caudex, COS. B. c. 264. 12. App. Cl. Cras- 13. P. Cl. Puicher, 14. C. Cl. Cento, 15. Tib. Cl. 16. Claudiade Sus, COS. B. c. 2 68. COS. B. c. 249, GOS. B. c. 240. Nero. Quinque. II I 1 17. App. Cl. Pulc'her, 18. Claudia Quinta. (C. Cl. Cento.)? COS. B. c. 212. 19. Claudia. Mar- 20. App. Cl. 21. P. Cl. Puichier, 22. C. Cl. Pulchier, 23. C. Cl. 24. Ap. Cl. ried Pacuvius Puleher. COS. B. C. 184. COS. B. C. 17 7. Cento. Cento. Calavius.II 25. App. Cl. Puicher. 'Married Antistia. 2 6. C. Cl. Puicher, GOS. B.C. 130. 27. App. Cl. Puicher. 23. C. Cl. Puicher. II I II I. -1 29. App. Cl. 30. Claudia. 31. Claudia. 32. C. Cl. Pulclher, 3:3. App. Cl. Puleher (?) Puce. Vsa. Married GuS. B. C. 92. Interrex B. c. 77. Puichr. Vetal. Tib. Gracchus. 34. App. Cl. Puicher, I GuS. B. c. 79. 35. App. Cl. 36. C. CL. Pul- 37. Cada Puicher. cher, Prae- Married tor B. c. 7 3. M.Philippus. 38. App. Cl. PulT clier, COS. B.C 54. 44. Claudia. Married Cul. Pompeiuls. II II I I 39. C. Cl. Pill- 40. P. Clodius 41. Clodia. 42. Clodia. 43. Clodia, che, rator Puchr, Married Married Married B. C. 56. Trib. Pleb. Q. Mar- Q Metel- L. LuculB. c. 513. cius Rex. Ins Celer. Ins. 45. Claudia. 4 6. App. Cl. 47. App. Cl. 48. P. Clodius. 49. Clodia Married Married M. Brutus. Octavianus. (Augustus.)
Page 767 CLAUDIUS. descendants, and, in his consulship (B. c. 495), shewed great severity towards the plebeian debtors. (Liv. ii. 21,23, 24, 27; Dionys. vi. 23, 24, 27, 30.) Next year, on the refusal of the commons to enlist, we find him proposing the appointment of a dictator. (Liv. ii. 29.) We find him manifesting the same bitter hatred of the plebs at the time of the secession to the Mons Sacer, in B. c. 494 (Dionys, vi. 59, &c.), of the famine in 493 (Dionys. vii. 15), and of the impeachment of Coriolanus. (Dionys. vii. 47, &c.) He is made by Dionysius (viii. 73, &c.) to take a prominent part in opposing the 'agrarian law of Sp. Cassius. According to Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 3) he was the first who set up images of his ancestors in a public temple (that of Bellona). 2. APP. CLAUDIUS APP. F. M. N. SABINUS REGILLENSIS, son of the preceding, was a candidate for the consulship in B. c. 482, but, through the opposition of the tribunes, did not succeed. (Dionys. viii. 90.) In 471 he was made consul by the patricians to oppose the Publilian rogations. He was baffled in his violent attempt to do so, and strove to revenge himself on the plebeians by his severity when commanding against the Aequians and Volscians. The. soldiers became discontented and disobedient, and, when the enemy attacked them, threw away their arms and fled. For this he punished them with extreme severity. The next year he violently opposed the execution of the agrarian law of Sp. Cassius, and was brought to trial by two of the tribunes. According to the common story, he killed himself before the trial. (Liv. ii. 56-61; Dionys. ix. 43-45, 48-54; Niebuhr, vol. ii. pp. 186, 219-228.) 3. C. CLAUDIUS APP. F. M. N. SABINUS REGILLENSIS, brother of the preceding (Dionys. x. 30; Liv. iii. 35), was consul in B. c. 460, when Appius Herdonius seized the Capitol. After it had been recovered, we find him hindering the execution of the promise made by Valerius respecting the Terentilian law. (Liv. iii. 15-21; Dionys. x. 9, 12-17.) Subsequently, he opposed the proposition to increase the number of the plebeian tribunes and the law de Aventino publicando. (Dionye. x. 30, 32.) HIe was an unsuccessful candidate for the dictatorship. (Liv. iii. 35.) Though a staunch supporter of the aristocracy, he warned his brother against an immoderate use of his power. (Liv. iii. 40; Dionys. xi. 7-11.) His remonstrances being of no avail, he withdrew to Regillum, but returned to defend the decemvir Appius, when impeached. (Liv. iii. 58.) Incensed at his death, he strope to revenge himself on the consuls Horatius and Valerius by opposing their application for leave to triumph. (Dionys. xi. 49.) In 445 we find him strenuously opposing the law of Canuleius, and proposing to arm the consuls against the tribunes. (Liv. iv. 6.) According to Dionysius, however (xi. 55, 56), he himself proposed the election of military tribunes with consular power from both plebeians and patricians. 4. APP. CLAUDIUS CRASSUS (or CRASSINUS) REGILLENSIS SABINUS, the decemvir, is commonly considered to have been the son of No. 2 (as by Livy, iii. 35); but, from the Capitoline Fasti, where the record of his consulship appears in the following form: Ap. Claudius Ap. f. M. n. Crassin. Regill. Sabinus II., he would appear to have been the same person. (See Niebuhr, vol. ii. note 754.) He was elected consul in B. c. 451, and on the CLAUDIUS. 767 appointment of the decemvirs in that year, he became one of them. His influence in the college became paramount, and he so far won the confidence of the people, that he was reappointed the following year. Now, however, his real character betrayed itself in the most violent and tyrannous conduct towards the plebeians, till his attempt against Virginia led to the overthrow of the decemvirate. Appius was impeached by Virginius, but did not live to abide his trial. According to Livy, he killed himself. Dionysius (xi. 46) says, it was the general opinion that he was put to death in prison by order of the tribunes. (Liv. iii. 33, 35-58; Dionys. x. 54-xi. 46.) For an account of the decemviral legislation, see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Twelve Tables. 5. App. CLAUDIUS AP. F. AP. N. CRASSUS (or CRAssiNU.s), the elder son of the decemvir, was consular tribune in B. c. 424. All that we are told of him is, that he was marked by a genuine Claudian hatred of the tribunes and plebeians. (Liv. iv. 35, 36.) 6. P. CLAUDIUS CRASSTUs (or CRASSINUS), a younger son of the decemvir. (Liv. vi. 40.) 7. APP. CLAUDIUS APP. F. APP. N. CRASSUS (or CRAssINUS), son of No. 5, was consular tribune in B. c. 403. It was this Appius who was the author of the important measure, that the proceedings of the tribunes might be stopped by the veto of one of the college. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 439, note 965.) Livy (v. 3-6) puts into his mouth a speech in reply to the complaints of the tribunes, when, at the siege of Veii, the troops were kept in the field during the winter. He afterwards proposed to appropriate the spoil of Veii for the pay of the soldiers. (Liv. v. 1-6, 20.) 8. App. CLAUDIUS P. F. APP. N. CRASSUS (or CRASSINUS), a son of No. 6, distinguished himself by his opposition to the Licinian rogations, particularly as regarded the appointment of plebeian consuls. In 362, on the death of the consul Genucius, he was appointed dictator to conduct the war against the Hernicans, when a victory was gained over them under his auspices. In 349 he was made consul, but died at the commencement of his year of office. (Liv. vi. 40-42, vii. 6, &c., 24, 25.) 9. C. CLAUDIUS APP. F. APP. N. CRASSUS (or CRASSIN US), son of No. 7, was named dictator in B. c. 337, but immediately resigned his office, the augurs having pronounced his appointment invalid. Who the C. Claudius Hortator, whom he made Master of the Horse, was, is not known. (Liv. viii. 15.) 10. APP. CLAUDIUS C. F. APP. N. CAECUS, son of No. 9. It was generally believed among the ancients that his blindness was real, and there can be no doubt that such was the fact, though it is pretty certain that he did not become blind before his old age. The tradition of the occasion of his blindness is given by Livy, ix. 29. (See also Cic. de Senect. 6, Tusc. Disp. v. 38; Plut. Pysrrk. 18, 19; Diodorus, xx. 36; Appian, Samn. 10.) He was twice curule aedile (Frontin. de Aquaed. v. 72), and in B. c. 312 was elected censor with C. Plautius, without having been consul previously. (Liv. ix. 29.) With the design of forming in the senate and people a party which should be subservient to him in his ambitious designs, he filled up the vacancies in the senate with the names of a large number of the low popular party, including
Page 768 768 CLA UDIUS. even the sons of freedmen. His list, however, was set aside the following year, upon which C. Plautius resigned, and Appius continued in office as sole censor. He then proceeded to draw up the lists of the tribes, and enrolled in them all the libertini, whom he distributed among all the tribes, that his influence might predominate in all. (Liv. ix. 29, 30, 33, 34, 46; Suet. Claud. 24.) According to Pliny (IL. N. xxxiii. 6) it was at his instigation that his secretary, Cn. Flavius, published his calendar and account of the leqis actiones. But the most durable monuments of his censorship (for his political innovations were in good part set aside by Q. Fabius Maximus) were the Appian road to Capua, which was commenced by him, and the Appian aqueduct, which he completed. (Liv. ix, 29; Frontin. de Aquaed. 5; Niebuhr, vol. iii. pp. 303-309.) Niebuhr conjectures, with some probability, that in order to raise money he must have sold large portions of the public land. He retained his censorship four years. (Niebuhr, vol. iii. pp. 294-31] 3.) In 307 he was elected consul after resigning his censorship, which he had ineffectually endeavoured to retain, and remained in Rome for the purpose of strengthening his interest. (Liv. ix. 42.) In the following year we find him a strenuous opponent of the Ogulnian law for opening the offices of pontiff and augur to the plebeians. (x. 7, 8.) In 298 he was appointed interrex (an office which he filled three times; see inscription in Pighius, ad ann. 561), and at first refused to receive votes for the plebeian candidate. (Liv. x. 11; Cic. Brut. 14.) In 296 he was chosen consul a second time, and commanded at first in Samnium with some success. (Liv. x. 17; Orelli, Inser. No. 539.) From Samnium he led his forces into Etruria, and having been delivered from a perilous position by his colleague Volumnius, the combined armies gained a decisive victory over the Etruscans and Samnites. (Liv. x. 18, 19.) In this battle he vowed a temple to Bellona, which he afterwards dedicated. Next year he was continued in command, as praetor, but was sent back to Rome by the consul Fabius. (x. 22,. 25.) Afterwards, in conjunction with Volumnius, he gained a victory over the Samnites. (x. 31.) He was once dictator, but in what year is not known. (Insc. in Orelli, 1. c.) In his old age, when Cineas was sent by Pyrrhus to propose peace, Appius, now quite blind, appeared in the senate, and by his speech prevailed on them to resist the proffered terms. This speech was extant in Cicero's time. (Liv. xiii.; Cic. Brut. 14, 16, De Senect. 6.) His eloquence is extolled by Livy. (x. 19.) Appius Claudius the Blind was the earliest Roman writer in prose and verse whose name has come down to us. He was the author of a poem known to Cicero through the Greek (Cic. Tusc. Disp. iv. 2), of which some minute fragments have come down to us. (Priscian. viii. p. 792, ed. Putsch; Festus, s. v. Stiuprmin.) Its contents were of a Pythagorean cast. He also wrote a legal treatise, De Usurpalionibzs, and according to some was the author of the Aciiones which Flavius published. [FLAVIUS.] (Pomponius, Dig. i. 2. ~ 36.) He left four sons and five daughters. (Cic. de Senect. 11.) 11. App. CLAUDIUS C. F. APP. N. CAUDEX, also son of No. 9. He derived his surname from his attention to naval afifirs. (Senec. de Brev. Vitae, CLAUDIUS. 13.) He was elected consul B. c. 264, and commanded the forces sent to the assistance of the Mamertini. He effected a landing on the coast of Sicily by night, defeated Hiero and the Carthaginians, and raised the siege of Messana. After a repulse from Egesta, and some other unsuccessful operations, he left a garrison in Messana and returned home. (Polyb. i. 11, 12, 16; Suet. Tib. 2.) 12. APP. CLAUDIUS APP. F. C. N. CRASSUS (or CRASSINUS) RUFUs, the eldest son of No. 10, and apparently the last of the gens who bore the surname Crassus. He was consul B. c. 268. (Fast. Sic.; Vell. Pat. i. 14.) 13. P. CLAUDIUS APP. F. C. N. PULCHER, the first of this gens who bore that surname, was the second son of No. 10. He possessed in a more than ordinary degree most of the worst characteristics of this family. He was elected consul in B. c. 249, and commanded the fleet sent to reinforce the troops at Lilybaeum. In defiance of the auguries, he attacked the Carthaginian fleet lying in the harbour of Drepana, but was entirely defeated, with the loss of almost all his forces. (Polyb. i. 49, &c.; Cic. De Divin. i. 16, ii. 8, 33; Schol. Bob. in Cic. p. 337, ed. Orell.; Liv. xix.; Suet. Tib. 2.) Claudius was recalled and commanded to appoint a dictator. He named M. Claudius Glycias or Glicia, the son of a freedman. but the nomination was immediately superseded. (Suet. Tib. 2; Fasti Capit.) P. Claudius was accused of high treason, and, according to Polybips (i. 52) and Cicero (de Nat. Deor. ii. 3), was severely punished. According to other accounts (Schol. Bob. 1. c.; Val. Max. viii. 1. ~ 4), a thunder-storm which happened stopped the proceedings; but he was impeached a second time and fined. He did not long survive his disgrace. He was dead before B. c. 246. [CLAUDIA, No. 1.1 The probability is that he killed himself. (Val. Max. i. 4. ~ 3.) 14. C. CLAUDIUS APP. F. C. N. CENTHO or CENTO, another son of No. 10, was consul in B. c. 240, interrex in 217, and dictator in 213. (Fasti Cap.; Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 1, Brut. 18; Liv. xxii. 34, xxv. 2.) 15. TIB. CLAUDIUS NERO, fourth son of No. 10. Nothing further is known respecting him. (Suet. Tib. 3; Gell. xiii. 22.) An account of his descendants is given under NERO. 16. CLAUDIAE QUINQUE. [CLAUDIA, No. 1.], 17. APP. CLAUDIUS P. F. APP. N. PULCHER, son of No. 13, was aedile in B. c. 217. (Liv. xxii. 53.) In the following year he was military tribune, and fought at Cannae. Together with P. Scipio he was raised to the supreme command by the troops who had fled to Canusium. In 215 he was created praetor, and conducted the relics of the defeated army into Sicily, where his efforts to detach Hieronymus, the grandson of Hiero, from his connexion with the Carthaginians, were unsuccessful. (Liv. xxiii. 24, 30, 31, xxiv. 6, 7.) He remained in Sicily the following year also, as propraetor and legatus to M. Marcellus. (xxiv. 10, 21, 27, 29, 30, 33, 36; Polyb. viii. 3, 5, 9), having charge of the fleet and the camp at Leontini. (Liv. xxiv. 39.) In 212 he was elected consul, and in conjunction with his colleague Q. Fulvius Flaccus laid siege to Capua. At the close of his year of office, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, he went to Rome and created two new consuls. His own command was prolonged another year. In the battle with Hannibal before Capua
Page 769 CLAUDI IS. he received a wound, from the effects of which he died shortly after the surrender of the city. He ineffectually opposed the infliction of the sanguinary vengeance which Fulvius took on the Capuans. (Liv. xxv. 2, 22, 41, xxvi. 1, 5, 6, 8, 15, 16; Polyb. ix. 3.) 18. CLAUDIA QUINTA. [CLAUDIA, No. 2.] 19. CLAUDIA. [CLAUDIA, No. 3.] 20. APP. CLAUDIUS APP. F. P. N. PULCHER, son of No. 17. In B. c. 197 and the three following years, he served as military tribune under T. Quinctius Flamininus in Greece in the war with Philip. (Liv. xxxii. 35, 36, xxxiii. 29, xxxiv. 50.) We find him again in Greece in 191, serving first under M. Baebius in the war with Antiochus (xxxvi. 10), and afterwards under the consul M'. Acilius Glabrio against the Aetolians. (xxxvi. 22, "30.) In 187 he was made praetor, and Tarentum fell to him by lot as his province. (xxxviii. 42.) In 185 he was elected consul, and gained some advantages over the Ingaunian Ligurians, and, by his violent interference at the comitia, procured the election of his brother Publius to the consulship. (xxxix. 23, 32.) In 184, when Philip was preparing for a new war with the Romans, Appius was sent at the head of an embassy into Macedonia and Greece, to observe his movements and wrest from his grasp the cities of which he had made himself master. (xxxix. 33-39.) In 176 he was one of an embassy sent to the Aetolians, to bring about a cessation of their internal hostilities and oppose the machinations of Perseus. (xli. 25, 27.) 21. P. CLAUDIUS APP. F. P. N. PULCHER, son of No. 17. In B. c. 189 he was curule aedile, and in 188 praetor. (Liv. xxxviii. 35.) In 184 he was made consul [see No. 20] (xxxix. 32), and in 181 one of the three commissioners appointed for planting a colony at Graviscae. (xl. 29.) 22. C. CLAUDIUS APP. F. P. N. PULCHER, another son of No. 17 (Fasti Cap.; Liv. xxxiii. 44), was made augur in B.C. 195, praetor in 180 (xl. 37, 42), and consul in 177. The province of Istria fell to his lot. Fearing lest the successes of the consuls of the preceding year might render his presence unnecessary, he set out without'performing the regular initiatory ceremonies of the consulship, but soon found himself compelled to return. Having again proceeded to his province with a fresh army, he captured three towns, and reduced the Istrians to subjection. He next marched against the Ligurians, whom he defeated, and celebrated a double triumph at Rome. Having.held the comitia, he returned to Liguria and recovered the town of Mutina. (xli. 10-18; Polyb. xxvi. 7.) In 171 he served as military tribune under P. Licinius against Perseus. (Liv. xlii. 49.) In 169 he was censor with Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. Their severity drew down upon them an impeachment from one of the tribunes, but the popularity of Gracchus secured an acquittal. Claudius opposed his colleague, who wished to exclude the freedmoen from all the tribes, and at last it was agreed that they should be enrolled in one tribe-the Esquiline. (xliii. 14 -16, xliv. 16, xlv. 15; Valer. Max. vi. 5. ~ 3.) In 167 Claudius was one of an embassy of ten sent into Macedonia. lie died in this year. (xlv. 17, 44; Polyb. xxx. 10.) 23. C. CLAUDIUS CENTO, probably the grandson of No. 14, served under the consul P. Sulpicius CLAUDIUS. 7I9 in B. c. 200, in the war with Philip. Being sent to the relief of Athens, which was besieged by a Macedonian army, he raised the siege. He next made himself master of Chalcis in Euboea, and gained several advantages over Philip, who marched in person upon Athens. (Liv. xxxi. 14, 22, &c.; Zonar. ix. 15.) 24. APP. CLAUDIUS CENTO, brother of No. 23, was aedile in B. c. 178. (Liv. xl. 59.) In 175 he was made praetor, and received Hispania Citerior as his province. Here he gained a victory over the revolted Celtiberi, for which he was honoured with an ovation. (xli. 22, 31, 33.) In 173 he was sent into Thessaly, and quieted the disturbances which prevailed there. (xlii. 5.) In 172 he was one of an embassy sent into Macedonia to communicate to Perseus the demands and threats of the Romans. (xlii. 25.) In 170 he was legatus under the consul A. Hostilius. Having been sent with 4000 men into Illyricum, lie sustained a defeat near the town of Uscana. (xliii. 11, 12.) 25. App. CLAUDIUS APP. F. APP. N. PULCHER, son of No. 20. He was consul in B. c. 143, and, to obtain a pretext for a triumph, attacked the Salassi, an Alpine tribe. He was at first defeated, but afterwards, following the directions of the Sibylline books, gained a victory. (Frontin. de Aquaed. 7; Dion Cass. Fragm. lxxix. lxxx.; Ores. v. 4.) On his return a triumph was refused him; but he triumphed at his own expense, and when one of the tribunes attempted to drag him from his car, his daughter Claudia, one of the Vestal virgins, walked by his side up to the capitol. (Cic. pro Cael. 14; Sueton. Tib. 2.) Next year he was an unsuccessful candidate for the censorship, though he afterwards held that office with Q. Fulvius Nobilior, probably in 136. (Dion Cass. Fragm. lxxxiv.; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 4.) He gave one of his daughters in marriage to Tib. Gracchus, and in B. c. 133 with Tib. and C. Gracchus was appointed commissioner for the division of the lands. (Liv. Epit. 58; Orelli, lnscr. No. 570; Veil. Pat. ii. 2.) Appius lived at enmity with P. Scipio Aemilianus. (Plut. Aemil. 38; Cic. de Rep. i. 19.) e died shortly after Tib. Gracchus. (Appian, B. C. i. 18.) He was one of the Salii, an augur, and princeps senatus. (Macrob. Saturn. ii. 10; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 4.) Cicero (Brut. 28) says, that his style of speaking was fluent and vehement. He married Antistia. [ANTISTIA, NO. 1.] 26. C. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, son of No. 22, was consul in B. C. 130, and laid information before the senate of the disturbances excited by C. Papirius Carbo. (Cic. de Leg. iii. 19.) "*27. App. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, known only as the son of No. 26 and father of No. 32. 28. C. CLAUDIUs PULCHER, also son of No. 26 and father of No. 34. (Cic. pro Plane. 21.) 29. APP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, son of No. 25. He inherited his father's enmity to P. Scipio Aemilianus. (Cic. pro Scaur. ii. 32.) In B. c. 107 he took part in the discussions respecting the agrarian law of Sp. Thorius. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 70.) He appears to have been of a facetious disposition. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 60.) 30. CLAUDIA. [CLAUDIA, No. 4.] 31. CLAUDIA. [CLAUDIA, No. 5.] 32. C. CLAUDIUS APP. F. C. N. PULCHER, son of No. 27 (Cic. de Off. ii. 16, Verr. ii. 49; Fasti Capit.), appears in B.c. 100 as one of those who 3D
Page 770 770 CLAUDIUS. took up arms against Saturninus. (Cic. pro Rab. 7.) In 99 he was curule aedile, and in the games celebrated by him elephants were for the first time exhibited in the circus, and painting employed in the scenic decorations. (Plin. H. N. viii.7?, xxxv. 7; Val. Max. ii. 4. ~ 6.) In 85 he was praetor in Sicily, and, by direction of the senate, gave laws to the Halesini respecting the appointment of their senate. (Cic. Verr. ii. 49.) The Mamertini made him their patronus. (Verr. iv. 3.) He was consul in 92. (Fasti Cap.) Cicero (Brut. 45) speaks of him as a man possessed of great power and some ability as an orator. 33. APP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, the brother, possibly of No. 32, was military tribune in B. c. 87. He was appointed to guard the Janiculum when the city was threatened by Marius and Cinna, but opened a gate to Marius, to whom he was under obligations. (Appian, B. 0. i. 68.) It appears, however, that he managed to keep his credit with his own party; for it is probably this Claudius who was interrex in 77, and with Q. Lutatius Catulus had to defend Rome against M. Aemilius Lepidus. (Sall. Fragm. lib. 1.) 34. APP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, son of No. 28, was made consul in B. c. 79, though he had been an unsuccessful candidate for the curule aedileship. (Cic. pro Plane. 21; Appian, B. C. i. 103.) He was afterwards governor of Macedonia, and engaged in contests with the neighbouring barbarians. He died in his province, before 76, when he was succeeded by C. Scribonius Curio. (Liv. Epit. 91; Flor. iii. 4; Oros. v. 23.) 35. APP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, apparently the son of No. 29. (Orelli, Inscript. No. 578.) When curule aedile he celebrated the Megalesian games. (Cic. de Harusp. Resp. 12.) In B. c. 89 he was made praetor (Cic. pro Arch. 5), and afterwards filled the office of propraetor. In B. c. 87 Cinna gained a victory over his army. (Liv. Epit. 79.) Claudius was impeached by one of the tribunes, and, not appearing, was deposed from his command and banished. Next year, L. Marcius Philippus, his nephew, who was censor, omitted his name in the list of senators. (Cic. pro Dom. 31, 32.) He appears in 82 to have marched with Sulla against Rome, and met his death near the city. (Plut. Sulla, 29.) He married Caecilia, and left three sons and three daughters, but no property. (Varro, R. R. iii. 16,) 36. C. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, son of No. 29, when curule aedile excluded slaves from the Megalesian games which he celebrated. (Cic. de Hlar. Resp. 12.) In B. c. 73 he was praetor (Plut. Crass. 9), and commanded an army against Spartacus, by whom he was defeated at mount Vesuvius. (Liv. Epit. 95; Oros. v. 24.) 37. CLAUDIA. [CLAUDIA, No. 6.] 38. APP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, eldest son of No. 35 (Varr. R. R. iii. 16), appears in B. c. 75 as the prosecutor of Terentius Varro. (Ascon. ad Cic. Div. in Caecil. p. 109, Orell.) In 70 he served in Asia under his brother-in-law, Lucullus, and was sent to Tigranes to demand the surrender of Mithridates. (Plut. Lucull. 19, 21.) In 61 he was in Greece, collecting statues and paintings to adorn the games which he contemplated giving as aedile. (Cic. pro Doam. 43; Schol. Bob. in orat. in Clod. et Cur. p. 338, Orell.) Through the favour and influence of the consul L. Piso, however, he yas made praetor without first filling the office of CLAUDIUS. aedile. (Cic. 1. c.) As praetor (B. c. 57) he pre* sided in trials for extortion, and Cicero expresses anxiety on behalf of his brother Quintus, who had been propraetor in Asia. (Ad Att. iii. 17.) Though Appius did not openly and in person oppose Cicero's recall (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 10. ~ 8; comp. pro Dom. 33), he tacitly sanctioned and abetted the proceedings of his brother Publius. He placed at his disposal the gladiators whom he had hired, and alone of the praetors did nothing on behalf of Cicero; and, after the return of the latter, shewed more decidedly which side he took. (Cic. pro Sext. 36, 39-41, in Pison. 15, pro Mil. 15, post. Red. in Sen. 9, ad Att. iv. 1-3; Schol. Bob. p. 307, Orell.; Dion Cass. xxxix. 6, 7.) Next year he was propraetor in Sardinia, and in April paid a visit to Caesar at Luca. (Plut. Caes. 21; Cic. ad Q. F. ii. 6, 15.) In B. c. 54 he was chosen consul with L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. (Caes. B. G. v. 1; Dion Cass. xxxix. 60, xl. 1.) Through the intervention of Pompey, a reconciliation was brought about between him and Cicero, though his attentions to the latter appear, in part at least, to have been prompted by avarice. (Cic. ad. Q. F. ii. 12, ad Fam. i. 9, iii. 10.) When Gabinius returned from his province, Appius appeared as his accuser, in hopes that his silence might be bought, though previously he had said he would do all that lay in his power to prevent the threatened prosecution. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 12, 13, iii. 2; Dion Cass. xxxix. 60.) Similar motives appear to have induced him to support C. Pomptinus in his claim for a triumph. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 16, ad Q. F. iii. 4.) A still more glaring instance of his dishonesty and venality was the compact which he and his colleague entered into with Cn. Domitius Calvinus and C. Memmius, two of the candidates for the consulship, by which the two latter bound themselves in the sum of 4,000,000 sesterces a-piece, in case they should be appointed consuls, to bring forward false witnesses to prove that laws had been passed assigning to Appius and his colleague the command of an army, and settling in other respects the administration of the provinces to which they were to go as proconsuls. The whole affair, however, was exposed, and the comitia were not held in that year. (Cic. adAtt. iv. 18, 15, 16, ad Q. Fr. iii. 1. cap. 5.) Appius, however, asserted his right to command an army, even without a lex curiata. (Ad Fam. i. 9. ~ 25, adAtt. iv. 16. ~ 12.) He reached his province in July, B. c. 53, and governed it for two years. His rule appears to have been most tyrannous and rapacious. (Cic. ad Art. vi. 1, 2. ~ 8, ad Famc. xv. 4, comp. iii. 8. ~ 5-8.) He made war upon the mountaineers of Amanus, and some successes over them gave him a pretext for claiming a triumph. (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 1, 2; Eckhel, iv. p. 360.) Cicero wrote to him, while in his province, in terms of the greatest cordiality (ad Fam. iii. 1); but when he was appointed his successor in 51, Appius did not conceal his displeasure. He avoided meeting him, and shewed him other marks of disrespect. His displeasure was increased by Cicero's countermanding some of his directions and regulations. (AdFam. iii. 2-6, 7, 8.) Appius on his return demanded a triumph, but was compelled to withdraw his claim by an impeachment instituted against him by Dolabella. (Ad Fam. iii. 9, viii. 6, iii. 11.) As witnesses were required from his old province, he found himself again obliged to pay court to Cicero. (AdPFam,
Page 771 CLAUDIUS. ll. 10, comp. viii. 6, ad Att. vi. 2. ~ 10.) Through the exertions of Pompey, Brutus, and Hortensius, he was acquitted. (Ad Fain. iii. 11, Brut. 64, 94.) He was at this time a candidate for the censorship, and a charge of bribery was brought against him, but he was acquitted. (Ad Fan. iii. 11, 12.) He was chosen censor with L. Piso, B. c. 50. (For an account of the quarrel between Appius and Caelius, and the mutual prosecutions to which it gave rise, see Cic. ad Fam. viii. 12, ad Q. F. ii. 13.) Appius exercised his power as censor with severity (ad Fam. viii. 14. ~ 4), and expelled several from the senate, among others the historian Sallust. (Dion xl. 63; Acron. ad Hor. Serm. i. 2. 48.) Appius, by his connexion with Pompey, and his opposition in the senate to Curio (Dion xl. 64), drew upon himself the enmity of Caesar, and, when the latter marched upon Rome, he fled from Italy. (Ad Att. ix. 1. ~ 4.) He followed Pompey, and received Greece as his province. He consulted the Delphic oracle to learn his destiny, and, following its injunctions, went to Euboea, where he died before the battle of Pharsalus. (Val. Max. i. 8. ~ 10; Lucan, v. 120-236.) He was elected one of the college of augurs in 59. (Varr. R. R. iii. 2. ~ 2; Cic. ad Fam. iii. 10. ~ 9.) He was well skilled in augury, and wrote a work on the augural discipline, which he dedicated to Cicero. He was also distinguished for his legal and antiquarian knowledge. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 13, de Divin. ii. 35, Brlt. 77, ad Fam. iii. 4, 9, 11; Festus, s. v. Solistimum.) He believed in augury and divination, and seems to have been of a superstitious turn of mind. (Cic. de Div. i. 16, 58, Tusc. Disp. i. 16.) Cicero speaks highly of his oratorical powers. (Brut. 77.) His favourite and confidant was a freedman named Phanias. (Ad Fam. iii. 1, 5, 6.) 39. C. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, son of No. 35 (Cic. pro Scaur. ~ 33; Ascon. in Milon. p. 35, ed. Orell.), and older than his brother Publius, as appears from the dates at which they respectively held public offices, and from the testimony of Cicero (pro Cael. 15, where Publius is called minimus frater), was appointed legatus by Caesar in B. c. 58. (Cic. pro Sext. 18.) In 56 he became praetor, and assisted his brother Publius when he at first attempted to prevent Cicero from removing from the capitol the tablets containing the decree of his banishment. (Dion Cass. xxxix. 21.) In 55 he went to Asia as propraetor, and next year proposed becoming a candidate for the consulship, but was induced to abandon his design and remain in his province. (Cic. pro Scaur. ~~ 33-35.) On his return he was accused of extortion by M. Servilius, who was however bribed to drop the prosecution. This proceeding was subsequently (in B. c. 51) exposed by his younger son Appius demanding back from Servilius the sum which had been given to him. (Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8.) At the time when Cicero defended Milo (B. c. 52) Caius was no longer alive. (Ascon. in Milon. p. 35, Orell.) 40. P. CLODIUS PULCHER, was the youngest son of No. 35. The form of the name Clodius was not peculiar to him: it is occasionally found in the case of others of the gens (Orelli, Inscripf. 579); and Clodius was himself sometimes called Claudius. (Dion Cass. xxxv. 14.) He first makes his appearance in history in B. c. 70, serving with his brother Appius under his brother-in-law, L. CLAUDIUS. 771 Lucullus, in Asia. Displeased at not being treated by Lucullus with the distinction he had expected, he encouraged the soldiers to mutiny. He then left Lucullus, and betook himself to his other brother-in-law, Q. Marcius Rex, at that time proconsul in Cilicia, and was entrusted by him with the command of the fleet. He fell into the hands of the pirates, who however dismissed him without ransom, through fear of Pompey. He next went to Antiocheia, and joined the Syrians in making war on the Arabians. Here again he excited some of the soldiers to mutiny, and nearly lost his life. He now returned to Rome, and made his first appearance in civil affairs in B. c. 65 by impeaching Catiline for extortion in his government of Africa. Catiline bribed his accuser and judge, and escaped. In B. c. 64, Clodius accompanied the propraetor L. Murena to Gallia Transalpina, where he resorted to the most nefarious methods of procuring money. His avarice, or the want to which his dissipation had reduced him, led him to have recourse to similar proceedings on his, return to Rome. Asconius (in Mil. p. 50, Orell.) says, that Cicero often charged him with having taken part in the conspiracy of Catiline. But, with the exception of some probably exaggerated rhetorical allusions (de Harusp. Resp. 3, pro Mil. 14), no intimation of the kind appears in Cicero-; and Plutarch (Cic. 29) says, that on that occasion he took the side of the consul, and was still on good terms with him. Towards the close of 62, Clodius was guilty of an act of sacrilege, which is especially memorable, as it gave rise to that deadly enmity between himself and Cicero which produced such important consequences to both and to Rome. The mysteries of the Bona Dea were this year celebrated in the house of Caesar. Clodius, who had an intrigue with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, with the assistance of one of the attendants entered the house disguised as a female musician. But while his guide was gone to apprize her mistress, Clodius was detected by his voice. The alarm was immediately given, but he made his escape by the aid of the damsel who had introduced him. He was already a candidate for the quaestorship, and was elected; but in the beginning of 61, before he set out for his province, he was impeached for this offence. The senate referred the matter to the pontifices, who declared it an act of impiety. Under the direction of the senate a rogation was proposed to the people, to the effect that Clodius should be tried by judices selected by the praetor who was to preside. The assembly, however, was broken up without coming to a decision. The senate was at first disposed to persist in its original plan; but afterwards, on the recommendation of Hortensius, the proposition of the tribune Fufius Calenus was adopted, in accordance with which the judices were to be selected from the three decuries. Cicero, who had hitherto strenuously supported the senate, now relaxed in his exertions. Clodius attempted to prove an alibi, but Cicero's evidence shewed that he was with him in Rome only three hours before he pretended to have been at Interamna. Bribery and intimidation, however, secured him an acquittal by a majority of 31 to 25. Cicero however, who had been irritated by some sarcastic allusions made by Clodius to his consulship, and by a verdict given in contradiction to his testimony, attacked Clodius and his partisans in the senate.with great vehemence. 3D2
Page 772 772 CLAUDIUS. Soon after his acquittal Clodius went to his province, Sicily, and intimated his design of becoming a candidate for the aedileship. On his return, however, he disclosed a different purpose. Eager to revenge himself on Cicero, that he might be armed with more formidable power he purposed becoming a tribune of the plebs. For this it was necessary that he should be adopted into a plebeian family; and as he was not in the power of his parent, the adoption had to take place by a vote of the people in the conitia curiata. (This ceremony was called Adrogatio: see Diet. of Ant. s. v. Adrogatio.) Repeated attempts were made by the tribune C. Herennius to get this brought about. Cicero, who placed reliance on the friendship and support of Pompey, did not spare Clodius, though he at times shews that he had misgivings as to the result. The triumvirs had not yet taken Clodius' side, and when he impeached L. Calpurnius Piso for extortion, their influence procured the acquittal of the accused. But in defending C. Antonius, Cicero provoked the triumvirs, and especially Caesar, and within three hours after the delivery of his speech Clodius became the adopted son of P. Fonteius (at the end of the year 60). The lex curiata for his adoption was proposed by Caesar, and Pompey presided in the assembly. The whole proceeding was irregular, as the sanction of the pontifices had not been obtained; Fonteius was not twenty years old, and consequently much younger than Clodius, and was married, nor was there the smallest reason to suppose that his marriage would remain childless, and, indeed, he was afterwards the father of several children; the rogation was not made public three nundines before the comitia.; and it was passed although Bibulus sent notice to Pompey that he was taking the auspices. A report soon after got abroad that Clodius was to be sent on an embassy to Tigranes, and that by his refusal to go he had provoked the hostility of the triumvirs. Neither turned out to be true. Clodius was now actively endeavouring to secure his election to the tribuneship. Cicero was for a time amused with a report that his only design was to rescind the laws of Caesar. With the assistance of the latter, Clodins succeeded in his object, and entered upon his office in December, Ba.c. 59. Clodius did not immediately assail his enemies. On the last day of the year, indeed, he prevented Bibulus, on laying down his office, from addressing the people; but his first measures were a series of laws, calculated to lay senate, knights, and people under obligations to him. The first was a law for the gratuitous distribution of corn once a month to the poorer citizens. The next enacted that no magistrate should observe the heavens on comitial days, and that no veto should be allowed to hinder the passing of a law. This enactment was designed specially to aid him in the attack with "which he had threatened Cicero. The third was a law for the restoration of the old guilds which had been abolished, and the creation of new ones, by which means he secured the support of a large number of organized bodies. A fourth law was intended to gratify those of the higher class, and provided that the censors should not expel from the senate, or inflict any mark of disgrace upon any one who had not first been openly accused before them, and convicted of some crime by their joint sentence. The consuls of the year he gained CLAUDIUS. over to his interests by undertaking to secure to them the provinces which they wished. Having thus prepared the way, he opened his attack upon Cicero by proposing a law to the effect, that whoever had taken the life of a citizen uncondemned and without a trial, should be interdicted from earth and water. For an account of the proceedings which ensued, and which ended in Cicero's withdrawing into exile, see CICERO, p. 713. On the same day on which Cicero. left the city Clodius procured the enactment of two laws, one to interdict Cicero from earth and water, because he had illegally put citizens to death, and forged a decree of the senate; the other forbidding any one, on pain of the like penalty, to receive him. The interdict was, however, limited to the distance of 400 miles from Rome. Clodius added the clause, that no proposition should ever be made for reversing the decree till those whom Cicero had put to death should come to life again. The law was confirmed in the comitia tributa, and engraven on brass. On the same day, the consuls Gabinius and Piso had the provinces of Syria and Macedonia assigned to them, with extraordinary powers. Clodius next rid himself of M. Cato, who, by a decree passed on his motion, was sent with the powers of praetor to take possession of the island of Cyprus, with the treasures of its king, Ptolemy, and to restore some Byzantine exiles. [CATO, p. 648, b.] In the former nefarious proceeding, Clodius seems to have taken as a pretext the will of Ptolemy Alexander I., the uncle of the Cyprian king, who, as the Romans pretended, had made over to them his kingdom. Immediately after the banishment of Cicero, Clodius set fire to his house on the Palatine, and destroyed his villas at Tusculumn and Formiae. The greater part of the property carried off from them was divided between the two consuls. The ground on which the Palatine house stood, with such of the property as still remained, was put up to auction. Clodius wished to become the purchaser of it, and, not liking to bid himself, got a needy fellow named Scato to bid for him. He wished to erect on the Palatine a palace of surpassing size and magnificence. A short time before he had purchased the house of Q. Seius Postumus, after poisoning the owner, who had refused to sell it. This it was his intention to unite with another house which he already had there. He pulled down the portico of Catulus, which adjoined Cicero's grounds, and erected another in its place, with his own name inscribed on it. To alienate Cicero's property irretrievably, he dedicated it to the goddess Libertas, and a small portion of the site of the dwelling, with part of the ground on which the portico of Catulus had stood, was occupied by a chapel to the goddess. For the image of the goddess he made use of the statue of a Tanagraean hetaera, which his brother Appius had brought from Greece. To maintain the armed bands whom he employed, Clodius required large sums of money; but this he did not find much difficulty in procuring: for with the populace he was all-powerful, and his influence made his favour worth purchasing. (For an account of the way in which, through his influence, Brogitarus of Galatia was made priest of Cybele at Pessinus, and Menula of Anagnia screened from punishment, with ether arbitrary and irregular proceedings of Clodius, see Cic. pro Dom. 30, 50, de Har. Resp. 13, pro Sex.
Page 773 CLAUDIUS.CDIUS. 778 iSG, 0. pro Mil. 27, 32.) He went so far as to ligion. The matter was referred to the college of oflend Pompey by aiding the escape of Tigranes, pontifices, but was not decided till the end of son of the king of Armenia, whom Pompey had September, when Cicero defended his right before brought a prisoner to Rome. In this instance also them. The pontifices returned an answer sufficient his services were purchased. Pompey, however, to satisfy all religious scruples, though Clodius did not feel himself strong enough to resent tile chose to take it as favourable to himself, and the insult. Clodius soon assailed him more openly. senate decreed the restoration of the site, and the The consul Gabinius sided with Pompey. Fre- payment of a sum of money to Cicero for rebuildquent conflicts took place between the armed ing his house. When the workmsen began their bands of the tribune and consul, in one of which operations in November, Clodius attacked and drove Gabinius himself was wounded and his fasces them off, pulled down the portico of Catulus, broken. Clodius and the tribune Ninnius went which had been nearly rebuilt, and set fire to the through the farce of dedicating to the gods, the one house of Q. Cicero. Shortly afterwards he assaultthe property of Gabinius, the other that of Clodius. ed Cicero himself in the street, and compelled him An attempt was made by Clodius, through one of to take refuge in a neighbouring house. Next day his slaves, upon the life of Pompey, who now with- he attacked the house of Milo, situated on the drew to his own house, and kept there as long as eminence called Germalus, but was driven off by his enemy was in office. Clodius stationed a body Q. Flaccus. When Marcellinus proposed in the of men under his freedman Damis to watch him, senate that Clodius should be brought to justice, and the praetor Flavius was repulsed in an attempt the friends of the latter protracted the discussion, to drive them off. so that no decision was come to. The attempts made before the end of this year Clodius was at this time a candidate for the to procure the recall of Cicero proved abortive. aedileship, that, if successful, he might be screened Next year (B. c. 57), Clodius, possessing no longer from a prosecution; and threatened the city with fire tribunitial power, was obliged to depend on his and sword if an assembly were not held for the armed bands for preventing the people from pass- election. Marcellinus proposed that the senate ing a decree to recall Cicero. On the twenty-fifth should decree that no election should take place of January, when a rogation to that effect was till Clodius had been brought to trial; Milo debrought forward by the tribune Fabricius, Clodius clared that he would prevent the consul Metellus appeared with an armed body of slaves and gladia- from holding the comitia. Accordingly, whenever tors; Fabricius had also brought armed men to Metellus attempted to hold an assembly, he posted support him, and a bloody fight ensued, in which himself with a strong body of armed men on the the party of Fabricius was worsted. Soon after- place of meeting, and stopped the proceedings, by wards, Clodius with his men fell upon another of giving notice that he was observing the auspices. his opponents, the tribune Sextius, who nearly lost In the beginning of the following year, however his life in the fray. Hle attacked the house of (B. c. 56), when Milo was no longer in office, Milo, another of the tribunes, and threatened his Clodius was elected without opposition; for, notlife whenever he appeared. He set fire to the withstanding his outrageous violence, as it was temple of the Nymphs, for the purpose of destroy- evident that his chief object was not power but ing the censorial records; interrupted the Apolli- revenge, he was supported and connived at by narian games, which were being celebrated by the several who found his proceedings calculated to praetor L. Caecilius, and besieged him in his further their views. The optimates rejoiced to see house. Milo made an unsuccessful attempt to him insult and humble the triumvir, Pompey, and bring Clodius to trial for his acts of violence; and the latter to find that he was sufficiently powerful finding his endeavours unsuccessful, resolved to to make the senate afraid of him. Cicero had repel force by force. Accordingly he collected an many foes and rivals, who openly or secretly arimed band of slaves and gladiators, and frequent encouraged so active an enemy of the object of contests took place in the streets between the op- their envy and dislike; while the disturbances posing parties. which his proceedings occasioned in the city were When the senate came to a resolution to propose exactly adapted to further Caesar's designs. Cloto the comitia a decree for the restoration of Cicero, dius almost immediately after his election imClodius was the only one who opposed it; and peached Milo for public violence. Milo appeared when, on the fourth of August, it was brought be- on the second of February to answer the accusation, fore the people, Clodius spoke against it, but could and the day passed without disturbance. The next do nothing inmore; for Milo and the other friends hearing was fixed for the ninth, and when Pompey of Cicero had brought to the place of meeting a stood up to defend him, Clodius' party attempted force sufficiently powerful to deter him from at- to put him down by raising a tumult. Milo's tempting any violence, and the decree was passed. party acted in a similar manner when Clodius Clodius, however, was not stopped in his career of spoke. A fray ensued, and the judicial proceedviolence. On the occasion of the dearth which ings were stopped for that day. The matter was ensued immediately after Cicero's recall, the blame put off by several adjournments to the beginning of of which Clodius endeavoured to throw on him, he May, from which time we hear nothing more of it, excited a disturbance; and when, by the advice of In April, Clodius celebrated the Megalesian games, Cicero, Pompey was invested with extraordinary and admitted such a number of slaves, that the powers to superintend the supplies, Clodius charged free citizens were unable to find room. Shortly the former with betraying the senate, after this, the senate consulted the haruspices on The decree by which Cicero was recalled, pro- some prodigies which had happened near Rome. vided also for the restitution of his property. They replied, that, amongo other things which had Some difficulty, however, remained with respect to provoked the anger of the gods, was the desecration the house on the Palatine, the site of which had of sacred places. Clodius interpreted this as rebeen consecrated by Clodius to the service of re- ferring to the restoration of Cicero's house, and
Page 774 774 CLAUDIUS. made it a handle for a fresh attack upon him. Cicero replied in the speech De Haruspicum Responsis. By this time Pompey and Clodius had found it convenient to make common cause with each other. A fresh attack which Clodius soon afterwards made on Cicero's house was repulsed by Milo. With the assistance of the latter also, Cicero, after being once foiled in his attempt by Clodius and his brother, succeeded during the absence of Clodius in carrying off from the capitol the tablets on which the laws of the latter were engraved. Clodius actively supported Pompey and Crassus when they became candidates for the consulship, to which they were elected in the beginning of B. c. 55, and nearly lost his life in doing so. He appears to have been in a great measure led by the hope of being appointed on an embassy to Asia, which would give him the opportunity of recruiting his almost exhausted pecuniary resources, and getting from Brogitarus and some others whom he had assisted, the rewards they had promised him for his services. It appears, however, that he remained in Rome. We hear nothing more of him this year. In B. c. 54 we find him prosecuting the ex-tribune Procilius, who, among other acts of violence, was charged with murder; and soon after we find Clodius and Cicero, with four others, appearing to defend M. Aemilius Scaurus. Yet it appears that Cicero still regarded him with the greatest apprehension. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 15, ad Q. Fr. ii. 15, b., iii. 1.4.) In B. c. 53 Clodius was a candidate for the praetorship, and Milo for the consulship. Each strove to hinder the election of the other. They collected armed bands of slaves and gladiators, and the streets of Rome became the scene of fresh tumults and frays, in one of which Cicero himself was endangered. When the consuls endeavoured to hold the comitia, Clodius fell upon them with his band, and one of them, Cn. Domitius, was wounded. The senate met to deliberate. Clodius spoke, and attacked Cicero and Milo, touching, among other things, upon the amount of debt with which the latter was burdened. Cicero replied in the speech De Aere alieno M ilonis. The contest, however, was soon after brought to a sudden and violent end. On the 20th of January, B. c. 52, Milo set out on a journey to Lanuvium. Near Bovillae he met Clodius, who was returning to Rome after visiting some of his property. Both were accompanied by armed followers, but Milo's party was the stronger. The two antagonists had passed each other without disturbance; but two of the gladiators in the rear of Milo's troop picked a quarrel with some of the followers of Clodius, who immediately turned round, and rode up to the scene of dispute, when he was wounded in the shoulder by one of the gladiators. The fray now became general. The party of Clodius were put to flight, and betook themselves with their leader to a house near Bovillae. Milo ordered his men to attack the house. Several of Clodius' men were slain, and Clodius himself dragged out and despatched. The body was left lying on the road, till a senator named Sex. Tedius found it, and conveyed it to Rome. Here it was exposed to the view of the populace, who crowded to see it. Next day it was carried naked to the forum, and again exposed to view before the rostra. The mob, enraged by the spectacle, and by the inflam CLAUDIUS. matory speeches of the tribunes Munatius Plancus and Q. Pompeius Rufus, headed by Sex. Clodius carried the corpse into the Curia Hostilia, made a funeral pile of the benches, tables, and writings, and burnt the body on the spot. Not only the senate-house, but the Porcian basilica, erected by Cato the Censor, and other adjoining buildings, were reduced to ashes. (For an account of the proceedings which followed, see MILO.) Clodius was twice married, first to Pinaria, and afterwards to Fulvia. He left a son, Publius, and a daughter. Cicero charges him with having held an incestuous intercourse with his three sisters. [CLAUDIA, Nos. 7-9.] Clodius inherited no property from his father. [See No. 35.] Besides what he obtained by less honest means, he received some money by legacies and by letting one of his houses on the Palatine. He also received a considerable dowry with his wife Fulvia. He was the owner of two houses on the Palatine hill, an estate at Alba, and considerable possessions in Etruria, near lake Prelius. His personal appearance was effeminate, and neither handsome nor commanding. That he was a man of.great energy and ability there can be little question; still less that his character was of the most profligate kind. Cicero himself admits that he possessed considerable eloquence. The chief ancient sources for the life of Clodius are the speeches of Cicero, pro Caelio, pro Sextio, pro Milone, pro Domo sua, de Haruspicum Res. ponsis, in Pisonem, and in Clodium et Curionem, and his letters to Atticus and his brother Quintus; Plutarch's lives of Lucullus, Pompey, Cicero, and Caesar; and Dion Cassius. Of modern writers, Middleton, in his Life of Cicero, has touched upon the leading points of Clodius's history; but the best and fullest account has been given by Drumann, Geschiiche Roms, vol. ii. pp. 199-370. 41-45. CLODIAE. [CLAUDIAE, Nos. 7-11.] 46. APr. CLAUDIUS or CLODIUS PULCHER, the elder of the two sons of C. Claudius. [No. 39.] Both he and his younger brother bore the praenomen Appius (Ascon. Arg. in Milon. p. 35, Orell.), from which it was conjectured by Manutius (in Cic. ad Fam. ii. 13. ~ 2, and viii. 8. ~ 2), that the former had been adopted by his uncle Appius [No. 38], a conjecture which is confirmed by a coin, on which he is designated c. CLOD. C. F. (Vaillant, Claud. No. 13.) Cicero, in letters written to Atticus during his exile (iii. 17. ~ 1, 8. ~ 2, 9. ~ 3) expresses a fear lest his brother Quintus should be brought to trial by this Appius before his uncle on a charge of extortion. On the death of P. Clodius he and his brother appeared as accusers of Milo. (Ascon. in Milon. pp. 35, 39, 40, 42, ed. Orell.) In B. c. 50 he led back from Gallia the two legions which had been lent to Caesar by Pompey. (Plut. Pomp. 57.) Whether it was this Appius or his brother who was consul in B. c. 38 (Dion. Cass. xlviii. 43) cannot be determined. 47. APP. CLAUDIUS or CLODIUS PULCHER, brother of No. 46, joined his brother in prosecuting Milo. (B. c. 52.) Next year he exposed the intrigue through which his father had escaped [see No. 39], in hopes of getting back the bribe that had been paid to Servilius. But he managed the matter so clumsily, that Servilius escaped, and Appius, having abandoned a prosecution with which he had threatened Servilius, was himself not long after impeached for extortion by the Ser
Page 775 CLAUDIUS. vili, and for violence by Sex. Tettius. (Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8.) 48. P. CLODIUS, son of P. Clodius and Fulvia, was a child at the time of his father's death. Milo "was accused of having attempted to get him into his power, that he might put him to death. (Ascon. in Milon. p. 36.) His step-father Antonius spoke of him as a hopeful lad. (Cic. ad Att. xiv. 13, A.) According to Valerius Maximus (iii. 5. ~ 3) his youth was spent in gluttony and debauchery, which occasioned a disease of which he died. 49. CLODIA. [CLAUDIA, No. 12.] There are several coins of the Claudia gens. A specimen is given below: it contains on the obverse the head of Apollo, with a lyre behind, and on the reverse Diana holding two torches, with the inscription P. CLODIUS M. F., but it is uncertain to which of the Claudii this refers. [C. P. M.] Th o CLAU'DIUS. The following were plebeians, or freedmen of the patrician Claudia gens. 1. Q. CLAUDIUS, a plebeian, was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 218, when he brought forward a law that no senator, or son of a person of senatorial rank, should possess a ship of the burden of more than 300 amphorae. (Liv. xxi. 63.) The Q. Claudius Flamen, who was praetor in B. c. 208, and had Tarentum assigned to him as his province, is probably the same person. (Liv. xxvii 21, 22,43, xxviii. 10.) 2. L. CLODIUS, praefectus fabrum to App. Claudius Pulcher, consul B. c. 54. [CLAUDIUS, No. 38.] (Cic. ad Fam. iii. 4-6, 8.) He was tribune of the plebs, B. c. 43. (Pseudo-Cic. ad Brut. i. 1; comp. Cic. ad Att. xv. 13.) 3. APP. CLAUDIUS, C. F., mentioned by Cicero in a letter to Brutus. (Ad Fam. xi. 22.) Who he was cannot be determined. He attached himself to the party of Antony, who had restored his father. Whether this Appius was the same with either of the two of this name mentioned by Appian (B. C. iv. 44, 51) as among those proscribed by the triumvirs, is uncertain. 4. SEX. CLODIUS, probably a descendant of a freedman of the Claudian house, was a man of low condition, whom P. Clodius took under his patronage. (Cic. pro Cael. 32, pro Dom. 10.) In B. c. 58 we find him superintending the celebration of the Compitalian festival. (Cic. in Pison. 4; Ascon. p. 7, Orell.) He was the leader of the armed bands which P. Clodius employed. (Ascon. 1. c.) The latter entrusted to him the task of drawing up the laws which he brought forward in his tribuneship, and commissioned him to carry into effect his lex frumentaria. (Cic. pro Dom. 10, 18, 31, 50, de IHar. Resp. 6, pro Sext. 64.) We find Sextus the accomplice of Publius in all his acts of violence. (pro Cael. 32.) In 56 he was impeached by Milo, but was acquitted. (Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 6, pro Cael. 32.) For his proceedings on the death of P. Clodius Pulcher see No 40; Cic. pro Mi.. 13, 33; Ascon. pp. 34, 36, 48. He was impeached by C. Caesennius Philo and CLAUDIUS. 775 M. Aufidius, and condemned. (Ascon. in Milon. p. 55.) He remained in exile for eight years, but was restored in 44 by M. Antonius. (Cic. ad Att. xiv. 13, A. and B.) Cicero (pro Dom. 10, 31, pro Cael. 32) charges him with having carried on a criminal correspondence with Clodia (Quadrantaria). 5. SEX. CLODIUS, a Sicilian rhetorician, under whom M. Antonius studied oratory, and whom he rewarded with a present of a large estate in the Leontine territory. (Cic. ad Ati. iv. 15, Phil. ii. 4, 17, iii. 9; Dion Cass. xlv. 30, xlvi. 8; Suet. de Clar. Rlet. 5.) 6. P. CLODIUS, M. F. appears on several coins which bear the image of Caesar and Antonius. (Eckhel, v. p. 172; Vaillant, Anton. Nos. 14, 15, Claud. 43-46.) He is probably the same with the Clodius whom Caesar in B. c. 48 sent into Macedonia to Metellus Scipio (Caes. B. C. iii. 57), and with the Clodius Bithynicus mentioned by Appian (B. C. v. 49), who fought on the side of Antonius in the Perusian war, and was taken prisoner and put to death in B. c. 40 by the command of Octavianus. 7. C. CLAUDIUS, probably the descendant of a freedman of the Claudian house, was one of the suite of P. Clodius on his last journey to Aricia. (Cic. pro Mil. 17; Ascon. in Milon. p. 33, Orell.) 8. C. CLAUDIUS, a follower of M. Brutus, who by the direction of the latter put C. Antonius to death. [ANTONIUS, No. 13, p. 216.] (Dion Cass. xlvii. 24; Plut. Anton. 22, Brut. 28.) He was afterwards sent by Brutus in command of a squadron to Rhodes, and on the death of his patron joined Cassius of Parma. (Appian, B. C. v. 2.) [C.P.M.] CLAU'DIUS I., or, with his full name, TIB. CLAUDIUS DRUSUS NERO GERMANICUS, was the fourth in the series of Roman emperors, and reigned from A. D. 41 to 54. He was the grandson of Tib. Claudius Nero and Livia, who afterwards married Augustus, and the son of Drusus and Antonia. He was born on the first of August, B. c. 10, at Lyons in Gaul, and lost his father in his infancy. During his early life he was of a sickly constitution, which, though it improved in later years, was in all probability the cause of the weakness of his intellect, for, throughout his life, he shewed an extraordinary deficiency in judgment, tact, and presence of mind. It was owing to these circumstances that from his childhood he was neglected, despised, and intimidated by his nearest relatives; he was left to the care of his paedagogues, who often treated him with improper harshness. His own mother is reported to have called him a portentum hominis, and to have said, that there was something wanting in his nature to make him a man in the proper sense of the word. This judgment, harsh as it may appear in the mouth of his mother, is not exaggerated, for in everything he did, and however good his intentions were, he failed from the want of judgment and a proper tact, and made himself ridiculous in the eyes of others. Notwithstanding this intellectual deficiency, however, he was a man of great industry and diligence. He was excluded from the society of his family, and confined to slaves and women, whom he was led to make his friends and confidants by his natural desire of unfolding his heart. During the long period previous to his accession, as well as afterwards, he devoted the greater part of his time to' literary pursuits,
Page 776 776 CLAUDIUS. Augustus and his uncle Tiberius always treated him with contempt; Caligula, his nephew, raised him to the consulship indeed, but did not allow him to take any part in public affairs, and behaved "towards him in the same way as his predecessors had done. In this manner the ill-fated man had reached the age of fifty, when after the murder of Caligula he was suddenly and unexpectedly raised to the imperial throne. When he received the news of Caligula's murder, he was alarmed about his own safety, and concealed himself in a corner of the palace; but he was discovered by a common soldier, and when Claudius fell prostrate before him, the soldier saluted him emperor. Other soldiers soon assembled, and Claudius in a state of agony, as if he were led to execution, was carried in a lectica into the praetorian camp. There the soldiers proclaimed him emperor, and took their oath of allegiance to him, on condition of his giving each soldier, or at least each of the praetorian guards, a donative of fifteen sestertia-the first instance of a Roman emperor being obliged to make such a promise on his accession. It is not quite certain what may have induced the soldiers to proclaim a man who had till then lived in obscurity, and had taken no part in the administration of the empire. It is said that they chose him merely on account of his connexion with the imperial family, but it is highly probable that there were also other causes at work. During the first two days after the murder of Caligula, the senators and the city cohorts, which formed a kind of opposition to the praetorian guards, indulged in the vain hope of restoring the republic, but being unable to make head against the praetorians, and not being well agreed among themselves, the senators were at last obliged to give way, and on the third day they recognized Claudius as emperor. The first act of his government was to proclaim an amnesty respecting the attempt to restore the republic, and a few only of the murderers of Caligula were put to death, partly for the purpose of establishing an example, and partly because it was known that some of the conspirators had intended to murder Claudius likewise. The acts which followed these shew the same kind and amiable disposition, and must convince every one, that, if he had been left alone, or had been assisted by a sincere friend and adviser, his government would have afforded little or no ground for complaint. Had he been allowed to remain in a private station, he would certainly have been a kind, good, and honest man. But he was throughout his life placed in the most unfortunate circumstances. The perpetual fear in which he had passed his earlier days, was now increased and abused by those by whom he was surrounded after his accession. And this fear now became the cause of a series of cruel actions and of bloodshed, for which he is stamped in history with the name of a tyrant, which he does not deserve. The first wife of Claudius was Plautia Urgulanilla, by whom he had a son, Drusus, and a daughter, Claudia. But as he had reason for believing that his own life was threatened by her, he divorced her, and married Aelia Petina, whom he likewise divorced on account of some misunderstanding. At the time of his accession he was married to his third wife, the notorious Valeria Messalina, who, together with the freedmen Nar CLAUDIUS, cissus, Pallas, and others, led him into a number of cruel acts. After the fall of Messalina by her own conduct and the intrigues of Narcissus, Claudius was, if possible, still more unfortunate in choosing for his wife his niece Agrippina, A. D. 49. She prevailed upon him to set aside his own son, Britannicus, and to adopt her son, Nero, in order that the succession might be secured to the latter. Claudius soon after regretted this step, and the consequence was, that he was poisoned by Agrippina in A. D. 54. The conduct of Claudius during his government, in so far as it was not under the influence of his wives and freedmen, was mild and popular, and he made several useful and beneficial legislative enactments. He was particularly fond of building, and several architectural plans which had been formed, but thought impracticable by his predecessors, were carried out by him. He built, for example, the famous Claudian aquaeduct (Aqua Claudia), the port of Ostia, and the emissary by which the water of lake Fucinus was carried into the river Liris. During his reign several wars were carried on in Britain, Germany, Syria, and Mauretania; but they were conducted by his generals. The southern part of Britain was constituted a Roman province in the reign of Claudius, who himself went to Britain in A. D. 43, to take part in the war; but not being of a warlike dispo-. sition, he quitted the island after a stay of a few days, and returned to Rome, where he celebrated a splendid triumph. Mauretania was made a Roman province in A. D. 42 by the legate Cn. Hosidius. As an author Claudius occupied himself chiefly with history, and was encouraged in this pursuit by Livy, the historian. With the assistance of Sulpicius Flavius, he began at an early age to write a history from the death of the dictator Caesar; but being too straightforward and honest in his accounts, he was severely censured by his mother and grandmother. He accordingly gave up his plan, and began his history with the restoration of peace after the battle of Actium. Of the earlier period he had written only four, but of the latter forty-one books. A third work were memoirs of his own life, in eight books, which Suetonius describes as magis inepte quam ineleganter composita. A fourth was a learned defence of Cicero against the attacks of Asinius Pollio. He seems to have been as well skilled in the use of the Greek as of the Latin language, for he wrote two historical works in Greek, the one a history of Carthage, in eight books, and the other a history of Etruria, in twenty books. However small the literary merit of these productions may have been, still the loss r of the history of Etruria in particular is greatly to - be lamented, as we know that he made use of the I genuine sources of the Etruscans themselves. In SA. D. 48, the Aedui petitioned that their senators, should obtain the jles petendorum /ionorum at Rome. Claudius supported their petition in a speech which - he delivered in the senate. The grateful inhabiStants of Lyons had this speech of the emperor - engraved on brazen tables, and exhibited them in Spublic. Two of these tables were discovered at Lyons in 1529, and are still preserved there. The - inscriptions are printed in Gruter's Corp. Inscript. s p. DII. (Sueton. Claudius; Dion Cassius, lib. lx.; I Tacit. Annal. libb. xi. and xii.; Zonaras, xi. 8, - &c.; Joseph. Ant. Jtud. xix. 2, &c., xx. 1; Oros,
Page 777 CLAUDIUS. vili. 6 Eutrop. vii. 13; Aurel. Vict. de 'Caes. 4. Epit. 4; Seneca, Lusus de Morte Drusi; comp. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. v. p. 213, &c.) The portrait of Claudius is given in each of the two cuts annexed: the second, which was struck by Cotys I., king of Thrace, contains also that of his wife Agrippina. See also p. 82. [L. S.] CLAU'DIUS II. (M. AURELIUS CLAUDIUS, surnamed GOTHICUS), Roman emperor A. D. 268 -270, was descended from an obscure family in Dardania or Illyvria, and was indebted for distinction to his military talents, which recommended him to the favour and confidence of Decius, by whom he was entrusted with the defence of Thermopylae against the northern invaders of Greece. By Valerian he was nominated captain-general of the Illyrian frontier, and commander of all the provinces on the Lower Danube, with a salary and appointments on the most liberal scale; by the teeble and indolent son of the latter he was regarded with mingled respect, jealousy, and fear, but always treated with the highest consideration. Having been summoned to Italy to aid in suppressing the insurrec*tion of Aureolus, he is believed to have taken a share in the plot organized against Gallienus by the chief officers of state, and, upon the death of that prince, was proclaimed as his successor by the conspirators, who pretended that such had been the last injunctions of their victim-a choice confirmed with some hesitation by the army, which yielded however to an ample donative, and ratified with enthusiastic applause by the senate on the 24th of March, A. D. 268, the day upon which the intelligence reached Rome. The emperor signalized his accession by routing on the shores of the Lago di Garda a large body of Alemanni, who in the late disorders had succeeded in crossing the Alps, and thus was justified in assuming the epithet of Germanicus. The destruction of Aureolus also was one of the first acts of the new reign: but whether, as some authorities assert, this usurper was defeated and slain by Claudius in the battle of the Adda, or slain by his own soldiers as others maintain who hold that the action of Pons Aureoli (Pontirolo) was fought against Gallienus before the siege of Milan was formed, the confusion in which the history of this period is involved prevents us from deciding with confidence. [AuREOLUS.] A more formidable foe now threatened the Roman dominion. The Goths, having collected a vast fleet at the mouth of the Dniester, manned it is said by no less than 320,000 warriors, CLAUDIUS. 777 had sailed along the southern shores of the Euxine. Proceeding onwards, they passed through the narrow seas, and, steering for mount Athos, landed in Macedonia and invested Thessalonica. But having heard that Claudius was advancing at the head of a great army, they broke up the siege and hastened to encounter him. A terrible battle was fought near Naissus in Dardania (A. D. 269); upwards of fifty thousand of the barbarians were slain; a still greater number sank beneath the ravages of famine, cold, and pestilence; and the remainder, hotly pursued, threw themselves into the defiles of Haemus. Most of these were surrounded and cut off from all escape; such as resisted were slaughtered; the most vigorous of those who surrendered were admitted to recruit the ranks of their conquerors, while those unfit for military service were compelled to labour as agricultural slaves. But soon after these glorious achievements, which gained for the emperor the title of Gothicus, by which he is usually designated, he was attacked by an epidemic which seems to have spread from the vanquished to the victors, and died at Sirmium in the course of A. D. 270, after a reign of about two years, recommending with his last breath his general Aurelian as the individual most worthy of the purple. Claudius was tall in stature, with a bright flashing eye, a broad full countenance, and possessed extraordinary muscular strength of arm. He was dignified in his manners, temperate in his mode of life, and historians have been loud in extolling his justice, moderation, and moral worth, placing him in the foremost rank of good emperors, equal to Trajan in valour, to Antoninus in piety, to Augustus in self-controul-commendations which must be received with a certain degree of caution, from the fact, that the object of them was considered as one of the ancestors of Constantine, his niece Claudia being the wife of Eutropius and the mother of Constantius Chlorus. The biography of Trebellius Pollio is a mere declamation, bearing all the marks of fulsome panegyric; but the testimony of Zosimus, who, although no admirer of Constantine, echoes these praises, is more to be trusted. It is certain also that he was greatly beloved by the senate, who heaped honours on his memory: a golden shield bearing his effigy was hung up in the curia Romana, a colossal statue of gold was erected in the capitol in front of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, a column was raised in the forum beside the rostra, and a greater number of coins bearing the epithet divus, indicating that they were struck after death, are extant of this emperor than of any of his predecessors. (Trebell. Pollio, Claud.; Aurel. Vict. EIpit. 34, de Caes. 34; Eutrop. ix. 11; Zosim. i. 40-43; Zonar. xii. 25, 26. Trebellius Pollio and Vopiscus give Claudius the additional appellation of Flavius, and the former that of Valerius also, names which were borne afterwards by Constantius.) [W. R.] COIN OF CLAUDIUS IL
Page 778 778 CLEANDER. CLAU'DIUS APOLLINA'RIS. [APOLLINA'RIS.] CLAU'DIUS A'TTICUS HERO'DES. [ATTICus HERODES.] CLAU'DIUS CA'PITO. [CAPITO.] CLAU'DIUS CIVI'LIS. [CIVILIS.] CLAU'DIUS CLAUDIA'NUS. [CLAUDIANUS.] CLAU'DIUS DI'DYMUS. [DIDYMUS.] CLAU'DIUS DRUSUS. [DRusus.] CLAU'DIUS EUSTHE'NIUS. [EUSTHENIUS.] CLAU'DIUS FELIX. [FELIX.] CLAU'DIUS JU'LIUS or JOLAUS, a Greek writer of unknown date, and probably a freedman of some Roman, was the author of a work on Phoenicia (,oevicucid) in three books at least. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. O"Ac, 'lovbala, Acpos; Etym. s. v. rdiSetpa.) This appears to be the same Jolus, who wrote a work on the Peloponnesus (HnAomrovvamatcd, Schol. ad Nicand. Ther. 521); he spoke in one of his works of the city Lampe in Crete. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Ad,urn7.) CLAU'DIUS LABEO. [LABEO.] CLAU'DIUS MAMERTI'NUS. [MAMERTINUS.] CLAU'DIUS MAXIMUS. [MAXIMUS.] CLAU'DIUS POMPEIA'NUS. [POMPEIANUS.] CLAU'DIUS QUADRIGA'RIUS. [QUADRIGARIUS.] CLAU'DIUS SACERDOS. [SACERDOS.] CLAU'DIUS SATURNI'NUS1 [SATURNINUS.] CLAU'DIUS SEVE'RUS. [SEVERUS.] CLAU'DIUS TA'CITUS. [TACITUS.] CLAU'DIUS TRYPHO'NIUS. [TRYPHONIUS.] CLAUDUS, C. QUINCTIUS, patrician, consul with L. Genucius Clepsina in B.C. 271. (Fasti.) CLAUSUS, a Sabine leader, who is said to have assisted Aeneas, and who was regarded as the ancestor of the Claudia gens. (Virg. Aen. vii. 706, &c.) App. Claudius, before he migrated to Rome, was called in his own country Attus, or Atta Clausus. (CLAUDIUs, No. 1.) CLEAE'NETUS (KAeaiveros). 1. Father of Cleon, the Athenian demagogue. (Thuc. iii. 36, iv. 21.) It is doubtful whether he is the same person as the Cleaenetus who is mentioned by Aristophanes (Eq. 572), and of whom the Scholiast on the passage speaks as the author of a decree for withholding the r'in1Js &v Upwav e1 from the generals of the state. 2. A tragic poet, of whom we find nothing recorded except the interesting fact of his being so fond of lupines, that he would eat them, husks and all. (Com. incert. ap. Athen. ii. p. 55, c.; comp. Casaub. ad loc.) [E. E.] CLEANDER (KAe'av3pos). 1. Tyrant of Gela, which had been previously subject to an oligarchy. He reigned for seven years, and was murdered B. c. 498, by a man of Gela named Sabyllus. He was succeeded by his brother Hippocrates, one of whose sons was also called Cleander. The latter, together with his brother Eucleides, was deposed by Gelon when he seized the government for himself in B. c. 491. (Herod. vii. 154, 155; Aristot. Polit. v. 12, ed. Bekk.; Paus. vi. 9.) 2. An Aeginetan, son of Telesarchus, whose victory in the pancratium at the Isthmian games CLEANDER. is celebrated by Pindar. (Isthm. viii.) The ode must have been composed very soon after the end of the Persian war (B. c. 479), and from it we learn that Cleander had also been victorious at the 'AAhcaOo7a at Megara and the 'AoKXcrsA7&na at Epidaurus. (See Diet. of Ant. on the words.) 3. A Lacedaemonian, was harmost at Byzantium in B. c. 400, and promised Cheirisophus to meet the Cyrean Greeks at Calpe with ships to convey them to Europe. On their reaching that place, however, they found that Cleander had neither come nor sent; and when he at length arrived, he brought only two triremes, and no transports. Soon after his arrival, a tumult occurred, in which the traitor Dexippus was rather roughly handled, and Cleander, instigated by him, threatened to sail away, to denounce the army as enemies, and to issue orders that no Greek city should receive them. [DEXIPPUS.] They succeeded, however, in pacifying him by extreme submission, and he entered into a connexion of hospitality with Xenophon, and accepted the offer of leading the army home. But he wished probably to avoid the possibility of any hostile collision with Pharnabazus, and, the sacrifices being declared to be unfavourable for the projected march, he sailed back to Byzantium, promising to give the Cyreans the best reception in his power on their arrival there. This promise he seems to have kept as effectually as the opposition of the admiral Anaxibius would permit. He was succeeded in his government by Aristarchus. (Xen. Anab. vi. 2. ~ 13, 4. ~~ 12, 18, vi. 6. ~~ 5-38, vii. 1. ~~ 8, 38, &c., 2. ~ 5, &c.) 4. One of Alexander's officers, son of Polemocrates. Towards the winter of B. c. 334, Alexander, being then in Caria, sent him to the Peloponnesus to collect mercenaries, and with these he returned and joined the king while he was engaged in the siege of Tyre, B. c. 331. (Arr. Anab. i. 24, ii. 20; Curt. iii. 1. ~ 1, iv. 3. ~ 11.) In B. c. 330 he was employed by Polydamas, Alexander's emissary, to kill Parmenion, under whom he had been left as second in command at Ecbatana. (Arr. Anab. iii. 26; Curt. vii. 2. ~~ 19, 27 -32; Plut. Alex. 49; Diod. xvii. 80; Just. xii. 5.) On Alexander's arrival in Carmania, B. c. 325, Cleander joined him there, together with some other generals from Media and their forces. But he was accused with the rest of extreme profligacy and oppression, not unmixed with sacrilege, in his command, and was put to death by order of Alexander. (Arr. Anab. vi. 27; Diod. xvii. 106; Plut. Alex. 68; Curt. x. 1. ~~ 1-8; Just. xii. 10.) 5. A collector of proverbs, is quoted by the Scholiast on Theocritus. (Idyll. v. 21, vn't f LE o`aev -po'v.) [E. E.] CLEANDER, a Phrygian slave, brought to Rome as a porter. He chanced to attract the attention and gain the favour of Commodus, who elevated him to the rank of chamberlain, and made him his chief minister after the death of Perennis. [PERENNIS.] Being now all-powerful, he openly offered for sale all offices, civil and military, and the regular number of magistrates was multiplied to answer the demand, so that on one occasion twenty-five consuls were nominated in a single year (it is believed to have been A. D. 185, or, according to Tillemont, 189), one of whom was Septimius Severus, afterwards emperor. The vast sums thus accumulated were however freely spent, partly in supplying the demands of the emperor
Page 779 CLEANTHES. partly in his own private gratifications, partly in relieving the wants of friends, and partly in works of public magnificence and utility. But fortune, which had raised him so rapidly, as suddenly hurled him down. A scarcity of corn having arisen, the blame was artfully cast upon the favourite by Papirius Dionysius, the praefectus annonae. A tumult burst forth in the circus, a mob hurried to the suburban villa of Commodus, clamouring for vengeance, and the emperor giving way to the dictates of his natural cowardice, yielded up Cleander, who was torn to pieces, and his whole family and nearest friends destroyed. (Dion Cass. lxxii. 12, 13; Herodian. i. 12, 10; Lamprid. Commod. 6, 7, 11.) [W. R.] CLEANDER, an architect, who constructed some baths at Rome for the emperor Commodus. (Lamprid. Comnm. c. 17; Osann, Kunsiblatt, 1830, N. 83.) [L. U.] CLEA'NDRIDAS (K\eavSplasa), a Spartan, father of Gylippus, who having been appointed by the ephors as counsellor to Pleistoanax in the invasion of Attica, B. c. 445, was said to have been bribed by Pericles to withdraw his army. He was condemned to death, but fled to Thurii, and was there received into citizenship. (Plut. Pericd. 22, Nic. 28; Thuc. vi. 104, 93, vii. 2; Diod. xiii. 106, who calls him Clearchus.) He afterwards commanded the Thurians in their war against the Tarentines. (Strab. vi. p. 264, who calls him Cleandrias.) [A. H. C.] CLEA'NOR (KAseivwp), an Arcadian of Orchomenus, entered into the service of Cyrus the Younger, and is introduced by Xenophon as refusing, in the name of the Greeks, after the battle of Cunaxa, B. c. 401, to surrender their arms at the requisition of Artaxerxes. (Xen. Anab. ii. 1. ~ 10.) After the treacherous apprehension of Clearchus and the other generals by Tissaphernes, Cleanor was one of those who were appointed to fill their places, and seems to have acted throughout the retreat with bravery and vigour. (Xen. A'nab. iii. 1. ~ 47, 2. ~~ 4-6, iv. 6. ~ 9.) When the Greeks found themselves deceived by the adventurer Coeratades, under whom they had marched out of Byzantium, Cleanor was among those who advised that they should enter the service of Seuthes, the Thracian prince, who had conciliated him by the present of a horse. We find him afterwards co-operating with Xenophon, of whom he seems to have had a high opinion, in his endeavour to obtain from Seuthes the promised pay. (Xen. Anab. vii. 2. ~ 2, 5. ~ 10.) [E. E.] CLEANTHES (Ke'av6uOs), a Stoic, born at Assos in Troas about B. c. 300, though the exact date is unknown. He was the son of Phanias, and entered life as a boxer, but had only four drachmas of his own when he felt himself impelled to the study of philosophy. He first placed himself under Crates, and then under Zeno, whose faithful disciple he continued for nineteen years. In order to support himself and pay Zeno the necessary fee for his instructions, he worked all night at drawing water from gardens, and in consequence received the nickname of epedavrhsis.* As he spent the whole day in philosophical pursuits, lie had no visible means of support, and was therefore sum CLEANTHES. 779 moned before the Areiopagus to account for his way of living. The judges were so delighted by the evidence of industry which he produced, that they voted him ten minae, though Zeno would not permit him to accept them. By his fellow-pupils he was considered slow and stupid, and received from them the title of the Ass, in which appellation he said that he rejoiced, as it implied that his back was strong enough to bear whatever Zeno put upon it. Several other anecdotes preserved of him shew that he was one of those enthusiastic votaries of philosophy who naturally appeared from time to time in an age when there was no deep and earnest religion to satisfy the thinking part of mankind. We are not therefore surprised to hear of his declaring that for the sake of philosophy he would dig and undergo all possible labour, of his taking notes from Zeno's lectures on bones and pieces of earthenware when he was too poor to buy paper, and of the quaint penitence with which he reviled himself for his small progress in philosophy, by calling himself an old man "possessed indeed of grey hairs, but not of a mind." For this vigour and zeal in the pursuit, he was styled a second Hercules; and when Zeno died, B. c. 263, Cleanthes succeeded him in his school. This event was fortunate for the preservation of the Stoical doctrines, for though Cleanthes was not endowed with the sagacity -necessary to rectify and develop his master's system, yet his stern morality and his devotion to Zeno induced him to keep it free from all foreign corruptions. His poverty was relieved by a present of 3000 minas from Antigonus, and he died at the age of eighty. The story of his death is characteristic. His physician recommended to him a two days' abstinence from food to cure an ulcer in his mouth, and at the end of the second day, he said that, as he had now advanced so far on the road to death, it would be a pity to have the trouble over again, and he therefore still refused all nourishment, and died of starvation. The names of the numerous treatises of Cleanthes preserved by Lafirtius (vii. 175) present the usual catalogue of moral and philosophical subjects: 7repl diperTiv, 7repi ISoviPs, 7repi Oecuv, &c. A hymn of his to Zeus is still extant, and contains some striking sentiments. It was published in Greek and German by H. H. Cludius, Gottingen, 1786; also by Sturz, 1785, re-edited by Merzdorf, Lips. 1835, and by others. His doctrines were almost exactly those of Zeno. There was a slight variation between his opinion and the more usual Stoical view respecting the immortality of the soul. Cleanthes taught that all souls are immortal, but that the intensity of existence after death would vary according to the strength or weakness of the particular soul, thereby leaving to the wicked some apprehension of future punishment; whereas Chrysippus considered that only the souls of, the wise and good were to survive death. (Plut. Plac. Phil. iv. 7.) Again, with regard to the ethical principle of the Stoics, to "live in unison with nature," it is said that Zeno only enunciated the vague direction, oboAeoyyoupe'vws pv, which Cleanthes explained by the addition of rji q(Pres. (Stob. Eel. ii. p. 132.) By this he meant the universal nature of things, whereas Chrysippus understood by the nature which we are to follow, the particular nature of man, as well as universal nature. (Diog. Laert. vii. 89.) This opinion of Cleanthes was of a Cynical character [ANTISTHENES], and held up as a model - - * Hence the correction of puteum for pluteumn has been proposed in Juv. ii. 7: "' Et jubet archetypos pluteoum servare Cleanthas."
Page 780 780 CLEARCHUS. of an animal state of existence, unimproved by the I progress of civilization. Accordingly we hear that his moral theory was even stricter than that of ordinary Stoicism, denying that pleasure was agreeable to nature, or in any way good. The direction to follow universal nature also led to fatalist conclusions, of which we find traces in the lines dyou 6e i2 w ZeU, Kcat iro 7' 7 ITerrpwpevri, o7ror sroO' vlui eul Sr areyEivos, ic. T. A. (Mohnike, Kleanthes der Stoiker, fragm. i.; see also Diog. LaSrt. 1.c.; Cic. Acad. iv. 23, Div. i. 3, Fin. ii. 21, iv. 3; Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophie, xi. 5. 1; Brucker, list. Crit. Philosoph. pt. n. lib. ii. c. 9.) [G. E. L. C.] CLEANTHES (KAshive-s), the name of a freedman of Cato the Younger, who was also his physician, and attended him at the time of his death, B. c. 46. (Plut. Cat. ad fin.) [W.A. G.] SCLEANTHES, an ancient painter of Corinth, mentioned among the inventors of that art by Pliny (IH. N. xxxv. 5) and Athenagoras. (Legat. pro Christ. c. 17). A picture by him representing the birth of Minerva was seen in the temple of Diana near the Alpheus. (Strab. viii. p. 343, b.; Athen. viii. p. 346, c.) This work was not, as Gerhard (Auserles. Vasenbilder, i. p. 12) says, confounding our artist with Ctesilochus (Plin. xxxv. 40), in a ludicrous style, but rather in the severe style of ancient art. [L. U.] CLEARCHUS (KAEapXos), a Spartan, son of Ramphias. In the congress which the Spartans held at Corinth, in B, c. 412, it was determined to employ him as commander in the Hellespont after Chios and Lesbos should be gained from the Athenians; and in the same year the eleven commissioners, who were sent out from Sparta to take cognizance of the conduct of Astyochus, were entrusted with the discretionary power of despatching a force to the Hellespont under Clearchus. (Thuc. viii. 8, 39.) In B. c. 410, he was present at the battle of Cyzicus under Mindarus, who appointed him to lead that part of the force which was specially opposed to Thrasybulus. (Diod. xiii. 51; Xen. Hell. i. 1. ~ 16, &c.; Plut. Ale. 28.) In the same year, on the proposal of Agis, he was sent to Chalcedon and Byzantium, with the latter of which states he had a connexion of hospitality, to endeavour to cut off the Athenian supplies of corn in that quarter, and he accordingly fixed his residence at Byzantium as harmost. When the town was besieged by the Athenians, B. c.408, Clearchus reserved all the provisions, when they became scarce, for the Lacedaemonian soldiers; and the consequent sufferings of the inhabitants, as well as the general tyranny of his rule, led some parties within the place to surrender it to the enemy, and served afterwards to justify them even in the eyes of Spartan judges when they were brought to trial for the alleged treachery. At the time of the surrender, Clearchus had crossed over to Asia to obtain money from Pharnabazus and to collect a force sufficient to raise the siege. He was afterwards tried for the loss of the town, and fined. (Xen. Iell. i. 1. ~ 35, 3. ~ 15, &c.; Diod. xiii. 67; Plut. Ale. 31; Polyaen. i. 47, ii. 2.) In B. c. 406 he was present at the battle of Arginusae, and was named by Callicratidas as the man most fit to act as commander, should he himself be slain. (Diod. xiii. 98.) On the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war, Clearchus, to whom peace was ever irksome, persuaded the Spartans to send him as general to Thrace, to protect the Greeks in that CLEARCHUS. quarter against the Thracians. But by the time he had reached the isthmus, the ephors repented their selection of him, and sent an order for his recall. He proceeded however to the Hellespont in spite of it, and was consequently condemned to death by the authorities at home. At Byzantium, where lie took up his residence, he behaved with great cruelty, and, having put to death many of the chief citizens and seized their property, he raised a body of mercenaries with the money, and made himself master of the place. The Spartans, according to Diodorus, having remonstrated with him to no purpose, sent a force against him under Panthoides; and Clearchus, thinking it no longer safe to remain in Byzantium, withdrew to Selymbria. Here he was defeated and besieged, but effected his escape by night, and passing over to Asia, proceeded to the court of Cyrus. The prince, whose object was to collect, without exciting suspicion, as many troops as possible for his intended expedition against his brother, supplied Clearchus with a large sum of money, with which he levied mercenaries, and employed them, till Cyrus should need their services, in protecting the Greeks of the Thracian Chersonesus against the neighbouring barbarians. Plutarch says,-a statement not very easy to be reconciled with the sentence of death which had been passed against him,-that he received also an order from Sparta to promote in all points the objects of Cyrus. When the prince had set out on his expedition, Clearchus joined him at Celaenae in Phrygia with a body of 2000 men in all, being, according to Xenophon (Anab. iii. 1. ~ 10), the only Greek who was aware of the prince's real object. When the actual intention o.f Cyrus began to be suspected, the Greeks refused to march further, and Clearchus, attempting to force his own troops to proceed, narrowly escaped stoning at their hands. Professing then to come into their wishes, and keeping up a show of variance between himself and Cyrus, he gradually led, not his own forces only, but the rest of his countrymen as well, to perceive the difficulties of their position should they desert the service of the prince, and thus ultimately induced them to advance. When Orontes was brought to trial for his treason, Clearchus was the only Greek admitted into the number of judges, and he was the first to advise sentence of death against the accused. At the battle of Cunaxa, B. c. 401, he commanded the right wing of the Greeks, which rested on the Euphrates; from this position he thought it unsafe to withdraw, as such a step would have exposed him to the risk of being surrounded; and he therefore neglected the directions of Cyrus, who had desired him to charge with all his force the enemy's centre. Plutarch blames him exceedingly for such an excess of caution, and attributes to it the loss of the battle. When the Greeks began their retreat, Clearchus was tacitly recognized as their commander-in-chief, and in this capacity he exhibited his usual qualities of prudence and energy, as well as great strictness in the preservation of discipline. At length, however, being desirous of coming to. a better understanding with Tissaphernes, and allaying the suspicions which existed between him and the Greeks in spite of their solemn treaty, Clearchus sought an interview with the satrap, the result of which was an agreement to punish the parties on both sides who had laboured to excite their mutual jealousy; and Tissaphernes
Page 781 CLEARCHUS. CLEDONIUS. 781 promised that, if Clearchus would bring his chief 2. A commentary on Plato's "Timaeus." (Fabric. officers to him, he would point out those who had Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 95.) 3. HlAadwvos eyic/fulov. instilled suspicion into him against their country- (Diog. Lairt. iii. 2.) 4. lHep rI v v Ty nHArwvos men. Clearchus fell into the snare, and induced THoXTeiL, paOpaTrcws elppvlwv.. repyiOLos, a four of the generals and twenty of the lochagi to treatise on flattery, so called, according to Atheaccompany him to the interview. The generals naeus (vi. p.255), from Gergithius, one of Alexanwere admitted and arrested, while the other officers, der's courtiers. 6. IIepI Tratslias. (Diog. Laert. who had remained without, were massacred. Clear- i. 9; Athen. xv. p. 697, e.) 7. Ilepl qiAlas. chus and his colleagues were sent to the court of 8. naporeilat. 9. Hepi y7pLpfv, on riddles. 10. Artaxerxes, and, notwithstanding the efforts of the 'EpwnrdC, probably historical, a collection of lovequeen-mother, Parysatis, in their favour, were all stories, not unmixed with the discussion of some beheaded, with the exception of Menon, who pe- very odd questions on the subject (e. g. Athen. xii. rished by a more lingering death. In this account p. 553, f.). 11. lepl ypa<p&v, on paintings. Xenophon and Ctesias in the main agree; but (Athen. xiv. p. 648, f.) 12. HepLypaai? The from the latter Plutarch reports besides several reading in Athenaeus (vii. ad init.) is doubtful; apocryphal stories. One of these is, that, while see Dalechamp and Casaubon, ad loc. 13. IlEpt the bodies of the other generals were torn by dogs vdpcar, on the Torpedo. 14. lyep rwv vv'8pwv, and birds, a violent wind raised over that of Clear- on water-animals. 15. Hiept S(vwv, on sand-wastes. chus a tomb of sand, round which, in a miracu- 16. TepIl es-KEh7rv, an anatomical work. (Casaub. lously short space of time, an overshadowing grove ad Athen. ix. p. 399.) 17. riepi ilrvov, the of palm-trees arose; so that the king repented genuineness of which, however, has been called in much when he knew that he had slain a favourite question. (Fabr. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 481.) This of the gods. (Xen. Anab. i. 1. ~ 9, 2. ~ 9, 3. is the work to which Clement of Alexandria refers ~~ 1-21, 5. ~~ 11-17, 6. ~~ 1-11, 8. ~~ 4-13, (Strom. i. 15) for the account of the philosophical iL 1-6. ~ 15; Diod. xiv. 12, 22-26; Plut. Ar- Jew, with whom Aristotle was said to have held tax. 8, 18.) [E. E.] much communication, and therein, by his own conCLEARCHUS (KAeapXos), a citizen of Herac- fession, to have gained more than he imparted. It leia on the Euxine, was recalled from exile by the has been doubted also whether the work on milinobles to aid them in quelling the seditious temper tary tactics referred to by Aelianus Tacticus (ch. 1) and demands of the people. According to Justin, should be ascribed to the present Clearchus or to he made an agreement with Mithridates I. of the tyrant of Heracleia. (See Voss. 1. c.; Fabric. Pontus to betray the city to him on condition of Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 481.) [E. E.] holding it under him as governor. But, perceiving CLEARCHUS (KAhapXos), an Athenian comic apparently that he might make himself master of poet of the new comedy, whose time is unknown. it without the aid of Mithridates, he not only Fragments are preserved from his KiOapqids broke his agreement with the latter, but seized his (Athen. x. p. 426, a., xiv. p. 623, c.), KoptvOio, person, and compelled him to pay a large sum for (xiv. p. 613, b.), nIdvpoaos (xiv. p. 642, b.), and his release. Having deserted the oligarchical side, from a play, the title of which is unknown. (i. he came forward as the man of the people, obtain- p. 28, e.; Eustath. ad Odyss. p. 1623, 47; Meine e, ed from them the command of a body of merce- Com. Graec. i. p. 490, iv. pp. 562, 849.) [P. S. I naries, and, having got rid of the nobles by murder CLEARCHUS, a sculptor in bronze at Rheand banishment, raised himself to the tyranny, gium, is important as the teacher of the celebrated He used his power as badly, and with as much Pythagoras, who flourished at the time of Myron cruelty as he had gained it, while, with the very and Polycletus. Clearchus was the pupil of the frenzy of arrogance, he assumed publicly the attri- Corinthian Eucheir, and belongs probably to the butes of Zeus, and gave the name of Kepavvds to 72nd and following Olympiads. The whole pedione of his sons. He lived in constant fear of assas- gree of the school to which he is to be ascribed is sination, against which he guarded in the strictest given by Pausanias. (vi. 4. ~ 2. Comp. Heyne, way. But, in spite of his precautions, he was Opusc. Acad. v. p. 371.) [L. U.] murdered by Chion and Leon in B. c. 353, after a CLEA'RIDAS(Khsapluas), a friend of Brasidas, reign of twelve years. He is said to have been a and apparently one of those young men whose pupil both of Plato and of Isocrates, the latter of appointment to foreign governments Thucydides whom asserts that, while he was with him, he was considers to have been inconsistent with Spartan one of the gentlest and most benevolent of men. principles (iv. 132). He was made governor of (Diod. xv. 81, xvi. 36; Just. xvi. 4, 5; Polyaen. Amphipolis by Brasidas; and in the battle there, ii 30; Memn. ap. Phot. Bibl. 224; Plut. de Alex. in which Brasidas and Cleon were killed, he comFort. ii. 5, ad Princ. inerud. 4; Theopomp. ap. manded the main body of the forces, B. c. 422. Atken. iii. p. 85; Isocr. Ep. ad Timoth. p. 423, ad Clearidas afterwards distinguished himself in the fin.; Suid. s. v. KAdapXor; Wesseling, ad Diod. quarrels which arose after the peace of Nicias, by. cc.; Perizon. ad Ael. V. H. ix. 1 3.) [E. E.] giving up Amphipolis, not (as the terms required) CLEARCH US (KAhapXos), of Soli, one of Aris- to the Athenians, but to the Amphipolitans themtotle's pupils, was the author of a number of works, selves. (Thuc. v. 10, 21, 34.) [A. H. C.] none of which are extant, on a very great variety CLEDO'NIUS, the author of an essay upon of subjects. He seems to have been the same per- Latin grammar, published by Putschius from a son whom Athenaeus (i. p. 4, a.) calls rpeeXClir- single corrupt and imperfect MS., inscribed " Ars Vo., or the diner out. A list of his principal Cledonii Romani Senatoris, Constantinopolitani writings is subjoined, all the references which may Grammatici." It is professedly a commentary on be found in Vossius (dto Hlst. Graec. pp. 83, 84, the celebrated treatise of Donatus, and to suit the ed. Westermann) being omitted for the sake of arrangement of that work is divided into two brevity:--l. Bio, a biographical work, extending parts, the former, or ars prima, containing illusto at least eight books. (See Athen. xii. p. 548, d.) trations of the 'Editio Prima; the latter, or ars
Page 782 782 CLEINIAS. secunda, of the Editio Secunda. [DONATUS.] Of Cledonius personally we know nothing; but it is not improbable that he may have been attached to the Auditorium or University established in the capitolium of Constantinople, an institution to which we find an allusion in p. 1866. (Comp. Godofr. ad Cod. Theodos. 14. tit. 9 vol. v. p. 203, &c.) The only edition is that contained in the " Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui" of Putschius, 4to., LHanov. 1605, pp. 1859-1939. (Osann, Beitbrige zur Griechl. und Rinn. Litteraturgesch. vol. ii. p. 314.) [W. R.] CLEE'MPORUS or CLEA'MPORUS, a physician, who may have lived in the sixth or fifth century B. c., as Pliny says that a botanical work, which was commonly attributed to Pythagoras, was by some persons supposed to have been written by him. (IH. N. xxiv. 101.) [W. A. G.] CLEIDE'MUS (KNeil6alos), an ancient Athe. nian author. Meursius is inclined to believe (Pezsistr. c. 2), that the name, where it occurs in Plutarch, Athenaeus, and others, has been substituted, by an error of the copyists, for Cleitodemus, who is mentioned by Pausanias (x. 15) as the most ancient writer of Athenian history. We find in Athenaeus the following works ascribed to Cleidemus:-1. 'E4s-y-TfLdC. (Athen. ix. p. 410, a.) This is probably the same work which is referred to by Suidas (s. v. " T-s). Casaubon (ad Athen. 1. c.) and Vossius (de Hist. Graec. p. 418, ed. Westerniann) think that it was a sort of lexicon; but it seems rather to have been an antiquarian treatise, in verse, on religious rites and ceremonies. (Comp. Ruhnken, ad Tim. s. v. 'EýryqTrai.) 2. 'ArTis (Athen. vi. p. 235, a.), the subject of which seems to have been the history and antiquities of Attica. It is probably the work quoted by Plutarch( Thes. 19, 27), who mentions prolixity as the especial characteristic of the author. 3. DpcTroryovia, also apparently an antiquarian work. (Athen. xiv. p. 660, a.) 4. NierroT, a passage from the eighth book of which is referred to by Athenaeus (xii. p. 609, c.), relating to the first restoration of Peisistratus and the marriage of Hipparchus with Phya. (Conp. Herod. i. 60.) We cannot fix the exact period at which Cleidemus flourished, but it must have been subsequently to B. c. 479, since Plutarch refers to his account of the battle of Plataea. (Plut. Arist. 19.) See further references in Vossius (1. c.). [E. E.] CLEFGENES (KAeLy7E'ls). 1. A citizen of Acanthus, sent as ambassador to Sparta, B.c. 382, to obtain her assistance for Acanthus and the other Chalcidian towns against the Olynthians. Xenophon records a speech of his, delivered on this occasion, in which he dwells much on the ambition of Olynthus and her growing power. His application for aid was successful. (Xen. Iell. v. 2. ~ 11, &c.; Diod. xv. 19, &c.; comp. p. 155, a.) 2. A man who is violently attacked by Aristophanes in a very obscure passage (Ran. 705-71 6), where he is spoken of as a bath-man, puny in person, dishonest, drunken, and quarrelsome. The Scholiast says (ad Arist. 1. c.), that he was a rich man, but of foreign extraction. He seems to have been a meddler in politics, and a mischievous charlatan of the day. [E. E.] CLEFNIAS (KAewlvas.) 1. Son of Alcibiades, who traced his origin from Eurysaces, the son of the Telamonian Ajax. This Alcibiades was the contemporary of Cleisthenes [CLEISTHENES,No. 2], CLEINOMACHUIS. whom he assisted in expelling the Peisistratidae from Athens, and along with whom he was subsequently banished. Cleinias married Deinomacha, the daughter of Megacles, and became by her the father of the famous Alcibiades. He greatly distinguished himself in the third naval engagement at Artemisium, B. c. 480, having provided a ship and manned it with 200 men at his own expense. He was slain in B. c. 447, at the battle of Coroneia, in which the Athenians were defeated by thle Boeotian and Euboean exiles. (Herod. viii. 17; Plut. Ale. 1; Plat. Ale. Prim. p. 112; Thuc. i. 113.) 2. A younger brother of the famous Alcibiades. Pericles, the guardian of the youths, fearing lest Alcibiades might corrupt him, sent him away from his own house and placed him for education with his brother Ariphron; but the latter sent him back at the end of six months, finding it impossible to make anything of him. (Plat. Protag. p. 320.) In another dialogue (Alc. Prim. p. 118, adfin.; comp. Schol. ad loo.) he is spoken of as quite a madman. 3. Son of Axiochus, and the same who is introduced as a very young man by Plato in the " Euthydemus," was first cousin to No. 3 and to Alcibiades. 4. The father of Aratus of Sicyon. The Sicyonians committed to him the supreme power in their state on the deposition, according to Pausanias, of the tyrants Euthydemus and Timocleidas, the latter of whom, according to Plutarch, was joined with Cleinias as his colleague. Soon after this Abantidas murdered Cleinias and seized the tyranny, B. c. 264. (Paus. ii. 8; Plut. Arat. 2.) [ABANTIDAS.] [E. E.] CLEFNIAS (KXAevias), a Pythagorean philosopher, of Tarentum, was a contemporary and friend of Plato's, as appears from the story (perhaps otherwise worthless) which Diogenes Labrtius (ix. 40) gives on the authority of Aristoxenus, to the effect that Plato wished to burn all the writings of Democritus which he could collect, but was prevented by Amyclas and Cleinias. In his practice, Cleinias was a true Pythagorean. Thus we hear that he used to assuage his anger by playing on his harp; and, when Prorus of Cyrene had lost all his fortune through a political revolution (comp.Thrige, Res Cyrenetsium, ~ 48), Cleinias, who knew nothing of him except that he was a Pythagorean, took on himself the risk of a voyage to Cyrene, and supplied him with money to the full extent of his loss. (lamblich. Vit. Pytit. 27, 31, 33; Ael. VI. H. xiv. 23; Perizon. ad loc.; Chamael. Pont. ap. Athen. xiv. p. 623, f.; Diod. Fragm. lib. x.; Fabric. Bibl. G'raec. i. pp. 840, 886.) [E. E.] CLEINIS (KAehtis), the husband of Harpe and father of Lycius, Ortygius, Harpasus, and Artemicha. He lived in Mesopotamia, near Babylon, and was beloved by Apollo and Artemis. Having heard that the Hyperboreans sacrificed asses to Apollo, he wished to introduce the same custom at Babylon; but Apollo threatened him, and commanded that only sheep, goats, and heifers should be sacrificed. Lycius and Harpasus, the sons of Cleinis, however, persisted in sacrificing asses, whereupon Apollo infuriated the animals so as to attack the family of Cleinis. Other divinities, however, took pity upon the family, and changed all its members into different birds. (Anton Lib. 20.) [L. S.] CLEINO'MACHUS (KAsew6taXos), a Megaric
Page 783 CLEISTHENES. CLEISTHEN ES. -73m philosopher of Thurium, is said by Diogenes LaUr- ment of the Peisistratidae, and was indeed sustius (ii. 112) to have been the first who composed pected of having tampered with the Delphic oracle, treatises on the fundamental principles of dialectics and urged it to require from Sparta the expulsion (repl daLtwi-wv Kal,acyaT op7JPdgwciv). We learn of Hippias. Finding, however, that lie could not from Suidas (s. v. hvipiwv), that Pyrrhon, who cope with his political rival Isagoras except through flourished about 330 B. c., attended the instruc- the aid of the commons, he set himself to increase tions of Bryso, and that the latter was a disciple the power of the latter, and to remove most of the of Cleinomachus. We may therefore set the date safeguards against democracy which Solon had of Cleinomachus towards the commencement of the established or preserved. There is therefore less same century. [E. E.] trutn than rhetoric in the assertion of Isocrates CLEIO. [MUSAE.] (Areiopag. p. 143, a), that Cleisthenes merely reCLEI'STHENES (KA\eir0Eves). 1. Son of stored the constitution of Solon. The principal Aristonymus and tyrant of Sicyon. He was des- change which he introduced, and out of which cended from Orthagoras, who founded the dynasty most of his other alterations grew, was the aboliabout 100 years before his time, and succeeded his tion of the four ancient tribes, and the establishgrandfather Myron in the tyranny, though proba- ment of ten new ones in their stead. These last bly not without some opposition. (Herod. vi. 126; were purely local, and the object as well as the Aristot. Polit. v. 12, ed Bekk.; Paus. ii. 8; Mill- effect of the arrangement was, to give permanence ler, Dor. i. 8. ~ 2.) In B. c. 595, he aided the to democratic ascendency by the destruction of Amphictyons in the sacred war against Cirrha, the old aristocratic associations of clanship. (Comp.' which ended, after ten years, in the destruction of Arist. Polit. vi. 4, ed. Bekk.; Thrige, Res Cyren. the guilty city, and in which Solon too is said to ~ 48.) The increase in the number of the /3ouAi have assisted with his counsel the avengers of the and of the vavupapiai was a consequence of the god. (Paus. x. 37; Aesch. c. Ctes. ~ 107, &c.; above measure. The c)pa'rpia were indeed allowed Clinton, F. II. sub anno, 595.) We find Cleis- to remain as before, but, as they were no longer thenes also engaged in war with Argos, his enmity connected with the tribes (the &7u/oi constituting to which is said by Herodotus to have been so the new subdivision), they ceased to be of any great, that he prohibited the recitation at Sicyon political importance. According to Aelian (V. H. of Homer's poems, because Argos was celebrated xiii. 24) Cleisthenes was also the first who instiin them, and restored to the worship of Dionysus tuted ostracism, by which he is said, on the same what the historian calls, by a prolepsis, the tragic authority, to have been the first sufferer; and this choruses in which Adrastus, the Argive hero, was is partly borne out by Diodorus (xi. 55), who says, commemorated. (Herod. v. 67; see Nitzsch, Mele- that ostracism was introduced after the banishment temr. i. p. 153, &c.) Muller (1. c.) connects this of the Peisistratidae (but see Plut Nic. 11; Harhostility of Cleisthenes towards Argos, the chief pocrat. s. v. "'Irapxos). We learn, moreover, from Dorian city of the district, with his systematic en- Aristotle (Polit. iii. 2, ed Bekk.) that he admitted deavour to depress and dishonour the Dorian tribes into the tribes a number of persons who were not at Sicyon. The old names of these he altered, of Athenian blood; but this appears to have been calling them by new ones derived from the sow, only intended to serve his purposes at the time, not the ass, and the pig ('TfTam, 'OveaTre, XompeaTai), to be a precedent for the future. By some again he while to his own tribe he gave the title of 'Apxheaoi is supposed to have remodelled the Ephetae, add(lords of the people). The explanation of his mo- ing a fifth court to the four old ones, and altering tive for this given by Miuller (Dor. iii. 4. ~ 3) the number of the judges from 80 to 51, i. e. five seems even less satisfactory than the one of Hero- from each tribe and a president. (Wachsmuth, dotus which he sets aside; and the historian's vol. i. p. 360, Eng. transl.; but see Muller, Eustatement, that Cleisthenes of Athens imitated his menid. ~ 64, &c.) The changes of Cleisthenes grandfather in his political changes, may justify had the intended effect of gaining political supethe inference, that the measures adopted at Sicyon riority for himself and his party, and Isagoras was with respect to the tribes extended to more than a reduced to apply for the aid of the Spartans under mere alteration of their names. (Herod. v. 67, 68.) Cleomenes I. Heralds accordingly were sent from From Aristotle (Pol. v. 12) we learn, that Cleis- Lacedaemon to Athens, who demanded and obthenes maintained his power partly through the tained the banishment of Cleisthenes and the rest respect inspired by his military exploits, and partly of the Alcmaeonidae, as the accursed family (E'aby the popular and moderate course which he 7yse), on whom rested the pollution of Cylon's adopted in his general government. His adminis- murder. [CYLoN.] Cleisthenes having withdrawn, tration also appears to have been characterized by Cleomenes proceeded to expel 700 families pointed much magnificence, and Pausanias mentions a out by Isagoras, and endeavoured to abolish the colonnade (rrod KkAes-Oe'Veos) which he built with Council of 500, and to place the government in the the spoils taken in the sacred war. (Paus. ii. 9.) hands of 300 oligarchs. But the Council resisted We have no means of ascertaining the exact date the attempt, and the people supported them, and of the death of Cleisthenes, or the conclusion of besieged Cleomenes and Isagoras in the Acropolis, his tyranny, but we know that it cannot be placed of which they had taken possession. On the third earlier than B. c. 582, in which year he won the day the besieged capitulated, and the Lacedaemovictory in the chariot-race at the Pythian games. nians and Isagoras were allowed to depart from (See Clinton and Muller on the year.) His daugh- Attica. The rest were put to death, and Cleister Agarista, whom so many suitors sought, was thenes and the 700 banished families were regiven in marriage to Megacles the Alcmaeonid. called. (Herod. v. 63, 66, 69-73, vi. 131; comp. [AGARISTA.] Dict. ofAnt. pp. 156, 235, 323, &c., 633, 755, 2. An Athenian, son of Megacles and Agarista, 990-993.) and grandson of the tyrant of Sicyon, appears as 3. An Athenian, whose foppery and effeminate the head of the Alcmaeonid clan on the banish- profligacy brought him more than once under the
Page 784 7P4 CLEITARCHUS. lash of Aristophanes. Thus the Clouds are said to take the form of women when they see him (Nub. 354); and in the Thesmophoriazusae (574, &c.) he brings information to the women, as being a particular friend of theirs, that Euripides has smuggled in Mnesilochus among them as a spy. In spite of his character he appears to have been appointed on one occasion to the sacred office of 4ewpors. (Vesp. 1187.) The Scholiast on Ach. 118 and Eq. 1371 says, that, in order to preserve the appearance of youth, he wore no beard, removing the hair by an application of pitch. (Comp. Elmsl. ad Ach. 118.) [E. E.] CLEITA'GORA (KAetrayppa), a lyric poetess, mentioned by Aristophanes in his Warps (v. 1245), and in his lost play, the Danaids. She is variously represented as a Lacedaemonian, a Thessalian, and a Lesbian. (Schol. in Aristoph. Vesp. 1239, 1245, Lysistr. 1237; Suid. Hesych. s. v.) [P. S.] CLEITARCHUS (KETi'rapos), tyrant of Eretria in Euboea. After Plutarchus had been expelled from the tyranny of Eretria by Phocion, B. c. 350, popular government was at first established; but strong party struggles ensued, in which the adherents of Athens were at length overpowered by those of Macedonia, and Philip then sent Hipponicus, one of his generals, to destroy the walls of Porthmus, the harbour of Eretria, and to set up Hipparchus, Automedon, and Cleitarchus as tyrants. (Plut. Phoc. 13; Dem. de Cor. ~ 86, Phlipp. iii. ~~ 68, 69.) This was subsequent to the peace between Athens and Philip in B. c. 346, since Demosthenes adduces it as one of the proofs of a breach of the peace on the part of Macedon. (Philipp. iii. ~ 23.) The tyrants, however, were not suffered to retain their power quietly, for Demosthenes (Philip. iii. ~ 69) mentions two armaments sent by Philip for their support, at different times, under Eurylochus and Parmenion respectively. Soon after, we find Cleitarchus in sole possession of the government; but he does not seem to have been at open hostility with Athens, though he held Eretria for Philip, for we hear of the Athenians sending ambassadors to request his consent to the arrangement for uniting Euboea under one federative government, having its congress at Chalcis, to which Athens was also to transfer the annual contributions from Oreus and Eretria. Aeschines says, that a talent from Cleitarchus was part of the bribe which he alleges that Demosthenes received for procuring the decree in question. Cleitarchus appears therefore to have come into the above project of Demosthenes and Callias, to whom he would naturally be opposed; but he thought it perhaps a point gained if he could get rid of the remnant of Athenian influence in Eretria. For the possible motives of Demosthenes, see p. 568, a. The plan, however, seems to have fallen to the ground, and Demosthenes in B. c. 341 carried a decree for an expedition to Euboea with the view of putting down the Macedonian interest in the island. On this, Cleitarchus and Philistides, the tyrant of Oreus, sent ambassadors to Athens to prevent, if possible, the threatened invasion; and Aeschines, at whose house the envoys were entertained, appears to have supported their cause in the assenmbly. But the decree was carried into effect, and the command of the armament was given to Phocion, by whom Cleitarchus and Philistides were expelled from their respective cities. (Aesch. c. CLEITOMACHUS. Ctes. ~~ 85-103; Dem. de Cor. p. 252, &c,; Diod. xvi. 74; Plut. Dem. 17.) [E. E.] CLEITARCHUS (KAehapXos), son of the historian Deinon (Plin. H. N. x. 49), accompanied Alexander the Great in his Asiatic expedition, and wrote a history of it. This work has been erroneously supposed by some to have formed the basis of that of Curtius, who is thought to have closely followed, even if he did not translate it. We find Curtius, however, in one passage (ix. 5. ~ 21) differing from Cleitarchus, and even censuring him for his inaccuracy. Cicero also (de Leg. i. 2) speaks very slightingly of the production in question (7Tr a'rep 'AAEeav6pov), and mentions him again (Brut. 11) as one who, in his account of the death of Themistocles, eked out history with a little dash of romance. Quintilian says (Inst. Or. x. 1), that his ability was greater than his veracity; and Longinus (de Sublim. ~ 3; comp. Toup. ad loc.) condemns his style as frivolous and inflated, applying to it the expression of Sophocles, orteucpoYs IEvP avdhiAocoti, p(opOeias ' direp. He is quoted also by Plutarch (Them. 27, Alex. 46), and several times by Pliny, Athenaeus, and Strabo. The Cleitarchus, whose treatise on foreign words (yXcaeo-ar) is frequently referred to by Athenaeus, was a different person from the historian. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 38; Voss, de Iist. Graec. p. 90, ed. Westermann.) [E. E.] CLEITE (KsAeiir), a daughter of king Merops, and wife of Cyzicus. After the murder of her husband by the Argonauts she hung herself, and the tears of the nymphs, who lamented her death, were changed into the well of the name of Cleite. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 967, 1063, &c.) [L. S.] CLEITODE'MUS. [CLEIDEMUS.] CLEITO'MACH US (KAeT'rdgaX0os), a Carthaginian by birth, and called Hasdrubal in his own language, came to Athens in the 40th year of his age, previously at least to the year 146 B. c. He there became connected with the founder of the New Academy, the philosopher Carneades, under whose guidance he rose to be one of the most distinguished disciples of this school; but he also studied at the same time the philosophy of the Stoics and Peripatetics. Diogenes Laertius, to whom we are indebted for these notices of the life of Cleitomachus, relates also (iv. 67), that he succeeded Carneades as the head of the Academy on the death of the latter, B. c. 129. (Comp. Steph. Byz. s. v. Kapysnwdv.) He continued to teach at Athens till as late as B. c. 111, at all events, as Crassus heard him in that year. (Cic. de Orat. i. 11.) Of his works, which amounted to 400 books (/3slla, Diog. Lairt. 1. c.), only a few titles are preserved. His main object in writing them was to make known the philosophy of his master Carneades, from whose views he never dissented. Cleitomachus continued to reside at Athens till the end of his life; but he continued to cherish a strong affection for his native country, and when Carthage was taken in B. c. 146, he wrote a work to console his unfortunate countrymen. This work, which Cicero says he had read, was taken from a discourse of Carneades, and was intended to exhibit the consolation which philosophy supplies even under the greatest calamities. (Cic. Tusc. iii. 22.) Cicero seems indeed to have paid a good deal of attention to the works of Cleitomachus, and speaks in high terms of his industry, penetration, and philosophical talent. (Acad. ii. 6,
Page 785 CLEITUS. 31.) He sometimes translates from the works of Cleitomachus, as for instance from the " De sustinendis Offensionibus," which was in four books. (Acad. ii. 31.) Cleitomachus appears to have been well known to his contemporaries at Rome, for two of his works were dedicated to illustrious Romans; one to the poet C. Lucilius, and the other to L. Censorinus, consul in B. c. 149. (Cic. Acad. ii. 32.) Cleitomachus probably treated of the history of philosophy in his work on the philosophical sects (wrepl alpEioewv). (Diog. Laert. ii. 92.) (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 168; Brucker, Hist. Phil. i. p. 771; Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. pp. 159, 160; Suid. s. v KAsrOrpuaXo.) [A. S.] CLEITO'MACHUS (KAkTJro'.aXos), a Theban athlete, whose exploits are recorded by Pausanias (vi. 15; comp. Suid. s. v. KAerdoua;Xos). He won the prize at Olympia in the pancratium in 01. 141. (B. c. 216.) Aelian mentions (V. H. iii. 30) his great temperance, and the care he took to keep himself in good condition. [E. E.] CLEITO'NYMUS (KAecrrivvlos), an historian of uncertain date. A workl of his on Italy and another on Sybaris are quoted by Plutarch. (Parall. MAin. 10, 21.) His Tragica, also quoted by Plutarch (de Fhle. 3), Vossius supposes to have been a collection of the legends which formed the ordinary subjects of ancient tragedy; but it has been proposed to substitute OppscLc(Zv for 'rpayIcKCW in the passage in question. (Voss. de Hist. Gracc. p. 418, ed. Westermann.) [E. E.] CLEI'TOPHON (KNEvrob&oP), a Rhodian author of uncertain date, to whom we find the following works ascribed: 1. rahamcad, a history of the Gauls, from which Plutarch (Parallel. Ain. 15) gives a story, parallel to that of Tarpeia in Livy, of a woman of Ephesus, who betrayed the town to Brennus. 2. 'IvsKtca, from the tenth book of which Plutarch (de Flmv. 25. ~ 3) quotes a medical recipe for the jaundice. 3. 'Iraxrca'. 4. KrietOs, a work on the origin of different cities (Plut. de Fluv. 6. ~ 4), from which we obtain one theory on the etymology of Lugdunum. (See Voss. de Hist. Graec. pp. 418, 419.) [E. E.] CLEITUS (KAETros). 1. A son of Aegyptus, murdered by Cleite. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5.) 2. A son of Mantius, carried off by Eos on account of his extraordinary beauty. (Hom. Od. xv. 250; Eustath. ad Honm. p. 1780.) 3. A son of Peisenor of Troy, slain by Teucrus. (Hom. II. xv. 445, &c.) 4. The beloved friend of Pallene, who fought with his rival Dryas for the possession of Pallene, and conquered him by the assistance of the maiden. Sithon, the father of Pallene, wanted to punish his daughter, but she was rescued from his hands by Aphrodite, and after Sithon's death she married Cleitus, and the country of Pallene derived its name from her. (Conon, Narrat. 10; Parthen. Erot. 6.) 5. King of the Sithones in Thrace, who gave his daughter Chrysonoe or Torone in marriage to Proteus, who had come to Thrace from Egypt. (Conon, Na-rrat. 32.) [L. S.] CLEITUS (KAerToy or KAsTro's). 1. Son of Bardylis, king of Illyria. [See p. 463.] In n. c. 335, having received promise of aid from Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, he revolted from Alexander the Great. The latter accordingly invaded his country, and after a campaign, in which the ad vantag of the Illyrians and their allies lay ean CLEITUS. 785 tirely in the strong positions they were enabled to take up among their hills, compelled him to flee from his dominions and take refuge in those of Glaucias. Arrian mentions a dreadful sacrifice of three boys, three girls, and three black rams, offered by the Illyrians before their first battle with Alexander's troops. (Arr. Anab. i. 5, 6; Plut. Alex. 11; Diod. xvii. 8.) 2. A Macedonian, surnamed Mekas, son of Dropides, and brother to Lanice or Hellanice, nurse of Alexander the Great. He saved Alexander's life at the battle of Granicus, B. c. 334, cutting off with a blow of his sword the arm of Spithridates which was raised to slay the king. At the battle of Arbela, B. c. 331, he commanded, in the right wing, the body of cavalry called "Ayepfta (see Polyb. v. 65, xxxi. 3); and when, in B. c. 330, the guards (eraipoo) were separated into two divisions, it being considered expedient not to entrust the sole command to any one man, Hephaestion and Cleitus were appointed to lead respectively the two bodies. In B. c. 328, Artabazus resigned his satrapy of Bactria, and the king gave it to Cleitus. On the eve of the day on which he was to set out to take possession of his government, Alexander, then at Maracanda in Sogdiana, celebrated a festival in honour of the Dioscuri, though the day was in fact sacred to Dionysus-a circumstance which afterwards supplied his friends with a topic of consolation to him in his remorse for the murder of Cleitus, the soothsayers declaring, that his frenzy had been caused by the god's wrath at the neglect of his festival. At the banquet an angry dispute arose, the particulars of which are variously reported by different authors. They agree, however, in stating, that Cleitus became exasperated at a comparison which was instituted between Alexander and Philip, much to the disparagement of the latter, and also at supposing that his own services and those of his contemporaries were depreciated as compared with the exploits of younger men. Being heated with wine, he launched forth into language highly insolent to the king, quoting a passage from Euripides (Androm. 683, &c.) to the effect, that the soldiers win by their toil the victories of which the general reaps the glory. Alexander at length, stung to a frenzy of rage, rushed towards him, but was held back by his friends, while Cleitus also was forced from the room. Alexander, being then released, seized a spear, and sprung to the door; and Cleitus, who was returning in equal fury to brave his anger, met him, and fell dead beneath his weapon. (Diod. xvii. 21, 57; Wess. ad loc.; Plut. Alex. 16, 50-52; Arr. Anab. i. 15, iii. 11, 27, iv. 8, 9; Curt. iv. 13. ~ 26, viii. 1; Just. xii. 6.) 3. Another of Alexander's officers, surnamed Aevico's to distinguish him from the above. He is noted by Athenaeus and Aelian for his pomp and luxury, and is probably the same who is mentioned by Justin among the veterans sent home to Macedonia under Craterus in B. c. 324. (Athen. xii. p. 539, c.; Ael. V. H. ix. 3; Just. xii. 12; Arr. Anab. vii. 12.) 4. An officer who commanded the Macedonian fleet for Antipater in the Lamian war, B. c. 323, and defeated the Athenian admiral, Eetion, in two battles off the Echinades. In the distribution of provinces at Triparadeisus, B. c. 321, lihe ob tained from Antipater the satrapy of Lydia; and when Antigonus was advancing to dispossess 3E
Page 786 786 CLEMENS. him of it, in B. c. 319, after Antipater's death, he garrisoned the principal cities, and sailed away to Macedonia to report the state of affairs to Polysperchon. In B. c. 318, after Polysperchon had been baffled at Megalopolis, he sent Cleitus with a fleet to the coast of Thrace to prevent any forces of Antigonus from passing into Europe, and also to effect a junction with Arrhidaeus, who had shut himself up in the town of Cius. [See p. 350, a.] Nicanor being sent against him by Cassander, a battle ensued near Byzantium, in which Cleitus gained a decisive victory. But his success rendered him over-confident, and, having allowed his troops to disembark and encamp on land, he was surprised by Antigonus and Nicanor, and lost all his ships except the one in which he sailed himself. Having reached the shore in safety, he proceeded towards Macedonia, but was slain by some soldiers of Lysimachus, with whom he fell in on the way. (Diod. xviii. 15, 39, 52, 72.) [E. E.] CLEMENS (KA\?,us), a Greek historian, probably of Constantinople, who wrote, according to Suidas (s. v.), respecting the kings and emperors of the Romans, a work to Hieronymus on the figures of Isocrates (7repI rcZv 'loocparCTcCv ory,udirw), and other treatises. Ruhnken (Praef. ad Tim. Lex. p. x.) supposes that Suidas has confounded two different persons, the historian and grammarian, but one supposition seems just as probable as the other. The grammatical works of Clemens are referred to in the Etymologicum Magnum (s. v. dAN?) and Suidas (s. vv. "Hpas,?rahAifoAos), and the historical ones very frequently in the Byzantine writers. (Vossius, de Histor. Graec. p. 416, ed. Westermann.) CLEMENS (K)jA7s), a slave of Agrippa Postumus, whose person very much resembled his master's, and who availed himself of this resemblance, after the murder of the latter on the accession of Tiberius in A. D. 14, to personate the character of Agrippa. Great numbers joined him in Italy; he was generally believed at Rome to be the grandson of Tiberius; and a formidable insurrection would probably have broken out, had not Tiberius contrived to have him apprehended secretly. The emperor did not venture upon a public execution, but commanded him to be slain in a private part of the palace. This was in A. D. 16. (Tac. Ann. ii. 39, 40; Dion Cass. Ivii. 16; comp. Suet. Tib. 25.) CLEMENS ALEXANDRI'NUS, whose name was T. Flavius Clemens, usually surnamed Alexandrinus, is supposed to have been born at Athens, though he spent the greater part of his life at Alexandria. In this way the two statements in which he is called an Athenian and an Alexandrian (Epiphan. fHaer. xxvii. 6) have been reconciled by Cave. In early life he was ardently devoted to the study of philosophy, and his thirst for knowledge led him to visit various countries,-Greece, southern Italy, Coelo-Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. It appears, from his own account, that he had various Christian preceptors, of whom he speaks in terms of great respect. One of them was a Jew by birth, and several were from the East. At length, coming to Egypt, he sought out Pantaenus, master of the Christian school at Alexandria, to whose instructions he listened with much satisfaction, and whom he prized far more highly than all his former teachers. It is not certainly known whether he had embraced Christianity before hearing Pantaenus, or whether his mind had only been CLEMENS. favourably inclined towards it in consequence of previous inquiries. Probably he first became a Christian under the influence of the precepts of Pantaenus, though Neander thinks otherwise. After he had joined the Alexandrian church, he became a presbyter, and about A. D. 190 he was chosen to be assistant to his beloved preceptor. In this latter capacity he continued until the year 202, when both principal and assistant were obliged to flee to Palestine in consequence of the persecution under Severus. In the beginning of Caracalla's reign he was at Jerusalem, to which city many Christians were then accustomed to repair in consequence of its hallowed spots. Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, who was at that time a prisoner for the gospel, recommended him in a letter to the church at Antioch, representing him as a godly minister, a man both virtuous and wellknown, whom they had already seen, and who had confirmed and promoted the church of Christ. It is conjectured, that Pantaenus and Clement returned, after an absence of three years, in 206, though of this there is no certain evidence. He must have returned before 211, because at that time he succeeded Pantaenus as master of the school. Among his pupils was the celebrated Origen. Guerike thinks, that he died in 213; but it is better to assume with Cave and Schrdckh, that his death did not take place till 220. Hence he flourished under the reigns of Severus and Caracalla, 193-217. It cannot safely be questioned, that Clement held the fundamental truths of Christianity and exhibited genuine piety. But in his mental character the philosopher predominated. His learning was great, his imagination lively, his power of perception not defective; but he was unduly prone to speculation. An eclectic in philosophy, he eagerly sought for knowledge wherever it could be obtained, examining every topic by the light of his own mind, and selecting out of all systems such truths as commended themselves to his judgment. " I espoused," says he, " not this or that philosophy, not the Stoic, nor the Platonic, nor the Epicurean, nor that of Aristotle; but whatever any of these sects had said that was fit and just, that taught righteousness with a divine and religious knowledge, all that being selected, I call philosophy." He is supposed to have leaned more to the Stoics than to any other sect. He seems, indeed, to have been more attached to philosophy than any of the fathers with the exception of Origen. In comprehensiveness of mind Clement was certainly deficient. He never develops great principles, but runs chiefly into minute details, which often become trifling and insipid. In the interpretation of the Scriptures he was guided by fancy rather than fixed rules deduced from common sense. He pursues no definite principles of exposition, neither does he penetrate into the essential nature of Christianity. His attainments in purely religious knowledge could never have been extensive, as no one doctrine is well stated. From his works no system of theology can be gathered. It were preposterous to recur to them for sound exegesis, or even a successful development of the duties of a Christian, much less for an enlightened estimate of the obligations under which men are laid to their Creator and to each other. It may be questioned, whether he had the ability to compose a connected system of theology, or a code of Christian morality.
Page 787 CLEMENS. Doubtless great allowance should be made for the. education and circumstances of the writer, the character of the age in which he lived, the persons for whom chiefly he wrote, the modes of thought then current, the entire circle of influences by which he was surrounded, the principal object he had in view; but after all deductions, much theological knowledge will not be attributed to him. The speculative philosopher is still more prominent than the theologian-the allegoriser rather than the expounder of the Bible appears-the metaphysician eclipses the Christian. The works of Clement which have reached us are his Aoyos fTporperueos wrpbs 'EAANvas or Hortatory Address to the Greeks; rnaiSaywyds, or Teacher; 7rpwpfarEis, or Miscellanies; and Tis 6 awfo',uevos IhAodorios; Quis Dives salvetur? In addition to these, he wrote 'Trorvrcaesis in eight books; wrepl 70ro ndcoXa, i. e. de Paschate; repl N7-TiElaS, i. e. de Jjqunio; recpi KaraXaidrs, i. e. de Obtrecdatione; flpoTpenrsKScs els 'T7rgOVqVy, i. e. Exhortato ad Patientiam; Kav'av 'EcXAniao-iJco's, i. e. Chnon Ecclesiastiocs, or de Canonibus Ecclesiasticis; els TiVly Tpo(p drjrv 'Agcms, On the Prophet Armos; 7rpl lIpovoias and 'Opoi Ltabopoi. If the VTroTVrw'cres be the same as the Adumnbrationes mentioned by Cassiodorus, as is probable, various fragments of them are preserved and may be seen in Potter's edition. Perhaps the iecAoyail i:c 'ry arpoprTicKaLV, which are also given by Potter, were originally a part of the hvroTrurce'as. Among the fragments printed in the same edition are also c vv soTC o-rov I KCai rj s ava-roeAKcjs IcakovEPVrs 8ilacKaACaxict Kwrcd rovs O eiXeriYouv XpdovoVs MTrioy1al, i. e. extracts from the writings of Theodotus and the doctrine called oriental, relating to the times of Valentinus. Whether these excerpts were really made by Clement admits of doubt, though Sylburg remarks that the style and phraseology resemble those of the Alexandrine father. The fragments of his lost works have been indastriously collected by Potter, in the second volume of his edition of Clement's works; but Fabricius, at the end of his second volume of the works of Hippolytus, published some of the fragments more fully, along with several not found in Potter's edition. There are also fragments in the Biblioth. Patr. of Galland. In various parts of his writings Clement speaks of other works which he had written or intended to write. (See Potter, vol. ii. p. 1045.) His three principal works constitute parts of a whole. In the Hortatory Address his design was to convince the Heathens and to convert them to Christianity. It exposes the impurities of polytheism as contrasted with the spirituality of Christianity, and demonstrates the superiority of the gospel to the philosophy of the Gentile world by shewing, that it effectually purifies the motives and elevates the character. The Paedaqgogue takes up the new convert at the point to which he is supposed to have been brought by the hortatory address, and furnishes him with rules for the regulation of his conduct. In the first chapter he explains what he means by the term Paedagogue,one who instructs children, leading them up to manhood through the paths of truth. This preceptor is none other than Jesus C'hrist, and the children whom he trains up are simple, sincere believers. The author goes into minutiae and trifling details, instead of dwelling upon great CLEMENS. 787 precepts applicable to human life in all circumstances. The Stromata are in eight books, but probably the last book did not proceed from Clement himself. The treatise is rambling and discursive, without system, order, or method, but contains much valuable information on many points of antiquity, particularly the history of philosophy. The principal information respecting Egyptian hieroglyphics is contained in the fifth book of this work of Clement. His object was to delineate in it the perfect Christian or Gnostic, after he had been instructed by the Teacher and thus prepared for sublime speculations in philosophy and theology. The eighth book is a treatise on logic, so that the original seems to have been lost, and this one substituted in its place. Bishop Kaye, however, inclines to the opinion, that it is a genuine production of Clement. The treatise entitled Tis 6 orw om'evos is practical, shewing to what temptations the rich are particularly exposed. It has the appearance of a homily. His Hypotyposes in eight books (hro'rvjrcaeesis, translated adumbrationes by Cassiodorus) contained, according to Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iv. 14), a summary exposition of the books of Scripture. Photius gives a most unfavourable account of it, affirming that it contained many fabulous and impious notions similar to those of the Gnostic heretics. But at the same time he suggests, that these monstrous sentiments may not have proceeded from Clement, as there is nothing similar to them in his acknowledged works. Most probably they were interpolated. The following are the chief editions of Clement's works:-Victorii, Florentiae, 1 550, fol., Graece. This is the editio princeps. Frid. Sylburgii, Heidelberg, 1592, fol. Gr. et Lat. Herveti, " Protrepticus et Paedagogus," et Strozzae libri viii. " Stromatum," Florent. 1551, fol. Lat. Herveti, " Protrepticus, Paedagogus, et Stromata," Basil. 1556, fol. and 1566, fol., Paris, 1572 and 1590, fol. in the Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. iii. 1677, fol. Lugd. Sylburgii et Heinsii, Lugd. Bat. 1616, fol. Gr. et Lat.; this edition was reprinted with the additional notes of Ducaeus at Paris, 1629, fol., Paris, 1641, fol. and Colon. 1688, fol. Potteri, Oxon. 1715, fol. 2 vols. Gr. et Lat.; this edition is incomparably the best. Oberthiir, Wirceb. 1788-89, 8vo. 3 vols. Gr. et Lat. Klotz, Lips. 1830-34, 8vo. 4 vols. Graece. A. B. Cailleau, in the " Collectio selecta SS. Ecclesiae Patrum," Paris, 1827 &c., vol. iv. 8vo. Lat. The treatise " Qis Dives salvetir" was published in Greek and Latin, with a commentary by Segaar, Traj. 1816, 8vo.; and in Latin ty Dr. H. Olshausen, Regiom. 1831, 12mo. The Hymn to Christ the Saviour at the end of the Paedagogus, was published in Greek and Latin by Piper, Goetting. 1835, 8vo. (See Le Nourry's Apparatus ad Bibl. maxim. Patrum, Paris, 1703, fol. lib. iii.; P. H. de Groot, De Clem. Alexandr. Disp. Groning. 1826, 8vo.; H. E. F. Guerike, Comment. Histor. et Theoloy. cde Schola, quae Alexandriae floruit, Catechetica, Halae, 1824-25, 8vo.; Matter, Essai histor. sur l'Ecole d'Alexandrie, Paris, 1820, 2 vols. 8vo.; Redepenning, Origines, Bonn, 1841, 8vo.; Neander, De Fidei Gnoseosque Ideae, qua ad se invicem atque ad Philosophinam referatur ratione secundum mentem Clemnzentis Alex., Heidelb. 1811, 8vo.; Allgemeine Gesch. der Clirist. Religion und Kirche, i. 3, Hamburg, 1827, 8vo.; Guerike, Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, fiiunfte AuJflage, 2 vols, Halle, 1843, 8vo.; 3 E2
Page 788 788 CLEMENS. Baur, Die Clristlicle Gnosis, Tibing. 1835, 8vo.; Daihne, De Tyrco'e Clementis Alex. Hal. 1831, 8vo.; Bp. Kaye's Account of the Writings and Opinions of Clement of Alexandria, London, 1835, 8vo.; Davidson's Sacred Hcrmeneutics, Edinb. 1843, 8vo.; Cave's Hiistoria Literaria, Lond. 1688, fol.; Gieseler's Text-book of Ecclesiastical History, translated by Cunningham, Philadelph. 1836, 3 vols. 8vo. vol. i.; Euseb. Histor. Eccles. lib. v. et vi., ed. Ileinichen, 1827-30, Lips.) [S. D.] CLEMENS ARRETI'NUS, a man of Senatorial rank, connected by marriage with the family of Vespasian, and an intimate friend of Domitian, was appointed by Mucianus praefect of the praetorian guards in A.. 70, a dignity which his father had formerly held under Caligula. (Tac. Ann. iv. 68.) Clemens probably did not hold this command long, and the appointment of Mucianus may have been regarded as altogether void, as Suetonius says (Tib. 6), that Titus was the first senator who was praefect of the praetorians, the office being up to that time filled by a knight. Notwithstanding, however, the friendship of Domitian with Clemens, lie was one of the victims of the cruelty of this emperor when he ascended the throne. (Suet. )Don. 11.) CLEMENS, A'TRIUS, afriend of the younger Pliny, who has addressed two of his letters to him. (Ep. i. 10, iv. 2.) CLEMENS, CA'SSIUS, was brought to trial about A. D. 195, for having espoused the side of Niger; but defended himself with such dignity and freedom, that Severus, in admiration, not only granted him his life, but allowed him to retain half of his property. (Dion Cass. lxxiv. 9.) CLEMENS, T. FLA'VIUS, was cousin to the emperor Domitian, and his colleague in the consulship, A. D. 95, and married Domitilla, also a relation.of Domitian. His father was Flavius Sabinus, the elder brother of the emperor Vespasian, and his brother Flavius Sabinus, who was put to death by Domitian. (Suet. Domit. 10.) Domitian had destined the sons of Clemens to succeed him in the empire, and, changing their original names-, had called one Vespasian and the other Domitian; but he subsequently put Clemens to death during the consulship of the latter. (Suet. Domit. 15.) Dion Cassius says (Ixvii. 14), that Clemens was put to death on a charge of atheism, for which, he adds, many others who went over to the Jewish opinions were executed. This must imply that he had become a Christian; and for the same reason his wife was banished to Pandataria by Domitian. (Comp. Philostr. Apoll. viii. 15; Euseb. H. E. iii. 14; IIieronym. Ep. 27.) To this Clemens in all probability is dedicated the church of St. Clement at Rome, on the Caelian hill, which is believed to have been built originally in the fifth century, although its site is now occupied by a more recent, though very ancient, structure. In the year 1725 Cardinal Annibal Albani found under this church an inscription in honour of Flavius Clemens, martyr, which is described in a work called T. Flavii Clementis Viri Consularis et M]artyris Tumulus illustratus, Urbino, 1727. Some connect him with the author of the Epistle to the Corinthians. [CLEMENS RO MANUS.] [G.E.L.C.] CLEMENS, PACTUMEIUS, a Roman jurist, who probably died in the lifetime of Pomponius, for Pomponius mentions him as if he were no longer living, and cites, on his authority, a consti CLEMENS. tution of the emperor Antoninus: "Pactumeins Clemens aiebat imperatorem Antoninum constituisse." (Dig. 40. tit. 7. s. 21. ~ 1.) The name Antoninus is exceedingly ambiguous, as it belongs to Pius, Marcus, L. Verus, Commodus, Caracalla, Geta, Diadumenus, and Elagabalus; but in the compilations of Justinian, the name Antoninus, without addition, refers either to Caracalla, M. Aurelius, or Pius-usually to the first; to the second, if used by a jurist who lived earlier than Caracalln, and not earlier than Marcus; to the third, if used by a jurist who was living under Pius. (Zimmern, R. R. G. i. p. 184, n. 8.) Here it probably denotes Pius, of whom Pactumeius Clemens may be supposed to have been a contemporary. [J. T. G.] CLEMENS ROMA'NUS, was bishop of Rome at the end of the first century. IHe is probably the same as the Clement whom St. Paul mentions (Phil. iv. 3) as one of "his fello workers, whose names are in the Book of Life." To Clement are ascribed two epistles addressed to the Corinthian Church, and both probably genuine, the first certainly so. From the style of the second, Neander (Kirchengcsch. iii. p. 1100) considers it as a fragment of a sermon rather tlh:n an epistle. The first was occasioned by thie divisions which distracted the Church of Corinth, where certain presbyters had been unjustly deposed. The exhortations to unity are enforced by examples from Scripture, and in addition to these are mentioned the martyrdoms of St. Peter and St. Paul. Of the latter it is said, that he went Endl ra Tripeua TrYs oIrews-a passage which has been considered to favour the supposition that the apostle executed the intention of visiting Spain, which he mentions, Rom. xv. 24. The epistle seems to contain an important interpolation (~ 40, &c.). In these chapters is suddenly introduced, in the midst of practical exhortations, a laboured comparison between the Jewish priesthood and Christian ministry, and the theory of the former is transferred to the latter. This style of speaking savours in itself of a later age, and is opposed to the rest of the epistle, which uniformly speaks of the church and its offices in their simplest form and relations. The whole tone of both epistles is meek, pious, and Christian, though they are not free from that tendency to find types in greater number than the practice of Scripture warrants, which the later fathers carried to so extravagant a length. Tihus, when Rahab is quoted as an example of faith and hospitality, the fact of her hanging a scarlet thread from her window is made to typify our redemption through Christ's blood. In the midst of much that is wise and good we are surprised to find the fable of the phoenix adduced in support of the resurrection of the body. As one of the very earliest apostolical fathers, the authority of Clement is valuable in proving the authenticity of certain books of the New Testament. The parts of it to which he refers are the gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, the epistle of St. James, the first of St. Peter, and several of St. Paul, while from the epistle to the Hebrews he quotes so often, that by some its authorship has been attributed to him. Two passages are quoted (i. ~ 46, and ii. ~ 4) with the formula yel'}'yparai, which do not occur in Scripture; we also find reference to the apocryphal books of Wisdom and Judith; a traditionary conversation is
Page 789 CLEMENS. related between our Lord and St. Peter; and a story is given from the spurious gospel to the Egyptians. (Ep. ii. ~ 12; comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. iii. p. 465.) The genuineness of the Homily or 2nd Epistle is denied by Jerome (Catal. c. 15) and Photius (Bibl. Cod. 113), and it is not quoted by any author earlier than Eusebius. Besides these works two other letters were preserved as Clement's in the Syrian church, and published by "Wetstein in the appendix to his edition of the New Testament. They are chiefly occupied by the praises of celibacy, and it therefore seems a fair ground of suspicion against them that they are not quoted before the fourth century, though, from the ascetic disposition prevalent in the North African and other Western churches, it seems unlikely that no one should ever have appealed to such an authority. Other writings are also falsely attributed to Clement. Such are the Recognitiones (a name given to the work from the Latin translation of Ruffinus), which purport to contain a history of Clement himself, who is represented as a convert of St. Peter, and in the course of it recognizes his father, whom he had lost. Of this there is a convenient edition by Gersdorf in his LBibliotheca Patrum Ecclesiaslicoruns Latinorum selecla. (Leipzig and Brussels, 1837.) The collection of Apostolical Constitutions is also attributed to Clement, though certainly without foundation, as they are plainly a collection of the ecclesiastical rules of various times and places. (See Krabbe, Ueber den Ursprung and Ijn2alt der Apostol. Constitutionen, 1839.) Lastly, we may just mention the Clementines,-homilies of a Judaizing tendency, and supposed by Neander (Genetischie Eadwickeheng, &c. p. 367) to be written by a member of the Ebionitish sect. The true particulars of Clement's life are quite unknown. Tiliemont (AMlmoires, ii. p. 147) supposes that he was a Jew; but the second epistle is plainly written by a Gentile. Hence some connect him with Flavius Clemens who was martyred under Domitian. It is supposed, that Trajan banished Clement to the Chersonese, where he suffered martyrdom. Various dates are given for the first Epistle. Grabe (Spic. Patr. i. p. 254) has fixed on A. D. 68, immediately after the martyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul; while others prefer A. D. 95, during Domnitian's persecution. The Epistles were first published at Oxford by Patric Young, the king's librarian, from the Codex Alexandrinus, to the end of which they are appended (the second only as a fragment), and which had been sent by Cyrilbli Lucaris, patriarch of Constantinople, to Charles I. They were republished by F. Rous, provost of Eton, in 1 650; by Fell, bishop of Oxford, in 1669; Cotelerius, at Paris, in 1672; Ittig, at Leipzig, 1699; Wotton, at Cambridge, 1718; Galland, at Venice, 1765; Jacobson. at Oxford, in 18;8; and by Hefele, at Ttibingen, 1839. LiMst of the above editions conftain the works of other fathers also. Of the various texts, Ilefele's is the best, and has been republished in England (1843) in a convenient form, with an introduction, by Mr. Grenfell, one of the masters of Rugby. The best English translation is that of Chevallier (Cambridge, 1833), founded on a previous translation made by Archbishop VWake, 1693. [G. E. L. C.] CLEMENS, TERE'NTIUS, a Roman jurist, contempoirary with Julianus, whom hlie once cites CLEOBULUS. 789 by the expression Julianus noster. (Dig. 28. tit. 6. s. 6.) From this we infer, not that he was a pupil of Julianus, but that he belonged to the same legal school. (Compare Dig. 7. tit. 7. s. 5.) He probably therefore flourished in the time of Hadrian. It has been suggested from the agreement of date, that he was the same person as Pactumeius Clemens, and that his name in full was Ter. Pactumeius Clemens, but this is not likely. No jurist is mentioned in the Digest by the name Clemens simply, but, as if expressly for the sake of distinction, we have always either Terentius Clemens or Pactumeins Clemens. Terentius is nowhere cited in any extant fragment of any other jurist. He wrote a treatise on the famous lex Julia et Papia Poppaea, with the title " Ad Leges Libri xx.," and of this work 35 fragments (belonging, according to Blume's hypothesis, to the classis edictalis), are preserved in the Digest. They are explained by Hleineccius in his excellent commentary on the lex Julia et Papia Poppaea. [Comp. CLEMENS PACTUMEIUS.] [J. T. G.] CLEME'NTIA, a personification of Clemency, was worshipped as a divinity at Rome, especially in the time of the emperors. She had then temples and altars, and was represented, as we still see on coins, holding a patera in her right, and a lance in her left hand. (Claudian, De Laud. Stil. ii. 6, &c.; Stat. Thleb. xii. 481, &c.; comp. Hirt, Mythol. Bilderbuch, ii. p. 113.) [L. S.] CLEOBIS. [BrroN.] CLEOBULI'NE (KAseooviAvn), called also CLEOBULE'NE and CLEOBU'LE (KAeoCov7AriVf, KAeoqov'Av), was daughter to Cleobulus of Lindus, and is said by Plutarch to have been a Corinthian by birth. From the same author we learn that her father called her Eumetis, while others gave her the name which marks her relation to Cleobulus. She is spoken of as highly distinguished for her moral as well as her intellectual qualities. Her skill in riddles, of which she composed a number in hexameter verse, is particularly recorded, and we find ascribed to her a well-known one on the subject of the year [CLEOBULUS], as well as that on the cupping-glass, which is quoted with praise by Aristotle. A play of Cratinus, called KAeo@ovA7'iai, and apparently having reference to her, is mentioned by Athenaeus. (Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 14, Conv. vii. Sap. 3; Diog. La'rt. i. 89; Menag. ad loc.; Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. 19; Said. s. v. KAeo@ovuAirv7; Arist. lhet. iii. 2. ~ 12; Athen. iv. p. 171, b., x. p. 448, c.; Casaub. ad loc.; Fabric. BiWb. Graec. ii. pp. 117, 121, 654; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Comn. Graec. p. 277.) Cleobuline was also the name of the mother of Thales. (Diog. La'rt. i. 22 ) [E. E.] CLEOBU'LUS (KNEO'GovAos), one of the Seven Sages, was son of Evagoras and a citizen of Lindus in Rhodes, for Duris seems to stand alone in stating that he was a Carian. (Diog. Laert. i. 89; Strab. xiv. p. 655.) He was a contemporary of Solon's, and must have lived at least as late as B. c. 560 (the date of the usurpation of Peisistratus), if the letter preserved in Diogenes La'rtius is genuine, which purports to have been written by Cleobulus to Solon, inviting him to Lindus, as a place of refuge from the tyrant. In the same letter Lindus is mentioned as being under democratic government; but Clement of Alexandria (Strom. iv. 19) calls Cleobulus king of the Lindians, and Plutarch (de El ap. Delpk. 3) speaks of
Page 790 790 CLEOCRITUS. him as a tyrant. These statements may, however, be reconciled, by supposing him to have held, as oCasvuvr-TSrs, an authority delegated by the people through election. (Arist. Polit. iii. 14, 15, adfin. iv. 10, ed. Bekk.) Much of the philosophy of Cleobulus is said to have been derived from Egypt. lie wrote also lyric poems, as well as riddles (7'p'Dovs) in verse. Diogenes La'rtius also ascribes to him the inscription on the tomb of Midas, of which Homer was considered by others to have been the author (comp. Plat. Phaedr. p. 264), and the riddle on the year (eT d r'aradp, War8cs ' avSuEleca, K. r. A.), generally attributed to his daughter Cleobuline. He is said to have lived to the age of sixty, and to have been greatly distinguished for strength and beauty of person. Many of his sayings are on record, and one of them at least,--se'y rvoiui'Kiet rs r-avyari'pas, rap0,'vovs usev Trjv )cKictv, r Ha (ppsovev yuvc'alC,-shews him to have had worthier views of female education than were generally prevalent; while that he acted on them is clear from the character of his daughter. (Diog. Laert. i. 89-93; Suid. s. v. Khe6gou0so; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 14; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. pp. 117, 121, 654; comp. Dict. of Ant. s. v. XeXltadva.) [E. E.] CLEOBU'LUS (KAedSovuXos), ephor with Xenares at Sparta B. c. 422-1, the second year of the peace of Nicias. To this peace they were hostile, and signalized their ephoralty by an intrigue with the Boeotians and Corinthians, with the purpose of forming anew the Lacedaemonian league so as to include the Argives, the fear of whose hostility was the main obstacle in the way of the war-party at Sparta. (Thuc. v. 36 -38.) [A. H. C.] CLEO'CHARES (KAeoXdp-s), a Greek orator of Myrleia in Bithynia, contemporary with the orator Demochares and the philosopher Arcesilas, towards the close of the third century B. c. The chief passage relating to him is in Rutilius Lupus, de Figur. Sentent. p. 1, 3, where a list of his orations is given. Ile also wrote on rhetoric: a work in which he compared the styles of Isocrates and Demosthenes, and said that the former resembled an athlete, the latter a soldier, is quoted by Photius. (Cod. 176, p. 121, b. 9, ed. Bekker.) The remark there quoted is, however, ascribed to Philip of Macedon by Photius himself (Cod. 265, p. 493, b. 20, ed. Bekker), and by the Pseudo-Plutarch (de Vit. X Or. viii. 25, p. 845, c.). The obvious explanation is, that Cleochares inserted the observation in his work as having been made by Philip. None of his orations are extant. (Strab. xii. p. 566; Diog. LaSrt. iv. 41; Ruhnken, ad Rutil. Lup. i. p. 5, &c., and Hist. Crit. Or. Gr. 63, pp. 185, 186; Westermann, Gesch. der Beredtsamkeit in Griechenland, ~ 76.) [P. S.] CLEO'CRITUS (KAeodcprros), an Athenian, herald of the Mysteries, was one of the exiles who returned to Athens with Thrasybulus. After the battle of Munychia, B. c. 404, being remarkable for a very powerful voice, he addressed his countrymen who had fought on the side of the Thirty, calling on them to abandon the cause of the tyrants and put an end to the horrors of civil war. (Xen. H1ell. ii. 4. ~~ 20-22.) His person was as burly as his voice was loud, as we may gather from the joke of Aristophanes (Ran. 1433), who makes Euripides propose to fit on the slender Cinesias by way of wings to Cleocritus, and send CLEOMACHUS. them up into the air together to squirt vinegar into the eyes of the Spartans. The other passage also in which Aristophanes mentions him (Av. 876), may perhaps be best explained as an allusion to his stature. (See Schol. ad loc.) [E. E.] CLEODAEUS (KAedsawos), a son of the Heracleid Hyllus, who was as unsuccessful as his father in his attempt to conquer Peloponnesus. In after times he had a heroum at Sparta. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 2; Paus. iii. 15. ~ 7.) [L. S.] CLEODE'MUS MALCHUS (KAuda6ngos MakXos), an historian of uncertain date. He wrote a history of the Jews, to which we find reference made by Alexander Polyhistor in a passage quoted from the latter by Josephus. (Ant. i. 15.) The name of Malchus is said to be of the same meaning in Syriac as that of Cleodemus in Greek. [E. E.] CLEODE'MUS (KAeoSG06 os), the name of a physician introduced by Plutarch in his Septem Sapientum Convivium (c. 10, ed. Tauchn.), and said to have used cupping more frequently than any other physician of his age, and to have brought that remedy into great repute by his example, in the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.] CLEOETAS (Kheol~ras), a sculptor and architect, celebrated for the skilful construction of the d&qErts or starting- place in the stadium at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 20. ~ 7.) He was the author of a bronze statue of a warrior which existed at the acropolis of Athens at the time of Pausanias. (i. 24. ~ 3.) As he was the son and father of an Aristocles (Visconti, Oeuvres diverses, vol. iii. p. 372), Thiersch (Epochen d. Bild. Kunst. p. 281, &c.) and Sillig (Catal. p. 153) reckon him as one of the Sicyonian artists, among whom Aristocles, the brother of Canachus, is a conspicuous name, and assign him therefore to 01. 61. But this is a manifest error, as may be seen by comparing two passages of Pausanias (vi. 3. ~ 4, vi. 9. 5 1); and it is highly probable that Cleoetas was an Athenian. His name occurs (01. 86) in an inscription, from which we learn, that he was one of Phidias' assistants, that he accompanied his master to Olympias, and that thus he came to construct the the adpers. (Muller, de Phidia, i. 13; Bdckh, Corp. Inscript. Graec. vol. i. pp. 39, 237, 884; Schultz, in Jahn's Jahrbiicher furi Philologie, 1829, p. 73; Brunn, Artific. liberae Graeciae iempora, p. 23.) [L. U.] CLEO'MACHUS (KAedsaXos). 1. It is supposed that there was a tragic poet of this name, contemporary with Cratinus; but there can be little doubt that the passages of Cratinus on which this notion is founded (ap. Athen. xiv. p. 638, f.) refer to the lyric poet Gnesippus, the son of Cleomachus, and that for r7T KAeo/dXc and ' KA dluaXos we ought to read rc KXAoudXou and ' KAeoe'dXov. (Bergk, Reliq. Com. Att. p. 33, &c.; Meineke, Frag. Con. Graec. ii. pp. 27-29; GNESIPPUS.) Of Cleomachus, the father of Gnesippus, nothing is known, unless he be the same as the lyric poet mentioned below. 2. Of Magnesia, a lyric poet, was at first a boxer, but having fallen violently in love, he devoted himself to the composition of poems of a very licentious character. (Strab. xiv. p. 648; Tricha, de letris, p. 34.) From the resemblance in character between his poetry and that of Gnesippus, it might be inferred that he is the same person as the father of Gnesippus; but Strabo mentions him amoiing the celebrated men of Magnesia in such a
Page 791 CLEOMBROTUS. way that, if he adheres in this case to his usual practice of giving the names in chronological order, this Cleomachus would fall much later than the time of Gnesippus. His name was given to a variety of the Ionic a Majore metre. (Hephaestion, xi. p. 62, ed. Gaisford.) [P. S.] CLEO'MBROTUS (KIe6{afporose), son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, brother of Dorieus and Leonidas, and half-brother of Cleomenes. (Herod. v. 41.) He became regent after the battle of Thermopylae, B. c. 480, for Pleistarchus, infant son of Leonidas, and in this capacity was at the head of the Peloponnesian troops who at the time of the battle of Salamis were engaged in fortifying the isthmus. (Herod. viii. 71.) The work was renewed in the following spring, till deserted for the commencement of the campaign of Plataea. Whether Cleombrotus was this second time engaged in it cannot be gathered with certainty from'the expression of IHerodotus (ix. 10), " that he died shortly after leading home his forces from the Isthmus in consequence of an eclipse of the sun." Yet the date of that eclipse, Oct. 2nd, seems to fix his death to the end of B. c. 480 (thus Miller, Prolegom. p. 409), nor is the language of Herodotus very favourable to Thirlwall's hypothesis, according to which, with Clinton (F. H. ii. p. 209), he places it early in 479. (Hist. of Greece, ii. p. 328.) He left two sons,-tlie noted Pausanias, who succeeded him as regent, and Nicomedes. (Thuc, i. 107.) [A. HI. C.] CLEO'M]BROTUS I. (KhXoEdi'poros), the 23rd king of Sparta, of the Agid line, was the son of Pausanias. HTe succeeded his brother AGESIPOLIS I. in the year 380 B. c., and reigned nine years. After the deliverance of Thebes from the domination of Sparta [PELOPIDAS], Cleombrotus was sent into Boeotia, at the head of a Lacedaeimonian army, in the spring of B. c. 378, but he only spent sixteen days in the Theban territory without doing any injury, and then returned home, leaving Sphodrias as harmost at Thespiae. On his march home his army suffered severely from a storm. His conduct excited much disapprobation at Sparta, and the next two expeditions against Thebes were entrusted to the other king, AGESILAus II. In the year 376, on account of the illness of Agesilaus, the command was restored to Cleombrotus, who again effected nothing, but returned to Sparta in consequence of a slight repulse in the passes of Cithaeron. This created still stronger dissatisfaction: a congress of the allies was held at Sparta, and it was resolved to prosecute the war by sea. [CHABRIAS; POLLIS.] In the spring of 374, Cleombrotus was sent across the Corinthian gulf into Phocis, which had been invaded by the Thebans, who, however, retreated into Boeotia upon his approach. He remained in Phocis till the year 371, when, in accordance with the policy by which Thebes was excluded from the peace between Athens and Sparta, he was ordered to march into Boeotia. Having avoided Epaminondas, who was guarding the pass of Coroneia, he marched down upon Creusis, which he took, with twelve Theban triremes which were in the harbour; and he then advanced to the plains of Leuctra, where he met the Theban army. He seems to have been desirous of avoiding a battle, though he was superior to the enemy in numbers, but his friends reminded him of the suspicions he had before incurred by his former slowness to act against the Thebans, and CLEOMEDES. 791 warned him of the danger of repeating such conduct in the present crisis. In accusing Cleombrotus of rashness in fighting, Cicero (Of'. i. 24) seerims to have judged by the result. There was certainly as much hesitation on the other side. In the battle which ensued [EPAMINONDAs; PELOPIDAS] he fought most bravely, and fell mortally wounded, and died shortly after he was carried from the field. According to Diodorus, his fall decided the victory of the Thebans. He was succeeded by his son AGESIPOLIS II. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~~ 14-18, 59, vi. 1. ~ 1, c. 4. ~ 15; Plut. Pelop. 13, 20-23, Ages. 28; Diod. xv. 51-55; Paus. i. 13. ~ 2, iii. 6. ~ 1, ix. 13. ~~ 2-4; Manso, Sparta, iii. 1. pp. 124, 133, 138, 158.) [P. S.1 CLEOMBROTUS II., the 30th king of Sparta of the Agid line, was of the royal race, though not in the direct male line. He was also the son-inlaw of Leonidas II., in whose place he was made king bythe party of Agis IV. about 243 B. c. Oin the return of Leonidas, Cleombrotus was deposed and banished to Tegea, about 240 B. c. [AGIS IV.] He was accompanied into exile by his wife Cheilonis, through whose intercession with her father his life had been spared, and who is mentioned as a conspicuous example of conjugal affection. He left two sons, Agesipolis and Cleomenes, of whom the former became the father and the latter the guardian of AGESIPOLIS III. (Plut. Agis, 11, 16 -18; Paus. iii. 6; Polyb. iv. 35; Manso, Sparta, iii. 1, pp. 284, 298.) [P. S.] CLEO'MBROTUS (KAcsdc@poros), an Academic philosopher of Ambracia, who is said to have thrown himself down from a high wall, after reading the Phaedon of Plato; not that he had any sufferings to escape from, but that he might exchange this life for a better. (Callimach. Epigr. 60, ap. Brunck, Anal. i. p. 474, Jacobs, i. p. 226; Agath. Schol. Ep. 60. v. 17, ap. Brunck, Anal. iii. p. 59, Jacobs, iv. p. 29; Lucian, Philop. 1; Cic. pro Scaur. ii. 4, Tusc. i. 34; Augustin. de Civ. Dei, i. 22; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 168.) The disciple of Socrates, whom Plato mentions as as being in Aegina when Socrates died, may possibly be the same person. (Phaedon, 2, p. 59, c.) [P. S.] CLEOME'DES (KAe-o^ydLs), an Athenian, son of Lycomedes, was one of the commanders of the expedition against Melos in B. c. 416. He is mentioned also by Xenophon as one of the 30 tyrants appointed in B. c. 404. (Thuc. v. 84, &c.; Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~ 2.) Schneider's conjecture with respect to him (ad Xen. 1. c.) is inadmissible. [E. E.] CLEOME'DES (KAenoird s), of the island Astypalaea, an athlete, of whom Pausanias (vi. 9) and Plutarch (Rom. 28) record the following legend:-In 01. 72 (B. c. 492) he killed Iccus, his opponent, in a boxing-match, at the Olympic games, and the judges ('EAA\coS3iccu) decided that he had been guilty of unfair play, and punished him with the loss of the prize. Stung to madness by the disgrace, he returned to Astypalaea, and there in his frenzy he shook down the pillar which supported the roof of a boys' school, crushing all who were in it beneath thile ruins. The Astypalaeans preparing to stone him, he fled for refuge to the temple of Athena, and got into a chest, which his pursuers, having vainly attempted to open it, at length broke to pieces; but no Cleomedes was there. They sent accordingly to consult the Delphic oracle, and received the following answer:
Page 792 792 CLEOMEDES. "To'rarro s '4pwv KNeoei 3j7As 'AoVrrraXaievs, "OV &Wvlaris TyUa60' cs jlcFiev?v7ravdy Edvra. [EE.E.] CLEOME'DES (KAhouec ss), author of a Greek treatise in two books on the Circular Theory of the Heavenl? Bodies (KvKIutcNcs OEwpias Merewpwv BiAha 6o). It is rather an exposition of the system of the universe than of the geometrical principles of astronomy. Indeed,' Cleomedes betrays considerable ignorance of geometry (see his account, p. 28, of the position of the ecliptic), and seems not to pretend to accuracy in numerical details. The first book treats of the universe in general, of the zones, of the motions of the stars and planets, of day and night, and of the magnitude and figure of the earth. Under the last head, Cleomedes maintains the spherical shape of the earth against the Epicureans, and gives the only detailed account extant of the methods by which Eratosthenes and Poseidonius attempted to measure an are of the meridian. The second book contains a dissertation on the magnitudes of the sun and moon, in which the absurd opinions of the Epicureans are again ridiculed; and on the illumination of the moon, its phases and eclipses. The most interesting points are, the opinion, that the moon's revolution about its axis is performed in the same time as its synaodical revolution about the earth; an allusion to something like almanacs, in which predicted eclipses were registered; and the suggestion of atmospherical refraction as a possible explanation of the fact (which Cleomedes however professes not to believe), that the sun and moon are sometimes seen above the horizon at once during a lunar eclipse. (He illustrates this by the experiment in which a ring, just out of sight at the bottom of an empty vessel, is made visible by pouring in water.) Of the history of Cleomedes nothing is known, and the date of his work is uncertain. He professes (ad fin.), that it is compiled from various sources, ancient and modern, but particularly from Poseidonius (who was contemporary with Cicero); and, as he mentions no author later than Poseidonius, it is inferred, that he must have lived before, or at least not much after Ptolemy, of whose works he could hardly have been ignorant if they had been long extant. It seems, also, from the eagerness with which he defends the Stoical doctrines against ihe Epicureans, that the controversy between these two sects was not obsolete when he wrote. On the other hand, Delambre has shewn that he had nothing more than a second-hand knowledge of the works of Hipparchus, which seems to lessen the improbability of his being ignorant of Ptolemy. And Letronne (Journal des Savans, 1821, p. 712) argues, that it is unlikely that Cleomedes should have known anything of refraction before Ptolemy, who says nothing of it in the Almagest (in which it must have appeared if he had been acquainted with it), but introduces the subject for the first time in his Optics. The same writer also endeavours to shew, from the longitude assigned by Cleomedes (p. 59) to the star Aldebaran, that he could not have written earlier than A. D. 186. Riccioli (Almag. Nov. vol, i. pp. xxxii. and 307) supposes, that the Cleomedes who wrote the Circular Theory lived a little after Poseidonius, and that another Cleomedes lived about A. D. 390. A treatise on Arithmetic and another on the Sptcre, attributed to a Cleomedes, are said to exist CLEOMENES. 1 in NIS. Vossius (de Nat. Art. p. 180, b.) conjec, tures that Cleomedes wrote the work on Harm~ii s attributed to Cleonides or Euclid. [EvcLEIDEs. The KuKAuchK O(Oepi was first printed in Latin by Geo. Valla, Ven. 1498, fol.; in Greek by Conrad Neobarius, Paris, 1539; in Gr. and Lat. with a commentary, by Rob. Balfour, Burdigal. 1605, 4to. The two latest editions are by Janus Bake, with Balfour's commentary, &c., Lugd. Bat. 1820, 8vo., and C. C. T. Schmidt, Lips. 1832, 8vo. (a reprint of Bake's text, with select notes). (Delambre, HIist. de l'Astron. A-ncienne, vol. i. chap. 12; Weidler, Hist. Astron. p. 152; Voss. de Nat. Art. p. 117, a.; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. iY, p. 41.) [W. F. D.] CLEOME'NES I. (KAeoAJ'ns), 16th king of Sparta in the Agid line, was born to Anaxandrides by his second wife, previous to the birth by his first of Dorieus, Leonidas, and Cleombrotus. [ANAXANDRIDES.] He accordingly, on his father's death, succeeded, not later it would seem than 519 B. c., and reigned for a period of 29 years. (Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 208.) In B. c. 519 we are told it was to Cleomenes that the Plataeans applied when Sparta, declining to assist them, recommended alliance with Athens. (Herod. vi. 108.) And not much later, the visit of Maeandrius occurred, who had been left in possession of Samos by the death of Polycrates, but had afterwards been driven out by the Persians with Syloson. Maeandrius twice or thrice in conversation with Cleomenes led the way to his house, where he took care to have displayed certain splendid goblets, and, on Cleomenes expressing his admiration, begged he would accept them. Cleomenes refused; and at last, in fear for his own or his citizens' weakness, went to the ephors and got an order for the stranger's departure. (Herod. iii. 148.) In 510 Cleomenes commanded the forces by whose assistance Hippias was driven from Athens, and not long after he took part in the struggle between Cleisthenes and the aristocratical party of Isagoras by sending a herald with orders, pointed against Cleisthenes, for the expulsion of all who were stained with the pollution of Cylon. He followed this step by coming and driving out, in person, 700 households, substituting also for the new Council of 500 a body of 300 partisans of Isagoras. But his force was small, and having occupied the acropolis with his friends, he was here besieged, and at last forced to depart on conditions, leaving his allies to their fate. In shame and anger he hurried to collect Spartan and allied forces, and set forth for his revenge. At Eleusis, however, when the Athenians were in sight, the Corinthians refused to proceed; their example was followed by his brother-king Demaratus; and on this the other allies also, and with them Cleomenes, withdrew. When in the acropolis at Athens, he is related to have attempted, as an Achaean, to enter the temple, from which Dorians were excluded, and to have hence brought back with him to Sparta a variety of oracles predictive of his country's future relations with Athens; and their contents, says Herodotus, induced the abortive attempt which the Spartans made soon after to restore the tyranr.y of Ilippias. (Herod. v. 64, 65, 69-76, 89-91.) In 500, Sparta was visited by Aristagoras, a "petitioner for aid to the revolted Ionians. His brazen map and his accompanying representations
Page 793 CLEOMENES. appear to have had considerable effect on Cleomenes. lie demanded three days to consider; then enquired "how far was Susa from the sea." Aristagoras forgot his diplomacy and said, "three months' journey." His Spartan listener was thoroughly alarmed, and ordered him to depart before sunset. Aristagoras however in suppliant's attire hurried to meet him at home, and made him offers, beginning with ten, and mounting at last to fifty talents. It chanced that Cleomenes had his daughter Gorge, a child eight or nine years old, standing by; and at this point she broke in, and said " Father, go away, or he will do vou harm." And Cleomenes on this recovered his resolution, and left the room. (Herod. vi. 49-51.) This daughter Gorgo, his only child, was afterwards the wife of his halfbrother Leonidas: and she, it is said, first found the key to the message which, by scraping the wax from a wooden writing-tablet, graving the wood, and then covering it with wax again, Demaratus conveyed to Sparta from the Persian court in announcement of the intended invasion. (Herod. vii. 239.) In 491 the heralds of Dareius came demanding earth and water from the Greeks; and Athens denounced to Sparta the submission of the Aeginetans. Cleomenes went off in consequence to Aegina, and tried to seize certain parties as hostages. Meantime Demaratus, with whom he had probably been on bad terms ever since the retreat from Eleusis, sent private encouragements to the Aeginetans to resist him, and took further advantage of his absence to intrigue against him at home. Cleomenes returned unsuccessful, and now leagued himself with Leotychides, and effected his colleague's deposition. [DEMARATUS.] (Herod. vi. 49-66.) lie then took Leotychides with him back to Aegina, seized his hostages, and placed them in the hands of the Athenians. But on his return to Sparta, he found it detected that he had tampered with the priestess at Delphi to obtain the oracle which deposed Demaratus, and, in apprehension of the consequences, he went out of the way into Thessaly. Shortly after, however, he ventured into Arcadia, and his machinations there to excite the Arcadians against his country were sufficient to frighten the Spartans into offering him leave to return with impunity. He did not however long survive his recall. He was seized with raving madness, and dashed his staff in every one's face whom he met; and at last when confined as a maniac in a sort of stocks, he prevailed on the Helot who watched him to give him a knife, and died by slashing (icaera-Xo6edwv) his whole body over with it. (Herod. vi. 73-75.) His madness and death, says Herodotus, were ascribed by the Spartans to the habit he acquired from some Scythian visitors at Sparta of excessive drinking. Others found a reason in his acts of sacrilege at Delphi or Eleusis, where he laid waste a piece of sacred land (the Orgas), or again at Argos, the case of which was as follows. Cleomenes invaded Argolis, conveying his forces by sea to the neighbourhood of Tiryns; defeated by a simple stratagem the whole Argive forces, and pursued a large number of fugitives into the wood of the hero Argus. Some of them he drew from their refluge on false pretences, the rest he burnt among the sacred trees. -He however made no attempt on the city, but after sacrificing to the Argive Juno, and whipping her priestess for op CLEOMENES. 793 posing his will, returned home and excused himself, and indeed was acquitted after investigation, on the ground that the oracle predicting that he should capture Argos had been fulfilled by the destruction of the grove of Argus. Such is the strange account given by Herodotus (vi. 76-84) of the great battle of the Seventh (Ev -r 'EO4ý.4), the greatest exploit of Cleomenes, which deprived Argos of 6000 citizens (IHerod. vii. 148), and left her in a state of debility from which, notwithstanding the enlargement of her franchise, she did not recover till the middle of the Peloponnesian war. To this however we may add in explanation the story given by later writers of the defence of Argos by its women, headed by the poet-heroine Telesilla. (Paus. ii. 20. ~ 7; Plut. Mor. p. 245; Polyaen. viii. 33; Suidas.s.v.TEsAEX' Aa.) [TELESILLA.] Herodotus appears ignorant of it, though he gives an oracle seeming to refer to it. It is perfectly probable that Cleomenes thus received some check, and we must remember the Spartan incapacity for sieges. The date again is doubtfuil. Pausanias, (iii. 4. ~~ 1-5), who follows Herodotus in his account of Cleomenes, says, it was at the beginning of his reign; Clinton, however, whom Thirlwall follows, fixes it, on the ground of Herod. vii. 148-9, towards the end of his reign, about 510 B. c. The life of Cleomenes, as graphically given by Herodotus is very curious; we may perhaps, without much imputation on the father of history, susp-ct that his love for personal story has here a little coloured his narrative. Possibly lie may have somewhat mistaken his character; certainly the freedom of action allowed to a king whom the Spartans were at first half inclined to put aside for the younger brother Dorieus, and who was always accounted half-mad (v'rojappTdrepos), seems at variance with the received views of their kingly office. Yet it is possible that a wild character of this kind might find favour in Spartan eyes. (Comp. Miller, Dor. i. 8. ~ 6; Clinton, B. c. 510, and p. 425, note x.) The occupation of the acropolis of Athens is mentioned by Aristophanes. (Lsistr. 272.) [A. II. C.] CLEO'MENES II., the 25th king of Sparta of the Agid line, was the son of Cleombrotus I. and the brother of Agesipolis II., whom he succeeded in B. c. 370. He died in B. c. 309, after a reign of sixty years and ten months; but during this long period we have no information about him of any importance. He had two sons, Acrotatus and Cleonymus. Acrotatus died during the life of Cleomenes, upon whose death Areus, the son of Acrotatus, succeeded to the throne. [AREus I.; CLEONYMUs.] (Diod. xx. 29; Plut. Apis, 3; Paus. i. 13. ~ 3, iii. 6. 1; Manso, Sparta, iii. 1, p. 164, 2. pp. 247, 248: Diod. xv. 60, contradicts himself about the time that Cleomenes reigned, and is evidently wrong; see Clinton, Fast. ii. pp. 213, 214.) [P. S.] CLEO'MENES III., the 31st king of Sparta of the Agid line, was the son of Leonidas II. After the death of Agis IV., B. c. 240, Leonidts married his widow Agiatis to Cleomenes, who was under age, in order, as it seems, to bring into his family the inheritance of the Proclidae. Agiatis, though at first violently opposed to the match, conceived a great affection for her husband, and she used to explain to him the principles and designs of Agis, about which he was eager for information. Cleomenes was endowed, according to Plutarch, with a noble spirit; in moderation and simplicity
Page 794 794 CLEOMENES. of life he was not inferior to Agis, but superior to him in energy, and less scrupulous about the means by which his good designs might be accomplished. His mind was further stirred up to manliness and ambition by the instructions of the Stoic philosopher Sphaerus of Borysthenes, who visited Sparta. To this was added the influence of his mother Cratesicleia. It was not long, therefore, before Cleomenes had formed the design of restoring the ancient Spartan discipline, and the death of his father, whom he succeeded (B. c. 236), put him in a position to attempt his projected reform; but he saw that careful preparations must first be made, and that Sparta was not to be restored by the means which Agis had employed. Instead of repeating the vain attempt of Agis to form a popular party against the Ephors, the impossibility of which was proved by the refusal of Xenares, one of his most intimate friends, to aid his efforts, he perceived that the regeneration of Sparta must be achieved by restoring to her her old renown in war, and by raising her to the supremacy of Greece; and then that, the restored strength of the state being centred in him as its leader, he might safely attempt to crush the power of the Ephors. It was thus manifest that his policy must be war, his enemy the Achaean league. Lydiadas, the former tyrant of Megalopolis, foresaw the danger which the league might apprehend fromn Cleomenes; but the counsels of Aratus, who was blind to this danger, prevailed; and the proposal of Lydiadas, to make the first attack on Sparta, was rejected. The first movement of Cleomenes was to seize suddenly and by treachery the Arcadian cities, Tegea, Mantineia, and Orchomenus, which had recently united themselves with the Aetolians, who, instead of resenting the injury, confirmed Cleomenes in the possession of them. The reason of this was, that the Aetolians had already conceived the project of forming an alliance with Macedonia and Sparta against the Achaean league. It is probable that they even connived at the seizure of these towns by Cleomenes, who thus secured an excellent position for his operations against the league before commencing war with it. Aratus, who was now strategos, at last perceived the danger which threatened from Sparta, and, with the other chiefs of the Achaean league, he resolved not to attack the Lacedaemonians, but to resist any aggression they might make. About the beginning of the year 227 B. c., Cleomenes, by the order of the Ephors, seized the little town of Belbina, and fortified the temple of Athena near it. This place commanded the mountain pass on the high road between Sparta and Megalopolis, and was at that period claimed by both cities, though anciently it had belonged to Sparta. Aratus made no complaint at its seizure, but attempted to get possession of Tegea and Orchomenus by treachery. But, when he marched out in the night to take possession of them, the conspirators, who were to deliver up the towns, lost courage. The attempt was made known to Cleomenes, who wrote in ironical terms of friendship to ask Aratus whither he had led his army in the night? " To prevent your fortifying Belbina," was the reply. " Pray then, if you have no objection," retorted Cleomenes, " tell us why you took with you lights and scaling ladders." By this correspondence Aratus found out with whom he had to do. The CLEOMENES. Spartans, on the other hand, were satisfied witl the important advantage which they had gained in the fortification of Belbina; and Cleomenes, who was in Arcadia with only three hundred foot and a few horse, was recalled by the Ephors. His back was no sooner turned than Aratus seized Caphyae, near Orchomenus. The Ephors immediately sent back Cleomenes, who took Methydrion, and made an incursion into the territories of Argos. About this time Aristomachus succeeded Aratus as strategos of the Achaean league (in May, 227, B. c.), and to this period perhaps should be referred the declaration of war against Cleomenes by the council of the Achaeans, which is mentioned by Polybius. Aristomachus collected an army of 20,000 foot and 1000 horse, with which he met Cleomenes near Palantium; and, though the latter had only 5000 men, they were so eager and brave that Aratus persuaded Aristomachus to decline battle. The fact is, that the Achaeans were never a warlike people, and Aratus was very probably right in thinking that 20,000 Achaeans were no match for 5000 Spartans. But the moral effect of this affair was worth more than a victory to Cleomenes. In May, 226, Aratus again became strategos, and led the Achaean forces against Elis. The Eleans applied to Sparta for aid, and Cleomenes met Aratus on his return, at the foot of Mount Lycaeum, in the territory of Megalopolis, and defeated him with great slaughter. It was at first reported that Aratus was killed; but he had only fled; and, having rallied part of his army, he took Mantineia by a sudden assault, and revolutionized its constitution by making the metoeci citizens. The effect of this change was the formation of an Achaean party in the town. Cleomenes had not yet taken any open steps against the Ephors, though he could not but be an object of suspicion to them; they were however in a difficult position. The spirit of Agis still lived in the Spartan youth; and Cleomenes, at the head of his victorious army, was too strong to be crushed like Agis. Secret assassination might have been employed-and when was a Spartan ephor heard of who would have scrupled to use it?-but then they would have lost the only man capable of carrying on the war, and Sparta must have fallen into the position of a subordinate member of the Achaean league. They appear, however, to have taken advantage of the loss of Mantineia to make a truce with the Achaeans. (Paus. viii. 27. ~ 10.) Cleomenes now took measures to strengthen himself against them. These measures are differently represented by Phylarchus, the panegyrist of Cleomenes, whom Plutarch seems on the whole to have followed, and by Polybius and Pausanias, who followed Aratus and other Achaean writers. At the death of Agis, his infant son, Eurydamidas, was left in the hands of his mother, Agiatis; and Archidamus, the brother of Agis, fled into Messenia, according to the statement of Plutarch, which, from the nature of the case, is far more probable than the account of Polybius (v. 37. ~ 2, viii. 1. ~ 3), that Archidamus fled at a later period, through fear of Cleomenes. Eurydamidas was now dead, poisoned, it was said, by the Ephors, and that too, according to Pausanias (ii. 9. ~ 1), at the instigation of Cleomenes. The falsity of this last statement is proved by the silence of Polybius, who never spares Cleomenes, but it may serve to shew how recklessly he was abused by some of the Achaean
Page 795 CLEOMENES. party. Archidamus had thus become the rightful heir to the throne of the Proclidae, and he was invited by Cleomenes to return; but no sooner had he set foot in Sparta than he was assassinated. This crime also is charged upon Cleomenes by the Achaean party, and among them by Polybius. The truth cannot now be ascertained, but every circumstance of the case seems to fix the guilt upon the Ephors. Cleomenes had everything to hope, and the Ephors everything to fear, from the association of Archidamus in his councils. Cleomenes, it is true, did nothing to avenge the crime: but the reason of this was, that the time for his attack upon the Ephors was not yet come; and thus, instead of an evidence of his guilt, it is a striking proof of his patient resolution, that he submitted to incur such a suspicion rather than to peril the object of his life by a premature movement. On the contrary, he did everything to appease the party of the Ephors. He bribed them largely, by the help of his mother Cratesicleia, who even went so far as to marry one of the chief men of the oligarchical party. Through the influence thus gained, Cleomenes was permitted to continue the war; he took Leuctra, and gained a decisive victory over Aratus beneath its walls, owing to the impetuosity of Lydiadas, who was killed in the battle. The conduct of Aratus, in leaving Lydiadas unsupported, though perhaps it saved his army, disgusted and dispirited the Achaeans to such a degree, that they made no further efforts during this campaign, and Cleomenes was left at leisure to effect his long-cherished revolution during the winter which now came on. (B. c. 226-225.) Having secured the aid of his father-in-law, Megistonus, and of two or three other persons, he first weakened the oligarchical party by drafting many of its chief supporters into his army, with which he then again took the field, seized the Achaean cities of Heraea and Asea, threw supplies into Orchomenus, beleaguered Mantineia, and so wearied out his soldiers, that they were glad to be left in Arcadia, while Cleomenes himself marched back to Sparta at the head of a force of mercenaries, surprised the Ephors at table, and slew all of them, except Agesilaus, who took sanctuary in the temple of Fear, and had his life granted afterwards by Cleomenes. Having struck this decisive blow, and being supported not only by his mercenaries, but also by the remains of the party of Agis, Cleomenes met with no further resistance. He now propounded his new constitution, which is too closely connected with the whole subject of the Spartan polity to be explained within the limits of this article. All that can be said here is, that he extended the power of the kings, abolished the Ephorate, restored the community of goods, made a new division of the lands, and recruited the body of the citizens, by bringing back the exiles and by raising to the full franchise the most deserving of those who had not before possessed it. He also restored, to a great extent, the ancient Spartan system of social and military discipline. In the completion of this reform he was aided by the philosopher Sphaerus. The line of the Proclidae being extinct, he took his brother Eucleidas for his colleague in the kingdom. In his own conduct he set a fine example of the simple virtue of an old Spartan. From thi's period must be dated the contest betCwoon the Achaeans and Cleomenes for the supre CLEOMENES. 795 macy of Greece, which Polybius calls the Cleomenic war, and which lasted three years, from B. c. 225 to the battle of Sellasia in the spring of B. c. 222. For its details, of which a slight sketch is given under ARATUS, the reader is referred to the historians. Amidst a career of brilliant success, Cleomenes committed some errors, but, even if he had avoided them, he could not but have been overpowered by the united force of Macedonia and the Achaean league. The moral character of the war is condensed by Niebuhr into one just and forcible sentence: -" Old Aratus sacrificed the freedom of his country by an act of high treason, and gave up Corinth rather than establish the freedom of Greece by a union among the Peloponnesians, which. would have secured to Cleomenes the influence and power he deserved." (IHistory of Roeme, iv. p. 226.) From the defeat of Sellasia, Cleomenes returned to Sparta, and having advised the citizens to submit to Antigonus, he fled to his ally, Ptolemy Euergetes, at Alexandria, where his mother and children were already residing as hostages. Any hope he might have had of recovering his kingdom by the help of Ptolemy Euergetes was defeated by the death of that king, whose successor, Ptolemy Philopator, treated Cleonmenes with the greatest neglect, and his minister, Sosibius, imprisoned him on a charge of conspiracy against the king's life. Cleomenes, with his attendants, escaped from prison, and attempted to raise an insurrection against Ptolemy, but finding no one join him, he put himself to death. (B. c. 221-220.) His reign lasted 16 years. He is rightly reckoned by Pansanias (iii. 6. ~ 5) as the last of the Agidae, for his nominal successor, Agesipolis III., was a mere puppet. He was the last truly great man of Sparta, and, excepting perhaps Philopoemeir, of all Greece. (Plutarch, Cleonz., Arat.; Polyb. ii. v., &c.; Droysen, Gesclhichte dcler Hellenissmus, vol. ii. bk. ii. c. 4; Manso, Sparta, vol. iii.) [P. S.] CLEO'MENES (KAeo0iiqs), Spartans of the royal family of the Agidae, but not kings. 1. Son of the general Pausanias, brother of king Pleistoanax, and uncle of king Pausanias, led the Peloponnesian army in their fourth invasion of Attica, in the fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. (B. c. 427.) Cleomenes acted in place of his nephew, Pausanias, who was a minor. (Thucyd. iii. 26, and Schol.) 2. Son of Cleombrotus II., and uncle and guardian of Agesipolis III., B. c. 219. (Polyb. iv. 35, ~ 12; AGESIPOLIS III., CLEOMBROTUS II.) [P.S.] CLEO'MENES, a Greek of Naucratis in Egypt, was appointed by Alexander the Great as nomarch of the Arabian district (vodpos) of Egypt and receiver of -the tributes from all the districts of Egypt and the neighbouring part of Africa. (a. c. 331.) Some of the ancient writers say that Alexander made him satrap of Egypt; but this is incorrect, for Arrian expressly states, that the other nomarchs were independent of him, except that they had to pay to him the tributes of their districts. It would, however, appear that he had no difficulty in extending his depredations over all Egypt, and it is not unlikely that he would assume the title of satrap. His rapacity knew no bounds; he exercised his office solely for his own advantage. On the occurrence of a scarcity of corn, which was less severe in Egypt than in the neighbouring I
Page 796 796 CLEOMENES. countries, he at first forbad its exportation from Egypt; but, when the nomarchs represented to him that this measure prevented them from raising the proper amount of tribute, he permitted the exportation of the corn, but laid on it a heavy export duty. On another occasion, when the price of corn was ten drachmas, Cleomenes bought it up and sold it at 32 drachmas; and in other ways he interfered with the markets for his own guiin. At another time he contrived to cheat his soldiers of a month's pay in the year. Alexander had entrusted to him the building of Alexandria. He gave notice to the people of Canopus, then the chief emporium of Egypt, that he must remove them to the new city. To avert such an evil they gave him a large sum of money; but, as the building of Alexandria advanced, he again demanded of the people of Canopus a large sum of money, which they could not pay, and thus he got an excuse for removing them. lie also made money out of the superstitions of the people. One of his boys having been killed by a crocodile, he ordered the crocodiles to be destroyed; but, in consideration of all the money which the priests could get together for the sake of saving.their sacred aninmals, lie revoked his order. On another occasion he sent for the priests, and informed them that the religious establishment was too expensive, and must be reduced; they handed over to him the treasures of the temples; and he then left them undisturbed. Alexander was informed of these proceedings, but found it convenient to take no notice of them; but after his return to Babylon (B. c. 323) he wrote to Cleomonens, commanding him to erect at Alexandria a splendid monument to Ilephaestion, and promised that, if this work were zealously performed, he would overlook his misconduct. In the distribution of Alexander's empire, after his death, Cleomenes was left in Egypt as hyparchl under Ptolemy, who put him to death on the suspicion of his favouring Perdiccas. The effect, if not also a cause, of this act was, that Ptolemy came into possession of the treasures of Cleomenes, which amounted to 8000 talents. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 5, vii. 23; Arrian, ap. Phot. Cod. 92, p. 69, a. 34, ed. Bekker; Dexippus, ap. Phot. Cod. 82, p. 64, a. 34; Jastin. xiii. 4. ~ 11; Q. Curt. iv. 33. ~ 5; Pseud-Aristot. Oecon. ii. 34, 40; Dem. c. Dionysiod. p. 1258; Paus. i. 6. ~ 3; Diod. xviii. 14; Droysen, Geschichte Alex. pp. 216, 580, Nacfo!yg. pp. 41, 128.) [P. S.] CLEO'MENES, literary. 1. A rhapsodist, who recited thie KaOapesoi of Empedocles at the Olympic games. (Athen. xiv. p. 620, d.) 2. Of Rhegium, a dithyrambic poet, censured by Chionides (Athen. xiv. p. 638, e.), and by Aristophanes, according to the Scholiast. (NiVecs, 332, 333.) He seems to have been an erotic writer, since Epicrates mentions him in connexion with Sappho, Meletus, and Lamynthius. (Athen. xiv. p. 605, e.) The allusions of other comedians to him fix his date in the latter part of the fifth century B.-c. One of his poems was entitled MAlCeuger. (Atlien. ix. p. 402, a.) 3. A cynic philosopher, the disciple ofMetrocles, wrote a work on education (rflcuiaycwytcds), which is quoted by Diogenes Laertius (vi. 75, 95). 4. A commentator on Homer, and Hesiod. (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 129.) Perhaps he was the same as the philosopher. [P. S.] CLEO'MENES (KAeoIEYrS), the name of a CLEOMENES. physician introduced by Plutarch in his Syompositcon (vi. 8. ~ 5, ed. Tauchn.) as giving his opinion on the nature and cause of the disease called bulimia, in the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.] CLEO'MENES, a sculptor mentioned only by Pliny (xxxvi. 4. ~ 10) as the author of a group of the Thespiades, or Muses, which was placed by Asinius Pollio in his buildings at Rome, perhaps thie library on the Palatine hill. This artist, who does not appear to have enjoyed great celebrity with the ancients, is particularly interesting to us, because one of the most exquisite statues, the Venus de Medici, bears his name in the following inscription on the pedestal: KAEOMENHY AlIOAAOA1POT AOHNA1IO2 EnI)EYEN. This inscription, which has been undeservedly considered as a modern imposition, especially by Florentine critics, whlo would fain have claimed a greater master for their admired statue, indicates both the father and the native town of Cleomenes; and the letter n gives likewise an external proof of what we should have guessed from the character of the work itself, that he was subsequent to B. c. 403. But we may arrive still nearer at his age. Mummnius brought the above-mentioned group of the Muses from Thespiae to Rome; and Cleomenes must therefore have lived previously to B. c. 146, the date of the destruction of Corinth. The beautiful statue of Venus is evidently an imitation of the Cnidian statue of Praxiteles; and Mfiller's opinion is very probable, that Cleomenes tried to revive at Athens the style of this great artist. Our artist would, according to this supposition, have lived between B.c. 363 (the age of Praxiteles) and B. c. 146. Now, there is another Cleoimenes, the author of a much admired but rather lifeless statue ini the Louvre, which commonly bears the name of Germanicus, though without the slightest foundation. It represents a Roman orator, with the right hand lifted, and, as the attribute of a turtle at the foot shews, in the habit of Mercury. There the artist calls himself KAEOMENHSI KAEOMENOTY AOHNAIOE IIOIHZEN. Ile was therefore distinct from the son of Apollodorus, but probably his son; for the name of Cleomenes is so very rare at Athens, that we can hardly suppose another Cleoimenes to have been his father; and nothing was more common with ancient artists than that the son followed the father's profession. But it is quite improbable that an Athenian sculptor should have made the statue of a Roman in the form of a god before thae wars against Macedonia had brought the Roman armies into Greece. The younger Cleomenes mnust therefore have exercised his art subsequently to B. c. 200, probably subsequently to the battle of Cynoscephalae. We may therefore place the father about B. c. 220. Another work is also inscribed with the name of Cleomenes, namely, a basso-relievo at Florence, of very good workmanship, with the story of Alceste, bearing the inscription KAEOMENH2-i EIOIEI. But we are not able to decide whether it is to be referred to the father, or to the son, or to a third and more recent artist, whose name is published by lRaoul-Rochette. (lMonumnans iuCdits
Page 797 CLEON. Orest'ide, pl. xxv. p. 130.) The inscriptions of four statues in the collection of Wilton House are of a very doubtful description. (Visconti, Oeuvres diverses, vol. iii. p. 11; Thiersch, Epoclhen, p. 288, &c.) [L. U.] CLEOMY'TTADES (KXEoguvr-'rds). 1. The sixth of the family of the Asclepiadae, the son of Ciisamis I. and the father of Theodorus I., who lived probably in the tenth century B. c. (Jo. Tzetzes, Chil. vii. Hist. 155, in Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. xii. p. 680, ed. vet.) 2. The tenth in descent from Aesculapius, the son of king Crisamis II., and the father of Theodorus II., who probably lived in the eighth century B. c. (Paeti Epist. ad Artax., in Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. p. 770.) [W. A. G.] CLEON (KkCwv), the son of Cleaenetus, shortly after the death of Pericles, succeeding, it is said (Aristoph. Equit. 130, and Schol.), Eucrates the flaxseller, and Lysicles the sheep-dealer, became the most trusted and popular of the people's favourites, and for about six years of the Peloponnesian war (B. c. 428-422) may be regarded as the head of" the party opposed to peace. He belonged by birth to the middling classes, and was brought up to the trade of a tanner; how long however he followed it may be doubtful; he seems early to have betaken himself to a more lucrative profession in politics. He became known at the very beginning of the war. The latter days of Pericles were annoyed by his impertinence. IIHrmippus, in a fragment of a comedy probably represented in the winter after the first invasion of Attica, speaks of the home-keeping general as tortured by the sting of the fierce Cleon (6I(xels afOnZw KhA(wvi, ap. Plut. Per. 33). And according to Idomeneus (ibid. 35) Cleoi's name was attached to the accusation, to which in the miseries of the second year Pericles was obliged to give way. Cleon at this time was, we must suppose, a violent opponent of the policy which declined risking a battle; nay, it is possible he may also have indulged freely in invectives against the war in general. In 427 the submission of the Mytileneans brings him more prominently before us. He was now established fairly as demagogue. ( Tq i8uy roapa' tro\Va iv ry r6re rriOa.vcOraros, Thuc. iii. 36.) The deliberations on the use to be made of the unconditional surrender of these revolted allies ended in the adoption of his motion,- that the adult males should be put to death, the women and children sold for slaves. The morrow, however, brought a cooler mind; and in the assembly held for reconsideration it was, after a long debate, rescinded. The speeches which on this second occasion Thucydides ascribes to Cleon and his opponent give us doubtless no grounds for any opinion on either as a speaker, but at the same time considerable acquaintance with his own view of Cleon's position and character. We see plainly the effort to keep up a reputation as the straightfornward energetic counsellor; the attempt by rude bullying to hide from the people his slavery to them; the unscrupulous use of calumny to excite prejudice against all rival advisers. " The people were only shewing (what he himself had long seen) their incapacity for governing, by giving way to a sentimental unbusinesslike compassion: as for the orators who excited it, they were, likely enough, paid for their trouble." (Thuc. iii. 36-49.) CLEON. 797 The following winter unmasked his boldest enemy. At the city Dionysia, B. c. 426, in the presence of the numerous visitors from the subject states, Aristophanes represented his "Babylonians." It attacked the plan of election by lot, and contained no doubt the first sketch of his subsequent portrait of the Athenian democracy. Cleon, it would appear, if not actually named, at any rate felt himself reflected upon; and he rejoined by a legal suit against the author or his representative. The Scholiasts speak of it as directed against his title to the franchise (eviias ypa<pý), but it certainly also assailed him for insulting the government in the p-esence of its subjects. (Aristoph. Acharn. 377, 502.) About the same time, however, before the next winter's Lenaea, Cleon himself, by means of a combination among the nobler and wealthier (the 'InTrei), was brought to trial and condemned to disgorge five talents, which he had extracted on false pretences from some of the islanders. (Aristoph. Acharn. 6, comp. Schol., who refers to Theopompus.) Thirlwall, surely by an oversight, places this trial after the representation of the Knights. (Hist. of Greece, iii. p. 300.) In 425 Cleon reappears in general history, still as before the potent favourite. The occasion is the embassy sent by Sparta with proposals for peace, after the commencement of the blockade of her citizens in the island of Sphacteria. 'There was considerable elevation at their success prevalent among the Athenians; yet numbers were truly anxious for peace. Cleon, however, well aware that peace would greatly curtail, if not annihilate, his power and his emoluments, contrived to work on his countrymen's presumption, and insisted to the ambassadors on the surrender, first of all, of the blockaded party with their arms, and then the restoration in exchange for them of the losses of B. c. 445, Nisaea, Pegae, Troezen, and Achaia. Such concessions it was beyond Sparta's power to make good; it was even dangerous for her to be known to have so much as admitted a thought of them; and when the ambassadors begged in any case to have commissioners appointed them for private discussion, he availed himself of this to break off the negotiation by loud outcries against what he professed to regard as evidence of double-dealing and oligarchical caballing. (Thuc. iv. 21, 22.) A short time however shewed the unsoundness of his policy. Winter was approaching, the blockade daily growing more difficult, and escape daily easier; and there seemed no prospect of securing the prize. Popular feeling now began to run strongly against him, who had induced the rejection of those safe offers. Cleon, with the true demagogue's tact of catching the feeling of the people, talked of the false reports with which a democracy let people deceive it, and when appointed himself to a board of commissioners for inquiry on the spot, shifted his ground and began to urge the expediency rather of sending a force to decide it at once, adding, that if he had been general, he would have done it before. Nicias, at whom the scoff was directed, took advantage of a rising feeling in that direction among the people, and replied by begging him to be under no restraint, but to take any forces he pleased and make the attempt. What follows is highly characteristic. Cleon, not having a thought that the timid Nicias was really venturing so unprecedented a step, professed his acquiescence, but on finding the
Page 798 798 CLEON. matter treated as serious, began to be disconcerted and back out. But it was intolerable to spoil the joke by letting him off, and the people insisted that he should abide by his word. And he at last recovered his self-possession and coolly replied, that if they wished it then, he would go, and would take merely the Lemnians and Imbrians then in the city, and bring them back the Spartans dead or alive within twenty days. And indeed, says Thucydides, wild as the proceeding appeared, soberer minds were ready to pay the price of a considerable failure abroad for the ruin of the demagogue at home. Fortune, however, brought Cleon to Pylos at the moment when he could appropriate for his needs the merit of an enterprise already devised, and no doubt entirely executed, by Demosthenes. [DEMOSTHENES.] He appears, however, not to have been without shrewdness either in the selection of his troops or his coadjutor, and it is at least some small credit that he did not mar his good luck. In any case he brought back his" prisoners within his time, among them 120 Spartans of the highest blood. (Thuc. iv. 27-39.) At this, the crowning point of his fortunes, Aristophanes dealt him his severest blow. In the next winter's Lenaea, B. c. 424, appeared " The Knights," in which Cleon figures as an actual dramatis persona, and, in default of an artificer bold enough to make the mask, was represented by the poet himself with his face smeared with winelees. The play is simply one satire on his venality, rapacity, ignorance, violence, and cowardice; and was at least successful so far as to receive the first prize. It treats of him, however, chiefly as the leader in the Ecclesia; the Wasps, in B. c. 422, similarly displays him as the grand patron of the abuses of the courts of justice. He is said to have originated the increase of the dicast's stipend from one to three obols (See Bdckh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, bk. ii. 15), and in general he professed to be the unhired advocate of the poor, and their protector and enricher by his judicial attacks on the rich. The same year (422) saw, however, the close of his career. Late in the summer, he went out, after the expiration of the year's truce, to act against Brasidas in Chalcidice. He seems to have persuaded both himself and the people of his consummate ability as a general, and he took with him a magnificent army of the best troops. He effected with ease the capture of Torone, and then moved towards Amphipolis, which Brasidas also hastened to protect. Utterly ignorant of the art of war, he advanced with no fixed purpose, but rather to look about him, up to the walls of the city; and on finding the enemy preparing to sally, directed so unskilfully a precipitate retreat, that the soldiers of one wing presented their unprotected right side to the attack. The issue of the combat is related under BRASIDAS. Cleon himself fell, in an early flight, by the hand of a Myrcinian targeteer. (Thuc. v. 2, 3, 6-10.) Cleon may be regarded as the representative of the worst faults of the Athenian democracy, such as it came from the hands of Pericles. While Pericles lived, his intellectual and moral power was a sufficient check, nor had the assembly as yet become conscious of its own sovereignty. In later times the evil found itself certain alleviations; the coarse and illiterate demagogues were succeeded by the line of orators, and the throne of Pericles was at CLEON. last worthily filled by Demosthenes. How far we must call Cleon the creature and how far the cause of the vices and evils of his time of course is hard to say; no doubt he was partly both. He is said (Plut. Nicias, 8) to have first broken through the gravity and seemliness of the Athenian assembly by a loud and violent tone and coarse gesticulation, tearing open his dress, slapping his thigh, and running about while speaking. It is to this probably, and not to any want of pure Athenian blood, that the title Paphlagonian la(flAa-ycdv, from raepAdaw), given him in the Knights, refers. His power and familiarity with the assembly are shewn in a story (Plut. Nicias, 7), that on one occasion the people waited for him, perhaps to propose some motion, for a long time, and that he at last appeared with a garland on, and begged that they would put off the meeting till the morrow, " for," said he, " today I have no time: I am entertaining some guests, and have just sacrificed,"-a request which the assembly took as a good joke, and were goodhumoured enough to accede to. Compare ARISTOPHANES. The passages in the other plays, besides the Knights and Wasps, and those quoted from the Acharnians, are, Nubes, 549, 580; Ranae, 569-577. [A. IH C.] CLEON (KAXwv), literary. 1. Of CURIUM, the author of a poem on the expedition of the Argonauts ('Apyovav'rTmd), from which Apollonius Rhodius took many parts of his poem. (Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. i. 77, 587, 624.) 2. Of HALICARNASSUs, a rhetorician, lived at the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 4th century B. c. (Plut. Lys. 25.) 3. A MAGNESIAN, appears to have been a philosopher, from the quotation which Pausanias makes from him. (x. 4. ~ 4.) 4. A SICILIAN, one of the literary Greeks in the train of Alexander the Great, who, according to Curtius, corrupted.the profession of good arts by their evil manners. At the banquet, at which the proposal was made to adore Alexander (B. c. 327), Cleon introduced the subject. (Curt. viii. 5. ~ 8.) Neither Arrian nor Plutarch mentions him; and Arrian (iv. 10) puts into the mouth of Anaxarchus the same proposal and a similar speech to that which Curtius ascribes to Cleon. 5. Of SYRACUSE, a geographical writer, mentioned by Marcianus (Periplus, p. 63). His work, IepI rWov Aqliowv, is cited by Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. 'Aoaris). [P. S.] CLEON (KAEwv), an oculist who must have lived some time before the beginning of the Christian era, as he is mentioned by Celsus. (De Medic. vi. 6. ~~ 5, 8, 11, pp. 119-121.) Some of his prescriptions are also quoted by Galen (De Compos. IMedicam. sec. Locos, iii. 1, vol. xii. p. 636), Aetius (Lib. Medic. ii. 2. 93, ii. 3. 15, 18, 27, 107, pp. 294, 306, 309, 353), and Paulus Aegineta. (DeRelMed. vii. 16, p. 672.) [W.A.G.] CLEON. i. A sculptor of Sicyon, a pupil of Antiphanes, who had been taught by Periclytus, a follower of the great Polycletus of Argos. (Paus. v. 17. ~ 1.) Cleon's age is determined by two bronze statues of Zeus at Olympia executed after 01. 98, and another of Deinolochus, after 01. 102. (Paus. vi. 1. ~ 2.) He excelled in portrait-statues (Philosophos, Plin. H-. N. xxxiv. 19, is to be taken as a general term), of which several athletic ones are mentioned by Pausanias. (vi. 3. ~ 4, 8. ~ 3, 9. ~ 1, 10, fin.)
Page 799 CLEONYMUS. CLEOPATRA. 799 2. A painter. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 40.) [L. U.] the Sicilians from the tyranny of Agathocles, he CLEO'NE (KNAeoj7), one of the daughters of sailed up the Adriatic and made a piratical descent Asopus, from whom the town of Cleonae in Pelo- on the country of the Veneti; but he was defeated ponnesus was believed to have derived its name. by the Patavians and obliged to sail away. He (Paus. ii. 15 ~ 1; Diod. iv. 74.) [L. S.] then seized and garrisoned Corcyra, from which he CLEONI'CA. [PAUSANIAS.] seems to have been soon expelled by Demetrius CLEONICUS (K\edvucos), of Naupactus in Poliorcetes. While, however, he still held it, he Aetolia, was taken prisoner by the Achaean ad- was recalled to Italy by intelligence of the revolt miral in a descent on the Aetolian coast, in the last of the Tarentines and others whom he had reduced: year of the social war, B. c. 217; but, as he was a but he was beaten off from the coast, and returned 7rposevos of the Achaeans, he was not sold for a to Corcyra. Henceforth we hear no more of him slave with the other prisoners, and was ultimately till B. c. 272, when he invited Pyrrhus to attempt released without ransom. (Polyb. v. 95.) In the the conquest of Sparta. [AcROTATUS; CHELIDOsame year, and before his release, Philip V. being NIS.] (Diod. xx. 104, 105; Liv. x. 2; Strab. vi. anxious for peace with the Aetolians, employed p. 280; Paus. iii. 6; Plut. Agis, 3, Pyrrh. 26, him as his agent in sounding them on the subject. &c.) [E. E.] (v. 102.) He was perhaps the same person who is CLEOPATRA (KXeoardrTpa). 1. A daughter mentioned in the speech of Lyciscus, the Acar- of Idas and Marpessa, and wife of Meleager (Horn. nanian envoy (ix. 37), as having been sent by the II. ix. 556), is said to have hanged herself after Aetolians, with Chlaeneas, to excite Lacedaemon her husband's death, or to have died of grief. against Philip, B. c. 211. [CHLAENEAS.] [E. E.] Her real name was Alcyone. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 3; CLEONIDES. The Greek musical treatise Hygin. Fab. 174.) attributed to Euclid, is in some MSS. ascribed to 2. A Danaid, who was betrothed to Etelces or Cleonides. [EUCLEIDES.] His age and history are Agenor. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5; Hygin. Feab. 170.) wholly unknown. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. There are two other mythical personages of this p. 79.) [W. F. D.] name in Apollodorus. (iii. 12. ~ 2, 15. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CLEO'NYMUS (KXew'vvcos). 1. An Athe- CLEOPATRA (KAeoTrdTpa). 1. Niece of nian, who is frequently attacked by Aristophanes Attalus, one of the generals of Philip of Macedonia. as a pestilent demagogue, of burly stature, glut- Philip married her when he divorced Olympias in tonous, perjured, and cowardly. (Aristoph. Ach. 88, B. c. 337; and, after his murder, in the next year 809, Eq. 953, 1290, 1369, Nub. 352, 399, 663, she was put to death by Olympias, being either &c., Vesp. 19, 592, 822, Pax, 438, 656, 1261, compelled to hang herself (Justin, ix. 7) or boiled Av. 289, 1475; comp. Ael. V. II. i. 27.) to death in a brazen cauldron. (Paus. viii. 7. ~ 5.) 2. A Spartan, son of Sphodrias, was much be- Her infant son or daughter, according to Justin, loved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. When perished with her, being apparently looked upon Sphodrias was brought to trial for his incursion as a rival to Alexander. (Just. 1. c., and ix. 5; into Attica in B. c. 378, the tears of Cleonymus Diod. xvi. 93, xvii. 2; Plut. Alex. 10.) prevailed on the prince to intercede with Agesilaus 2. A daughter of Philip and Olympias, and on his behalf. The king, to gratify his son, used sister of Alexander the Great, married Alexander, all his influence to save the accused, who was ac- king of Epeirus, her uncle by the mother's side, cordingly acquitted. Cleonymus was extremely B. c. 336. It was at the celebration of her nupgrateful, and assured Archidamus that he would do tials, which took place on a magnificent scale at his best to give him no cause to be ashamed of their Aegae in Macedonia, that Philip was murdered. friendship. He kept his promise well, acting ever (Diod. xvi. 92.) Her husband died in B. c. 326; up to the Spartan standard of virtue, and fell at and after the death of her brother, she was sought Leuctra, B. c. 371, bravely fighting in the foremost in marriage by several of his generals, who thought ranks. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~~ 25-33; Plut. Ages. to strengthen their influence with the Macedonians 25, 28.) by a connexion with the sister of Alexander. 3. The younger son of Cleomenes II., king of Leonatus is first mentioned as putting forward a Sparta, and uncle of Areus I., was excluded from claim to her hand, and he represented to Eumenes the throne on his father's death, B. c. 309, in con- that he received a promise of marriage from her. sequence of the general dislike inspired by his (Plut. Eum. 3.) Perdiccas next attempted to gain violent and tyrannical temper. In B. c. 303, the her in marriage, and after his death in B. c. 321, her Tarentines, being at war with the Romans and hand was sought by Cassander, Lysimachus, and Lucanians, asked aid of Sparta, and requested that Antigonus. She refused, however, all these offers; the command of the required succours might be and, anxious to escape from Sardis, where she had given to Cleonymus. The request was granted, been kept for years in a sort of honourable capand Cleonymus crossed over to Italy with a con- tivity, she readily acceded to proposals from siderable force, the mere display of which is said Ptolemy; but, before she could accomplish her deto have frightened the Lucanians into peace. Dio- sign, she was assassinated by order of Antigonus. dorus, who mentions this, says nothing of the effect (Diod. xviii. 23, xx. 37; Justin. ix. 6, xiii. 6, xiv. of the Spartan expedition on the Romans, though 1; Arrian, ap. 'Phot. p. 70, ed. Bekker.) it is pretty certain that they also concluded a treaty 3. A daughter of Antiochus III. the Great, who at this time with the Tarentines. (See Arnold, married Ptolemy V. Epiphanes (B. c. 193), CoeleHist. of Rume, vol. ii. p. 315.) According to some Syria being given her as her dowry (Appian, Syr. of the Roman annalists, Cleonymus was defeated c. 5; Liv. xxxvii. 3), though Antiochus afterand driven back to his ships by the consul, M. wards repudiated any such arrangement. (Polyb. Aemilius; while others of them related that, Ju- xxviii. 17.) nius Bubulcus the dictator being sent against him, 4. A daughter of the preceding and of Ptolemy V. he withdrew from Italy to avoid a conflict. After Epiphanes, married her brother Ptolemy VI. Philothia, abandoning a notion he had formed of freeing metor. She had a son by him, whom on his death1
Page 800 800 CLEOPATRA. B. c. 146, she seems to have wished to place on the throne, but was prevented by the accession of: Iher brother, Physcon or Evergetes II. (Ptolemy VII.), to whom the crown and her hand were given. I!Her son was murdered by Physcon on the day of the marriage, and she was soon divorced to make way for her own daughter by her former marriage. On Physcon's retiring to Cyprus to avoid the hatred which his tyranny had caused, she solicited the aid of her son-in-law, Demetrius Nicator, king of Syria, against his expected attack, offering the crown of Egypt as an inducement. During the period of Physcon's voluntary exile, she lost another son (by her marriage with him), whom Physcon barbarously murdered for the express purpose of distressing her, and sent her his mangled limbs, in Thyestean fashion, on her birth-day. Soon after this, she was obliged to take refuge with Deme-. trius, fearing the return of Physcon, who, however, suspended his hostilities against her, on Alexander, whom he had employed against his disaffected subjects, setting up a claim to the throne of Egypt. (Justin. xxxviii. 8, 9, xxxix. 1, 2; Liv. Ep. 59; Diod. Eel. vol. ii. p. 602, ed. Wess.) 5. A daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor by the last-mentioned Cleopatra, married first Alexander Balas (B. c. 150), the Syrian usurper (1 Mace. x. 57; comp. Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4. ~~ 1, 5), and on his death Demetrius Nicator. (1 Mace. xi. 12; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4. ~ 7.) During the captivity of the latter in Parthia, jealous of the connexion which he there formed with Rhodogune, the Parthian princess, she married A ntiochus VII. Sidetes, his brother, and also murdered Demetrius on his return (Appian, Syr. 68; Liv. Ep. 60), though Justin and Josephus (Ant. xiii. 9. ~ 3) represent her as only refusing to receive him. She also murdered Seleucus, her son by Nicator, who on his father's death assumed the government without her consent. (Appian, Syir. 69; Justin. xxxix. I.) Her other son by Nicator, Antiochus VIII. Grypus, succeeded to the throne (n. c. 125) through her influence; but when she found him unwilling to concede her sufficient power, she attempted to make away with him by offering him a cup of poison on his return from exercise. Having learnt her intention, he begged her to drink first, and on her refusal produced his witness, and then repeated his request as the only way to clear herself. On this she drank and died. (Justin, xxxix. 2.) She had another son, by Sidetes, Antiochus IX., surnamed Cyzicenus from the place of his education. The following coin represents on the obverse the heads of Cleopatra and her son Antiochus VIII. Grypus. I NM 6. Another daughter of Ptolemy VI.Philometor and Cleopatra [No. 4], marmied, as we have seen, her uncle Physcon, and on his death was left heir of the kingdom in conjunction with whichever of her sons she chose. She was compelled by her people CLEOPATR-A. to choose the elder, Ptolemy V III. Lathyrus, but she soon prevailed on them to expel him, and make room for her younger son Alexander, her favourite (Paus. viii. 7), and even sent an army against Lathyrus to Cyprus, whither he had fled, and put to death the general who commanded it for allowing him to escape alive. Terrified at her cruelty, Alexander also retired, but was recalled by his mother, who attempted to assassinate him, but was herself put to death by him ere she could effect her object, B. c. 89. (Justin. xxxix. 4.) 7. A daughter of Ptolemy Physcon and Cleopatra [No. 6], married first her brother Ptolemy VIII. Lathyrus, but was divorced from him by his mothes, and fled into Syria, where she married Antiochus IX. Cyzicenus, who was theni in arms against his brother Grypus, about B. c. 117, and successfully tampered with the latter's army. A battle took place, in which Cyzicenus was defeated; and she then fled to Antioch, which was besieged and taken by Grypus, and Cleopatra was surrendered by him to the vengeance of his wife Tryphaena, her own sister, who had her murdered in a temple in which she had taken refuge. (Justin. xxxix. 3.) 8. Another daughter of Ptolemy Physcon, married her brother Lathyrus (on her sister [No. 7] being divorced), and on his exile remained in Egypt, and then married Antiochus XI. Epiphanes, and on his death Antiochus X. Eusebes. She was besieged by Tigranes in Syria or Mesopotamia, and either taken and killed by him (Strab. xvi. p. 749), or, according to Josephus (Ant. xiii. 16. ~ 4), relieved by Lucullus' invasion of Armenia. She was the mother of Antiochus XIII. Asiaticus. She is more generally called Selene. 9. Daughter of Ptolemy IX. Lathyrus, usually called Berenice. [BERENICE, No. 4.] 10. Third and eldest surviving daughter of Pto lemy Auletes, was born towards the end of B. c. 69, and was consequently seventeen at the death of her father, who in his will appointed her heir of his kingdom in conjunction with her younger brotlie:, Ptolemy, whom she was to marry. The personal charms, for which she was so famed, shewed themselves in early youth, as we are told by Appian (B. C. v. 8), that she made an impression on the heart of Antony in her fifteenth year, when he was at Alexandria with Gabinius. Her joint reign did not last long, as Ptolemy, or rather Pothinus and Achillas, his chief advisers, expelled her from the throne, about B. c. 49. She retreated into Syria, and there collected an army with which she designed to force her brother to reinstate her. But an easier way soon presented itself; for in the following year Caesar arrived in Egypt in pursuit of Pompey, and took upon himself to arrange nmatters between Cleopatra and her brother. (Caes. B. C. iii. 103, 107.) Being informed of Caesar's amatory disposition, she resolved to avail herself of it, and, either at his request, according to Plutarch, or of her own accord, clandestinely effected an entrance into the palace where he was residing, and by the charms of her person and voice and the fascination of her manner, obtained such an ascendancy over him, that, in the words of Dion Cassius (xlii. 35), from being the judge between her and her brother, he became her advocate. According to Plutarch, she made her entry into Caesar's apartment in a bale of cloth, which was brought by Apollodorus, her attendant, as a present to Caesar. Howecver this may be, her plan fully
Page 801 CLEOPATRA. succeeded, and we find her replaced on the throne, much to the indignation of her brother and the Egyptians, who involved Caesar in a war in which he ran great personal risk, but which ended in his favour. In the course of it, young Ptolemy was killed, probably drowned in the Nile (Liv. Ep. 112; Hirt. B. Alex. 31; Dion Cass. xlii. 43), and Cleopatra obtained the undivided rule. She was however associated by Caesar with another brother of the same name, and still quite a child, with a view to conciliate the Egyptians, with whom she appears to have been very unpopular (Dion Cass. xlii. 34), and she was also nominally married to him. While Caesar was in Egypt, Cleopatra lived in undisguised connexion with him, and would have detained him there longer, or have accompanied him at once to Rome, but for the war with Pharnaces, which tore him from her arms. She however joined him in Rome, in company with her nominal husband, and there continued the same open intercourse with him, living in apartments in his house, much to the offence of the Romans. (Doubts have been thrown on her visit to Rome, but the evidence of Cicero (ad Att. xiv. 8), of Dion Cassius (xliii. 27), and Suetonius (Caes. 35), seems to be conclusive.) She was loaded with honours and presents by Caesar, and seems to have stayed at Rome till his death, B. c. 44. She had a son by him, named Caesarion, who was afterwards put to death by Augustus. Caesar at least owned him as his son, though the paternity was questioned by some contemporaries [CAESARION]; and the character of Cleopatra perhaps favours the doubt. After the death of Caesar, she fled to Egypt, and in the troubles which ensued she took the side of the triumvirate, and assisted Dolabella both by sea and land, resisting the threats of Cassius, who was preparing to attack her when he was called away by the entreaties of Brutus. She also sailed in person with a considerable fleet to assist Antony after the defeat of Dolabella, but was prevented from joining him by a storm and the bad state of her health. She had however done sufficient to prove her attachment to Caesar's memory (which seems to have been sincere), and also to furnish her with arguments to use to Antony, who in the end of the year 41 came into Asia Minor, and there summoned Cleopatra to attend, on the charge of having failed to co-operate with the triumvirate against Caesar's murderers. She was now in her twentyeighth year, and in the perfection of matured beauty, which in conjunction with her talents and eloquence, and perhaps the early impression which we have mentioned, completely won the heart of Antony, who henceforth appears as her devoted lover and slave. We read in Plutarch elaborate descriptions of her well-known voyage up the Cydnus in Cilicia to meet Antony, and the magnificent entertainments which she gave, which were remarkable not less for good taste and variety than splendour and profuse expense. One of these is also celebrated in Athenaeus (iv. 29). The first use Cleopatra made of her influence was to procure the death of her younger sister, Arsinoi, who had once set up a claim to the kingdom. (Appian, B. C. v. 8, 9; Dion Cass. xlviii. 24.) Her brother, Ptolemy, she seems to have made away with before by poison. She also revenged herself on one of her generals, Serapion, who had assisted Cassius contrary to her orders, and got into her hands a CLEOPATRA. 801 person whom the people of Aradus had set up to counterfeit the elder of her two brothers, who perished in Egypt. All these were torn from the sanctuaries of temples; but Antony, we learn from both Dion and Appian, was so entirely enslaved by Cleopatra's charms, that he set at nought all ties of religion and humanity. (Appian, B. C. v. 9; Dion Cass. xlviii. 24.) Cleopatra now returned to Egypt, where Antony spent some time in her company; and we read of the luxury of their mode of living, and the unbounded empire which she possessed over him. The ambition of her character, however, peeps out even in these scenes, particularly in the fishing anecdote recorded by Plutarch. (Ant. 29.) Her connexion with Antony was interrupted for a short time by his marriage with Octavia, but was renewed on his return from Italy, and again on his return from his Parthian expedition, when she went to meet him in Syria with money and provisions for his army. He then returned to Egypt, and gratified her ambition by assigning to her children by him many of the conquered provinces. (Dion Cass. xlix. 32.) According to Josephus (Ant. xv. 4. ~ 2), during Antony's expedition Cleopatra went into Judaea, part of which Antony had assigned to her and Herod necessarily ceded, and there attempted to win Herod by her charms, probably with a view to his ruin, but failed, and was in danger of being put to death by him. The report, however, of Octavia's having left Rome to join Antony, made Cleopatra tremble for her influence, and she therefore exerted all her powers of pleasing to endeavour to retain it, and bewailed her sad lot in being only regarded as his mistress, and therefore being liable to be deserted at pleasure. She feigned that her health was suffering,-in short, put forth all her powers, and succeeded. (Plut. Ant. 53.) From this time Antony appears quite infatuated by his attachment, and willing to humour every caprice of Cleopatra. We find her assuming the title of Isis, and giving audience in that dress to ambassadors, that of Osiris being adopted by Antony, and their children called by the title of the sun and the moon, and declared heirs of unbounded territories. (Dion Cass. xlix. 32, 33, 1. 4, 5.) She was saluted by him with the title of Queen of Queens, attended by a Roman guard, and Artavasdes, the captive king of Armenia, was ordered to do her homage. (Dion Cass. xlix. 39.) One can hardly wonder that Augustus should represent Antony to the Romans as "bewitched by that accursed Egyptian" (Dion Cass. 1. 26); and he was not slow in availing himself of the disgust which Antony's conduct occasioned to make a deter. mined effort to crush him. War, however, was declared against Cleopatra, and not against Antony, as a less invidious way. (Dion Cass. 1. 6.) Cleopatra insisted on accompanying Antony in the fleet; and we find them, after visiting Samos and Athens, where they repeated what Plutarch calls the farce of their public entertainments, opposed to Augustus at Actium. Cleopatra indeed persuaded Antony to retreat to Egypt, but the attack of Augustus frustrated this intention, and the famous battle took place (B. c. 31) in the midst of which, when fortune was wavering between the two parties, Cleopatra, weary of suspense, and alarmed at the intensity of the battle (Dion Cass. 1. 33), gave a signal of retreat to her fleet, and herself led the way. Augustus in vain pursued her, and she 3F
Page 802 802 CLEOPATRA. made her way to Alexandria, the harbour of which she entered with her prows crowned and music sounding, as if victorious, fearing an outbreak in the city. With the same view of retaining the Alexandrians in their allegiance, she and Antony (who soon joined her) proclaimed their children, Antyllus and Cleopatra, of age. She then prepared to defend herself in Alexandria, and also sent embassies to the neighbouring tribes for aid. (Dion Cass. li. 6.) She had also a plan of retiring to Spain, or to the Persian gulf; and either was building ships in the Red Sea, as Dion asserts, or, according to Plutarch, intended to draw her ships across the isthmus of Suez. Whichever was the case, the ships were burnt by the Arabs of Petra, and this hope failed. She scrupled not to behead Artavasdes, and send his head as a bribe for aid to the king of Media, who was his enemy. Finding, however, no aid nigh, she prepared to negotiate with Augustus, and sent him on his approach her sceptre and throne (unknown to Antony), as thereby resigning her kingdom. His public answer required her to resign and submit to a trial; but he privately urged her to make away with Antony, and promised that she should retain her kingdom. On a subsequent occasion, Thyrsus, Caesar's freedman, brought similar terms, and represented Augustus as captivated by her, which she seems to have believed, and, seeing Antony's fortunes desperate, betrayed Pelusium to Augustus, prevented the Alexandrians from going out against him, and frustrated Antony's plan of escaping to Rome by persuading the fleet to desert him. She then fled to a mausoleum she had built, where she had collected her most valuable treasures, and proclaimed her intention of putting an end to her life, with a view to entice Antony thither, and thus ensure his capture. (This is the account of Dion Cassius, Ii. 6, 8-11; the same facts for the most part are recorded by Plutarch, who however represents Cleopatra's perfidy as less glaring.) Shle then had Antony informed of her death, as though to persuade him to die with her; and this stratagem, if indeed she had this object, fully succeeded, and he was drawn up into the unfinished mausoleum, and died in her arms. She did not however venture to meet Augustus, though his rival was dead, but remained in the mausoleum, ready if need was to put herself to death, for which purpose she had asps and other venomous animals in readiness. Augustus contrived to apprehend her, and had all instruments of death removed, and then requested an interview (for an account of which see Dion Cass. Ii. 12, 13, and Plut. Ant. 83). The charms of Cleopatra, however, failed in softening the colder heart of Augustus. He only "bade her be of good cheer, and fear no violence." Seeing that her case was desperate, and determined at all events not to be carried captive to Rome, she resolved on death; but in order to compass this, it was necessary to disarm the vigilance of her goalers, and she did this by feigning a readiness to go to Rome, and preparing presents for Livia, the wife of Augustus. This artifice succeeded, and she was thereby enabled to put an end to her life, either by the poison of an asp, or by a poisoned comb (Dion Cass. li. 14; Plut. Ant. 85, 86), the former supposition being adopted by most writers. (Suet. Aug. 17; Galen. Theriac. ad Pis. p. 460, ed. Basil; Vell. Pat. ii. 87.) Cleopatra died in B. c. 30, in the thirty-ninth CLEOPATRA. year of her age, and with her ended the dynasty of the Ptolemies in Egypt. She had three children by Antony: Alexander and Cleopatra, who were twins, and Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus. The leading points of her character were, ambition and voluptuousness. History presents to us the former as the prevailing motive, the latter being frequently employed only as the means of gratifying it. In all the stories of her luxury and lavish expense, there is a splendour and a grandeur that somewhat refines them. (See Plin. H. N. ix. 58.) In the days of her prosperity, her arrogance was unbounded, and she loved to swear by the Capitol, in which she hoped to reign with Antony. She was avaricious, to supply her extravagance, and cruel, or at least had no regard for human life when her own objects were concerned,-a Caesar with a woman's caprice. Her talents were great and varied; her knowledge of languages was peculiarly remarkable (Plut. Ant. 27), of which she had seven at command, and was the more remarkable from the fact, that her predecessors had not been able to master even the Egyptian, and some had forgotten their native Macedonian; and in the midst of the most luxurious scenes we see traces of a love of literature and critical research. She added the library of Pergamus, presented to her by Antony, to that of Alexandria. Her ready and versatile wit, her knowledge of human nature and powerof using it,her attractive manners, and her exquisitely musical and flexible voice, compared by Plutarch (Ant. 27) to a many-stringed instrument, are also the subjects of well-attested praise. The higher points in her character are admirably touched by Horace in the ode (i. 37) on her defeat. The following coin represents the head of Antony on the obverse, and Cleopatra's on the reverse. 11. Daughter of Antony, the triumvir, and Cleopatra, was born with her tivin brother Alexander in B. c. 40. Her early history till the time she was carried to Rome is given under ALEXANDER, p. 112, a. She continued to reside at Rome till her marriage with Juba, king of Numidia, who was brought to Rome in B. c. 46, when quite a boy, along with his father, after the defeat of the latter by Caesar. (Dion Cass. li. 15; Plut. Ant. 87.) By Juba, Cleopatra had two children, Ptolemy, who succeeded him in the kingdom, and Drusilla, who married Antonius Felix, the governor of Judaea. The following coin contains the head of Juba on the obverse, and Cleopatra's on the reverse. 12. A daughter of Mithridates, who married Tigranes, king of Armenia. She seems to have
Page 803 CLEOPHON. been a womin of great courage and spirit. (Plut. Luc. 22; Appian, Mith. 108; Justin. xxxviii. 3.) 13. A courtezan of the emperor Claudius. (Tac. Ann. xi. 30.) 14. A wife of the poet Martial, who has written an epigram relating to her. (Epig. iv. 21.) [J.E.B.] CLEOPATRA (KAeo7rairpa), the authoress of a work on Cosmetics (KooiTt'rtdco, or Koo0'jruTcd), who must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ, as her work was abridged by Criton. (Galen, De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, i. 3. vol. xii. p. 446.) The work is several times quoted by Galen (ibid. i. 1, 2, 8, pp. 403, 432, 492, De Pond. et Mens. c. 10. vol. xix. p. 767), Aetius (Lib. Medic. ii. 2. 56, p. 278), and Paulus Aegineta. (De Re Med. iii. 2. p. 413.) Though at first sight one might suspect that Cleopatra was a fictitious name attached to a treatise on such a subject, it does not really appear to have been so, as, wherever the work is mentioned, the authoress is spoken of as if she were a real person, though no particulars of her personal history are preserved. A work on the Diseases of Women is attributed either to this Cleopatra, or to the Egyptian queen; an epitome of which is to be found in Caspar Wolf's Volumen Gynaeciorzmn, &c., Basil. 1566, 1586, 1597, 4to. [W. A. G.] CLEOPHANTUS (KA ae-ros). 1. A Greek physician, who lived probably about the beginning of the third century B. c., as he was the tutor of Antigenes (Cael. Aurel. De Morb. Acut. ii. 10. p. 96) and Mnemon. (Gal. Commeint. in H27ipocr. " -Epid. III." ii. 4, iii. 71, vol. xvii. pt. i. pp. 603, 731.) He seems to have been known among the ancients for his use of wine, and is several times quoted by Pliny (II. N. xx. 15, xxiv. 92, xxvi. 8), Celsus (De Medic. iii. 14. p. 51), Galen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, ix. 6, vol. xiii. p. 310; De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. vii. 7, vol. xiii. p. 985; De Antid. ii. 1, vol. xiv. p. 108), and Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Adut. ii. 39, p. 176). 2. Another physician of the same name, who attended A. Cluentius Avitus in the first century B. c., and who is called by Cicero " medicus ignobilis, sed spectatus homo" (pro Cluent. 16), must not be confounded with the preceding. [W.A. G.] CLEOPHANTUS, one of the mythic inventors of painting at Corinth, who is said to have followed Demaratus in his flight from Corinth to Etruria. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 5.) [L. U.] CLE'OPHON (KXsoq(pv). 1. An Athenian demagogue, of obscure and, according to Aristophanes (Ran. 677), of Thracian origin. The meanness of his birth is mentioned also by Aelian ( V. H. xii. 43), and is said to have been one of the grounds on which he was attacked by Plato, the comic poet, in his play called " Cleophon." (Schol. ad Aristopi. 1. c.) He appears throughout his career in vehement opposition to the oligarchical party, of which his political contest with Critias, as referred to by Aristotle (Rhet. i. 15. ~ 13), is an instance; and we find him on three several occasions exercising his influence successfully for the prevention of peace with Sparta. The first of these was in B. c. 410, after the battle of Cyzicus, when very favourable terms were offered to the Athenians (Diod. xiii. 52, 53; Wess. ad loc.; Clinton, F. H. sub anno 410); and it has been thought that a passage in the " Orestes" of Euripides, which was represented in B. c. 408, was pointed against Cleophon and his evil counsel. (See 1. 892, CLEOSTRATUS. 803 -Karrl TrS' dviroa'racr dvrp rtc dvpo'-yXcoWTros, c... A.) The second occasion was after the battle of Arginusae, B. c. 406, and the third after that of Aegospotami in the following year, when, resisting the demand of the enemy for the partial demolition of the Long Walls, he is said to have threatened death to any one who should make mention of peace. (Aristot. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 1528; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 38, c. Ctes. p. 75; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. pp. 89, 125, 158.) It is to the second of the above occasions that Aristophanes refers in the last line of the " Frogs," where, in allusion also to the foreign origin of Cleophon, the chorus gives him leave to fight to his heart's content in his native fields. During the siege of Athens by Lysander,. c. 405, the Athenian council, in which the oligarchical party had a majority, and which had been denounced by Cleophon as a band of traitorous conspirators, were instigated by Satyrus to imprison him and bring him to trial on a charge of neglect of military duty, which, as Lysias says, was a mere pretext. Before a regular court of justice he would doubtless have been acquitted, and one Nicomachus therefore, who had been entrusted with a commission to collect the laws of Solon, was suborned by his enemies to fabricate a law for the occasion, investing the council with a share in the jurisdiction of the case. This law is even said to have been shamelessly produced on the very day of the trial, and Cleophon of course was condemned and put to death,-not, however, without opposition from the people, since Xenophon speaks of his losing his life in a sedition. (Lys. c. Nicom. p. 184, c. Agor. p. 130; Xen. Hell. i. 7. ~ 35.) The same year had already witnessed a strong attack on Cleophon by the comic poet Plato in the play of that name above alluded to, as well as the notices of him, not complimentary, in the " Frogs" of Aristophanes. If we may trust the latter (Thesm. 805), his private life was as profligate as his public career was mischievous. By Isocrates also (de Pac. p. 174, b.) he is classed with Hyperbolus and contrasted with the worthies of the good old time, and Andocides mentions it as a disgrace that his house was inhabited, during his exile, by Cleophon, the harpmanufacturer. (Andoc. de Myst. p. 19.) On the other hand, he cannot at any rate be reckoned among those who have made a thriving and not over-honest trade of patriotism, for we learn from Lysias (de Arist. Bon. p. 156), that, though he managed the affairs of the state for many years, he died at last, to the surprise of all, in poverty. (Comp. Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. p. 171 &c.) 2. A tragic poet of Athens, the names of ten of whose dramas are given by Suidas (s. v.). He is also mentioned by Aristotle. (Poet. 2, 22.) [E. E.] CLEOPTO'LEMUS (KXsoTnrXT4 os), a noble Chalcidian, whose daughter, named Euboea, Antiochus the Great married when he wintered at Chalcis in B. c. 192. (Polyb. xx. 8; Liv. xxxvi. 11; Diod. Fragm. lib. xxix.) [E. E.] CLEO'STRATUS (KAeoorrparos), an astronomer of Tenedos. Censorinus (de Die Nat. c. 18) considers him to have been the real inventor of the Octa'teris, or cycle of eight years, which was used before the Metonic cycle of nineteen years, and which was popularly attributed to Eudoxus. Theophrastus (de Sign. Pluv. p. 239, ed. Basil. 1541) mentions him as a meteorological observer along 3F2
Page 804 804 CLIMACUS. CLOACINA. with Matricetas of Methymna and Phaeinus of terate description, till he was chosen abbot of the Athens, and says that Meton was taught by Pha- convent on Mount Sinai, where he died at the age einus. If, therefore, Callistratus was contemporary of one hundred, or thereabouts, on the 30th of with the latter, which however is not clear, he March. The year of his death is uncertain, but must have lived before 01. 87. Pliny (H. N. ii. it was probably in the beginning of the seventh 8) says, that Anaximander discovered the obliquity century. (A. D. 606?) The life of Climacus, of the ecliptic in 01. 58, and that Cleostratus after- written by a Greek monk of the name of Daniel, wards introduced the division of the Zodiac into is contained in " Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima," in signs, beginning with Aries and Sagittarius. It the " Acta Sanctorum," ad 30 diem Martii, in the seems, therefore, that he lived some time between editions of the works of Climacus, and in " JohanB. c. 548 and 432. Hyginus (Poit. Astr. ii. 13) nis Climaci, Johannis Damasceni, et Johannis says, that Cleostratus first pointed out the two stars Eleemosynarii Vitae," &c., ed. JohannesVicartius, in Auriga called Haedi. (Virg. Aen. ix. 668.) On Jesuita, Tournai, 1664, 4to. Two works of Clithe Octaeteris, see Geminus, Elem. Astr. c. 6. macus, who was a fertile writer on religious sub(Petav. Uranolog. p. 37.) jects, have been printed, viz.:-1. " Scala Para(Ideler, Technische Chronologie, vol. i. p. 305; disi" (KAL/Aac), addressed to John, abbot of the Schaubach, Gesch. d. Gr. Astron. p. 196; Petavius, monastery of Raithu, which is divided into thirty Doctr. Temp, ii. 2; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. vol. ii. chapters, and treats on the means of attaining the p. 82.) [W. F. D.] highest possible degree of religions perfection. A CLEO'XENUS (KAeos6evo), was joint-author Latin translation of this work by Ambrosius, a with one Democleitus of a somewhat cumbrous Camaldulensian monk, was published at Venice, system of telegraphing, which Polybius explains 1531, ibid. 1569, Cologne, 1583, ibid. 1593, with (x. 45-47) with the remark, that it had been con- an exposition of Dionysius, a Carthusian friar; siderably improved by himself. See Suidas, s. v. ibid. 1601, 8vo. The Greek text, with a Latin KAes6oeos Kal AlpocAetrou Sypaclav repl 7rvpemvpv, translation and the Scholia of Elias, archbishop of where repocov was the erroneous reading of the Creta, was published together with the work of old editions. [E. E.] Climacus cited below, by Matthaeus Raderus, CLEPSINA, the name of a patrician family of Paris, 1633, fol. It is also contained, together the Genucia gens. with the previously mentioned Scholia of Elias, in 1. C. GENUCIUS CLEPSINA, consul in B. c. 276 the different Bibliothecae Patrum. In some MSS. with Q. Fabius Maximus Gurges, in which year this work has the title IAaices HVveaTrLIca, or Rome was visited by a grievous pestilence (Oros. Spiritual Tables. 2. " Liber ad Pastorem," of iv. 2), and a second time in 270 with Cn. Cornelius which a Latin translation was published by the Blasio. (Fasti.) Ambrosius mentioned above, and was reprinted 2. L. GENUCIUS CLEPSINA, probably brother of several times; the Greek text with a Latin verthe preceding, was consul in n.c. 271 with C. Quinc- sion was published, together with the " Scala tius Claudus. He was sent to subdue the Campanian Paradisi" and the Scholia of the archbishop Elias, legion, which under Decius Jubellius had revolted by Raderus mentioned above, Paris, 1633, fol. from the Romans and made itself master of Rhe- Both these works of Climacus were translated into gium. After a long siege, Clepsina took the town; modern Greek and published by Maximus Marguhe straightway put to death all the loose vagabonds nius, bishop of Cerigo, Venice, 1590. (Fabric. and robbers whom he found among the soldiers, but Bibl. Grace. ix. p. 522, &c.; Cave, IHist. Lit. vol. sent the remains of the legion (probably a few i. p. 421, ad an. 564; Hamberger, Zuverliissige above 300, though the numbers vary in the differ- Nachrichten von gelehrten Minnern, vol. iii. p. ent authorities) to Rome for trial, where they were 467.) [W. P.] scourged and beheaded. (Oros. iv. 3; Dionys. xx. CLOACI'NA or CLUACI'NA, a surname of 7 in Mai's Excerpta; Appian, Samn. 9; Polyb. i. Venus, under which she is mentioned at Rome in 7; Liv. Epit. 15; Zonar. viii. 6; Val. Max. ii. 7. very early times. (Liv. iii. 48.) The explanation ~ 15; Frontin. Strateg. iv. 1. ~ 38.) Orosius and given by Lactantius (de Fals. Relig. i. 20), that the Dionysius are the only writers who mention the name was derived from the great sewer (Cloaca name of the consul, with the exception of Appian, maxima), where the image of the goddess was said who calls him by mistake Fabricius; and even the to have been found in the time of king Tatius, is two former do not entirely agree. Orosius calls the merely one of the unfortunate etymological specuconsul Genucius simply, and places the capture of lations which we frequently meet with in the anRhegium in the year after that of Tarentum, by cients. There is no doubt that Pliny (H. N. xv. which L. Genucius would seem to be intended; 36) is right in saying that the name is derived while Dionysius, on the other hand, names him C. from the ancient verb cloare or cluere, to wash, Genucius, and would thus appear to attribute the clean, or purify. This meaning is also alluded to capture of the city to the consul of the following in the tradition about the origin and worship of year (B. c. 270). [No. 1.] Venus Cloacina, for it is said that, when Tatius CLETA. [CHARIS.] and Romulus were arrayed against each other on CLI'MACUS, JOANNES ('Iwodvvws 6 KA\la- account of the rape of the Sabine women, and Kcos), surnamed the Learned (6 s2coAao-rco's), a when the women prevented the two belligerents Greek writer who lived in the sixth century of the from bloodshed, both armies purified themselves Christian aera, whose original name was Joannes, with sacred myrtle-branches on the spot which and who was called Climacus on account of a work was afterwards occupied by the temple of Venus written by him, which was entitled KAhL'aý. He Cloacina. The supposition of some modern writers, took oiders, and although the learned education that Cloacina has reference to the purity of love, is which he had received seemed to have destined nothing but an attempt to intrude a modern notion him for a life among scholars, he lived during upon the ancients, to whom it was quite foreign. forty years with monks of the most rude and illi- (Hartung, Die Relig. d. Rom. ii. p. 249.) [L. S.]
Page 805 CLOELIA. CLODIA'NUS, mentioned by Cicero (ad Att. i. 19), is the same as Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, consul n. c. 72. [LENTULUS.] CLO'DIUS, another form of the name Claudius, just as we find both caudex and codex, claustrum and clostrum, cauda and coda. In the latter times of the republic several of the Claudia gens, adopted exclusively the form Clodius, others were called indifferently, sometimes Claudius and sometimes Clodius: their lives are given under CLAUDIUS. CLO'DIUS. 1. Aphysician, who must have lived in the first century B. c., as he was a pupil of Asclepiades of Bithynia. One of his works is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Molorb. Chron. iv. 9, p. 545; De Morb. Acut. iii. 8, p. 217) with reference to ascarides. 2. L. Clodius, a native of Ancona, who was employed by Oppianicus to poison Dinea in the first century B. c., and who is called by Cicero (pro Cluent. c. 14) " pharmacopola circumforaneus," may perhaps be the same person as the preceding, though it is scarcely probable. [W. A. G.] CLO'DIUS ALBINUS. [ALBINUS.] CLO'DIUS BITHY'NICUS. [BITHYNICUS, and CLAUDIUS No. 6, p. 775,b.] CLO'DIUS LICFNUS [LICINUS.] CLO'DIUS MACER. [MACER.] CLO'DIUS QUIRINA'LIS. [QUIRINALIS.] CLO'DIUS SABNUTS. [SABINUS.] CLO'DIUS TURRI'NUS. [TURRINUS.] CLOE'LIA, a Roman virgin, who was one of the hostages given to Porsena with other maidens and boys, is said to have escaped from the Etruscan camp, and to have swum across the Tiber to Rome. She was sent back by the Romans to Porsena, who was so struck with her gallant deed, that he not only set her at liberty, but allowed her to take with her a part of the hostages: she chose those who were under age, as they were most exposed to ill-treatment. Porsena also rewarded her with a horse adorned with splendid trappings, and the Roman people with the statue of a female on horseback, which was erected in the Sacred Way. Another tradition, of far less celebrity, related, that all the hostages were massacred by Tarquinius with the exception of Valeria, who swum over the Tiber and escaped to Rome, and that the equestrian statue was erected to her, and not to Cloelia. (Liv. ii. 13; Dionys. v. 33; Plut. Poplic. 19, Illustr. Ferm. s. vv. Valeria et Cloelia; Flor. i. 10; Val. Max. iii. 2. ~ 2; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 13; Dion Cass. in Bekker's Anecd. i. p. 133. 8; Piin. H. N. xxxiv. 6. s. 13; Virg. Aen. viii. 651; Juv. viii. 265.) CLOE'LIA or CLUILIA GENS, patrician, of Alban origin, was one of the gentes minores, and was said to have derived its name from Clolius. a companion of Aeneas. (Festus, s. v. Cloelia.) The name of the last king of Alba is said to have been C. Cluilius or Cloelius. He led an army against Rome in the time of Tullus Hostilius, pitched his camp five miles from the city, and surrounded his encampment with a ditch, which con tinued to be called after him, in subsequent ages Fossa Cluilia, Fossae Cluiliae, or Fossae Cloeliae While here, he died, and the Albans chose Mettu Fuffetius as dictator, in consequence of whosa treachery the Romans destroyed Alba. Niebuhr however, remarks, that though the Fossa Cluilic was undoubtedly the work of an Alban princo called Cluilius, yet that the story of the Alba CLONAS. 805 army encamping there was probably invented for the sake of accounting for this name. (Liv. i. 22, 23; Dionys. iii. 2-4; Festus, s. v. Cloeliae Fossae; comp. Liv. ii. 39; Dionys. viii. 22; Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 204, 348, n. 870.) Upon the destruction of Alba, the Cloelii were one of the noble Alban houses enrolled in the Roman senate. (Liv. i. 30; Dionys. iii. 29.) They bore the surname SICULUS, probably because the Albans were regarded as a mixture of Siculians with Priscans. Tullus was perhaps another cognomen of this gens. See CLOELIUS TULLUS. The following coin of this gens contains on the obverse the head of Pallas, and on the reverse Victory in a biga, with the inscription T. CLOVLI, Cloulius being an ancient form of the name. CLOE'LIUS, an Aequian, the commander of a Volscian force, came to besiege Ardea, B.c. 443, invited by the plebs of that town, who had been driven out of it by the optimates. While he was before the place, the Romans, under the consul M. Geganius, came to the assistance of the optimates, drew lines around the Volscians, and did not allow them to march out till they had surrendered their general, Cloelius, who adorned the triumph of the consul at Rome. (Liv. iv. 9, 10.) Comp. COELIUS GRACCHUS. CLOE'LIUS GRACCHUS, the leader of the Aequians in B. c. 458, surrounded the consul L. Minucius Augurinus, who had through fear shut himself up in his camp on Mount Algidus; but Coelius was in his turn surrounded by the dictator L. Quinctius Capitolinus, who had come to relieve Minucius, and was delivered up by his own troops to the dictator. (Liv. iii. 25-28; Dionys. x. 22 -24.) The legendary nature of this story as told by Livy has been pointed out by Niebuhr (vol. ii. p. 268), who remarks, that the Aequian general, Coelius is again surrounded and taken prisoner twenty years after at Ardea-a circumstance quite impossible, as no one who had been led in triumph in those days ever escaped execution. CLOE'LIUS TULLUS, a Roman ambassador, who was killed with his three colleagues by the Fidenates, in B. c. 438, upon the instigation of Lar Tolumnius, king of the Veientes. Statues of, all four were placed on the Rostra. Cicero calls, him Tullus Cluilius. (Liv. iv. 17; Cic. Phil. ix. 2;, Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 6. s. 11.) CLONAS (KAovds), a poet, and one of the earliest musicians of Greece, was claimed by the Arcadians as a native of Tegea, but by the Boeo-, tians as a native of Thebes. His age is not quite - certain; but he probably lived a little later than - Terpander, or he was his younger contemporary, (about 620 B. c.). He excelled in the music of the. flute, which he is thought by some to have intros duced into Greece from Asia. As might be exe pected from the connexion between elegiac poetry Sand the flute music, he is reckoned among the a elegiac poets. Among the pieces of music which e he composed was one called Elegos. To him are n ascribed the invention of the Apothetos and
Page 806 806 CLUENTIUS. CLUENTIUS. Schoenium, and of 1po-yrlati. Mention is made of Junius during a period when a strong feeling pre" a choral song in which he used all the three ancient vailed with regard to the venality of the criminal modes of music, so that the first strophe was Do- judices, who were at that epoch selected from the rian, the second Phrygian, and the third Lydian. senate exclusively. Shortly before the trial, a re(Plut. de Mus. 3. p. 1132, c., 5. p. 1133, a., 8. port was spread abroad, and gained general credit, p. 1134, a. b., 17. p. 1136, f.; Heracl. Pont. p. that bribery had been extensively practised by 140; Paus. x. 7. ~ 3.) [P. S.] those interested in the result. Accordingly, when CLO'NIUS (KAo'vios). 1. The leader of the a verdict of guilty was pronounced by a very small Boeotians in the war against Troy, was slain by majority, including several individuals of notoriAgenor. (Hom. II. ii. 495, xv. 340; Diod. iv. ously bad character, when it became known that 67; Hygin. Fab. 97.) one of the concilium had been irregularly intro2. Two companions of Aeneas, the one of whom duced, and had voted against the defendant withwas slain by Turnus, and the other by Messapus. out hearing the evidence, and when, above all, it (Virg. Aen. ix. 574, x. 749.) There is a fourth was ascertained beyond a doubt that one of the mythical personage of this name. (Apollod. iii. 12. most infamous of the judices who had condemned ~ 5.) [L. S.] Oppianicus had actually received a large sum of CLOTHO. [MOIRAE.] money for distribution among his fellows, the beCLUE'NTIA. 1. Sister of the elder A. Cluen- lief became universal that Cluentius had by the tius Habitus. She was one of the numerous wives foulest practices obtained the conviction of an inof Statius Albius Oppianicus, and, according to the nocent man. Indignation being thus strongly exrepresentation of Cicero, was poisoned by her hus- cited, it was exhibited most unequivocally. No band (pro Clzent. 10). This Cluentia, in Orelli's opportunity was allowed to pass of inflicting conOnomasticon Tullianunm, seems to be confounded dign punishment on the obnoxious judices. Junius, with her niece. [No. 2.] the judex quaestionis, a man rising rapidly to emi2. Daughter of the elder A. Cluentius Habitus. nence, was forced by the popular clamour to retire Soon after her father's death she married her first from public life; Cluentius and many others of cousin A. Aurius Melinus, from whom she was those concerned were disgraced by the censors, and soon divorced in order to make way for her own the Judicizem Junianum or Albianum Judicium mother, Sassia, who had conceived a passion for the became a by-word for a corrupt and unrighteous husband of her daughter. (Pro Cluent. 5.) [W. R.] judgment, no one being more ready to take advanL. CLUE'NTIUS, called A. Cluentius by Eu- tage of the outcry than Cicero himself, when intropius (v. 3), was one of the generals of the Ita- sisting, at the trial of Verres, on the necessity of lians in the Social War. He gained a victory obliterating the foul stain which had thus sullied over Sulla in the neighbourhood of Pompeii, but the reputation of the Roman courts. (In Verr. act. was soon after defeated with great loss by Sulla, i. 10, 13-61, pro Caecin. 10; Pseudo-Ascon. in n. c. 89. Thirty thousand of his men are said to Verr. act. i. p. 141; Schol. Gronov. p. 395, ed. have fallen in their flight towards Nola, and twenty Orelli.) thousand, among whom was Cluentius himself, be- Eight years after these events, in B. c. 66, Clufore the walls of that town, as the inhabitants entius was himself accused by young Oppianicus, would admit them by only one gate, for fear lest son of Statius Albius who had died in the interval, Sulla's troops should rush in with them. (Appian, of three distinct acts of poisoning, two of which, it B. C. i. 50; Eutrop. 1. c.; comp. Cic. de Div. i. 33; was alleged, had proved successful. The attack Val. Max. i. 6. ~ 4; Plin. H. N. xxii. 6.) was conducted by T. Accius Pisaurensis; the deA. CLUE'NTIUS HA'BITUS. 1. A native fence was undertaken by Cicero, at that time of Larinum, highly respected and esteemed not praetor. It is perfectly clear, from the whole teonly in his own municipium but in the whole sur- nor of the remarkable speech delivered upon this rounding country, on account of his ancient des- occasion, from the small space devoted to the refucent, unblemished reputation, and great moral tation of the above charges, and from the meagre worth. He married Sassia, and died in B. c. 88, and defective evidence by which they were supleaving one son and one daughter. (Pro Cluent. 5.) ported, that comparatively little importance was In modern editions of Cicero the cognomen attached to them by the prosecutor, that they were Avitus uniformly appears instead of Habitzus, hav- merely employed as a plausible pretext for bringing been first introduced, in opposition to all the ing. Cluentius before a Roman court, and that his best MSS. both of Cicero and Quintilian, by Lam- enemies grounded their hopes of success almost binus at the suggestion of Cujaccius, who main- entirely upon the prejudice which was known to tained, that Habitus must in every case be consi- exist in men's minds on account of the Judicium dered as a corruption of the transcribers, and ap- Jmunianum,-a prejudice which had already proved pealed for the confirmation of his opinion to the the ruin of many others when arraigned of various Florentine MS. of the Digest (48. tit. 19. s. 39), offences. Hence it would appear that the chief where, however, upon examination the reading is object kept in view by Accius in his opening adfound to be Abitus. Accordingly, Orelli, following dress was to refresh the memories of his hearers, Niebuhr and Classen, has restored the ancient to recall to their recollections all the circumstances form in his Onomasticon, although not in the text connected with the previous trial, and the punishof the oration. (Rlzeiniscles.Mllssseum for 1827, ments which had been inflicted on the guilty p. 223.) judices. Consequently, the greater portion of the 2. Son of the foregoing and his wife Sassia, was reply is devoted to the same topics; the principal also a native of Larinum, born about B. c. 103. aim of Cicero was to undeceive his audience with (Pro Cluent. 5.) In B. c. 74, being at Rome, he regard to the real state of the facts, to draw a accused his own step-father, Statius Albius Oppia- vivid picture of the life and crimes of the elder nicus, of having attempted to procure his death by Oppianicus and Sassia, proving them to be monpoison. The cause was heard before a certain C. sters of guilt, and thus to remove the "inveterata
Page 807 CLUVII. invidia" which had taken such deep root against his client. Following the example of his antagonist, he divides the subject into two heads: 1. The inoidia or prejudice which prevailed. 2. The crimen or specific offences libelled; but while five-sixths of the pleading are devoted to removing the former, the latter is dismissed shortly and contemptuously as almost unworthy of notice. A critical analysis of the whole will be found in the wellknown lectures of Blair upon rhetoric and belleslettres, who has selected the oration as an excellent example of managing at thie bar a complex and intricate cause with order, elegance, and force. And certainly nothing can be more admirable than the distinct and lucid exposition by which we are made acquainted with all the details of a most involved and perplexing story, the steady precision with which we are guided through a frightful and entangled labyrinth of domestic crime, and the apparently plain straightforward simplicity with which every circumstance is brought to bear upon the exculpation of the impeached. We are told (Quintil. ii. 17. ~ 21), that Cicero having procured an acquittal by his eloquence, boasted that he had spread a mist before the judices; but so artfully are all the parts connected and combined, that it is very difficult, in the absence of the evidence, to discover the suspicious and weak points of the narrative. In one place only do we detect a sophism in the reasoning, which may involve important consequences. It is freely confessed that bribery had been extensively employed at the trial of Oppianicus; it is admitted with ostentatious candour that this bribery must have been the work either of Cluentius or of Oppianicus; it is fully proved that the latter had tampered with Staienus, who had undertaken to suborn a majority of those associated with him; and then the conclusion is triumphantly drawn, that since Oppianicus was guilty, Cluentius must have been innocent. But another contingency is carefully kept out of view, namely, that both may have been guilty of the attempt, although one only was successful; and that this was really the truth appears not only probable in itself, but had been broadly asserted by Cicero himself a few years before. (In Verr. Act. i. 13.) Indeed, one great difficulty under which he laboured throughout arose from the sentiments which he had formerly expressed with so little reserve; and Accius did not fail to twit him with this inconsistency, while great ingenuity is displayed in his struggles to escape from the dilemma. Taken as a whole, the speech for Cluentius must be considered as one of Cicero's highest efforts. (Comp. Quintil. xi. 1. ~ 61.) [W. R.] CLUITLIUS. [CLOELIA GENS and CLOELIUS.] CLU'VIA, FAU'CULA [CLUVII], a Capuan courtezan, who lived in the time of the second Punic war. She earned the good-will of the Romans by secretly supplying the Roman prisoners with food. When Capua was taken, B. c. 210, her property and liberty were restored to her by a special decree of the senate. (Liv. xxvi. 33, 34.) [C. P. M.] CLU'VIUS, the name of a family of Campanian origin, of whom we find the following mentioned:1. C. CLUVIUS SAXULA, praetor in B. c. 175, and again in B. c. 173 praetor peregrinus. (Liv. xli. 22, 33, x1ii. 1.) 2. SP. CLUVIUS, praetor in B. c. 172, had Sardinia as his province. (Liv. xlii. 9, 10.) CLYMENE. 807 3. C. CLuvius, legate in B. c. 168 to the consul L. Aemilius Paullus in Macedonia. (Liv. xliv. 40.) 4. C. Cruvius, a Roman knight, a contemporary of Cicero, was judex in a suit between C, Fannius Chaerea and Q. Flavius, about B. c. 76. (Cic. pro Rose. Comn. xiv. 14-16.) 5. M. CLuvius, a wealthy banker of Puteoli, with whom Cicero was on intimate terms. In B. c. 51, Cicero gave him a letter of introduction to Thermus, who was propraetor in Asia, whither Cluvius was going to collect some debts due to him from various cities and individuals. In his will he bequeathed part of his property to Cicero. (Cic. ad Alt. vi. 2, ad Fam. xiii. 56, ad Alt. xiii. 46, xiv. 9.) 6. C. CLUVIUS, made consul suffectus in B. c. 29 by Augustus. (Dion Cass. lii. 42.) It was probably this Cluvius who in B. c. 45 was appointed by Caesar to superintend the assignment of lands in Gallia Cisalpina, when Cicero wrote to him on behalf of the town of Atella. (Ad Fam. xiii. 7.) This same Cluvius also is probably referred to in a funeral oration of the age of Augustus. (Orelli, Inser. No. 4859.) The annexed coin, struck in the third dictatorship of Caesar, seems to belong to this Cluvius. Its obverse represents the head of Victory, with CAESAR Die. TER.; its reverse Pallas, with C. CLOVI PRAEF. 7. M. CLUVIUS RUFUS, consul suffectus in A. D. 45. (Joseph. Antiq. ii. 1; Suet. Ner. 21; Dion Cass. 1xiii. 14.) He was governor of Hispania in the time of Galba, B. c. 69. (Tac. Hist. i. 8.) On the death of Galba he first swore allegiance to Otho, but soon afterwards be appears as a partisan of Vitellius. Hilarius, a freedman of Vitellius, having accused him of aspiring to the independent government of Spain, Cluvius went to Vitellius, who was then in Gallia, and succeeded in clearing himself. He remained in the suite of the emperor, though he still retained the government of his province. (Tac. Hist. ii. 65.) Tacitus speaks of him (Hist. iv. 43) as distinguished alike for his wealth and for his eloquence, and says, that no one in the time of Nero had been endangered by him. In the games in which Nero made his appearance, Cluvius acted as herald. (Suet. Ner. 21; Dion Cass. 1xiii. 14.) It is probably this same Cluvius whom we find mentioned as an historian. He wrote an account of the times of Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. (Tac. Asnn. xiii. 20, xiv. 2; Plin. Ep. ix. 19. ~ 5.) [C. P. M.] CLY'MENE (KXvurEvq). 1. A daughter of Oceanus and Thetys, and the wife of Japetus, by whom she became the mother of Atlas, Prometheus. and others. (Hesiod. Tlheog. 351, 507; comp.Virg. Georg. iv. 345; Schol. ad Pind. 01. ix. 68; Hygin. Fab. 156.) 2. A daughter of Iphis or Minyas, and the wife of Phylacus or Cephalus, by whom she became the
Page 808 808 CLYTUS. mother of Iphiclus and Alcimede. (Paus. x. 29. ~ 2; Horn. Od. xi. 325; Schol. ad Apollod. thlod. i. 45, 230.) According to Hesiod (ap. Eu.staith.ad Horn. p. 1689; comp. Ov. Met. i. 756, iv. 204), she was the mother of Phaeton by Helios, and according to Apollodorus (iii. 9. ~ 2), also of Atalante by Jaaus. 3. A relative of Menelaus and a companion of Helena, together with whom she was carried off by Paris. (Hom. II. iii. 144; Dictys Cret. i. 3, v. 13.) After the taking of Troy, when the booty was distributed, Clymene was given to Acamas. She was represented as a captive by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi. (Paus. x. 26. ~ 1; comp. Ov. Her. xvii. 267.) There are several other mythical personages of this name. (Horn. I. xviii. 47; Hygin. Fab. 71; Apollod. iii. 2. ~ 1, &c.; Pans. x. 24. ~ 3.) [L. S.] CLY'MENUS (Khpevos). 1. A son of Cardis in Crete, who is said to have come to Elis in the fiftieth year after the flood of Deucalion, to have restored the Olympic games, and to have erected altars to Heracles, from whom he was descended. (Paus. v. 8. ~ 1, 14. ~ 6, vi. 21. ~ 5.) 2. A son of Caeneus or Schoenus, king of Arcadia or of Argos, was married to Epicaste, by "whom he had among other children a daughter Harpalyce. He entertained an unnatural love for his daughter, and after having committed incest with her, he gave her in marriage to Alastor, but afterwards took her away from him, and again lived with her. Harpalyce, in order to avenge her father's crime, slew her younger brother, or, according to others, her own son, and placed his flesh prepared in a dish before her father. She herself was thereupon changed into a bird, and Clymenus hung himself. (Hygin. Fab. 242, 246, 255; Parthen. Erot. 13.) 3. A son of Presbon and king of Orchomenos, who was married to Minya. (Paus. ix. 37. ~ 1, &c.; Apollod. ii. 4. 11; Hygin. Fab. 14.) There are several other mythical personages of this name. (Hygin. Fab. 154; Paus. ii. 35. ~ 3; Ov. Met. v. 98; comp. ALTHAEA.) [L. S.] CLYTAEMNESTRA (KXhvratuo-rTpa), a daughter of Tyndareus and Leda, and sister of Castor, Timandra, and Philonoe, and half-sister of Polydeuces and Helena. She was married to Agamemnon. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 6, &c.) For the particulars of the stories about her see AGAMEMNON, AEGISTHUS, ORESTES. [L. S.] CLY'TIE (KAv'ri), the name of three mythical personages. (Hes. Theog. 352; Ov. Met. iv. 305; Paus. x. 30. ~ 1; Tzetz. ad Lycoplh. 421.) [L. S.] CLY'TIUS (KATrLOS). 1. A son of Laomedon and father of Caletor and Procleia, was one of the Trojan elders. (Hor. II. iii. 147, xv. 419; Paus. x. 14. ~ 2.) 2. A son of the Oechalian king Eurytus, was one of the Argonauts, and was killed during the expedition by Heracles, or according to others by Aeetes. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 86; Schol. ad Soph. Track. 355; Hygin. Fab. 14.) There are several other mythical personages of this name. (Paus. vi. 17. ~ 4; Ov. Met. v. 140; Apollod. i. 6. ~ 2; Virg. Aen. ix. 774, x. 129, 325, xi. 666.) [L. S.] CLYTUS (KAu-ds), the name of three mythical personages. (Hygin. Fab. 124, 170; Ov. Met. v. 87.) [L. S.] CLYTUS (KAiros), a Milesian and a disciple of Aristotle, was the author of a work on the his CNEPH. tory of his native city. The two passages cf Athenaeus (xii. p. 540, d., xiv. p. 655, b.), in which this work is quoted, must be assimilated to one another either by reading KAVTros in the first or KXec-ro in the second, for it is clear that reference is made in both to the same author and the same treatise. In the passage of Diogenes Lafertius (i. 25),-ical avros U (pqraiv, 's 'HpacKAeibSos ioropse, K. T. h.,-Menagius proposes, with much show of probability, the substitution of KAhros for aChdv, as a notice of Thales would naturally find a place in an account of Miletus. It does not appear what ground there is for the assertion of Vossius (de Hist. Graec. p. 91, ed. Westermann), that Clytus accompanied Alexander on his expedition. The passage in Valerius Maximus to which he refers (ix. 3, extern, ~ 1), speaks only of the Cleitus who was murdered by the king. [E. E.] CNA'GIA (Kva'yla), a surname of Artemis, derived from Cnageus, a Laconian, who accompanied the Dioseuri in their war against Aphidna, and was made prisoner. He was sold as a slave, and carried to Crete, where he served in the temple of Artemis; but he escaped from thence with a priestess of the goddess, who carried her statue to Sparta. (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 3.) [L. S.] CNEMUS (K/oos), the Spartan high admiral (savapxos) in the second year of the Peloponnesian war, B. c. 430, made a descent upon Zacynthus with 1000 Lacedaemonian hoplites; but, after ravaging the island, was obliged to retire without reducing it to submission. Cnemus was continued in his office of admiral next year, though the regular term, at least a few years subsequently, was only one year. In the second year of his command (B. c. 429), he was sent with 1000 hoplites again to co-operate with the Ambracians, who wished to subdue Acarnania and to revolt from Athens. He put himself at the head of the Ambracians and their barbarian allies, invaded Acarnania, and penetrated to Stratus, the chief town of the country. But here his barbarian allies were defeated by the Ambracians, and he was obliged to abandon the expedition altogether. Meantime the Peloponnesian fleet, which was intended to co-operate with the land forces, had been defeated by Phormio with a far smaller number of ships. Enraged at this disaster, and suspecting the incompetency of the commanders, the Lacedaemonians sent out Timocrates, Brasidas, and Lycophron to assist Cnemus as a council, and with instructions to prepare for fighting a second battle. After refitting their disabled vessels and obtaining reinforcements from their allies, by which their number was increased to seventy-five, while Phormio had only twenty, the Lacedaemonian commanders attacked the Athenians off Naupactus, and though the latter at first lost several ships, and were nearly defeated, they eventually gained the day, and recovered, with one exception, all the ships which had been previously captured by the enemy. After this, Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Peloponnesian commanders formed the design of surprising Peiraeeus, and would probably have succeeded in their attempt, only their courage failed them at the time of execution, and they sailed to Salamis instead, thereby giving the Athenians notice of their intention. (Thuc. ii. 66, 80-93; Diod. xii. 47, &c.) CNEPH. [CNUPHIS.]
Page 809 CNUPHIS. CNI'DIA (KvLSta), a surname of Aphrodite, derived from the town of Cnidus in Caria, for which Praxiteles made his celebrated statue of the goddess. The statue of Aphrodite known by the name of the Medicean Venus, is considered by many critics to be a copy of the Cnidian Aphrodite. (Paus. i, 1. ~ 3; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5; Lucian, Amor. 13; Hirt, Mythtol. Bilderb. p. 57.) [L. S.] CNO'PIAS (Kvuwrias), of Alorus, an officer who, having seen some active service under Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson, was one of those employed by Agathocles and Sosibius, ministers of Ptolemy IV. (Philopator) to superintend the provision of arms and the choice and training of the troops when Egypt was threatened with war by Antiochus the Great in B. c. 219. Cnopias is said by Polybius to have performed the duty entrusted to him with ability and zeal. (v. 63-65.) [E. E.] CNOSSUS (Kvw-cords), the author of a work on the geography of Asia (yew-ypaicai T 's Aetas) quoted by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (iv. 262). The name is perhaps corrupted. (Voss. Histor. Graec. p. 420, ed. Westermann.) [P. S.] CNUPHIS (KvoOiLs), an Egyptian divinity, so called by Strabo (xvii. p.562); while other writers, such as Plutarch, probably more in conformity with the genuine Egyptian name, call him Cneph (Kv'pP). Plutarch (de Is. et Os. 21) states, that all the Egyptians contributed to the maintenance of the sacred animals, with the exception of the inhabitants of Theba's, who did not worship any mortal divinity, but an unborn and an immortal one, whom they called Cneph. This statement would lead us to the belief, that the inhabitants of Thebais worshipped some spiritual divinity to the exclusion of all others, and that consequently their religion was of a purer and more refined nature than that of the other Egyptians; but we know from other sources, that in Theba's, as well as in other places, animals were worshipped, such as the crocodile (Herod. ii. 69), the eagle (Diod. i. 87; Strab. xvii. p. 559), the ram [AMMON], and a kind of harmless snake. (Herod. ii. 74.) The god Cneph himself was worshipped in the form of a serpent, as we learn from Strabo and Eusebius (Praep. Ev. i. 10), the latter of whom states, that Cneph was called by the Phoenicians Agathodaemon, a name which occurs also in coins and inscriptions of the time of the Roman empire, in which the god himself is represented in the form of a serpent. It was probably the idea of which the serpent is the symbol, that gave rise to the opinion of Plutarch and others, that Cneph was a spiritual divinity; and when this notion had once become established, the symbol of the god became a matter of less importance, and was changed. Thus Eusebius (Praep. Ev. iii. 11) informs us, that the Egyptians called the creator and ruler of the world (-qiuovp-ys) Cneph, and that he was represented in the form of a man, with dark complexion, a girdle, and a sceptre in his hand, Cneph produced an egg, that is, the world, from his mouth, and out of it arose the god Phtha, whom the Greeks called Hephaestus. Most modern writers entertain about Cneph the same or nearly the same views as were propounded by the Greek philosophers, and accordingly regard him as the eternal spirit, and as the author of all that is in the world. Cnuphi is said to signify in the Coptic language the good spirit, like Agathodaemon. (Jablonsky, Panth. Aegypt. i. 4.) [L. S.] COCLES. 809 COBIDAS, JOANNES, a Graeco-Roman jurist, who seems to have lived shortly after the time of Justinian. His name is spelt in various ways, as Gobidas, Cobidius, &c. He is one of the Greek jurists whose commentaries on the titles " de Procuratoribus et Defensibus" in the Digest and the Code (which titles, translated into Greek and arranged, constitute the eighth book of the Basilica) were edited by D. Ruhnkenius and first published in the third and fifth volumes of Meermann's Thesaurus. Extracts from the commentaries of Cobidas on the Digest are sometimes appended as notes to the Basilica, and sometimes the Scholiasts on the Basilica cite Cobidas. (Basil. ed. Heimbach, i. pp. 359, 794, ii. p. 10.) In Basil. (ed. Fabrot.) iii. p. 182, Cobidas is found citing Cyrillus and Stephanus, contemporaries of Justinian, and in no extant passage does he refer to the Novellae of Leo; though Nic. Comnenus (Praenot. Mystag. p. 372) mentions a Gobidas, logotheta genici, who wrote scholia on the Novellae of Leo. Cobidas is cited by Balsamo. (Ad Nomocan. Photii in Just. et Voell. Bibl. Jur. Canon, p. 1118.) Cobidas, the commentator on the Digest, is usually identified and may perhaps be the same with the Joannes Cubidius (Cobidius, Convidius, &c.) who wrote a ITIovakiov, or treatise on punishments. Of this jurist and professor (antecessor) Suarez (Notit. Basil. ~ 27) says, that Ant. Augustinus possessed some works or portions of works in manuscript. Some fragments of the IIo'vaXiov are preserved in the appendix to the Ecloga of Leo and Constantine. This appendix consists of legal writings, chiefly of the eighth and ninth centuries, and was published from a Parisian manuscript by C. E. Zachariae in his work entitled A necdota. (Lips. 1843, p. 191.) (Zachariae, Hlist. Jar. Graeco-Rom. p. 30; Heimbach, Anecdota, i. p. lxxviii; Pohl, ad Suares. Notit. Basil. p. 137, n. (oo); Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xii. p. 563.) [J. T. G.] CO'CALUS (KcwKaXos), a mythical king of Sicily, who kindly received Daedalus on his flight from Crete, and afterwards killed Minos, who came with an army in pursuit of him. According to others, Minos was killed by the daughters of Cocalus. (Diod. iv. 78, 80; Hygin. Fab. 44; Paus. vii. 4. ~ 5.) [L. S.] COCCEIA'NUS, SA'LVIUS, the son of the brother of the emperor Otho, was quite a youth at his uncle's death in A. D. 69. He was afterwards put to death by Domitian for celebrating his uncle's birthday. Plutarch calls him Cocceius, but Cocceianus seems the correct form. (Tac. Hist. ii. 48; Plut. Oth. 16; Suet. Oth. 10, Domit. 10.) COCCEIUS, the name of a family which is first mentioned towards the latter end of the republic, and to which the emperor Nerva belonged. All the members of this family bore the cognomen NERVA. COCCUS (Kdoaccos), an Athenian orator or rhetorician, was, according to Suidas (s. v.), a disciple of Isocrates, and wrote rhetorical discourses (AO'. 'yovs Propcovs). A passage of Quintilian (xii. 10) has been thought to imply that Coccus lived at an earlier period than Isocrates and even Lysias; but it seems that Quintilian is speaking of the comparative distinction of the orators he mentions, rather than of their time. [P. S.] COCLES, HORA'TIUS, that is, Horatius the " one-eyed," a hero of the old Roman lays, is said to have defended the Sublician bridge along with
Page 810 810 CODINUS. Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius against the whole Etruscan army under Porsena, while the Romans broke down the bridge behind them. When the work was nearly finished, Horatius sent back his two companions, and withstood alone the attacks of the foe, till the crash of the falling timbers and the shouts of the Romans announced that the bridge was destroyed. Then he prayed to father Tiberinus to take him and his arms in charge, and forthwith plunged into the stream and swam across to the city in safety amid the arrows of the enemy. The state raised a statue to his honour, which was placed in the comitium, and allowed him as much land as he could plough round in one day. The citizens, too, when the famine was raging, deprived themselves of food to support him. This statue was afterwards struck by lightning, and the Etruscan haruspices, who had been consulted respecting the prodigy, envious of the glory of Rome, caused it to be placed on a lower spot, where the sun never shone upon it. But their treachery was discovered; they were put to death, and the statue was placed in a higher spot on the Vulcanal above the Comitium, which brought good fortune to the state. This story is related by A. Gellius (iv. 5), and explains the fact why some writers speak of the statue being in the Comitium, and others in the Vulcanal. The statue still existed in the time of Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. 5. s. 11) -an irrefragable proof of the truth of the story! Few legends in Roman story were more celebrated than this gallant deed of Horatius, and almost all Roman writers tell us, "How well Horatius kept the bridge In the brave days of old." (Liv. ii. 10; Dionys. v. 24, 25; Val. Max. iii. 2. ~ 1; Flor. i. 10; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 11; Plut. Poplic. 16; Senec. Ep. 120, &c.) Polybius relates (vi. 55) the legend differently. According to his description, Horatius defended the bridge alone, and perished in the river. Mr. Macauley observes (Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 43), with much probability, that it is likely that there were two old Roman lays about the defence of the bridge; and that, while the story which Livy has transmitted to us was preferred by the multitude, the other, which ascribed the whole glory to Horatius alone, may have been the favourite of the Horatian house. (Compare Niebuhr, i. p. 542.) The annexed coin, which bears on it the name of Cocles, was doubtless struck by some member of the Horatian house, but at what time is uncertain. The obverse represents the head of Pallas, the reverse the Dioscuri. A facsimile of this coin, with the addition of the legend IMv. CAES. TRAIAN. AVG. GER. DAC. P. P. REST., that is, Imperator Caesar Trajanus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Pater Patriae restituit, was struck in the time of Trajan. n M CODI'NUS, GEO'RGIUS, surnamed CUROPALA'TES (rEw pyeos KwSlwos 4 Kvpo-rraAdFars), a Greek compiler, who held the office of curopa CODINUS. lates, lived during the latter period of the Byzantine empire, and died probably after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453. He has compiled two works, which, although written in most barbarous Greek, are of considerable importance, inasmuch as one of them treats of the various public offices in the church and in the administration of the empire, and another on the antiquities of Constantinople. The principal works from which Codinus has taken his accounts, and which he has copied in many instances to a considerable extent, are those of Hesychius Milesius, Glycas, Julius Pollux, the Chronicon Alexandrinum,&c.; his accounts of the statues and buildings of Constantinople are chiefly taken from Phurnutus, Joannes Lydus of Philadelphia, and from the Antiquities of Constantinople, written by an anonymous author, who in his turn has plundered Theodorus Lector, Papia, Eusebius, Socrates, Marcellus Lector, and others. The works of Codinus are--I. rTlpl' 7rv npicaAlwv o70 IHaAariov KwverTavrwivovTrndAws Kcal TW odppiKiv TTs peyad 'EA s E Aceias, " De Officialibus Palatii Constantinopolitani et de Officiis Magnae Ecclesiae." Editions: 1. by Nadabus Agmonius, 1588; 2. the same reprinted by Junius, who was also the editor of the first edition, but for some foolish motive adopted that pseudonym. Both these editions are of little value; the editor, a man of great vanity and equivocal learning, had carelessly perused bad MSS., and though he was aware of all the errors and negligences he had committed in the first edition, he did not take the trouble to correct them when the public curiosity required a second. Junius confounded this work with another of the same author on the antiquities of Constantinople. 3. By Gretserus, Ingolstadt, 1620: the editor perused good MSS. with his usual care, and added a Latin translation and an excellent commentary; still this edition is not without several defects, since the editor did not understand the meaning of many barbarous words employed by Codinus, and of which the glossary of Meursius likewise gives either an imperfect account or none at all. 4. By Goar, Paris, 1648, fol., in the Paris collection of the Byzantines. Goar revised both the text and the translation, and added the commentary of Gretserus, which he corrected in many passages, and to which he added his own observations. 5. By Immanuel Bekker, Bonn, 1839, 8vo., in the Bonn collection of the Byzantines. This is a revised reprint of the Paris edition; the editor gives no preface. This work of Codinus, although but a dry catalogue, is of great importance for the understanding of Byzantine history, since it explains the numerous civil and ecclesiastical titles and offices of the later Greeks, as the " Notitiae Dignitatum" does for the earlier period of the Eastern empire. II. nlapeic{oAal2 7~ Tfs /l3Aov Tro XpoViKov 7rep rv 7Trarpihv Kwov-'TaVrTVYoveSrAews, " Excerpta ex Libro Chronico de Originibus Constantinopolitanis." Editions: 1. By George Dousa, 1596, 8vo., the Greek text with a Latin translation. 2. The same, with notes by John Meursius, 1609, 8vo. 3. By Petrus Lambecius, Paris, 1655, fol., in the Paris collection, and afterwards reprinted in the Venice collection of the Byzantines. Lambeck, a native of Hamburg, perused the best MSS. in France, revised the text, and added a new Latin translation and an extensive commentary; he dedicated his work to the celebrated
Page 811 CODRATUS. COELESTINUS. 811 Cardinal Francesco Barberini. This work begins while he was quite young. When he was grown with an account of the origin of Constantinople up, he applied himself tc the study and practice of (Byzantium); after this the author treats in dif- medicine, and also took every opportunity of enferent chapters on the size and situation of that deavouring to convert his fellow-citizens to Chriscity; on the province of Adiabene (!); on the tianity. He was put to death, together with statues, public buildings of Constantinople, and the several other Christians, about the year 258, at the like subjects, in an extensive chapter; on the command of Jason, the governor of Greece at that church of St. Sophia; and the work finishes with time; and there is an interesting account of his a short chronicle from the beginning of the world martyrdom in the Acta Sanctorum, Mart. vol. ii. down to the conquest of Constantinople by the p. 5. His memory is observed on the 10th of Turks. If Codinus wrote this latter fact himself, March both by the Roman and Greek Churches. he died of course after 1453; but the singular (Acta Sanct. 1. c.; Menolog. Graec. vol. iii. p. 11; digression respecting the province of Adiabene is Bzovius, Nomenclator Sanctorum Professione Mediof itself a sufficient proof that an unknown hand corum; Carpzovius, De Medicis ab Ecclesia pro has made some additions to it. This work of Sanctis lhabitis.) [W. A. G.] Codinus is likewise of great interest. The student, CODRUS (Koipos), the son of Melanthus, and however, who should wish to make himself ac- king of Athens, where he reigned, according to quainted with that interesting subject, the antiqui- tradition, some time after the conquest of the Peloties of Constantinople, should begin with Petrus ponnesus by the Dorians, about B. c. 1068. Once Gyllius, " Antiquitates Constantinopolitanae," of when the Dorians invaded Attica from Pelowhich a very good English translation was pub- ponnesus, they were told by an oracle, that they lished by John Ball, London, 1729, 8vo., to which should be victorious if the life of the Attic king is added a 1" Description of the City of Constanti- was spared. The Dorians accordingly took the nople as it stood in the reign of Arcadius and greatest precautions not to kill the king. But Honorius" (translated from " Notitia Utriusque when Codrus was informed of the oracle, he reImperii"), with the notes of Pancirola. After solved to sacrifice himself, and thus to deliver his this the student will peruse with profit Du Cange's country. In the disguise of a common man, he celebrated work, " Constantinopolis Christiana," entered the camp of the enemy. There he began where he will find numerous observations referring quarrelling with the soldiers, and was slain in the to Codinus. I struggle. When the Dorians discovered the death III. A Greek translation of " Missa Seti Gre- of the Attic king, they abstained from further gorii, papae," first published by Morellus, Paris, hostilities, and returned home. Tradition adds, 1595, 8vo., and also contained in the second that as no one was thought worthy to succeed such volume of " Bibl. Patrum Max." a high-minded and patriotic king, the kingly dig(Lambecius, Vita Codini, in his edition of Co- nity was abolished, and a responsible archon for dinus' Antiquities of Constantinople; Fabric. Bibl. life was appointed instead. In our accounts of this Grac. xii. 57, &c.) [W. P.] transaction there are points which justify the beCODOMANNUS. [DAREIUS III.] lief, that when, after the death of Codrus, quarrels CODON. Suarez (Notit. Basil. ~ 27) states, arose among his sons about the succession, the that portions of the Paratitla of Codon, copied from eupatrids availed themselves of the opportunity a Cretan manuscript, were in the library of Ant. for stripping the chief magistrate of as much of his Augustinus. Paratitla are additions made by com- power as they could, and that they succeeded in mentators, explaining difficulties and filling up de- altogether abolishing the kingly dignity, for which ficiencies in one title of the authorized collections that of a responsible archon was instituted. Medon of civil law by summaries of parallel passages in accordingly succeeded his father as archon, and his other titles. (Heimbach, Anecdota, i. p. xviii.) brothers emigrated to Asia Minor, where they Several books of Paratitla are known still to exist founded several of the Ionian colonies. (Herod. v. in manuscript in various libraries. (Pohl, ad Sua- 76; Lycurg. c. Leocr. 20; Veil. Pat. i. 2; Justin, res. Notit. Basil. p. 101, n. 77.) Perhaps Codon is ii. 6, &c.; Paus. iv. 5. ~ 4, vii. 2; Strab. xiv. p. a fictitious name assumed by some commentator on 633, &c.) [L. S.] the Code of Justinian, for such names were com- CODRUS, a Roman poet, a contemporary of mon among the Graeco-Roman jurists. Thus, Virgil, who ridicules him for his vanity. (Eclog. Enantiophanes is the name given to the author vii. 22, x. 10.) According to Servius, Codrus had (probably Photius) of a treatise 7sept Evavntowavcj been mentioned also by Valgius in his elegies. (apparent legal inconsistencies). So the Paratitla Weichert (PoCt. Lat. Relig. p. 407) conjectures, of Tipucitus are perhaps the work of an author who that this Codrus is the same as the Jarbitas, the took the name Tipucitus (Tnrotucetros) from explain- imitator of Timagenes, who is ridiculed by Horace ing what (Ti) the law is, and where it is to be found (Epist. i. 19. 15); whereas Bergk believes, that (roI- Kce-rat); though Heimbach (Anecdota, i. p. Codrus in Virgil and Valgius is a fictitious name, 220) refers the name to the book, not the author. and is meant for the poet Cornificius. (Classical Under BAPHIUS We have mentioned a similar con- Museunz, vol. i. p. 278.) Juvenal (i. 1) also speaks jecture of Suarez; but Heimbach (1. c.) thinks, that of a wretched poet of the name of Codrus (the Baphius is a mere fabrication of Nic. Comnenus Scholiast calls him Cordus), who wrote a tragedy Papadopoli, which he was induced to hazard under " Theseus." But it is generally believed, that in cover of the false reading Bapiou for faeiov in a all the above cases Codrus is altogether a fictitious passage of the Basilica referring to the lex Fabia. name, and that it is applied by the Roman poets (Basil. vii. p. 787.) [J. T. G.] to thlose poetasters who annoyed other people by CODRA'TUS (Ko'paros), an ancient physician, reading their productions to them. [L. S.] saint, and martyr, who was born at Corinth in the COELESTI'NUS, a Campanian by birth, the third century after Christ. His parents, who were successor of Pope Bonifacius I., was ordained Christians and persons of rank and wealth, died bishop of Rome on the 10th of September, A. D,
Page 812 812 COELESTIUS. 423, and retained this dignity until his death, in the month of July, 432. He was distinguished by the activity which he displayed in seconding the exertions of Cyril for procuring the deposition of Nestorius and the condemnation of his doctrines at the council of Ephesus in 431, and by the earnestness with which he strove to root out the Semipelagianism of Cassianus [CAssIANUs] from Gaul, Italy, and Britain. We must not omit to observe, that during this pontificate the jurisdiction of the Roman see was formally disowned by the clergy of Africa, who refused to admit the right of any transmarine ecclesiastic to interfere with the proceedings or alter the decrees of their synods. According to Prosper, Palladius, the first bishop of Scotland, which probably means Ireland, was consecrated by Coelestinus. Sixteen Epistles of Coelestinus are extant, and being chiefly of an official character, are considered of importance by the students of church history. The whole series is given in the " Epistolae Pontificum Romanorum," published by Constant, Paris, fol. 1721 (vol. i. pp. 1051-1228), in the great work of Galland (vol. ix. p. 287), and in all the larger collections of councils. [W. R.] COELE'STIUS, the friend, associate, and partisan of Pelagius, whose followers were hence termed indifferently Pelagians or Coelestians, is believed from an expression used by Prosper to have been born in Campania, although others maintain that he was a native of Ireland or of Scotland. He commenced his career as an advocate (auditorialis scholasticus), but in early life, in consequence perhaps of bodily deformity, became a monk, and in A. D. 409 accompanied Pelagius to Carthage. Here he soon excited the suspicions of the restless ecclesiastics of that province, and was impeached of heresy before the council held in 412. Having been found guilty and excommunicated, he prepared to appeal to Pope Innocent against the sentence; but, feeling probably that success was hopeless before such a judge, refrained from prosecuting the matter farther for the time being, and retired to Ephesus, where he was raised to the rank of presbyter, and passed five years in tranquillity. From thence, about the year 417, he passed over to Constantinople, but being speedily driven out of that city by Atticus, the enemy and supplanter of Chrysostom, he betook himself to Rome, and laying his whole case before Zosimus, the successor of Innocent, demanded that the allegations of his enemies should be fairly examined, and at the same time presented in writing a statement of the articles of his faith. After a full and formal hearing before all the bishops and clergy then present in Rome, the council of Carthage was rebuked for precipitation and want of charity, their decree was reversed, and Coelestius was reinstated in all his privileges, to the great indignation of the African prelates, who passed a solemn resolution adhering to their first judgment; and fearing that these proceedings would tend to promote the extension of Pelagian doctrines, applied for relief to the imperial court. Accordingly St. Augustin obtained from Honorius an edict, published on the 30th of April, 418, banishing Coelestius, Pelagius, and their followers, from Rome and from the whole of the Roman dominions. Notwithstanding these strong measures, it would appear that Coelestius contrived to keep his ground, for similar denunciations were issued by Constantius (421) and Pope Coelestinus, COENUS. and about 429 we find him expelled from Constantinople by a proclamation of Theodosius, granted in compliance with the solicitations of Marius Mercator. [MERCATOR.] Coelestius is mentioned in the Acts of the Council of Rome held in 430, but from that time his name disappears from ecclesiastical history, and the close of his life is unknown. Coelestius was younger than Pelagius, and appears to have possessed a more bold, enthusiastic, and enterprising temperament than his master, and to have displayed more zeal and energy in the propagation and defence of their peculiar tenets, while he at the same time, with great acuteness, verbal subtlety, and dialectic skill, sought to establish these principles by metaphysical and a priori reasoning, rather than by induction from the observed habits of mankind. [AUGUSTINUS; PELAGIUS; ZOSIMUS.] While still a young man, before he had embraced the views of Pelagius, Coelestius composed in his monastery three Epistolae on moral subjects, addressed to his parents. These were followed by Contra Traducem Peccati, on the origin, propagation, and transmission of sin, published, apparently, before the commentary of Pelagius on the Romans. Augustin, in his De Perfectione Justitiae, replies to a work which he believes to have proceeded from Coelestius, entitled, it would seem, Definitiones, or perhaps Ratiocinationes, containing sixteen propositions to prove that man may be without sin. The Libellus Fidei, or Confession of Faith, presented to Zosimus, is known to us from the treatise of Augustin, De Peccato Originali, out of which Gamier has essayed to extract the original document in its perfect form. Finally, Augustin, De gestis Palaestinis (13, 14), quotes from several chapters of a piece by Coelestius, without, however, giving it a name. After his banishment from Rome, he addressed Epistles to his adherents; and, in like manner, when driven from Constantinople, he wrote to Nestorius, whose reply is still extant. Of the above compositions none exist in an entire shape; but, a considerable portion, if not the whole, of the Ratiocinationes and the Libellus Fidei, as noticed above, may be extracted from the replies of Augustin. For the best account of the life and the most complete collection of the fragments of Coelestius, we are indebted to the Jesuit Gamier, in the dissertations prefixed to his edition of the works of Marius Mercator, Paris, fol. 1673. [W. R.] COELIOMONTA'NUS. [CAELIOMONTANUS.] COE'LIUS. [CAELIUS.] COENUS (KoeTos), a son of Polemocrates and son-in-law of Parmenion, was one of the ablest and most faithful generals of Alexander the Great in his eastern expedition. In the autumn of B. c. 334, when Alexander was in Caria, and sent those of his soldiers who had been recently married, to Macedonia, to spend the ensuing winter with their wives there, Coenus was one of the commanders who led them back to Europe. In the spring of the year following, Coenus returned with the Macedonians, and joined Alexander at Gordium. He commanded a portion of Alexander's army, and distinguished himself on various occasions. When Alexander had arrived at the river Hyphasis, and was anxious to push his conquests still further, Coenus was the first who had the boldness strongly to urge the necessity of returning, and
Page 813 COLCHAS. the king was obliged to follow his advice. But a short time afterwards, when the Macedonian army had actually commenced its return, Coenus died of an illness, and was' honoured by the king with a splendid burial. Alexander lamented his death, but is reported to have said, that Coenus had urged the necessity of returning so strongly, as if he alone had been destined to see his native country again. (Arrian, Anab. i. 6, 14, 24, 29, iv. 16-18, 27, v. 16, 17, 21, 27, vi. 2-4; Curtius, ii. 10, iii. 9, iv. 13, 16, v. 4, vi. 8, 9, viii. 1, 10, 12, 14, ix. 3; Diod. xvii. 57, 61.) [L. S.] COERA'TADAS (Kolpara`as), a Theban, commanded some Boeotian forces under Clearchus, the Spartan harmost at Byzantium, when that place was besieged by the Athenians in B.c. 408. When Clearchus crossed over to Asia to obtain money fromn Pharnabazus, and to collect forces, he left the command of the garrison to Helixus, a Megarian, and Coeratadas, who were soon after compelled to surrender themselves as prisoners when certain parties within the town had opened the gates to Alcibiades. [CLEARCHUS.] They were sent to Athens, but during the disembarkation at the Peiraeeus, Coeratadas contrived to escape in the crowd, and made his way in safety to Deceleia. (Xen. Hell. i. 3. ~~ 15-22; Diod. xiii. 67; Patt. Ale. 31.) In 1. c. 400, when the Cyrean Greeks had arrived at Byzantium, Coeratadas, who was going about in search of employment as a general, prevailed on them to choose him as their commander, promising to lead them into Thrace on an expedition of much profit, and to supply thems plentifully with provisions. It was however almost immediately discovered that he had no means of supporting thenm for even a single day, and he was obliged accordingly to relinquish his command. (Xen. Anab. vii. 1. ~~ 33-41.) [E. E.] COES (KWc's), of Mytilene, attended Dareius Hystaspis in his Scythian expedition (see Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 313) as commander of the Mytilenaeans, and dissuaded the king from breaking up his bridge of boats over the Danube, and so cutting off his own retreat. For this good counsel he was rewarded by Dareius on his return with the tyranny of Mytilene. In B. c. 501, when the lonians had been instigated to revolt by Aristagoras, Cols, with several of the other tyrants, was seized by latragoras at Myus, where the Persian fleet that had been engaged at Naxos was lying. They were delivered up to the people of their several cities, and most of them were allowed to go uninjured into exile; but Coes, on the contrary, was stoned to death by the Mytilenaeans. (Herod. iv. 97, v. 11, 37, 38.) [E. E.] COLAENIS (KoXadis), a surname of Artemis in the Attic demos of Myrrhinus, was derived from a mythical king, Colaenus, who was believed to have reigned even before the time of Cecrops. (Paus. i. 31. ~ 3.) [L. S.] COLAXAIS or COLAXES (KoAPcars), an ancient king of the Scythians, a son of Targitaus, who, according to the Scythian tradition, reigned about 1000 years previous to the expedition of Dareius into Scythia. (Herod. iv..5, &c.; Val. Flace. vi. 48.) [L. S.] COLCHAS or CO'LICHAS (KdoXas, KoA'Xas), a petty prince of Spain, who ruled over twentyeight cities, and furnished supplies of troops to Scipio against Mago and. Hasdrubal in B. c. 206. (Pol. xi. 20; Liv. xxviii. 13.) In reward for his COLOTES. 813 services, the Romans increased his dominions (Pol. xxi. 9); but in B. c. 197 he revolted, and drew away seventeen towns from their allegiance to Rome. The rebellion spread widely through Spain, but was eventually suppressed by M. Porcius Cato, Q. Minucius Thermus, and various other commanders, in B. c. 195. (Liv. xxxiii. 21, 26, 44, xxxiv. 8-21.) [E. E.] CO'LIAS (KcwAtic), a surname of Aphrodite, who had a statue on the Attic promontory of Colias. (Paus. i. 1. ~ 4; comp. Herod. viii. 96; Schol. ad Aristoph. Nub. 56.) Strabo (ix. p. 398) places a sanctuary of Aphrodite Colias in the neighbourhood of Anaphlystus. [L. S.] COLLATI'NUS, L. TARQUI'NIUS, the son of Egerius, who was the son of Aruns, the brother of Tarquinius Priscus. VWhen the town of Collatia was taken by Tarquinius Priscus, Egerius was left in command of the place (Liv. i. 38), and there his son also resided, whence he received the surname of Collatinus. He was married to Lucretia, and it was the rape of the latter by his cousin, Sex. Tarquinius, that led to the dethronement of Tarquinius Superbus, and the establishment of the republic, B. c. 509. Collatinus and L. Junius Brutus were the first consuls; but as the people could not endure the rule of any of the hated race of the Tarquins, Collatinus was persuaded by his colleague and the other nobles to resign his office and retire from Rome. He withdrew with all his property to Lavinium, and P. Valerius Poplicola was elected in his place. (Liv. i. 57-60, ii. 2; Dionys. iv. 64, &c.; Dion Cass. Frag. 24, ed. Reimar; Cic. de Rep. ii. 25, de Off. iii. 10.) COLLE'GA, POMPEIUS, consul with Cornelius Priscus, A. D. 93, the year in which Agricola died. (Tac. Agr. 44,) COLLU'THUS (K4AAov9os). 1. A heretic, who seems nearly to have agreed in his opinions with the Manichaeans. He was a presbyter of Alexandria. He was deposed by the council of Alexandria (A. D. 324), and died before A. D. 340. His sect lasted no long time. 2. A heretic of the Monophysite sect, who lived at a later time. Some fragments of his writings are preserved in the acts of the great Lateran council, A. D. 649. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ix. 245, ed. Harles.) [P. S.] COLO'TES (KoAW/r7si), of Lampsacus, a hearer of Epicurus, and one of the most famous of his disciples, wrote a work to prove, " That it was impossible even to live according to the doctrines of the other philosophers" (od' Kara T& TW dC AA\wv 4PAoo6d(wv &o'ypara ooeu U sjv em-iv). It was de-, dicated to king Ptolemy, probably Philopator. In refutation of it Plutarch wrote two works, a dialogue, to prove, " That it is impossible even to live pleasantly according to Epicurus," and a work entitled " Against Colotes." (Plut. Oper. pp. 1086 -1127.) The two works stand in the editions in this order, which should be reversed. It may be collected from Plutarch, that Colotes was clever, but vain, dogmatical, and intolerant. He made violent attacks upon Socrates, and other great philosophers. He was a great favourite with Epicurus, who used, by way of endearment, to call him KoAwra'pas and KoAwrdpros. It is also related by Plutarch, that Colotes, after hearing Epicurus discourse on the nature of things, fell on his knees before him, and besought him to give him instruction. He hleld, that it is unworthy of the truth
Page 814 814 COLUMELLA. fulness of a philosopher to use fables in his teaching, a notion which Cicero opposes. (De Repub. vi. 7, ed. Orelli, ap. Macrob. in Somn. Scip. i. 2.) Some fragments of another work of Colotes, against the Lysis of Plato, have been recently discovered at Herculaneum. [P. S.] COLO'TES (Kocoris). 1. A sculptor from the island of Paros, who assisted Phidias in executing the colossus of Zeus at Olympia, and left several beautiful works, principally in gold and ivory, in Elis, where he seems to have lived in banishment. He appears to belong to 01. 84, &c. (a. c. 444), and is praised for his statues of philosophers. (Strab. viii. p. 337; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19, xxxv. 34; Paus. v. 20. ~ 1; Eustath. ad II. ii. 603; Bdckh, Corp. Inser. n. 24.) 2. A painter, a contemporary of Timanthes, B. c. 396, mentioned by Quintilian (ii. 13). [L. U.] COLUMELLA, L.JU'NIUS MODERA'TUS, is known to us as the most voluminous and important of all the Roman writers upon rural affairs. The only particulars which can be ascertained with regard to his personal history are derived exclusively from incidental notices scattered up and down in his writings. We thus learn, that he was a native of Cadiz (x. 185); and since he frequently quotes Virgil, names Cornelius Celsus (i. 1. ~ 14, iii. 17. ~ 4, &c.), and Seneca (iii. 3. ~ 3), as his contemporaries, and is himself repeatedly referred to by the elder Pliny, it is certain that he must have flourished during the early part of the first century of the Christian era. At some period of his life, he visited Syria and Cilicia (ii. 10. ~ 18); Rome appears to have been his ordinary residence (Praef. 20); he possessed a property which he calls Ceretaenum (iii. 3. ~ 3, comp. iii. 9. ~ 6), but whether situated in Etruria, in Spain, or in Sardinia, we cannot tell; and from an inscription found at Tarentum it has been conjectured that he died and was buried in that city. His great work is a systematic treatise upon agriculture in the most extended acceptation of the term, dedicated to an unknown Silvinus, and divided into twelve books. The first contains general instructions for the choice of a farm, the position of the buildings, the distribution of the various duties among the master and his labourers, and the general arrangement of a rural establishment; the second is devoted to agriculture proper, the breaking up and preparation of the ground, and an account of the different kinds of grain, pulse, and artificial grasses, with the tillage appropriate for each; the third, fourth, and fifth are occupied with the cultivation of fruit trees, especially the vine and the olive; the sixth contains directions for choosing, breeding, and rearing oxen, horses, and mules, together with an essay on the veterinary art; the seventh discusses the same topics with reference to asses, sheep, goats, swine, and dogs; the eighth embraces precepts for the management of poultry and fishponds; the ninth is on bees; the tenth, composed in dactylic hexameters, treats of gardening, forming a sort of supplement to the Georgics (comp. Virg. Georg. iv.); in the eleventh are detailed the duties of a villicus, followed by a Calendarium Rusticum, in which the times and seasons for the different kinds of work are marked down in connexion with the risings and settings of the stars, and various astronomical and atmospherical phaenamena; and the twelfth winds up the whole with a series of receipts for manufacturing different COLUMELLA. kinds of wine, and for pickling and preserving vegetables and fruits. In addition to the above, we have one book " De Arboribus," which is of considerable value, since it contains extracts from ancient authorities now lost, and throws much light on the fifth book of the larger work, which appears under a very corrupt form in many of the MSS. Cassiodorus (Divin. Lect. 28) mentions sixteen books of Columella, from which some critics have imagined, that the tract "De Arboribus" was one of four written at an early period, presenting the outline or first sketch of the complete production. The MSS. from which Columella was first printed inserted the " De Arboribus" as the third book of the whole work, and hence in the older editions that which is now the third book is marked as the fourth, and so on for all the rest in succession. The Latinity of Columella is in no way inferior to that of his contemporaries, and belongs to the best period of the Silver Age. His style is easy and copious to exuberance, while the fondness which he displays for multiplying and varying his mode of expression is out of taste when we consider the nature of his theme, and not compatible with the close precision which we have a right to expect in a work professedly didactic. Although we miss the racy quaintness of Cato and the varied knowledge and highly cultivated mind of Varro, we find here a far greater amount of information than they convey, and could we persuade ourselves that the whole was derived from personal observation and experience, we might feel satisfied that our knowledge of the rural economy of that epoch was tolerably complete. But the extreme carelessness with which the Calendar has been compiled from foreign sources may induce the suspicion, that other matters also may have been taken upon trust; for no man that had actually studied the appearance of the heavens with the eye of a practical farmer could ever have set down in an almanac intended for the use of Italian husbandmen observations copied from parapegmata calculated for the latitudes of Athens and Alexandria. With the exception of Cassiodorus, Servius, and Isidorus, scarcely any of the ancient grammarians notice Columella, whose works lay long concealed and were unknown even in the tenth century. The Editio Princeps was printed at Venice by Nic. Jenson, 1472, fol., in a collection of " Rei Rusticae Scriptores" containing Cato, Terentius Varro, Columella, and Palladius Rutilius. The first edition in which the " Liber de Arboribus" was separated from the rest was that superintended by Jucundus of Verona and published by Aldus, Venice, 1514, 4to. The most valuable editions are those contained in the " Scriptores Rei Rusticae veteres Latini," edited by Gesner, 2 vols. 4to. Lips. 1735, reprinted, with the collation of an important Paris MS., by Ernesti, Lips. 1773; and in the Scriptores Rei Rusticae of J. G. Schneider, 4 vols. 8vo., Lips. 1794. This last must be considered in every respect the most complete, and in the preface will be found a very full account of the different MSS. and of the gradual progress and improvement of the text. The tenth book, under the title " J. Moderati Columellae Hortuli Commentarium," appeared in a separate form at Rome, about 1472, from the press of Adam Rot, and was frequently reprinted in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Page 815 COMAZON. Translations exist in English, Lond. 4to. 1745; in French by Cotereau, Paris, 4to. 1551; in Italian by P. Lauro, Venez. 8vo. 1554, 1557, and 1559, by Bened. del Bene, 2 tom. 4to. Verona, 1808; and in German, among many others, by M. C. Curtius, 8vo., Hamburg, 1769. [W. R.] COLU'THUS (KdhovOor), one of the late Greek epic poets, was a native of Lycopolis in Upper Egypt, and flourished under the emperor Anastasius, at the beginning of the sixth century of our era. He wrote laudatory poems (eyKiccia t' Irc3,), an heroic poem, in six books, entitled KaAvuovucka, and another entitled HIepocci. These are all lost, but his poem on "The Rape of Helen" ('EXet s dprrary) was discovered, with Quintus Smyrnaeus, by the Cardinal Bessarion in Calabria. It was first printed by Aldus, 8vo. (no date): more accurately, with ingenious conjectural emendations, by H. Stephens in his Poetae Graeci Principes, Par. 1566, fol. Several Latin versions and reprints of the text appeared in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, the most important of which is the edition of Jo. Dan. Lennep, Leoward. 1747, 8vo. The latest and best editions are those of Bekker, Berl. 1816, 8vo., and Schaefer, Lips. 1825, 8vo. The poem, as it now stands, consists of 392 hexameter lines, and is an unsuccessful imitation of Homer. [P. S.] COMANUS (Ko oavds), one of the ministers of Ptolemy Physcon (who had been placed on the throne of Egypt in the room of his exiled brother, Philometor), is introduced by Polybius as endeavouring by embassy and negotiation to obtain peace from Antiochus Epiphanes, B. c. 169, when the latter had gained possession of Egypt. (Pol. xxviii. 16; comp. Liv. Epit. 46; Val. Max. v. 1. ~ 1.) We hear of Comanus again in B. c. 162 as ambassador from Physcon to the Romans, to complain that Philometor refused to act up to their decree, by which Cyprus had been assigned to Physcon in the partition of the kingdom. (Pol. xxxi. 27, xxxii. 1; Diod. xxxi. Exc. de Legat. 23, p. 626.) [E. E.] COMAZON, one of the first commission of nine appointed by Theodosius and Valentinian, A. D. 429, to compile the Theodosian Code,-a work which was carried into effect by a second commission of sixteen, consisting for the most part of new members, appointed A. D. 435. He was an exmagister scrinii in A. D. 429. (Cod. Theodos. tit. 1. ~~ 5, 6.) [J. T. G.] COMAZON, P. VALERIUS EUTYCHIA'NUS. Eutychianus, surnamed Comazon from his dissipation and buffoonery (TroUro 'yp Trotropa ei JiLcuv al yewroTro'tas EorXEv), was originally an actor and dancer at Rome. While serving in Thrace, he was degraded, in consequence of misconduct, to the rank of a rower in the fleet, by Claudius Attalus, governor of the province; but having subsequently taken an active part in the conspiracy against Macrinus, he became the confidential adviser and right-hand man of Elagabalus, was chosen praefect of the praetorium, raised to the rank of consul A. D. 220, twice nominated praefect of the city, and permitted to gratify his revenge by procuring the death of the officer by whom he had been disgraced. Comazon not only escaped the massacre which followed the death of his patron (A. D. 222), but was immediately after appointed praefect of the city for the third timean honour never before enjoyed by any individual. [GANNYS.] COMINIUS. 815 (Dion Caas. lxxviii. 31, 32, 39, and Reimarus on c. 38, lxxix. 3, 4, 21; Lamprid. Elagab. 12. With regard to the imaginary second and third consulships of Comazon, see Tillemont, note iv. on the emperor Elagabalus, vol. iii. p. 472, and Reimarus on Dion Cass. lxxix. 4.) [W. R.] COME'TAS SCHOLA'STICUS (Kouras PXoAarfIdKs, Cod. Vat. pp. 130, 457), or CHARTULA'RIUS (XapTrovXApto, record-keeper, ib. p. 458), is the author of six epigrams in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. iii. pp. 15, 16; Jacobs, iii. pp. 236, 237), and of a paraphrase of part of the 11th chapter of John's Gospel, in fifty-seven hexameter verses. (Jacobs, Paralip. e Cod. Vat. 213, xiii. p. 747.) From some of his epigrams (4, 5, 6) we learn, that he produced a new recension of the Homeric poems, in which he reformed the punctuation. His time is very doubtful. Villoison (Proleg. in Homr. p. lix.) identifies him with the Cometas who was appointed by Bardas public professor of grammar at Constantinople in the reign of Michael III., A. D. 856. Jacobs, however, thinks that there are indications of his having lived later, in some marginal notes on his poems in the Vatican MS. (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec. xiii. p. 873.) These notes are by no means complimentary. Respecting the title of Chartularius, see Du Cange, Gloss. Mied. et Inf. Graec. s. v. p. 1735. Clemens Alexandrinus mentions Cometas, a Cretan, among the commentators on Homer. (Strom. i. p. 331.) [P. S.] COMINIA GENS, plebeian. If Postumus or Postumius Cominius Auruncus, consul in B. c. 501, belonged to this gens, it must have been patrician originally; but it is probable that he was a member of the Postumia gens, as Valerius Maximus (de Nom. Rat.) mentions him as an instance in which the praenomens and cognomens are confounded in the consular Fasti. Cominius also occurs as a cognomen of the Pontii. (See below.) None of the members of the Cominia gens obtained any of the higher offices of the state. [COMINIUS.] COMPNIUS. 1. Tribune of the plebs, but in what year is uncertain, accused M. Laetorius Mergus, a military tribune, for attempting to seduce his cornicularius. (Val. Max. vi. 1. ~ 11.) 2. L. COMINIUS, military tribune in the army of the dictator, L. Papirius Cursor, B. c. 325. (Liv. viii. 30.) 3. COMINIUS, the commander of a troop of cavalry in the army of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus in Spain, B. c. 178. (Appian, Hisp. 43.) 4. SEX. COMINIUS, a Roman knight, maltreated by Verres. (Cic. Verr. iv. 10.) 5, 6. P. and L. or C. COMINII, two brothers, who are described by Cicero as men of character and eloquence, accused Staienus, about B. c. 74. (Cic. pro Cluent. 36.) In B. c. 66, these two brothers accused of majestas C. Cornelius, the tribune of the preceding year [C. CORNELIUS], but on the day appointed for the trial, the praetor, L. Cassius, did not appear, and the Cominii were driven away by a mob, and were eventually obliged to quit the city. They renewed the accusation in the following year, B. c. 65; Cornelius was defended by Cicero, who was then praetor, and acquitted. The speech which P. Cominius delivered on this occasion was extant in the time of Asconius, who says that it was worth reading, not only because of Cicero's speech, but for its own merits. P. Cominius was a native of
Page 816 816 COMMODIANUS. Spoletium. He died shortly before Cicero composed his "Brutus," namely B. c. 45, in which he calls Cominius his friend, and praises his wellarranged, lively, and clear style of speaking. (Ascon. in Cornel.; Cic. Brut. 78.) 7. Q. COMINIUS, one of Caesar's officers, was taken prisoner with L. Ticida by Virgilius, a Pompeian commander, near Thapsus, in crossing over to Africa, B. c. 47. (Hlirt. B. Afr. 44, 46.) 8. L. COMINIus PEDARIUS, appointed by Augustus to assist Messalla Corvinus in his superintendence over the aquaeducts. (Frontin. de Aquaeduct. 99.) 9. C. COMINIUS, a Roman knight, was the author of a libellous poem against Tiberius, but was pardoned by the emperor on the entreaty of his brother, who was a senator, A. D. 24. (Tac. Ann. iv. 31.) COMI'NIUS, PO'NTIUS, a youth of great bravery and activity, who offered to go to the senate, when besieged in the Capitol by the Gauls, to convey the wish of the Roman army at Veil, that Camillus should be appointed dictator. He arrived at the Capitol in safety by floating down the Tiber in the bark of a tree. (Liv. v. 46; Plut. Camill. 25; Zonar. vii. 23.) COMMINIA'NUS, a Latin grammarian, who was intermediate between Donatus, whom he quotes, and Servius, by whom he is quoted (Virg. Ecl. iii. 21, Georg. i. 215), and therefore belongs to the latter part of the fourth centary. Large extracts from his work are to be found in Charisius, and a few fragments in Lindemann, Grammatt. Inedit. Lat. i. Zittau. 1822, and in Mai, Classici Auctores ex Codicibus Vaticanis, vol. v. p. 150. [W. R.] CO'MMIUS, king of the Atrebates, was advanced to that dignity by Caesar. When Caesar's projected invasion of Britain became known to the inhabitants, ambassadors from various states came to him. Commius, in whose fidelity Caesar had great confidence, and whose influence in Britain was great, was sent back with them, accompanied by a small body of cavalry. He was seized and cast into chains by the Britons, but was released when, after a defeat, they found it expedient to sue for peace. (Caes. B. G. iv. 21, 27, 35.) In B. c. 53, we find him serving under Caesar against the Menapii (vi. 6); but towards the close of 52, when an extensive league was formed by the Gauls for the purpose of relieving Alesia, his patriotism proved stronger than his gratitude. He joined the confederates, and was one of those to whom the chief command was assigned. (vii. 76, 79, &c.) In the course of the ensuing winter, an ineffectual attempt was made by T. Labienus to assassinate him. (viii. 23.) We find him again in 51 one of the two leaders of the confederacy formed by the Bellovaci and the neighbouring tribes. (For an account of the operations which ensued, see B. G. viii. 7-23.) When the Atrebates were reduced to subjection, Commius continued to carry on a predatory warfare against the Romans, but, having lost a great part of his men in an engagement, he made his submission to Antonius (viii. 47, 48.) [C. P. M.] COMMODIA'NUS, the Christian composer of a prosaic poem against the Pagan divinities, divided into eighty sections, and entitled Instructiones adversus Gentium Deos pro Christiana Disciplina. Of these the first thirty-six are addressed to the COMMODUS. Gentiles with the object of gaining them over to the true faith; in the nine which follow an attempt is made to bring home conviction to the obstinate ignorance of the Jews; the remainder are devoted to the instruction of catechumens and penitents. Whatever knowledge we possess with regard to this author is derived exclusively from his work. The general style and the peculiar words occasionally employed lead us to infer that he was of African extraction. It is expressly and repeatedly declared, that for a long period he was heathen, but was converted by perusing the Scriptures (e. g. Praef. 5, Instruct. xxvi. 24, lxi. 1); while the epithet Gazaeus, which he applies to himself, may either indicate that he was connected with the city of Gaza in Palestine, or, more probably, that he was indebted for support to the treasury of the church. Doubts have been entertained with regard to the period when he flourished. Rigaltius concluded, from a conjectural emendation of his own upon the text of an obscure passage (Instruct. xxxiii. 5), that it contained an allusion to pope Sylvester (A. D. 314-335), the contemporary of Constantine the Great; but the careful and accurate researches of Cave and Dodwell have clearly proved that Commodianus belongs to the third century (comp. Instruct. vi. 6), and may with tolerable certainty be placed about A. D. 270. The Instructiones display much devotion and a fervent zeal for the propagation of the Gospel, but from their harshness, dryness, and total want of all poetic fire, they present few attractions as literary productions. The versification is curious, since it exhibits an early specimen of the Versus Politici, in which, while an attempt is made to imitate the general rhythm of some ancient measure, the rules of quantity are to a great extent neglected. Thus the following lines from the Praefatio are intended for dactylic hexameters: Praefatio nostra viam erranti demonstrat Respectumque bonum, cum venerit saeculi meta Aeternum fieri: quod discredunt inscia corda. The taste for acrostics also is largely developed: the initials of the twenty-six concluding verses, when read backwards, form the words Commodianus Mendicus Christi, and in like manner the general subject and contents of each chapter are expressed by the first letters of the opening lines. The Instructiones of Commodianus were first published by Rigaltius at Toul (Tullum Leucorum), 4to.-1650. They were subsequently printed at the end of the edition of Cyprian by Priorius, Paris, 1666, fol.; in the Bibliotheca Patrum Lugdun. vol. xxvii.; in the Bibliotheca Patrum of Galland, vol. iii. p. 621; and in an independent form, by Schurzfleisch,Vitemberg. Saxon. 4to. 1704. [W.R.] CO'MMODUS, the name of a family of the Ceionii under the emperors. 1. L. CEIONIUS COMMODUS, appears in the Fasti as consul under Vespasian, A. D. 78. 2. CEIONIUS COMMODUS, who according to some was named also Verus, according to others L. Aurelius, according to many Annius, descended from a noble family of Etruria or Faventia (Spartian. Ael. Ver. 2), was the father of 3. L. CEIONIUS COMMODUS, otherwise called L. AURELIUS VERUS, who was adopted by Hadrian when that emperor, feeling that his health was sinking under the attacks of protracted disease, deemed it expedient to select an assistant and
Page 817 COMMODUS. successor. The new prince from that time forward, as we infer from inscriptions and Fasti, laid aside his foriner appellations, and, passing into the gens Aelia, was styled L. AELIUS VERUS* CAESAiR, being the first individual on whom the title of Caesar was bestowed to indicate the next heir to the imperial throne. Of the early life of Aelius Caesar we know nothing except that he attracted the attention and gained the favour of Hadrian by his personal beauty and literary accomplishments, although the son-in-law of Nigrinus, who was put to death as a traitor. The precise date of his adoption is a disputed point among chronologers (see Tillemont and Eckhel), some, on the authority of Spartianus, declaring for A. D. 135; while others with greater probability conclude, from inscriptions and coins, that it took place the year following. He is set down in the Fasti as consul for A.D. 136, under the name of Ceionius Commodus, which seems to prove that the ceremonies of adoption had not at all events been completed at the commencement of that year; while on the coins of his second consulship, which belongs to A. D. 137, we find him designated as L. Aclius Caesar, and invested with the tribunicia potestas. Soon after his elevation, he was nominated governor of Pannonia, returned from his province in the course of 137, died suddenly on the 1st of January, 138, and was interred in the mausoleum of HI-adrian. Aelius Caesar, according to the testimony of his biographer, Spartianus, was a man of comely features, graceful bearing, and noble aspect, but in all other respects deeply stamped with the impress of mediocrity. He displayed moderate abilities as a statesman, governed his province respectably, was considered a tolerably good general, and although somewhat addicted to the pleasures of the table and other luxurious indulgences, maintained a decent character in his private life and social relations. His health was so wretched, that Hadrian is said to have speedily repented of the choice he had made, declaring that he had leaned for support upon a falling wall, and had thrown away the large sums lavished on the soldiers and people in largesses and shows in honour of the adoption. Aelius Caesar left behind him one daughter, Fabia, and one son, namely 4. L. CEIONIUS COMMODUS, who was born at Rome on the 15th of December, A. D. 130. Upon the adoption of his father by Hadrian, he passed into the gens Aelia, and was entitled L. Ceionius A elius Aurelius Commodus. Again, after the death of his father, he was, in pursuance of the command of Hadrian, adopted, along with M. Aurelius, by Antoninus Pius on the 25th of February, A. D. 138, and thus became L. Ceionius Aelius Aurelius Commiodus Antoninus. During the lifetime of Pius he enjoyed no peculiar distinction except the appellation filius Augusti; in 156 he was quaestor, and in the year following consul, an honour which he enjoyed for a second time, along with his brother by adoption, in 161. After the death of Antoninus Pius, which took place in March, 161, he was invested with the titles of Caesar and Augustus, and by the favour of the new sovereign admitted to a full participation in all the imperial COMMODUS. 817 dignities. At the same time, M. Aurelius transferred to him the name of Veirts, which he had himself borne up to this time, and the designation of Commodus being altogether dropped, the younger of the two Augusti was addressed as the emperor L. AURELIUS VERUS. Ilis journey to the East; his conduct during the campaign against the Parthians; his marriage with Lucilla, the daughter of M. Aurelius; his return to Rome; the joint triumph of the two princes; their expedition into Germany, and the sudden death of Verus at Altinum in the country of the Veneti, towards the close of A. D. 169, in the 39th or 40th year of his age and the 9th of his reign, are fully detailed in the biography of M. AUREnaLIs, to which the reader is referred. It may be remarked, that there is some question as to the various names enumerated above. In opposition to the clear and explicit testimony of Spartianus, Lampridius, and Capitolinus, it has been doubted whether he was ever called Antoninus, because it never appears upon any public monument of unquestionable authority. But if we suppose it to have been assumed, as appears most natural, at the period of his adoption by Pius, and dropped after his elevation to the purple, the difficulty will be in a great measure removed, although it must be confessed, that the Augustan historians represent him as having received the designations of Antoninus and Verus at the same time from M. Aurelius. (Dion Cass. Lxix. 17, 20, 21, lxxi. 1, &c.; Spartian. Hadrian. 23, Ael. Ver.; Capitolin. Ver. Imp. Anton. Pius, 4, M. Aurel. 4, 5, 7, &c.) [W. R.] CO'MMODUS, L. AURELIUS, son of M. Aurelius and the younger Faustina (see genealogical table prefixed to ANTONINUS Pius), was born at Lanuvium on the last day of August, A. D. 161, a few months after the death of Antoninus Pinus, and this was the first of the Roman emperors to whom the title of Porpihyrogenitus could be correctly applied. Faustina at the same time gave birth to a twin son, known as Antoninus Geminus, who died when four years old. The nurture and education of Commodus were watched and superintended from infancy with anxious care; and from a very early age he was surrounded with the most distinguished preceptors in the various departments of general literature, science, and philosophy. The honours heaped upon the royal youth as he advanced towards manhood have been accurately chronicled by his biographers. IHe received the appellation of Caesar along with his younger brother Annius Verus on the 12th of October, A. D. 166, at the time when M. Aurelius and L. Verus celebrated their triumph over the Parthians; he was styled Germanicus on the ] 5th of October, 172; in 175, on the 20th of January, he was admitted a member of all the sacerdotal colleges; on the 19th of May he left the city, having been summoned in all haste to Germany in consequence of the news which had arrived from Svria of the rebellion of Avidius Cassius; on the 7th of July lihe was invested with the manly gown, proclaimed Princeps Juventutis, and nominated consul-elect; he then accompanied his father to the East, and, during his absence from Rome, Sarmaticus was added to his other titles; on the 27th of November, 176, he was saluted Imperator; on the 23rd of December, lihe shared in the triumph celebrated over thle Germans, and was assumed as 3o * Spartianus in several passages gives him the name of Verus and so Hadrian (ap. Vopisc. Saturn. c. 8); but Cardinal Noris rejects Verus, because it does not appear in inscriptions and Fasti.
Page 818 818 COMMODUS. colleague in the tribunician power; on the 1st of January, 177, he entered on his first consulship; in the same year he married Bruttia Crispina, daughter of Bruttius Praesens, was hailed as Augustus and Pater Patriae, and thus at the age of 16 was admitted to a full participation in all the imperial dignities except the chief pontificate, which, according to the principle maintained inviolate until the reign of Balbinus and Pupienus [BALBINUS], could be held by one individual only. On the 5th of August he set forth to take part in the war then raging on the Upper Danube, which, as is mentioned elsewhere [M. AURELIUS], was prosecuted with signal success until the death of M. Aurelius, on the 17th of March, 180. Impatient of hardship and eager to indulge without restraint in the pleasures of the capital, Commodus, disregarding alike the last injunctions of his sire and the earnest advice of the trusty counsellors to whose care he had been consigned, concluded a hasty and therefore uncertain peace with the barbarians, who in their depressed and enfeebled condition might by a vigorous effort have been crushed for ever. In autumn he reached Rome, where his authority was as fully and freely acknowledged by the senate, the praetorians, and the people, as it had been by the legions which he commanded in person and the armies of the distant provinces. No prince ever commenced a career of power under fairer auspices. The love and veneration entertained by men of every condition for the father had descended like an inheritance on the,on, and although some who knew him well and had marked his boyhood might whisper distrust and fear, such murmurs were drowned by the general acclamations which greeted his first appearance as emperor. Nor were the hopes of men for a while disappointed. Grave and calculating statesmen might feel displeasure and alarm at the reckless profusion which characterised the very commencement of the new reign; but since a large portion of the sums squandered was lavished upon the soldiers and the people, the lower orders at least of the community were enthusiastic in their attachment to the new ruler. This state of things did not endure long. A formidable plot against his life was organised (A. D. 183) by his sister Lucilla, jealous, it was believed, of the superior influence and position of Crispina; but the scheme failed in consequence of the awkwardness of the assassin, who, instead of dealing the fatal blow at the proper moment, put the prince upon his guard by exclaiming as he rushed forward, " The senate sends thee this." The event seems to have awakened the slumbering ferocity of a temper which now burst forth with frightful vehemence, and raging from that time forward without controul, especially against the members of that body in which the conspiracy was said to have originated, rendered the remainder of his life an unbroken tissue of sanguinary excesses. Every pretext was seized for the exhibition of the most savage cruelty; false accusations, vague suspicions, great wealth, high birth, distinguished learning, or any conspicuous virtue, were sufficient to point out and doom his victims, long lists of whom have been preserved by Lampridius, including nearly all who had risen to fame and fortune under M. Aurelius, with the exception of Pertinax, Pompeianus, and Victorinus. [PERTINAX; POMPEIANUS; VicTORINUS.] All other passions were indulged with COMMODUS. the same freedom as the thirst for blood. Resigning the reins of government into the hands of the various favourites who followed each other in rapid succession [see PERENNIS; CLEANDER; LAETUS; ECLECTUS], he abandoned himself without interruption to the most shameless and beastly debauchery. But while devouring in gluttony the resources of the empire and wallowing in every description of sensual filth, he was at the same time the slave of the most childish vanity, and sought for popular applause with indefatigable activity. He disdained not to dance, to sing, to play the charioteer and the buffoon, to disguise himself as a pedlar or a horse-dealer, and to essay his skill in the practical pursuits of the humble artizan. Frequently he would appear and officiate as a sacrificing priest, and eagerly assisted in all the orgies of foreign superstition, celebrating the rites of Isis, of Anubis, of Serapis, or of Mithra, in all their folly and all their horror. His pride and boast, however, was his skill in the use of martial weapons. This he sought not to display against the enemies of his country in the field, but he fought as a gladiator upwards of seven hundred times, and slew many thousands of wild beasts in the amphitheatre with bow and spear. Other emperors had sought or accepted the compliment of having one month named after themselves, but Commodus decreed that the whole twelve should be designated by the epithets and titles which he had at different periods assumed, and that they should be arranged and enumerated in the following order: -Amazonius, Invictus, Felix, Pius, Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, Augustus, Herculeus, Romanus, Exsuperatorius, ordaining also that the happy epoch during which he had sojourned on earth should be distinguished as Seculum aureum Commodianum, the nation as Commodiana, the senate as Commodianus, the armies as Commodiani, and the eternal city itself as Colonia Commodiana. At length the miserable craving could be no longer appeased by the homage and flatteries which a mere mortal might claim. Long ere this, indeed, the Greeks had been wont to compare their rulers, both domestic and foreign, to deities, and the Romans had sometimes delicately hinted at some such resemblance by the devices stamped on the reverse of the coins of their Augusti. But as yet no inscription had appeared openly ascribing divine attributes to living princes, nor had any symbol appeared on their medals which could openly and directly convey such impious meaning. It was left for Commodus to break through these decent restrictions; his exploits in the slaughter of wild beasts suggested an analogy with the Tirynthian hero; he demanded that he should be worshipped as Hercules, and hence from the year 191 we find a multitude of coins on which he is represented in the attire of the immortal son of Alcmena, with the epigraph of Hercules Commodianus or Hercules Romanus. His statues also, we are told by the historians of the day, were clad in the appropriate robes; sacrifices were publicly offered as to a present God; when he went abroad the lion's hide and other insignia were borne before him; and, to crown the whole, a number of unhappy wretches were inclosed in cases terminating in serpent-tails, and these he slaughtered with his club, as if they had been the giants warring against heaven. After having escaped many plots provoked by atrocious tyranny, he at length came to a fitting
Page 819 COMMODUS. end. HI-e had a mistress named Marcia, to whom he was deeply attached, and whom he especially loved to behold equipped as an Amazon. Hence the epithet Amazonius was frequently assumed by himself: the name Amazonius, as we have already seen, was attached to the first month, and he displayed his own person in the amphitheatre arrayed in the Amazonian garb. The first of January, 193, was to have been signalized by a spectacle which would have thrown into the shade the insults previously heaped upon the senate and the people, for Commodus had determined to put to death the two consuls-elect, Q. Sosius Falco and C. Julius Erucius Clarus, and to come forth himself as consul at the opening of the year, not marching in robes of state from the palace to the capitol at the head of the senate, but in the uniform of a secutor, followed by a band of gladiators issuing from their training-school. This project he communicated to Marcia, who earnestly implored him to abandon a design so fraught with disgrace and danger, and her remonstrances were warmly seconded by Laetus and Eclectus, the one praefect of the praetorians, the other imperial chamberlain. These counsellors were dismissed with wrath from the presence of the prince, who retired to indulge in his wonted siesta, having previously inscribed on his tablets a long catalogue of persons who were to be put to death that night, the names of Marcia, Laetus, and Eclectus appearing at the head of the list. This document was found by a favourite child, who entered the apartment while Commodus was asleep, and was carried by him in sport to Marcia, who at once perceived its import. She immediately communicated the discovery to -Laetus and Eclectus. The danger was imminent, and, unless promptly met, inevitable. Their plans were quickly matured and quickly executed. That evening poison was administered, and its operation proving so slow as to excite apprehensions of its efficacy, Narcissus, a celebrated athlete, was introduced, and by him Commodus was strangled on the night of December the 31st, A. D. 192, in the thirty-second year of his age and the thirteenth of his reign. When the news of his death, at first cautiously attributed to apoplexy, was spread abroad, the intelligence diffused universal joy among all ranks except the guards, who had been permitted to revel in indolence and luxury and could scarcely expect again to find a master so indulgent and liberal. When his successor, Pertinax [PERTINAx], repaired next morning before daylight to the senate, that venerable body, while greeting their new sovereign, poured forth a string of curses upon the dead tyrant in a sort of strange chaunt, the words of which have been preserved by Lampridius, declared him a public enemy, and, being unable to vent their rage upon the living man, begged that his body might be dragged, like that of a criminal, through the streets with a hook, and cast into the Tiber,-a request with which Pertinax, to his credit, refused to comply, and the corpse was decently interred in the mausoleum of Hadrian. We seldom meet in history with a character which inspires such pure and unmixed detestation as that of Commodus. While his vices and crimes were inexpressibly revolting, they were rendered if possible more loathsome by his contemptible meanness and weakness. TIle most grinding oppression was combined with the most childish COMMODUS. 819 vanity, the most savage cruelty with the most dastardly cowardice. He hated, persecuted, and massacred the senate and the nobles, and at the same time eagerly drank in their most disgusting flatteries. He slew thousands and tens of thousands of wild beasts, but his arrows were shot and his darts were hurled from behind a screen of network which protected his person from the possibility of risk. He butchered hundreds of his fellow-men in gladiatorial combats; but while he was clad in the impenetrable armour and wielded the heavy blade of a secutor, his antagonists had no defences except weapons of lead or tin; and when as, Hercules, he crushed with his club the unhappy creatures dressed up to resemble the monstrous progeny of Earth, the rocks which they hurled at their assailant were formed of sponge. After examining the ample records preserved of his career, we shall be unable to find a trace of one generous action or one kindly feeling, to discern a single ray of human sympathy to relieve the portentous blackness of his guilt. Dion, indeed, represents him as naturally of a weak and extremely simple temper; as one who easily received impressions, and whose crimes were to be attributed rather to the artful advice of evil counsellors acting upon a timid and yielding disposition, than to any inherent depravity; and imagines that he erred at first from ignorance of what was right, and gliding by degrees into a habit of doing evil, became gradually faniiliar with deeds of shame and wickedness. But had this been the case, the lessons so carefully inculcated in early life would never have been so rapidly and for ever obliterated. We feel more inclined to give credit to the assertion of Lampridius, who declares that from his earliest boyhood he displayed evident proofs of dark passions and a corrupt heart, a propensity to indulge freely in every low and dissolute pleasure, and utter indifference to human suffering and life. It is almost needless to remark, that Commodus paid no attention to foreign policy nor to the government and regulation of the provinces, except in so far as they might be made to minister to his profusion and profligacy. The integrity of the empire was however maintained, and the barbarians repulsed from the Dacian frontier by the skill and valour of Clodius Albinus and Pescennius Niger, the same who after the death of Pertinax contested the throne with Septimius Severus. A still more serious disturbance arose in Britain; for the northern tribes having forced a passage across the wall of Antonine, defeated the Roman troops who opposed their progress, slew their leader, and laid waste the more peaceful districts far and wide. But Ulpius Marcellus having assumed the chief command, the Caledonians were speedily driven back, the war was successfully terminated about A. D. 184, Commodus was saluted Jmperator for the seventh time, and added Britannicus to his other titles. COIN OF COMMIODUS.
Page 820 820 COMNENUS. (Dion Cass. lib. lxxii. and Excerpta Vaticana, p. 121, ed. Sturz; Ierodian. i. 10-55; Capitolin. AM. Aurel.; Lamprid. Commod.; and the minor Roman historians.) [W. R.] COMNE'NA. [ANNA COMNENA.] COMNE'NUS, the name of an illustrious Byzantine family, which in all probability was of Italian origin, and migrated to the East in the time of Constantine the Great or his immediate successors. Several of the other great Byzantine families were likewise of Italian origin, as for instance the Ducae. That the name Comnenus was not unknown in Italy in early times, is proved by an inscription on a marble discovered in the walls of the church of St. Secundus, at Ameria in Italy, and which stands thus:L. COMNENO. C. L. FELICI. COMNENAE. 0. L. NYMPHE. ET. COMNENO. D. L. FELIONI. C. SERVILIO. ALBANO. Six emperors of the East,-Isaac I., Alexis I., Calo-Joannes (John II.), Manuel I., Alexis II., and Andronicus I.,-all the emperors of Trebizond, and a vast number of generals, statesmen, and authors, were descended from the family of the Comneni; but while almost all of them were distinguished by the choicest natural gifts both of Manuel, Praefectus totius Orientis in A. D. Protos 976, under the emperor Basil II.; in 1I died before 1025, stant 1. Isaac I., Emperor [IsAAUS I.; died probably in 1061; married Aicatherina, or Catherina, daughter of either Samuel or John Wladislaus, kings of Bulgaria. COMNENUS. mind and of body, many of them were notorious for a laxity of morals, in which they were excelled by none of their frivolous countrymen. Imperial families, such as the Ducae, the Angeli, the Palaeologi, several royal houses in Europe, and even the reigning dynasty of the sultans in Turkey, boasted, and still boast, of being descended from the Comneni; and down to this very day the pretensions of a noble family in France to be entitled by descent to the name of Princes de Comnene have attracted the attention of historians of repute. A history of that family would be a most valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Greeks during the middle ages. When the Comneni first became known in history, in the tenth century, they belonged to the Greek nobility in Asia, and their family seat was at Castamone, a town in Paphlagonia, near the Black Sea, where Alexis Comnenus, afterwards emperor, visited the palace of his ancestors during the reign of Michael VII. Ducas Parapinaces. Towards the close of the tenth century two Comneni, Manuel and Nicephorus, became conspicuous, who were probably brothers, and who are generally called the ancestors of the Comnenian family. The following table exhibits the genealogy of this family, as far as it can be traced, together with a brief account of each individual of it. Nicephorus spatharius; praefect of Aspracania (Media Superior) 016; blinded in 1026 by order of the emperor Confine IX.; time of death uncertain; no issue known. - --- 2. Joannes Curopalata, Magnus Domesticus, died shortly after 1067; married Anna Dalassena, daughter of Alexis Charon, praefect of the Byzantine part of Italy. 3. A daughter, married one Doceanus, probably Michael Doceanus, Protospatharius. 1. Mans nothir died y 1059. uel, of whom 2. Maria, retired with ig is known; her mother into the roung, before convent of Myrilaeum, after 1059. - - I III 1. Manuel,born 2. Isaac, 4. As before 1048; Sebasto- tose Protoproedrus, crator. Maý Protostrator, See be- mes Curopalata, a lowe, I. den great general; 3. Alexis, Zoe taken prisoner Emperor. daun by the Turks See be- Em] in 1069; soon low, II. stan restored to Duc liberty; died Eud shortly after lassf 1069, in issue Bithynia. noti _ I Irian, Pro- 5. 1 3bastus, us, gnus Do- Mc ticus Occi- Dri tis; marr. kill,youngest bat gh. of the the peror Con- thi; tine XI. 104:as, and Loxia Daena; left e, of whom hing is known. NicephorSebastus, agnus ungarius; led in a;tle with SScyans, in 89. 6. Maria, 7. Eudoxia, married married NiMichael cephorus Taronita, Melissenus; Protosebas- their descentus, Proto- dants receivvestiarius, ed among the Panhyper- Spanish nosebastus, a bility toSyrian wards the noble, end of the sixteenth century. 8. Theodora, married either Diogenes, or more probably Leo, both sons of the emperor Romanus Diogenes. Leo was killed in 1090, and Theodora retired to the convent of Melissaeum. Daughter, married a descendant Daughter, married Gregorius Pacurianus, of the emperor Nicephorus Sebastus, son of Pacurianus, Magnus Botaniates. Domesticus Occidentis. From above. I. ISAAC, the excellent elder brother of Alexis I., died before 1118, in a convent to which he retired when old; married Irene, daughter of a prince of the Alani, and a relative of Maria, wife of the emperor Michael VII. Ducas Parapinaces, and, after his death, of the emperor Romanus Diogenes. I a
Page 821 COMNENUS. COMNENUS. 821 1. Joannes, 2. Alexis, 3. Constantine, 4. Adrian, 5. Daughter, was 6. Other children, viz. Duke of Duke of Sebastus, Duke Sebastus, destined to Nicephorus, Manuel, Dyrra- Dyrra- of Berrhooa, took orders; marry Gre- Stephanus, Joannes, chium chium Magnus Drun- died as arch- gorius Gabra, Isaac, and Paul, before after garius (?); alive bishop of Duke of Tre- whose parentage is 1106; 1106. in 1144 (?). Bulgaria. bizond. not well established. treacherously seized Hugo, Count of Vermandois, third son of king Henry I. of France, one of the chiefs of the first crusade; Praefectus Sacri Cubiculi under the emperor Calo-Joannes; was destined to marry a relative of Henry III., emperor of Germany; death unknown. From above. II. ALEXIS I., Emperor [ALEXIS I.], born probably in 1048; began to reign in 1081; died in 1118; married 1. a daughter of Argyrus, of the noble family of the Argyri; 2. Irene, daughter of Andronicus Ducas, the brother of Constantine X. Ducas. I 1. Calo-Joannes (Jo- 2. Androannes II.), Emperor nicus [CALo-JOANNE]; Sebastoborn in 1088; ob- crator; tained the throne in was 1118; died in1143; married; married Irene, dau. issue unof Wladislaus II., known. the Saint, king of Hungary. 3. Isaac Se- 4. Anna bastocrator, [ANNA father of An- COMNEdronicus I., NA], born founderofthe in 1083; branch of the died after Comneni of 1137; Trebizond. marr. NiSee below, V. cephorus Bryennius 5. Maria, born 6. Eudoxia, 7. Theodoin 1085; mar- married ra, marr. ried Gregorius Constan- ConstanGabra, duke of tine Ja- tine AnTrebizond, sita; ill- gelus, the whose descend- treated; founder of ants fled to retired to the family France after a convent, of the the capture of Angeli. SConstantinople in 1453. - I --~- ----- -p 1. Alexis, titular Emperor, born in 1106, in Macedonia; died before his father, probably in 1142, at Attalia, the capital of Pamphylia; his wife, whose name is unknown, survived him. A daughter, married Alexis Protostratus, son of Joannes Axuch, or Axuchus, the excellent Turkish minister of the emperors Calo-Joannes and Manuel. 2. Andronicus, Sebastocrator; died shortly after his brother Alexis, and likewise before his father; his wife was Irene, at whose persuasion Constantine Manasses wrote his poetical Annals.! Further issue, see below III. I I I J 1. Joannes, Protoves- 2. Alexis, Protostrator, 3. Maria, 4. Theodora 5. Eudoxia; first tiarius, Protosebastus Protovestiarius, Proto- married (Calusina), husband ununder the emperor sebastus; governed the 1. Theodore the haughty known; after his Manuel; killed about empire for the minor, Dasiota; concubine of death concubine 1174, in a battle Alexis II.; his arrogance 2. Joannes the emperor of Andronicus against the Turks; insupportable to many Cantacuze- Manuel, by Comnenus, afterwell known to the of the Greek nobles, nus. whom she had wards emperor; Latins in Syria and who declared for Andro- 2. Mich. Gabra, Palestine; wife un- nicus Comnenus; blind- about 1173. known. ed and castrated by Andronicus; died in prison Alexis. in 1183. i! I I I 1. Alexis. 2. Maria, 3. Some daughters. Stephanus, Magnus Drungarius. married in 1164, but not in 1167 as Ducange says, Amaury or Amalric I., king of Jerusalem, and, after his death, about 1176, 2. Baliano de Ibelino, an Italian noble. From above. III. Further Issue of the Emperor CALO-JOANNES. 3. Isaac Sebastocrator, deprived of the succession by his father; on good terms with his younger brother, the emperor Manuel; wife unknown. a 4. Manuel, Emperor. Seebelow, IV. 5. Maria, twin sister of Alexis; married Roger, Prince of Capua, Caesar. 6. A daughter, married Stephanus Contostephanus, who was killed in the siege of Corcyra, about 1160. 7. A daughter, married Theodore Vatatzes, Dux.
Page 822 822 COMNEN0UST. C COMNENUS. -- --------- -- 1. Theodora, married Baldwin III., king of Jerusalem; after his death concubine of Andronicus Comnenus, afterwards emperor. 2. Maria, married Stephen, prince of Hungary. 3. A daughter, married Constantine Macroducas. 1 - 4. A daughter, married probably a Ducas, whose son Isaac became independent master of Cyprus, and styled himself emperor. 5. Eudoxia, married a French nobleman. From above. IV. Further Issue of the Emperor Calo-Joannes. Manuel, Emperor [MANUEL]; born about 1120, began to reign 1143, died 1180; married 1. Bertha (in 1143), afterwards called Irene, daughter of Berengar, Count of Sulzbach, and niece of Konrad III., Emperor of Germany, who died about 1158; 2. Maria, afterwards called Xene, daughter of Raymond, prince of Antioch; put to death by Andronicus I. in 1183; 3. Concubine, Theodora Comnena (Calusina). 1. Maria, betrothed to 2. A 3. Alexis II., Emperor 4. Alexis, illegitimate, Sebastocrator; Bela, prince of Hungary; daugh- [ALEXIS II.]; born married Irene, natural daughter of Anmarried, in 1180, Ray, ter; 1167; began to reign dronicus I. Comnenus and Theodora ner, 2nd son of William, died 1180; married,in 1179, Comnena; destined to succeed Andromarquis of Monteferrato, young. Anna, or Agnes, daugh- nicus I., by whom he was afterwards called Alexis, afterwards ter of Louis VII., king blinded for conspiracy; though blind, Caesar; both put to death of France; put to death created Caesar by Isaac II.; for some by Andronicus I. by Andronicus I. in time a monk; a learned and highly gifted 1183. man, of whom no issue is known. (See Du Cange, Familiae Byzantinae, pp. 169-189.) From above, V. Issue of ISAAc SEBASTOCRATOR, founder of the Imperial branch of the COMNENI OF TREBIZOND. The history of the Emperors of Trebizond was almost entirely unknown till the publication of Professor Fallmerayer's Geschickle des Kaiserthums von Trapezunt, one of the most important historical productions of our days. The accounts which Du Cange and Gibbon give of these emperors is in many respects quite erroneous; but these writers are to be excused, since they could not avail themselves of several Oriental works perused by Fallmerayer, and especially of two Greek MSS. which the German professor discovered at Venice, viz., A Chronicle of the imperial palace at Trebizond, by Panaretus, and a work on Trebizond by the celebrated Cardinal Bessarion. It would not be compatible with the plan of the present work to give the lives of the Emperors of Trebizond, but it has been thought advisable to give at least their genealogy, and thus to assist those who should wish to investigate the history and tragical fall (in 1 462) of the last independent remnant of Greek and Roman power. As there are no genealogical tables in Fallmerayer's work, the writer has brought together all his separate statements respecting the genealogy of the family, and the following genealogical table of the Comneni of Trebizond is thus the first that has yet been printed. V. Isaac Sebastocrator, Caesar, third son of Alexis I., and third brother and favourite of the Emperor Calo-Joannes. In consequence of some slanders against his character, he fled to the Sultan of Iconium, with his son Joannes, returned, enjoyed again the confidence of Calo-Joannes, lost it once more, was imprisoned, but released by the emperor Manuel, and died in possession of the highest civil and military honours, leaving behind him the reputation of having been one of the most virtuous and able men of his time. Died after 1143. 1. Joannes; returned from Iconium, whither he had fled with his father; but, for some insult shewn to him, abandoned the Greeks for ever, adopted the Mohammedan religion, settled at Iconium, and married Camero (?), daughter of Sultan Mazuthi (Mesfid I); called by the Turks-Seljulks Zelebis (Chelebi), that is, " the Nobleman." This Joannes, as was said by Mohammed If., sultan of the Turks-Osmanlis, the conqueror of Constantinople, and repeated by most of the Turkishi historians, was the ancestor of the sultans of Turkey, leaving issue, viz. Soliman Shah. Erto6ghbrl. Osman, the well-known founder of the present reigning dynasty in Turkey. These three persons are all historical, but their descent from John Comnenus is more than doubtful. 2. Andronicus, Emperor 3. A son. [ANDusoNIcus I.]; born about 1112; began to Isaac; reign 11 82-3; put to put to death, death 11 85'; married by Isaac TI, 1. name unknown; 2. Angelus, Theodora Comniena, concubine; 3. Philippa, daughter of 1Raymond, prince of Antioch, and widow of Balduwin III., king of Jerusalem, concubine (wife?)-; 4. Anna or Agnes, tdaughter of Louis VII., king of France, and widow of the emperor Alexis 11. a
Page 823 COMNENUS COMYNENUS. 823 a 1. Manuel Sebastocrator; opposed the cruel policy of his father; put to death by Isaac II. Angelus; married Irene. 1 2. Joannes; born in prison, about 1166; destined to succeed his father; put to death by Isaac II. Angelus, in 1186. I 1. ALEXIS I., FIRST EMPEROR OF TREBIZOND; born 1182; carried with his younger brother, by their aunt Thamar, to Trebizond, thence to the Caucasus; conquered Trebizond and a great part of Asia Minor in 1204; emperor in the same year; died in 1222; married Theodora. I I I aria. 5. Alexis, and 6. Irene; lamar. both illegitimate. Irene married Alexis, the illegitimate son of the emperor Manuel. 2. David, a great general; his brother's chief support; died without issue, probably in 1215. 3. (V.) Manuel I., Emperor; succ. his nephew Joannicus, probably in 1238; formed an alliance with the Mongols; reigned 25 years; died March, 1263; marr. 1. Anna Xylaloe; 2. Irene; 3. Princess of Iberia. I - ' 1. A daughter; married Andronicus. GidonComnenus(II.)," Emperor, of unknown parentage, who succeeded Alexis I., and reigned 13 years; died probably in 1235. 2. (III.) Joannes I. Axuchus, Emperor; succeeded Andronicus I. probablyin 1235; reigned 3 years; died probably in 1238. (IV.) Joannicus; Emp. succ. hisfather probably in 1238; confined in a convent shortly afterwards by his uncle Manuel. -- --- I 1. (VI.) Andronicus II. Emperor, succeeded his father Manuel in 1263; reigned three years; died probably in 1266. I 2. (VII.) George, Emperor, succeeded his brother Andronicus II. probably in 1266; reigned 14 years; died probably in 1280. 3. (VIII.) Joannes II., Emperor, 4. succeeded his brother George, probably in 1280; reigned 18 years; died in 1297 or 1298; married, in 1282, Eudoxia, daughter of Michael Palaeologus, emperor of Constantinople. I Theodora. - -- - -- 1. (IX.) Alexis II., Emp.; born in 1283; succ. his father Joannes II. in 1297 or 1298; died in 1330; married a princess of Iberia 1. (X.) Andronicus 2. (XII.) Basil I. Emp.; 3. (XIV.) Anna; III., Emp.; succ. sent to Constantinople; first a nun, then his father Alexis returned; deposed his queen of ImereII. in 1330; reign- nephew Manuel II. in thia; wrested ed 20 months. 1333; died in 1340; the crown from I married, l,Irene(XIII.) Irene in 1341; (XI.) Manuel II., natural daughter of An- strangled by JoEmp. eight years dronicus II., emperor of annes III.(XV) old; succ. his father Constantinople; repudiAndronicus III.; ated soon afterwards; seized the crown in deposed in 1333 1340; reigned 15 months; deposed and sent by his uncle Ba- to Constantinople by Anna (XIV.); 2. Irene, sil. a lady of Trebizond, by whom he had issue 1. (XVII.) Alexis III. Joannes, Emp.; 2. Calo- 3. Maria, born 1338; succeeded Michael in 1349; Joannes. 1351 I died 1390(?); married Theodora Canta- chief of cuzena; bumbled by the Genoese; under Horde. him lived Panaretus, mentioned above. a 2. (XVI.) Michael, 3. George. Emp.; sent to Constantinople; fruitless attempt to seize the crown; imprisoned; succeeded his son Joannes III. in March, 1334; deposed and confined in a convent, in December, 1349. (XV.) Joannes III., Emp.; born about 1322; wrested the crown from the empress Anna in September, 1342; confined in a convent in March 1344 by the nobles who put his father Michael on the throne. married in Kutlu Bey, the White 4. Theodora, married in 1357 HajEmir, chief of Chalybia. o The Roman numerals indicate the order in which the members of the family succeeded to the crown.
Page 824 t24 CONCOLE RUS. CONCORDIA. 1. (XVIII.) Manuel, Emperor, 2. Eudoxia, married Ja- 3. Anna, 4. A daughter, born 1364, Caesar 1376; suc- tines or Zetines, aTurkish married married Taharceeded his father 1390 (?); emir, and after his death Bagrat VI., tan or Zahrasubmitted to Timur; died John V. Palaeologus, king of tan, emir of 1412; married Eudoxia, daugh- Emperor of Constanti- Georgia. Arsinga. ter of David, king of Georgia. nople. (XIX.) Alexis IV., Emperor; succeeded his father in 1412; murdered between 1445 and 1449 married a Cantacuzenian princess. (XX.) 1. Joannes IV. (Calo-Joannes), Emp.; deposed and killed his father between 1445 and 1449; paid tribute to the Turks; died 1458; married a daughter of Alexander, king of Iberia. 2. Alexander, married a daughter of Gatteluzzi, prince of Lesbos. A Son, whose life was spared by Mohammed II. 3. (XXII.) David, the last 4. Maria, 5. A daughter Emperor of Trebizond; seized married married a Turthe crown from his nephew JohnV II. koman emir in Alexis V. in 1458; married Palaeolo- Persia. 1. Maria Theodora, of the gus, em- 6. A daughter; house of the Theodori, princes peror of married George of Gothia in the Crimea; Constan- Brancowicz, kral 2. Helena (Irene), daughter tinople. (king) of Servia. of Matthaeus, and granddaughter of John VI. Cantacuzenus, emperor of Constantinople; deposed by Sultan Mohammed II. in 1462; exiled with his family to Serres, near Adrianople; put to death with nearly all his children by order of the Sultan, probably in 1466. ded 2. A daughter, 3. Catharina, married ýear married Nicolo Usfin Hasan, Emir of by Crespo, duke of Diyarbekr, Sultan of the Archipelago. Mesopotamia. (XXI.) 1. Alexis V., born 1454; succee( his father 1458; deposed in the same y by his uncle David; put to death Sultan Mohammed II. after 1462. 1-7. Seven sons, put to 8. George, the youngest; said to have adopted 9. Anna, her life was death with their father the Mohammedan religion; his life was spared; she married a at Adrianople. spared, but his fate is doubtful. Turkish chief. A branch of the Comnenian family became ex- CONCOLITA'N US (KoytcoNXIavos), a kiiing of tinct at Rome in 1551; another branch flourished the Gallic people called Gaesati, and colleague of in Savoy, and became extinct in 1784. Demetrius Anerohstus, together with whom he made war Comnenus, a captain in the French army, whose against the Romans, B. c. 225. [ANERPOESTUS.] descendants are still alive, pretended to be de- In the battle in which they were defeated, Concoscended from Nicephorus, one of the sons of the litanus was taken prisoner. (Polyb. ii. 31.) [E. E.] last emperor of Trebizond, David, whose life, ac- CONCO'RDIA, a Roman divinity, the personicording to him was spared by Mohammed, and fication of concord. She had several temples at his parentage and name were recognized by letters- Rome, and one was built as early as the time of patent of Louis XVI., king of France. But his Furius Camillus, who vowed and built it in comclaims will hardly stand a critical examination, memoration of the reconciliation between the patrinotwithstanding many so-called authentic docu- cians and plebeians. (Plut. Cam. 42; Ov. Fast. i. ments which he published in a rather curious 639.) This temple, in which frequent meetings of work, " Precis historique de la Maison Imperiale the senate were held, but which appears to have des Comnines, avec Filiation directe et reconnue fallen into decay, was restored by Livia, the wife par Lettres-Patentes du Roi du mois d'Avril, 1782, of Augustus, and was consecrated by her son, depuis David, dernier empereur de Trebizonde, Tiberius, A. n. 9, after his victory over the Pannojusqu' a Demetrius Comnene," Amsterdam, 1784, nians. (Suet. Tib. 20; Dion Cass. lv. 17.) In the 8vo. (Fallmerayer, Geschichte des Kaiserthims von reign of Constantine and Maxentius, the temple Trapezunt.) [W. P.] was burnt down, but was again restored. A second COMUS (KCS/xos), occurs in the later times of temple of Concordia was built by Cn. Flavius on antiquity as the god of festive mirth and joy. He the area of the temple of Vulcan (Liv. ix. 46, xl. was represented as a winged youth, and Philo- 19; Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 6), and a third was vowed stratus (Icon. i. 2) describes him as he appeared in by L. Manlius during a seditious commotion among a painting, drunk and languid after a repast, his his troops in Gaul, and was afterwards erected on head sunk on his breast; he was slumbering in the Capitoline hill. (Liv. xxii. 33.) Concordia is a standing attitude, and his legs were crossed. represented on several coins as a matron, sometimes (Hirt, iMythol. Bilderb. ii. p. 224.) [L. S.] standing and sometimes sitting, and holding in her CONCO'LERUS (Ko-ycdoAipos), the. Greek left hand a cornucopia, and in her right either an name of Sardanapalus. (Polyb. Fragmn. ix,) Other olive branch or a palera. (Comp. Ov. Fast. vi. 91; forms of the name are Koveoo'ylcdicopos (see Suid. Varr. L. L. v. 73, ed. Miiller; Cic. de Nat. Deor. s. v.) and CEr.oc,'ocdaosso. [E. E.] ii. 23,; irt, MJ1sthoL Bilderb. ii. p. 108.) [L. S,]
Page 825 CONON. CONON. 825 CONDIA'NUS, SEX. QUINTI'LIUS, and sander at Aegos-Potami (B. c. 405), Conon alone SEX. QUINTI'LIUS MA'XIMUS, two bro- of the generals was on his guard. He escaped thers remarkable for their mutual affection, high with eight ships, and sought an asylum in Cyprus, character, learning, military skill, and wealth, who which was governed by his friend Evagoras. (Xen. flourished under the Antonines. They were con- Hell. ii. 1. ~ 20, &c.; Diod. xiii. 106; Corn. Nep. suls together in A. D. 151; were subsequently Conon, 1-3.) Here he remained for some years, joint governors, first of Achaia, and afterwards of till the war which the Spartans commenced against Pannonia; they addressed a joint epistle to M. the Persians gave him an opportunity of serving Aurelius, to which he gave a rescript (Dig. 38. his country. There is some difficulty in reconciltit. 2. s. 16. ~ 4); they wrote jointly a work upon ing the accounts which we have left of his proagriculture frequently quoted in the Geoponica; ceedings. He appears to have connected himself and, having been inseparable in life, were not with Pharnabazus (Corn. Nep. Con. 2), and it was divided in death, for they both fell victims at the on the recommendation of the latter, according to same time to the cruelty of Commodus, guiltless of Diodorus (xiv. 39) and Justin (vi. 1), that he was any crime, but open to the suspicion that, from appointed by the Persian king to the command of their high fame and probity, they must have felt the fleet in B. c. 397. From Ctesias (Pers. 63) it disgusted with the existing state of affairs and would appear, that Conon opened a negotiation eager for a change. with the Persian court while at Salamis, and SEX. CONDIANUS, son of Maximus, is said Ctesias was sent down to him with a letter emto have been in Syria at the period of his father's powering him to raise a fleet at the expense of the death, and, in anticipation of his own speedy de- Persian treasury, and to act as admiral under struction, to have devised an ingenious trick for Pharnabazus. He was first attacked, though escape. The story, as told by Dion Cassius, is without success, by Pharax, the Lacedaemonian amusing and romantic, but bears the aspect of a admiral, while lying at Caunus, and soon after fable. (Lamprid. Commod. 4, and Casaubon's succeeded in detaching Rhodes from the Spartan note; Dion Cass. lxxii. 5, and Reimarus's note; alliance. (Diod. xiv. 79.) Though he received Philostrat. Vit. Sophist. ii. 1. ~ 11; Needham, Pro- considerable reinforcements, the want of supplies legomn. ad CGeoponica, Cantab. 1704.) [W. R.] kept him inactive. (Isocr. Paneg. c. 39.) He CONISALUS (Kovi-ahos), a daemon, who to- therefore made a journey to the Persian court in gether with Orthanes and Tychon appeared in the 395. The king granted him all that he wanttrain of Priapus. (Aristoph. Lys. 983; Atlen. x. ed, and at his request appointed Pharnabazus p. 441; Strab. xiii.'p. 588; Hesych. s. v.) [L. S.] as his colleague. (Diod. xiv. 81; Isocr. Paneg. CO'NIUS (Ko'vos), the god inho excites or c. 39; Corn. Nep. Con. 2-4; Justin, vi. 2.) In makes dust, a surname of Zeus, who had an un- B. c. 394, they gained a decisive victory over Picovered temple under this name in the arx of sander, the Spartan admiral, off Cnidus. (Xen. Megara. (Paus. i. 40. ~ 5.) [L. S.] Hell. iv. 3. ~ 10, &c.; Diod. xiv. 83; Corn. Nep. CONNUS (Ko'vos), the son of Metrobius, a Con. 4.) Pharnabazus and Conon now cruised player on the cithara, who taught Socrates music. about the islands and coasts of the Aegean, ex(Plat. Eutiyd. pp. 272, c., 295, d., AMenex. p. 235, pelled the Lacedaemonian harmosts from the marie.; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 22.) This Connus is probably time towns, and won over the inhabitants by the same as the flute-player Connas, mentioned by assurances of freedom from foreign garrisons. (Xen. Aristophanes (Equit. 532), who was, as we learn Hell. iv. 8; Diod. xiv. 84.) In the course of the from the Scholiast, very poor, although he had winter, Conon drew contributions from the cities on gained several victories in the Olympic games. the Hellespont, and in the spring of 393, in conWhether the proverb mentioned by Suidas, Ko'dou junction with Pharnabazus, sailed to the coast of /miiov, " good for nothing," refers to the same Laconia, made descents on various points, ravaged person, is doubtful, the vale of the Pamisus, and took possession of CONON (Ko'vw). 1. A distinguished Athe- Cythera. They then sailed to Corinth, and nian general, who lived in the latter part of the Pharnabazus having left a subsidy for the states in fifth and the beginning of the fourth century B. c. alliance against Sparta, made preparations for reIn 413, he was stationed in command of a fleet off turning home. Conon with his sanction proceeded Naupactus, to prevent the Corinthians from send- to Athens, for the purpose of restoring the long ing succours to the Syracusans. In an engagement walls and the fortifications of Peiraeeus. He was which ensued neither side gained a decisive vic- received with the greatest enthusiasm, and with tory. (Thuc. vii. 31.) In 410, according to Dio- the aid of his crews great progress was in a short dorus (xiii. 48), he was strategus, and was sent to time made towards the restoration of the walls. Corcyra to protect the Athenian interests in that (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. ~ 7, &c.; Diod. xiv. 84, 85; quarter, when Corcyra became the scene of another Pas. i. 2; Corn. Nep. Con. 4; Dem. in Lept. massacre. In 409, he was elected strategus with p. 478; Athen. i. 5, p. 3.) When the Spartans Alcibiades and Thrasybulus (Xen. Hell. i. 4. ~ 10), opened their negotiations with Tiribazus, Conon and again in 406 was made the first of the ten with some others was sent by the Athenians to generals chosen to supersede Alcibiades. (Xen. counteract the intrigues of Antalcidas, but was Hell. i. 5. ~ 16; Diod. xiii. 74.) For an account thrown into prison by Tiribazus. (Xen. Hell. iv. of the operations which forced him to take refuge 8. ~ 16; Diod. xiv. 85; Corn. Nep. Con. 5.) Acin Mytilene, of his blockade by Callicratidas, and cording to some accounts, he was sent into the the victory of the Athenians at Arginusae by which interior of Asia, and there put to death. (Isocr. lie was delivered, see Xen. Hell. i. 6; Diod. xiii. Paneg. c. 41; Diod. xv. 43; Corn. Nep. 1. c.) But 77-79, 97, &c. When all his colleagues were according to the most probable account, he escaped deposed, Conon retained his command. (Xen. to Cyprus. He had property in this island, and He//. vii. 1.) on his death left behind him a considerable fortune, When the Athenian fleet was surprised by Ly- part of which was bequeathed to different relations
Page 826 826 CONON. and temples, and the remainder to his son Timotheus. (Lys. de Arist. Bon. p. 638, ed. Reiske; Corn. Nep. 1. c.) His tomb and that of his son, in the Cerameicus, were to be seen in the time of Pausanias. (i. 29. ~ 15.) 2. Son of Timotheus, grandson of the preceding. On the death of Timotheus nine-tenths of the fines which had been imposed on him were remitted, and Conon was allowed to discharge the remainder in the form of a donation for the repair of the long walls. (Corn, Nep. Tim. 4.) He was sent by the Athenians, together with Phocion and Clearchus, to remonstrate with Nicanor on his seizure of Peiraeeus, B. c. 318. (Diod. xviii. 64.) [C. P. M.] CONON, literary. 1. A grammarian of the age of Augustus, the author of a work entitled AL-Tryo-Js, addressed to Archelaus Philopator, king of Cappadocia. It was a collection of fifty narratives relating to the mythical and heroic period, and especially the foundation of colonies. An epitome of the work has been preserved in the Bibliotheca of Photius (Cod. 186), who speaks in terms of commendation of his Attic style, and remarks (Cod. 189), that Nicolaus Damascenus borrowed much from him. There are separate editions of this abstract in Gale's Histor. Poet. Script. p. 241, &c., Paris, 1675; by Tencher, Lips. 1794 and 1802; and Kanne, Ghtting, 1798. Dion Chrysostom (Or. xviii. tom. i. p. 480) mentions a rhetorician of this name, who may possibly be identical with the last. 2. A Conon is mentioned by the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 1163), who quotes a passage, v -rn 'HpaichEie, and mentions a treatise by him, IHipl -ris Nericaoes. Josephus (c. Apion. i. 23) also speaks of a writer of this name. 3. Another Conon, whether identical with any of those above-mentioned or not is uncertain, is mentioned by Servius (ad Virg. Aen. vii. 738) as having written a work on Italy. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. iv. p. 25; Voss. de list. Gr. pp. 206, 420, ed. Westermann.) 4. There was a Christian writer of this name, who wrote on the resurrection against Johannes Philoponus. (Phot. Cod. 23, 24.) [C. P. M. CONON (Koywv), of Samos, a mathematician and astronomer, lived in the time of the Ptolemies Philadelphus and Euergetes (B. c. 283-222), and was the friend and probably the teacher of Archimedes, who survived him. None of his works are preserved. His observations are referred to by Ptolemy in his (epdeis dTrXaviAv, and in the historical notice appended to that work they are said to have been made in Italy (Petav. Uranolog. p. 93), in which country he seems to have been celebrated. (See Virgil's mention of him, Eel. iii. 40.) According to Seneca (Nat. Quaest. vii. 3), he made a collection of the observations of solar eclipses preserved by the Egyptians. Apollonius Pergaeus (Conic. lib. iv. praef.) mentions his attempt to demonstrate some propositions concerning the number of points in which two conic sections can cut one another. Conon was the inventor of the curve called the spiral of Archimedes [ARCHIMEDES]; but he seems to have contented himself with proposing the investigatior of its properties as a problem to other geometers. (Pappus, Mathl. Coll. iv. Prop. 18.) He is said to have given the name Coma Berenices to the constellation so called [BERENICE, 3], on the authority of an ode of CONSENTIUS. Callimachus translated by Catullus (lxvii. de Coma Berenices); a fragment of the original is preserved by Theon in his Scholia on Aratus. (Plhaenom. 146; see also Hyginus, Po't. Astron. ii. 24.) But it is doubtful whether the constellation was really adopted by the Alexandrian astronomers. The strongest evidence which remains to us of Conon's mathematical genius consists in the admiration with which he is mentioned by Archimedes. See his prefaces to the, treatises on the Quadrature of tle Parabola and on Spirals. [W. F. D.] CONOSTAULUS BESTES. [BESTES.] CONO'NEUS (Kovuwvvcs), a Tarentine, is mentioned by Appian (Annib. 32) as the person who betrayed Tarentum to the Romans in B. c. 213. (Comp. Frontin. Strateg. iii. 3. ~ 6, where Oudendorp has restored this name from Appian.) Polybius (viii. 19, &c.) and Livy (xxv. 8, &c.) say, that Philemenus and Nicon were the leaders of the conspiracy; but Schweighauser remarks (ad App. 1. c.), that as Percon was the cognomen of Nicon (see Liv. xxvi. 39), so there is no reason why we should not infer that Cononeus was the cognomen of Philemenus. [PHILEMENUS.] P. CONSA. A Roman jurist of this name is mentioned by legal biographers and by writers who have made lists of jurists, as Val. Forsterus, Rutilius, Guil. Grotius, and Fabricius, but they give no authority for their statement. The only authority that we can find for this name is an anecdote in Plutarch's life of Cicero (c. 26), repeated in his Apophthegmata. When P. Consa, an ignorant and empty man, who held himself forth as a jurist, was summoned as a witness in a cause, and declared that he knew nothing whatever about the matter that he was examined upon, Cicero said to him, drily, " Perhaps you think that the question relates to law." The reading of the name in Plutarch is exceedingly doubtful,-Publius may be Popillius, and Consa may be Caius, Cassius, or Cotta. [J. T. G.] CONSENTES DII, the twelve Etruscan gods, who formed the council of Jupiter. Their name is probably derived from the ancient verb conso, that is, consulo. According to Seneca (Quaest. Nat. ii, 41), there was above the Consentes and Jupiter a yet higher council, consisting of mysterious and nameless divinities, whom Jupiter consulted when he intended to announce to mankind great calamities or changes by his lightnings. The Consentes Dii consisted of six male and six female divinities, but we do not know the names of all of them; it is however certain that Juno, Minerva, Summanus, Vulcan, Saturn, and Mars were among them. According to the Etruscan theology, they ruled over the world and time; they had come into existence at the beginning of a certain period of the world, at the end of which they were to cease to exist. They were also called by the name of Complices, and were probably a set of divinities distinct from the twelve great gods of the Greeks and Romans. (Varro, R. R. i. 1, ap. Arnob. adv. Gent. iii. 40; Hartung, Die Reli. d. R.s'm. ii. p. 5.) [L. S.] P. CONSE'NTIUS, the author of a grammatical treatise "Ars P. Consentii V. C. de duabus partibus Orationis, Nomine et Verbo," published originally by J. Sichard at Basle, in 1528, and subsequently, in a much more complete form, in the collection of Putschius (Granmmaicae Latin. Awctores Antic. 4to. H-annov. 1605), who had access to MSS. which enabled him to supply numerous
Page 827 CONSIDIUS. CONSIDIUS. 827 ard large deficiencies. Another work by the same uprightness as a judge both in B. c. 70 (in Verr. i. writer, entitled "Ars de Barbarismis et Metaplas- 7) and in B. c. 66. (Pro Cluent. 38.) Considius mis," was recently discovered by Cramer in a is spoken of as quite an old 'man in Caesar's conRegensburg MS. now at Munich, and was pub- sulship, B. c. 59, and it is related of him, that lished at Berlin, in 1817, by Buttmann. It is of when very few senators came to the house, on one considerable value on account of the fragments occasion, he told Caesar, that the reason of their quoted from lost productions, and of the view which absence was their fear of his arms and soldiers; it affords of the state of the language and of gram- and that when Caesar thereupon asked him why matical studies at the period when it was com- he also did not stop at home, he replied, that old posed. In the " de Barbarismis" we find a refer- age had deprived him of all fear. (Plut. Caes. 14; ence to a third essay on the structure of periods, Cic. ad Att. ii. 24.) " de Structurarum Ratione," which, if ever pub- 5. Q. CONSIDIUS, the usurer, may perhaps be lished, is no longer extant. the same as the preceding, especially as the anecConsentius is commonly believed to have flou- dote related of him is in accordance with the rished at Constantinople in the middle of the fifth character which Cicero gives of the senator. It is century, on the supposition that he was one or related of this Considius, that, when in the Catiliother of the following individuals. narian conspiracy, B. c. 63, the value of all property 1. CONSENTIUS, a poet violently bepraised by had been so much depreciated that it was imposSidonius Apollinaris. (Carm. xxiii., Epist. viii. 4.) sible even for the wealthy to pay their creditors, He married a daughter of the consul Jovianus, by lie did not call in the principal or interest of any whom he had a son, namely of the sums due to him, although he had 15 mil2. CONSENTIUS, who rose to high honour under lions of sesterces out at interest, endeavouring by Valentinian III., by whom he was named Comes this indulgence to mitigate, as far as he could, the Palatii and despatched upon an important mission general alarm. (Val. Max. iv. 8. ~ 3; comp. Cic. to Theodosius. He also had a son, namely ad Att. i. 12.) 3. CONSENTIUS, who devoted himself to literary 6. Q. CONSIDIUs GALLUS, one of the heirs of leisure and the enjoyments of a rural life, and is Q. Turius in B. c. 43, was perhaps a son of No. 4. celebrated as well as his grandfather by Sidonius. (Cic. ad Fam. xii. 26.) Fabricius (Bibl. Lat. vol. iii. p. 745) tells us, 7. P. CONSIDIUS, served under Caesar in his that in some MSS. the grammarian is styled not first campaign in Gaul, B. c. 58, and is spoken of only vir clarissimus, the ordinary appellation of as an experienced soldier, who had served under learned men at that period, but also quintius consu- L. Sulla and afterwards under M. Crassus. (Caes. laris quinque civitatum, which might perhaps lead B. G. i. 21.) us to identify him with the second of the above 8. M. CONsIDIus NONIANUS, praetor in B. c. 52. personages. [W. R.] He is spoken of in 49 as the intended successor of CONSE'VIUS or CONSI'VIUS, the propa- Caesar in the province of Nearer Gaul, and he asgator, occurs as the surname of Janus and Ops. sisted Pompey in the same year in conducting his (Macrob. Sat. i. 9, iii. 9; Fest.s.v. Opimau.) [L. S.] preparations at Capua. (Ascon. in Cic. Mil. p. 55, CONSI'DIA GENS, plebeian. None of its ed. Orelli; Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 12, ad Att. viii. 11,..) members ever obtained any higher office in the The name of C. Considius Nonianus occurs on state than the praetorship, and are, with once ex- coins. (Eckhel, v. p. 177.) ception, mentioned only in the last century of the 9. C. CONSIDIUS LONGUS, propraetor in Africa, republic. The cognomens of this gens are Gallus, left his province shortly before the breaking out of Longus, Nonianus, and Paetus, the last two of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, in which also occur on coins; but as there is some order to go to Rome to become a candidate for the confusion between some of the members of the consulship, entrusting the government to Q. Ligagens, an account of all of them is given under rius. (Cic. pro Ligar.' 1; Schol. Gronov. in Ligar. CONSIDIUS, and not under the cognomens. p. 414, ed. Orelli.) When the civil war broke out CONSI'DIUS. 1. Q. ConsemIUS, tribune of in B. c. 49, Considius espoused Pompey's party, the plebs, B. c. 476, united with his colleague T. and returned to Africa, where he held Adrumetum Genucius in bringing forward the agrarian law with one legion. (Caes. B. C. ii. 23.) He still again, and also in accusing T. Menenius Lanatus, had possession of Adrumetum two years afterthe consul of the preceding year, because it was wards, B. c. 47, when Caesar came into Africa; supposed that the Fabii had perished at Cremera and when a letter was sent him by the hands of a through his neglect. (Liv. ii. 52; Dionys. ix. 27.) captive, Considius caused the unfortunate bearer 2. CONsIDius, a farmer of the public taxes to be put to death, because he said he had brought (peublicanus), brought an action against L. Sergius it from the imperator Caesar, declaring at the same Orata, who was praetor in B. c. 98, on account of time himself, that Scipio was the only imperator of his illegal appropriation of the waters of the Lu- the Roman people at that time. Shortly aftercrine sea. Orata was defended by L. Crassus, who wards Considius made an unsuccessful attempt wvas a friend of Considius. (Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 1.) upon Achilla, a free town in Caesar's interest, and 3. L. CONSIDIUS, conducted, in conjunction with was obliged to retire to Adrumetum. We next Sex. Saltius, a colony to Capua, which was formed hear of Considius in possession of the stronglyby M. Brutus, the father of the so-called tyrasnni- fortified town of Tisdra; but after the defeat of cide, in his tribunate, B. c. 83. [BRUTUS, No. 20 ] Scipio at Thapsus, and when he heard that Cn. Considius and Saltius are ridiculed by Cicero for Domitius Calvinus was advancing against the town, the arrogance which they displayed, and for calling he secretly withdrew from it, accompanied by a thecmnselves praetors instead of duumvirs. (Cic. de few Gaetulians and laden with money, intending Ley. Agr. ii. 34.) to fly into Mauretania. But he was murdered on 4. Q. CONSDIUS, a senator and one of the the journey by thle Gaetulians, who coveted Ihis judices, is praised by Cicero for his integrity and treasures. (Ilirt. B. Af-. 3, 4, 33, 43, 76, 86, 93.)
Page 828 828 CONSTANS. CONSTANS. 10. C. CONSIDIUS, son of No. 9, fell into Caesar's power, when he obtained possession of Adrumetum after the battle of Thapsus, B. c. 47, and was pardoned by Caesar. (Hirt. B. Afr. 89.) It is supposed that he may be the same as the C. Considius Paetus, whose name occurs on coins; but this is mere conjecture. (Eckhel, v. p. 177.) CONSTANS I., FLA'VIUS JU'LIUS, the youngest of the three sons of Constantine the Great and Fausta, was at an early age appointed by his father governor of Western Illyricum, Italy, and Africa, countries which he subsequently received as his portion upon the division of the empire in A. D. 337. After having successfully resisted the treachery and violence of his brother Constantine, who was slain in invading his territory, A. D. 340, Constans became master of the whole West, and being naturally indolent, weak, and profligate, abandoned himself for some years without restraint to the indulgence of the most depraved passions. While hunting in Gaul, he suddenly received intelligence that Magnentius [MAGNENTIus] had rebelled, that the soldiers had mutinied, and that emissaries had been despatched to put him to death. Flying with all speed, he succeeded in reaching the Pyrenees, but was overtaken near the town of Helena (formerly Illiberis) by the cavalry of the usurper, and was slain, A. D. 350, in the thirtieth year of his age and the thirteenth of his reign. (Aurel. Vict. de Caes. xli., Epit. xli.; Eutrop. x. 5; Zosimus, ii. 42; Zonaras, xiii. 6.) [W. R.] ' s COIN OF CONSTANS I. CONSTANS II., FLA'VIUS HERA'CLIUS, emperor of the East, A. D. 641-668, the elder son of the emperor Constantine III. and the empress Gregoria, was born on the 7th of November, A. D. 630, and his original name was Heraclius. After the death of his father, who reigned but a few months, in A. D. 641, the throne was seized by Heracleonas, the younger brother of Constantine III.; but as Heracleonas was a tool in the hands of his ambitious mother, Martina, he incurred the hatred of the people, and a rebellion broke out, which was headed by Valentinus Caesar. Valentine at first compelled Heracleonas to admit his nephew Heraclius as co-regent, and on this occasion Heraclius adopted the name of Constantino, which he afterwards changed into that of Constans. Not satisfied with this result, Valentine proclaimed Constans sole emperor: Heracleonas and Martina were made prisoners, and, after being mutilated, were sent into exile. Thus Constans II. succeeded in the month of August, A. n. 641, and on account of his youth was obliged to be satisfied with only the name of emperor, and to abandon his authority to Valentine, who is probably identical with one Valentinian, who rebelled in A. D. 644, but was killed in a skirmish in the streets of Constantinople. The reign of Constans II. is remarkable for the great losses which the empire sustained by the attacks of the Arabs and Longobards or Lombards. Egypt, and at last its capital, Alexandria, had been conquered by 'Amru, the general of the khalif 'Omar, towards the close of the reign of the emperor Heraclius, the grandfather of Constans. (A. D. 610 -641.) Anxious to regain possession of Alexandria, Constans fitted out an expedition against Egypt, and we are informed by the Chinese annalists, that he sent ambassadors to the emperor of China, Taisum, to excite him to a war against the Arabs, by whom the Chinese possessions in Turkistan were then infested. (Comp. De Guignes, Histoire ginerale des Huns, i. pp. 55, 56.) This emperor reigned from A. D. 627 till 650, and as the Christian religion was preached in China during his reign by Syrian monks, from which we may conclude that an intercourse existed between China and the Greek empire, the fact related by the Chinese annalists seems worthy of belief, especially as the danger from the Arabs was common to both the empires. When Manuel, the commander of the imperial forces, appeared with a powerful fleet off Alexandria, the inhabitants took up arms against the Arabic governor 'Othman, and with their assistance Manuel succeeded in taking the town. (A. D. 646.) But he maintained himself there only a short time. 'Amru approached with a strong army; he took the town by assault, and Manuel fled to Constantinople with the remnants of his forces. A considerable portion of Alexandria was destroyed, and the Greeks never got possession of it again. Encouraged by this success, the khalif 'Omar ordered his lieutenant 'Abdu-1-lah to invade the Greek possessions in northern Africa. 'Abdu1-lah met with great success; he conquered and killed in battle Gregorius, the imperial governor of Africa, and the Greeks ceded to him Tripolitana, and promised to pay an annual tribute for the remaining part of the imperial dominions in Africa; This treaty was concluded without the consent of Constans, and although it was dictated by necessity, the emperor blamed and punished his officers severely, and shewed so much resentment against his subjects in Africa, that he took revenge upon them seventeen years afterwards, as is mentioned below. While 'Abdu-1-lah was gaining these advantages in Africa, Mulawiyah, who subsequently became khalif, drove the Greeks out of Syria, and, after conquering that country, sailed with a fleet of 1700 small craft to Cyprus, conquered the whole island, and imposed upon the inhabitants an annual tribute of 7200 pieces of gold. The island, however, was taken from the Arabs two years after the conquest, by the imperial general Cacorizus. The Arabs made also considerable progress in Cilicia and Isauria, which were ravaged by Bizr, one of their best generals. While the finest provinces of the East thus became a prey to the khalifs, the emperor was giving all his attention towards the protection of monothelism, to which sect he was addicted, and the persecution of the orthodox catholic faith. Unable to finish the religious contest by reasonable means, Constans issued an edict by which he prohibited all discussions on religious subjects, hoping thus to establish monothelism by oppressive measures. This edict, which is known by the name of " Typus," created as much discontent as laughter: it was rejected by the pope and generally by all the churches in Italy, and contributed much to ruin the emperor in public opinion. His subjects manifested publicly their
Page 829 CONSTANS. contempt for his character, and the governors of distant provinces paid so little respect to his authority, that they seemed to be independent princes. A revolt broke out in Armenia under Pasagnathus, who made himself completely independent; but he afterwards returned to obedience. As early as 648, a truce for two years had been concluded between the Arabs and Constans. 'Abdu-1-lah availed himself of that truce to invade and conquer Nubia and Abyssinia; but he returned in 651, renewed hostilities, and sent an expedition against Sicily, where the Arabs took several places, and maintained themselves there. In the same year Mu'awiyah spread terror through both the East and the West by the conquest of Rhodes, and it was on this occasion that the famous colossus was sold to a Jew of Edessa. The fall of Rhodes failed to rouse Constans from his carelessness. He still endeavoured to compel obedience to his " Typus" in Italy, although it had been condemned by pope Martin I. Theodorus Calliopas, the imperial exarch in Italy, arrested Martin in his own palace in 653, and sent him from thence to Messina, afterwards to the island of Naxos, and at last, in 654, to Constantinople. Here, after a mock trial, he was condemned of holding treacherous correspondence with the infidels, and was mutilated and banished to Cherson, in the Chersonnesus Taurica, where he died in September, A. D. 655. Many other bishops of the orthodox faith were likewise persecuted, among whom was St. Maximus, who died in exile in the Caucasus, in 662. In 655,the war with the Arabs became alarmingly dangerous. M u'awiyah, then governor of Syria, fitted out a fleet, which he entrusted to the command of Ab l-1- abir, while he himself with the land forces marched against Caesareia, whence he intended to proceed to the Bosporus. In this imminent danger Constans gave the command of Constantinople to his eldest son, Constantine, and sailed himself with his own ships against the hostile fleet. The two fleets met off the coast of Lycia, and an obstinate battle ensued, in which the Greeks were at last completely defeated. Constantinople seemed to be lost. But the khalif 'OthmAn was assassinated in 655, and Md'awiyah, who was chosen in his stead, was obliged to renounce the conquest of Constantinople, and to defend his own empire against the attempts of 'Ali, and afterwards of his son HasIn, who assumed the title of khalif, and maintained themselves at Kufd till 668. Delivered from the Arabs, Constans made war upon the Slavonian nations south and north of the Danube with great success. In 661, Constans put his brother Theodosius to death. The reasons for this crime are not well known; for, as Theodosius had taken orders, and was consequently unfit for reigning, political jealousy could not be the cause; perhaps there was some religious difference between the two brothers. The murder of his brother pressed heavily upon him; he constantly dreamt about him, and often awoke, crying out that Theodosius was standing at his bedside, holding a cup of blood, and saying, " Drink, brother, drink! " His palace at Constantinople was insupportable to him, and he at last resolved to quit the East and to fix his residence in Italy. The political state of this country, however, was as strong a reason for the emperor's presence there as the visions of a murderer. CONSTANS. 829 As early as A. D. 641, Rotharis, king of the Longobards, attacked the imperial dominions in northern Italy, and conquered the greater part of them. One of his successors, Grimoald, had formed designs against the Greek possessions in southern Italy, where the emperor was still master of the duchies of Rome and Naples, with both the Calabrias. Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica belonged likewise to the Greek empire. The emperor's authority in Italy was much shaken by the religious and civil troubles which he had caused there by his absurd edict, the " Typus;" but, on the other hand, the dissensions among the dukes and other great chiefs of the Longobards seemed to afford a favourable chance for the re-establishment of the Roman empire of Italy by the Greeks, an enterprise which one hundred years before the emperor Justinian had so gloriously achieved by his general Narses. Under these circumstances, Constans resolved not only to imitate the example of Justinian, but to make Rome once more the centre of the Roman empire. His resolution caused the greatest surprise, for since the downfall of the Western empire no emperor had resided, nor even made a momentary stay, in Italy. " But," said Constans, " the mother (Rome) is worthier of my care than the daughter (Constantinople);" and, having fitted out a fleet, he fixed the day of his departure, and ordered the empress and his three sons to accompany him. He waited for them on board of his galley, but no sooner had they left the imperial palace, than the people of Constantinople rose in revolt and prevented them by force from joining the emperor. Being informed of this, Constans spit against the city, cursed its inhabitants, and ordered the sailors to weigh anchor. This took place towards the end of 662. Constans stayed the winter at Athens, having previously appointed his eldest son, Constantine, governor of Constantinople. Our space prevents us from giving an account of his campaign in Italy; it is sufficient to state, that though he met at first with some success, his troops were afterwards defeated by the Longobards, and he was obliged to relinquish his design of subduing them. After plundering the churches and other public buildings of Rome of their finest ornaments and treasures, he took up his residence at Syracuse for a time. In this city also he gratified his love of avarice and cruelty to such an extent, that many thousands fled from the island and settled in different parts of Syria, especially at Damascus, where they adopted the religion of Mohammed. The emperor's absence from the seat of government excited Mu'awiyah to make fresh inroads into the Greek provinces. It has been already related that Constans was deeply offended on account of the treaty having been concluded without his consent between his officers in Africa and the Arabian general 'Abdu1-lah. In 665, Mdu'awiyah being then chiefly occupied in the eastern part of the Khalifate, Constans resolved to revenge himself upon his subjects in Africa, and accordingly imposed a tribute upon them which was more than double what they had engaged to pay to the Arabs. This avaricious and imprudent measure caused a revolt. They invited the Arabs to take possession of their country, promising to make no resistance. Upon this Mud'awiyah entered Africa, defeated the few troops who were faithful to Constans, and extended his
Page 830 830 CONSTANTIA. CONSTANTINUS. conquests as far as the frontiers of Mauretania. 365, and who carried his captives with him in all During the same time the Longobards extended his expeditions, in order to excite his troops by their conquests in Italy. Despised and hated by their presence. Constantia died before her husall his subjects, Constans lost his life by the hand band Gratian, that is, before 383, leaving no issue. of an assassin, at least in a most mysterious (Amm. Marc. xxi. 15, xxv. 7, 9, xxix. 6.) [W.P.] manner, perhaps by the intrigues of orthodox CONSTANTI'NA, FLA'VIA JU'LIA, by priests. On the 15th of July, 668, he was found some authors named CONSTA'NTIA, daughter of drowned in his bath at Syracuse. He left three Constantine the Great and Fausta, was married to sons, Constantine IV. Pogonatus, his successor, Hannibalianus, and received from her father the Heraclius, and Tiberius. The name of his wife is title of Augusta. Disappointed in her ambitious not known. (Theophanes, p. 275, &c., ed. Paris; hopes by the death of her husband, she encouraged Codrenus, p. 429, &c., ed. Paris; Zonaras, vol. ii. the revolt of Vetranio [VETRANIO], and is said to p. 87, &c., ed. Paris; Glycas, p. 277, &c., ed. have placed the diadem on his brows with her own Paris; Philo Byzantinus, Libelhls de Septem Orbis hand. She subsequently became the wife of GalSpectaculis, ed. Orelli, Leipzig, 1816, pp. 15, &c., lus Caesar (A. D. 351), and three years afterwards 30, &c., and the notes of Leo Allatius, p. 97, &c.; (A. u. 354) died of a fever in Bithynia. This Paulus Diaconus (Warnefried), De Gestis Longo- princess, if we can trust the highly-coloured picture bardorum, iv. 51, &c., v. 6-13, 30; Abulfeda, drawn by Ammianus Marcellinus, must have been Vita Mlohammed, p. 109, ed. Reiske, Annales, p. a perfect demon in the human form, a female fury 65, &c., ed. Reiske.) [W. P.] ever thirsting for blood, and stimulating to deeds CONSTA'NTIA. 1. FLAVIA VALERIA CON- of violence and savage atrocity the cruel temper of STANTIA, also called CONSTANTINA, the daughter of Gallus, who after her death ascribed many of his Constantius Chlorus Caesar and his second wife, former excesses to her evil promptings. Theodora, was born after A. D. 292 and before A. D. (Amm. Marc. xiv. 1, &c.; Aurel. Vict. 41, 42; 306, either in Gaul or Britain. She was a half-sister Julian, Epist. ad At/hen. p. 501, ed. 1630; Philosof Constantine the Great, who gave her in marriage torg. Hist. Eccl. iii. 22, iv. 1; Theophan. Chronog. in 313 to C. Valerius Licinianus Licinius Augustus, p. 37, ed. 1655.) [W. R.] master of the East. In the civil war which broke CONSTANTFNUS, the second son of Conout between Constantine and Licinius in 323, the stantius Chlorus, and the first whom he had by latter was entirely defeated at Chrysopolis, now Scu- his second wife, Theodora, was probably murdered tari opposite Constantinople, and fled to Nicomedeia, by his nephew, the emperor Constantius. He is where he was besieged by the victor. In order to mentioned only by Zonaras (vol. i. p. 246, ed. save the life of her husband, who was able neither Paris). There is much doubt respecting him, alto defend the town nor to escape, Constantia went though it appears from Julianus (Epist. ad Pop. into the camp of her brother, and by her earnest Athen. p. 497, ed. Paris), that Constantius put two entreaties obtained pardon for Licinius. Afraid, uncles to death; so that we are forced to admit however, of new troubles, Constantine afterwards three brothers of Constantine the Great, one of gave orders to put him to death; but this severity whom, Hannibalianus, died before him, while his did not alter his friendship for his sister, whom he brothers Constantius and Constantinus survived always treated with kindness and respect. Con- him. The passage in Philostorgius (ii. 4) " MET stantia was first an orthodox Christian, having oi roArv)' Xpovov (after the empress Fausta was been baptized by pope Sylvester at Rome; but she suffocated in a bath) Ubr Trov cdieAl&s v cpappdaKOts afterwards adopted the Arian creed. It appears Karad - NIv KOs i3Eiav 8ia7rpisov'ra davapeOrvae" that she was governed by an Arian priest, whose says clearly, that at the death of Constantine the name is unknown, but who was certainly a man of Great there was more than one brother of him great influence, for it was through him that she alive. [CONSTANTIUS II.] [W. P.] obtained the pardon of Arius, who had been sent CONSTANTI'NUS, the tyrant, emperor in into exile in 325, after his opinion had been con- Britain, Gaul, and Spain, was a common soldier in demned by the council at Nicaea. During the the Roman army stationed in Britain in the benegotiations concerning the recall of Arius, Con- ginning of the fifth century of our aera, during the stantia fell ill, and, being visited by her brother reign of the emperor Honorius. In A. D. 407 these Constantine, besought him on her death-bed to troops rebelled, and chose one Marcus emperor, restore Arius to liberty. She died some time whom they murdered soon afterwards. They then afterwards, between 328 and 330. She had a son swore obedience to one Gratianus, and having got by Licinius, whose name was Flavius Licinianus tired of him, they killed him likewise, and chose Licinius Caesar. (Philostorg. i. 9; Theophan. pp. one of their comrades, Constantine, in his stead. 9, 27, ed. Paris; Euseb. H. E. x. 8; Socrat. i. 2; They had no other motive for selecting him but Zosim. ii. pp. 17, 28.) the fact that he bore the venerated and royal name 2. FLAVIA MAXIMA CONSTANTIA, the daugh- of Constantine. Although little fitted for the duter of the emperor Constantius II. and his third ties of his exalted rank, Constantine considered wife, Faustina, was born shortly after the death of that he should soon share the fate of his predecesher father in A. D. 361. In 375 she was destined sors, if he did not employ his army in some serious to marry the young emperor Gratian, but, on her business. He consequently carried his troops imway.to the emperor, was surprised in Illyria bythe mediately over to Gaul, and landed at Boulogne. Quadi, who had invaded the country, and would This country was so badly defended, that Constanhave been carried away into captivity but for the tine was recognized in nearly every province before timely succour of Messalla, the governor of Illyria, the year had elapsed in which lie was invested who brought her safely to Sirmium. When a with the purple. (A. D. 407.) Stilicho, who was child of four years, she had the misfortune to be commissioned by the emperor Honorius, sent his seized with her mother by Procopius, a cousin of lieutenant Sarus, a Goth, into Gaul, who defeated the emperor Julian, who had raised a rebellion in and killed Justinian, and assassinated Nervigastes,
Page 831 CONSTANTINUS. CONSTANTINUS. 831 the two best generals of the usurper. Constantine the siege and to fly to the Pyrenees, where he was besieged by Sarus in Vienna, now Vienne in perished with his wife. Constantius commanded Dauphine; but, assisted by the skill of Edobincus part of his troops to pursue him; with the other and especially Gerontius, the successors of Justi- part he continued the siege, as is related under nian and Nervigastes in the command of the army, CONSTANTIUS, and afterwards compelled Constanhe defeated the besiegers, and drove them back tine to surrender on condition of having his life beyond the Alps. Upon this, he took up his resi- preserved. Constantine and his second son Julian dence at Arelatum, now Arles, and sent his son were sent to Italy; but Honorius did not keep Constans, whom he created Caesar, into Spain, the promise made by his general, and both the At the head of the Honoriani, a band of mercenary captives were put to death. The revolt of Conbarbarians, Constans soon established the authority stantine is of great importance in the history of of his father in Spain (A. D. 408), and was re- Britain, since in consequence of it and the rebelwarded with the dignity of Augustus. lion of the inhabitants against the officers of ConIn the following year Honorius judged it pru- stantine, the emperor Honorius gave up all hopes dent to acknowledge Constantine as emperor, in of restoring his authority over that country, and order that he might obtain his assistance against recognized its independence of Rome,-a circumthe Goths. Constantine did not hesitate to arm stance that led to the conquest of Britain by the for the defence of Honorius, having previously ob- Saxons. (A. D. 411.) (Zosim. lib. v. ult. and lib. tained his pardon for the assassination of Didymus vi., the chief source; Ores. vii. 40-42; Sozom. (Didymius) and Verinianus (Verenianus), two ix. 11-13; Jornandes, de Reb. Goth. p. 112, ed. kinsmen of Honorius, who had been killed by Lindenbrog; Sidon. Apoll. Epist. v. 9; Prosper, order of Constantine for having defended Spain Chron., Honorio VII. et Theodosio II. Coss., against his son Constans; and he entered Italy at Theodosio Aug. IV. Cons.) [W. P.] the head of a strong army, his secret intention being to depose Honorius and to make himself master of the whole Western empire. He had / halted under the walls of Verona, when he was ju suddenly recalled to Gaul by the rebellion of his |, general, Gerontius, who, having the command of - the army in Spain, persuaded the troops to support his revolt. In a short time, Gerontius was master of Spain; but, instead of assuming the purple, he had his friend iMaximus proclaimed emperor, COIN OF CONSTANTINUS, THE TYRANT. and hastened into Gaul, where Constantine had just arrived from Italy. Constans, the son of CONSTANTI'NUS I., FLA'VIUS VALE'Constantine, was taken prisoner at Vienna, and RIUS AURE'LIUS, surnamed MAGNUS or put to death, and his father shut himself up in "the Great," Roman emperor, A. D. 306-337, the Arles, where he was besieged by Gerontius. This eldest son of the emperor Constantius Chlorus by state of things was suddenly changed by the arrival his first wife Helena. His descent and the prinof Constantius, the general of Honorius, with an cipal members of his family are represented in the army strong enough to compel Gerontius to raise following genealogical table: Crispus, brother of the emperors Claudius II. and Quintilius. I Claudia, married Eutropius. Constantius Chlorus, Augustus in A. D. 305; died at York in A.D. 306; married 1. Helena the Saint, 2. Theodora. I CONSTANTINUS MAGNUS. Married, 1. Minervina; 2. Fausta, daughter of the emperor Galerius and his second wife Eutropia. I I - - - 1. Crispus; Caesar, 316; put to death by order of his father, 326; married Helena; issue unknown. 2. Constantinus II., surnamed the Younger; born, 312; Caesar, 316; Emperor, 337; died, 340. Twice married (?); no issue known. 3. Constantius II.; born, 317; Caesar, 326 (?); Emperor, 337; sole Emp. 353; died, 361; rmarr. 1. unknown; 2. Flavia Aurelia Eusebia; 3. Maxima Faustina. 4. Constans born, 320; Caesar, 330 (335 ); Emp. 337; killed, 350 marr. Olyn pia; no issi known. Further issue of Constantius Chlorus by Theodora, see belozw.; 5. Constantius or Constantia; married 1. her kinsman lHan3 nibalianus, king of Pontus; 2. Constantine Gallus, emp. 6. Constantia or Constantina;; nun. a- 7. Helena, Flavia Maximiana; ae married the emperor Julian, her kinsman. Flavia Maxima Constantia, married the emperor Gratianus.
Page 832 832 CONSTANTIN US. CONSTANTIN US. From above. Further issue of CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS by his second wife, Theodora. 1. Constantinus, murdered 2. Dalmatius Flavius 3. Constantius, Consul, 335; murdered by the emperor Constan- Hannibalianus; time by the emperor Constantius; married, tius II.; no issue known. of death unknown. 1. Galla; 2. Basilina. 1. Dalmatius, Flavius Julius, Consul in 2. Hannibalianus, Flavius Claudius, king of A. D. 333. Put to death by the em- Pontus; married Constantina, eldest daughter peror Constantine the Younger in 339 of Constantine the Great; perished in the or 340; no issue known. wholesale murder of his kinsmen. A Son, 2. Gallus, Flavius Julius, born in 3. A 4. Julianus, surnamed the Apostate; killed 325; Caesar, 341; disobedient; daugh- born 332 (?); Caesar, 355; succeeded by the put to death by the emperor Con- ter, mar- Constantius in 361; killed in the Peremperor stantius II. near Pola, in Istria, in ried the sian war, 26th of June, 363. Married Constan- 354; married Constantina, widow emperor Helena, Flavia Maximiana, youngest tius II. of Hannibalianus and eldest daugh- Constan-.daughter of Constantine the Great; in 341. ter of Constantine the Great. tins. left issue whose fate is unknown. From above. Further issue of CONSTANTIUS CHLnORUS by Theodora. 4. Constantia or Constantina [CON- 5. Anastasia, married Bassianus Caesar, 6. Eutropia, marSTANTIA] Flavia Valeria, married and after his death, probably, Lucius Ra- ried Popilius Nein 313 Valeria Licinianus Licinius, mius Aconitus Optatus, cocnsul. potianus, consul. Augustus; died between 328 and 330. Flavius Licinianus Licinius, put to Flavius Popilius Nepotianus; assumed the purple in Gaul death by Constantine the Great. in 350; killed at Rome in the same year. Constantine was born in the month of February, position as a kind of hostage he was exposed to A. n. 272. There are many different opinions re- the machinations of the ambitious, the jealous, and specting his birth-place; but it is most probable, the designing; and the dangers by which he was and it is now generally believed, that he was born surrounded increased after the abdication of Dioat Naissus, now Nissa, a well-known town in cletian and Maximian and the accession of his Dardania or the upper and southern part of Moesia father and Galerius as emperors (A. D. 305). He Superior.* continued to live in the East under the eyes of Constantine was distinguished by the choicest Galerius, whose jealousy of the superior qualities gifts of nature, but his education was chiefly of Constantine was so great, that he meditated his military. When his father obtained the supreme ruin by exposing him to personal dangers, from command in Gaul, Britain, and Spain, he did not which Constantine, however, escaped unhurt. In accompany him, but remained with the emperor such circumstances he was compelled to cultivate Diocletian as a kind of hostage for the fidelity of and improve his natural prudence and sagacity, his parent, and he attended that emperor on his and to accustom himself to that reserve and discelebrated expedition in.Egypt. After the capture cretion to which he afterwards owed a considerable of Alexandria and the pacification of that country part of his greatness, and which was the more rein A. D. 296, Constantine served under Galerius in markable in him as he was naturally of a most the Persian war, which resulted in the conquest lively disposition. The jealousy of Galerius beand final cession to the Romans of Iberia, Arme- came conspicuous when he conferred the dignity of nia, Mesopotamia, and the adjoining countries, for Caesar upon his sons, Severus and Maximin, a which Diocletian and Maximian celebrated a dignity to which Constantine seemed to be entriumph in Rome in 303. In these wars Constan- titled by his birth and merits, but which was tine distinguished himself so much by personal withheld from him by Galerius and not conferred courage as well as by higher military talents, that upon him by his father. In this, however, Conhe became the favourite of the army, and was as stantius Chlorus acted wisely, for as his son was a reward appointed tribunus militum of the first still in the hands of Galerius, he would have class. But he was not allowed to enjoy quietly caused his immediate ruin had he proclaimed him the honours which he so justly deserved. In his Caesar; so that if Constantine spoke of disappointment he could only feel disappointed at not being * Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. NaTcuro's) calls in the camp of his father. To bring him thither this town Kri'uca cKal r'rarpls Kwevoravrivov Tro became now the great object of the policy of both esaa-Aws, meaning by Kri-clae that that town was father and son. Negotiations were carried on for enlarged and embellishled by Constantine, which that purpose with Galerius, who, aware of the was the case. The opinion that Constantine was consequences of the departure of Constantine, deborn in Britain is ably refuted in Sch6pflin's dis- layed his consent by every means in his power, sertation, " Constantinus Magnus non fuit Britan- till at last his pretexts were exhausted, and he was nus," contained in the author's " Commentationes obliged to allow him to join his father. Justly Historicae," Basel, 1741, 4to. afraid of being detained once more, or of being cut
Page 833 CONSTANTINUS. off by treachery on his journey, Constantine had no sooner obtained the permission of Galerius than he departed from Nicomedeia, where they both resided, without taking leave of the emperor, and travelled through Thrace, Illyricum, Pannonia, and Gaul with all possible speed, till he reached his father at Boulogne just in time to accompany him to Britain on his expedition against the Picts,. and to be present at his death at York (25th of July, 306). Before dying, Constantius declared his son as his successor. The moment for seizing the supreme power, or for shrinking back into death or obscurity, had now come for Constantine. He was renowned for his victories in the East, admired by the legions, and beloved by the subjects, both heathen and Christian, of Constantius, who did not hesitate to believe that the son would follow the example of justice, toleration, and energy set by the father. The legions proclaimed him emperor; the barbarian auxiliaries, headed by Crocus, king of the Alemanni, acknowledged him; yet he hesitated to place the fatal diadem on his head. But his hesitation was mere pretence; he was well prepared for the event; and in the quick energy with which he acted, he gave a sample of that marvellous combination of boldness, cunning, and wisdom in which but a few great men have surpassed him. In a conciliatory letter to Galerius, he protested that he had not taken the purple on his own account, but that he had been pressed by the troops to do so, and he solicited to be acknowledged as Augustus. At the same time he made preparations to take the field with all his father's forces, if Galerius should refuse to grant him his request. But Galerius dreaded a struggle with the brave legions of the West, headed by a man like Constantine. He disguised his resentment, and acknowledged Constantine as master of the countries beyond the Alps, but with the title of Caesar only: he conferred the dignity of Augustus upon his own son Severus. The peace in the empire was of short duration. The rapacity of Galerius, his absence from the capital of the empire, and probably also the example of Constantine, caused a rebellion in Rome, which resulted in Maxentius, the son of Maximian, seizing the purple; and when Maximian was informed of it, he left his retirement and reassumed the diadem, which he had formerly renounced with his colleague Diocletian. The consequence of their rebellion was a war with Galerius, whose son, Severus Augustus, entered 'Italy with a powerful force; but he was shut up in Ravenna; and, unable to defend the town or to escape, he surrendered himself up to the besiegers, and was treacherously put to death by order of Maxentius. (A. D. 307.) Galerius chose C. Valerius Licinianus Licinius as Augustus instead of Severus, and he was forced to acknowledge the claims of Maximin likewise, who had been proclaimed Augustus by the legions under his command, which were stationed in Syria and Egypt. The Roman empire thus obeyed six masters: Galerius, Licinius, and Maximin in the East, and Maximian. Maxentius, and Constantine in the West (308). The union between the masters of the West was cemented by the marriage of Constantine, whose first wife Minervina was dead, with Fausta, the daughter of Maximian, which took place as early as 306; and at the same time Constantine was CONSTANTINUS. 833 acknowledged as Augustus by Maximiian and Maxentius. But before long serious quarrels broke out between Maxentius and Maximian; the latter was forced by his son to fly from Rome, and finally took refuge with Constantine, by whom he was well received. Maximian once more abdicated the throne; but during the absence of Constantine, who was then on the Rhine, he reassumed the purple, and entered into secret negotiations with his son Maxentius for the purpose of ruining Constantine. He was surprised in his plots by Constantine, who on the news of his rebellion had left the Rhine, and embarking his troops in boats, descended the Sa6ne and Rh6ne, appeared under the walls of Aries, where Maximian then resided, and forced him to take refuge in Marseilles. That town was immediately besieged; the inhabitants gave up Maximian, and Constantine quelled the rebellion by one of those acts of bloody energy which the world hesitates to call murder, since the kings of the world cannot maintain themselves on their thrones without blood. Maximian was put to death (A. D. 309); he had deserved 'punishment, yet he was the father of Constantine's wife. [MAXIMIANUS.] The authority of Constantine was now unrestrained in his dominions. He generally resided at Trier (Treves), and was greatly beloyed by his subjects on account of his excellent administration. The inroads of the barbarians were punished by him with great severity: the captive chiefs of the Franks were devoured by wild beasts in the circus of Trier, and many robbers or rebels suffered the same barbarous punishment. These occasional cruelties did not prejudice him in the eyes of the people, and among the emperors who then ruled the world Constantine was undoubtedly the most beloved, a circumstance which was of great advantage to him when he began his struggle with his rivals. This struggle commenced with Maxentius, who pretended to feel resentment for the death of his father, insulted Constantine, and from insults proceeded to hostile demonstrations. With a large force assembled in Italy he intended to invade Gaul, but so great was the aversion of his subjects to his cruel and rapacious character, that Roman deputies appeared before Constantine imploring him to deliver them from a tyrant. Constantine was well aware of the dangers to which he exposed himself by attacking Maxentius, who was obeyed by a numerous army, chiefly composed of veterans, who had fought under Diocletian and Maximian. At the same time, the army of Constantine was well disciplined and accustomed to fight with the brave barbarians of Germany, and while his rival was only obeyed by soldiers he met with obedience among both his troops and his subjects. To win the affections of the people he protected the Christians in his own dominions, and he persuaded Galerius and Maximin to put a stop to the persecutions to which they were expdsed in the East. This was a measure of prudence, but the Christians in their joy, which increased in proportion as Constantine gave them still more proofs of his conviction, that Christianity had become a moral element in the nations which would give power to him who understood how to wield it, attributed the politic conduct of their master to divine inspiration, and thus the fable became believed, that on his march to Italy, either at Autun in France, or at Verona, or near Ander3 a
Page 834 834 CONSTANTINUS. CONSTANTINUS. nach on the Rhine in Germany as some pretend, of the Roman empire. His fame as a great monConstantine had a vision, seeing in his sleep a arch, distinguished both by civil and military abicross with the inscription ev eTOT& V'a. Thus, it lities, increased every year, and the consciousness is said, he adopted the cross, and in that sign was of his talents and power induced him to make a victorious.f final struggle for the undivided government of the Constantine crossed the Cottian Alps (Mount empire. In 323, he declared war against Licinius, C&nis), defeated the vanguard of Maxentius at who was then advanced in years and was detested Turin, entered Milan, and laid seige to Verona, for his cruelties, but whose land forces were equal under the walls of which Maxentius suffered a to those of Constantine, while his navy was more severe defeat. Another battle fought near Rome numerous and manned with more experienced on the 28th of October, 312, decided the fate of sailors. The first battle took place near Adrianople Maxentius: his army was completely routed, and on the 3rd of July, 323. Each of the emperors while he tried to escape over the Milvian bridge had above a hundred thousand men under his cominto Rome, he was driven by the throng of the mand; but, after a hard struggle, in which Confugitives into the Tiber and perished in the river. stantine gave fresh proofs of his skill and personal [MAXENTIUS.] Constantine entered Rome, and courage, Licinius was routed with great slaughter, displayed great activity in restoring peace to that his fortified camp was stormed, and he fled to Bycity, and in removing the causes of the frequent zantium. Constantine followed him thither, and disturbances by which Rome had been shaken while he laid siege to the town, his eldest son during the reign of Maxentius; he disbanded the Crispus forced the entrance of the Hellespont, and body of the Praetorians, and in order that the in a three days' battle defeated Amandus, the adempire might derive some advantage from the ex- miral of Licinius, who lost one-third of his fleet. istence of the senators, he subjected them and their Unable to defend Byzantium with success, Licinius families to a heavy poll-tax. He also accepted went to Bithynia, assembled his troops, and offered the title of Pontifex Maximus, which shews that a second battle, which was fought at Chrysopolis, at that time he had not the slightest intention of now Skutari, opposite Byzantium. Constantine elevating Christianity at the expense of Paganism. obtained a complete victory, and Licinius fled to The fruit of Constantine's victories was the un- Nicomedeia. He surrendered himself on condition disputed mastership of the whole western part of of having his life spared, a promise which Conthe empire, with its ancient capital, Rome, which, stantine made on the intercession of his sister Conhowever, had then ceased to be the ordinary resi- stantina, the wife of Licinius; but, after spending dence of the emperors. At the same time, impor- a short time in false security at Thessalonica, the tanut events took place in the East. The emperor place of his exile, he was put to death by order of Galerius died in A. D. 311, and Licinius, having his fortunate rival. We cannot believe that he united his dominions with his own, was involved was killed for forming a conspiracy; the cause of in a war with Maximin, who, after having taken his death was undoubtedly the dangerous importByzantium by surprise, was defeated in several ance of his person. [LIcINIUS; CONSTANTINA.] battles, and died, on his flight to Egypt, at Tarsus Constantine acted towards his memory as, during in Cilicia, in 313. [MAXiMINus.] Thus Licinius the restoration in France, the memory of Napoleon became sole master of the whole East, and the em- was treated by the Bourbons: his reign was conpire had now only two heads. In, the following sidered as an usurpation, his laws were declared year, 314, a war broke out between Licinius and void, and infamy was cast upon his name. Constantine. At Cibalis, a town on the junction Constantine was now sole master of the empire, of the Sau with the Danube, in the southernmost and the measures which he adopted to maintain part of Pannonia, Constantine defeated his rival himself in his lofty station were as vigorous, though with an inferior force; a second battle, at Mardia less bloody, as those by which he succeeded in atin Thrace, was indecisive, but the loss which Lici- taining the great object of his ambition. The nius sustained was immense, and he sought for West and the East of the empire had gradually peace. This was readily granted him by Constan- become more distinct from each other, and as each tine, who perhaps felt himself not strong enough of those great divisions had already been governed to drive his rival to extremities; but, satisfied during a considerable period by different rulers, with the acquisition of Illyricum, Pannonia, and that distinction became dangerous for the integrity Greece, which Licinius ceded to him, he establish- of the whole, in proportion as the people were ed a kind of mock friendship between them by accustomed to look upon each other as belonggiving to Licinius the hand of his sister Constan- ing to either of those divisions, rather than to tina. During nine years the peace remained un- the whole empire. Rome was only a nomidisturbed, a time which Constantine employed in nal capital, and Italy, corrupted by luxury and reforming the administration of the empire by vices, had ceased to be the source of Roman granthose laws of which we shall speak below, and in deur. Constantine felt the necessity of creating a defending the northern frontiers against the in- new centre of the empire, and, after some hesitaroads of the barbarians. Illyricum and Pannonia tion, chose that city which down to the present were the principal theatres of these devastations, day is a gate both to the East and the West. He and among the various barbarians that dwelt north made Byzantium the capital of the empire and the of the Danube and the Black Sea, the Goths, who residence of the emperors, and called it after his had occupied Dacia, were the most dangerous. own name, Constantinople, or the city of ConstanConstantine chastised them several times in Illyri- tine. The solemn inauguration of Constantinople cum, and finally crossed the Danube, entered took place in A. D. 330, according to Idatius and Dacia, and compelled them to respect the dignity the Chronicon Alexandrinum. The possibility of Rome ceasing to be the capital of the Roman em* Compare " Dissertation sur la Vision de Con- pire, had been already observed by Tacitus, who stantin le Grand," by Du Voisin, bishop of Nantes. says (Hist. i. 4), " Evulgato imperii arcane, posse
Page 835 CONSTANTINUS. principem alibi quam Romae fieri." Constantinople was enlarged and embellished by Constantine and his successors; but when it is said that it equalled Rome in splendour, the cause must partly be attributed to the fact, that the beauty of Constantinople was ever increasing, while that of Rome was constantly decreasing under the rough hands of her barbarian conquerors. (Comp. Ciampini, De Sacris Aedificiis a Constantino Magno constructis.) By making Constantinople the residence of the emperors, the centre of the empire was removed from the Latin world to the Greek; and although Latin continued to be the official language for several centuries, the influence of Greek civilization soon obtained such an ascendancy over the Latin, that while the Roman empire perished by the barbarians in the West, it was changed into a Greek empire by the Greeks in the East. There was, however, such a prestige of grandeur connected with Rome, that down to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, in 1453, the rulers of the Eastern empire retained the name of Roman emperors as a title by which they thought that they inherited the government of the world. The same title and the same presumption were assumed by the kings of the German barbarians, seated on the ruins of Rome, and they were the pride of their successors till the downfall of the Holy Roman empire in Germany in 1806. The year 324 was signalized by an event which caused the greatest consternation in the empire, and which in the opinion of many writers has thrown indelible disgrace upon Constantine. His accomplished son, Crispus, whose virtues and glory would perhaps have been the joy of a father, but for their rendering him popular with the nation, and producing ambition in the mind of Crispus himself, was accused of high treason, and, during the celebration at Rome of the twentieth anniversary of Constantine's victory over Maxentius, was arrested and sent to Pola in Istria. There he was put to death. Licinius Caesar, the son of the emperor Licinius and Constantina, the sister of Constantine, was accused of the same crime, and suffered the same fate. Many other persons accused of being connected with the conspiracy were likewise punished with death. It is said, that Crispus had been calumniated by his step-mother, Fausta, and that Constantine, repenting the innocent death of his son, and discovering that Fausta lived in criminal intercourse with a slave, commanded her to be suffocated in a warm bath. As our space does not allow us to present more than a short sketch of these complicated events, some additions to which are given in the lives of PRIscus and FAUSTA, we refer the reader to the opinion of Niebuhr, who remarks (History of Romee, ed. by Dr. L. Schmitz, vol. v. p. 360), "1 Every one knows the miserable death of Constantine's son, Crispus, who was sent into exile to Pola, and then put to death. If however people will make a tragedy of this event, I must confess that I do not see how it can be proved that Crispus was innocent. When I read of so many insurrections of sons against their fathers, I do not see why Crispus, who was Caesar, and demanded the title of Augustus, which his father refused him, should not have thought,' Well, if I do not make anything of myself, my father will not, for he will certainly prefer the sons of Fausta to me, the son of a repudiated woman.' Such a thought, if it did occur to Crispus, must CONSTANTINUS. 835 have stung him to the quick. That a father should order his own son to be put to death is certainly repulsive to our feelings, but it is rash and inconsiderate to assert that Crispus was innocent. It is to me highly probable that Constantine himself was quite convinced of his son's guilt: I infer this from his conduct towards the three step-brothers of Crispus, whom he always treated with the highest respect, and his unity and harmony with his sons is truly exemplary. It is related that Fausta was suffocated, by Constantine's command, by the steam of a bath; but Gibbon has raised some weighty doubts about this incredible and unaccountable act, and I cannot therefore attach any importance to the story." During the latter part of his reign, Constantine enjoyed his power in peace. As early as 315, Arius denied at Alexandria the divinity of Christ. His doctrine, which afterwards gave rise to so many troubles and wars, was condemned by the general council assembled at Nicaea in 325, one of the most important events in ecclesiastical history. Constantine protected the orthodox fathers, though he must be looked upon as still a Pagan, but he did not persecute the Arians; and the dissensions of a church to which he did not belong, did not occupy much of his *attention, since the domestic peace of the empire was not yet in danger from them. Notwithstanding the tranquillity of the empire, the evident result of a man of his genius being the sole ruler, Constantine felt that none of his sons was his equal; and by dividing his empire among them, he hoped to remove the causes of troubles like those to which he owed his own accession. He therefore assigned to Constantine, the eldest, the administration of Gaul, Britain, Spain, and Tingitania; to Constantius, the second, Egypt and the Asiatic provinces, except the countries given to Hannibalianus; to Constans, the youngest, Italy, Western Illyricum, and the rest of Africa: they all received the title of Augustus. He conferred the title of Caesar upon his nephew Dalmatius, who obtained the administration of Eastern Illyricum, Macedonia, Thrace, and Greece; and his nephew Hannibalianus, who received the new title of Nobilissimus, was placed over Pontus, Cappadocia, and Armenia Minor, with Caesareia as capital. They were to govern the empire, after his death, as a joint property. Among the three Augusti, Constantine, the eldest, was to be the first in rank, but they were to be equal in authority: the Caesar and the Nobilissimus, though sovereign in their dominions, were inferior in rank, and, with regard to the administration of the whole empire, in authority also to the Augusti. The failure of this plan of Constantine's is related in the lives of his sons. In 337, Constantine was going to take the field against Sapor II., king of Persia, who claimed the provinces taken from him by Galerius and Maximian. But his health was bad; and having retired to Nicomedeia for the sake of the air and the waters, he died there, after a short illness, on the 22nd of May, 337. Shortly before his death, he declared his intention of becoming a Christian, and was accordingly baptized. His death was the signal for the massacre of nearly all his kinsmen, which was contrived by his own sons, and subsequently of the violent death of two of his sons, while the second, Constantius, succeeded in becoming sole emperor. 3H2
Page 836 836 CONSTANTINUS. The following were the most important of the laws and regulations of Constantine. He developed and brought to perfection the hierarchical system of state dignities established by Diocletian on the model of the Eastern courts, and of which the details are contained in the Notitia Dignitatum. The principal officers were divided into three classes: the Illustres, the Spectabiles, and the Clarissimi; for officers of a lower rank other titles were invented, the pompous sounds of which contrasted strangely with the pettiness of the functions of the bearers. The consulship was a mere title, and so was the dignity of patricius; both of these titles were in later years often conferred upon barbarians. The number of public officers was immense, and they all derived their authority from the supreme chief of the empire, who could thus depend upon a host of men raised by their education above the lower classes, and who, having generally nothing but their appointments, were obliged to do all in their power to prevent revolutions, by which they would have been deprived of their livelihood. A similar artificial system, strengthening the government, is established, in our days, in Prussia, Austria, France, and most of the states of Europe. The dignity and dangerous military power of the praefecti praetorio were abolished. Under Diocletian and Maximian there were four praefecti, but they were only lieutenants of the two Augusti and their two Caesars. Constantine continued the number, and limited their power by making them civil officers: under him there was the Praefectus Orienti over the Asiatic provinces and Thrace; the Praefectus Italiae, over Italy, Rhaetia, Noricum, and Africa between Egypt and Tingitania; the Praefectus Illyrico, who had Illyricum, Pannonia, Macedonia, and Greece; and the Praefectus Galliae, over Gaul, Britain, Spain, and Tingitania or the westernmost part of Africa. Rome and Constantinople had each their separate praefect. Under the praefecti there were thirteen high functionaries, who were civil governors of the thirteen dioceses into which the empire was divided, and-who had either the title of comes or count, or of vicarius or vice-praefeet. Between these officers and the praefecti there were three proconsuls, of Asia, Achaia, and Africa, who however were but governors of provincos, the whole number of which was one hundred and sixteen, and which were governed, besides the proconsuls, by thlirty-seven consulares, five correctores, and seventy-one presidentes. The military administration was entirely separated from the civil, and as the Praefecti Praetorio were changed into civil officers, as has been mentioned above, the supreme military command was conferred at first upon two, then four, and finally eight Magistri Militum, under whom were the military Comites and Duces. The number of legions was diminished, but the army was nevertheless much increased, especially by barbarian auxiliaries, a dangerous practice, which hastened the overthrow of the Western and shook the Eastern empire to its foundations. The increase of the army rendered various oppressive taxes necessary, which were unequally assessed, and caused many revolts. There were seven high functionaries, who may be compared with some of the great officers of state in our country, viz. the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, or Lord Chamberlain; the Magister Officiorum, who acted in many con CONSTANTINUS. Scerns as a secretary for home affairs; the Quaestor, or Lord Chancellor and Seal-Keeper; the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, or Chancellor of the Exchequer for the public revenue; the Comes Rerum Privatarum Divinae Domus for the private property of the emperor; and, finally, two Comites Domesticorum, or simply Domestici, the commanders of the imperial life-guard. For further details we refer to the authorities enumerated at the end of this article, and to Gutherius, " De Officiis Domus Augustae." Constantine deserves the name of Great: he rose to the highest pinnacle of power, and owed his fortune to nobody but himself. His birth was a source of dangers to him; his exalted qualities caused jealousy among his enemies, and during the greater part of his reign his life was one continued struggle. He overcame all obstacles through his own exertions; his skill vanquished his enemies; his energy kept the hydra of anarchy headless; his prudence conducted him in safety through conspiracies, rebellions, battles, and murder, to the throne of Rome; his wisdom created a new organization for an empire, which consisted of huge fragments, and which no human hand seemed powerful enough to raise to a solid edifice. Christianity was made by him the religion of the state, but Paganism was not persecuted though discouraged. The Christianity of the emperor himself has been a subject of warm controversy both in ancient and modern times, but the graphic account which Niebuhr gives of Constantine's belief seems to be perfectly just. Speaking of the murder of Licinius and his own son Crispus, Niebuhr remarks (Hist. of Rome, vol. v. p. 359), " Many judge of him by too severe a standard, because they look upon him as a Christian; but I cannot regard him in that light. The religion which he had in his head must have been a strange compound indeed. The man who had on his coins the inscription Sol invictus, who worshipped pagan divinities, consulted the haruspices, indulged in a number of pagan superstitions, and, on the other hand, built churches, shut up pagan temples, and interfered with the council of Nicaea, must have been a repulsive phaenomenon, and was certainly not a Christian. He did not allow himself to be baptized till the last moments of his life, and those who praise him for this do not know what they are doing. He was a superstitious man, and mixed up his Christian religion with all kinds of absurd superstitions and opinions. When, therefore, certain Oriental writers call him laoa7ro'oeroAos they do not know what they are saying, and to speak of him as a saint is a profanation of the word."' The blame which falls upon Constantine for the death of Maximian, Licinius, and Crispus, will fall upon many kings, and we have only fabulous accounts of the mental sufferings which his bloody deeds might have caused him. Constantine was not so great during the latter part of his reign. In proportion as he advanced in years he lost that serene generosity which had distinguished him while he was younger; his temper grew acrimonious, and he gave way to passionate bursts of resentment which he would have suppressed while he was in the bloom of manhood. He felt that the grandeur of Rome could be maintained only in the East, and he founded Constantinople; but the spirit of the East overwhelmed him, and he sacrificed the heroic majesty of a Roman emperor to
Page 837 CONSTANTINUS. CONSTANTINUS. 837 the showy pomp and the vain ceremonies of an Asiatic court. His life is an example of a great historical lesson: the West may conquer the East, "but the conqueror will die on his trophies by the poison of sensuality. As Constantine the Great was a successful political reformer, and the protector of a new religion, he has received as much undeserved reproaches as praise; the Christian writers generally deified him, and the Pagan historians have cast infamy on his memory. To judge him fairly was reserved for the historians of later times. (Euseb. Vita Constantini; Eutrop. lib. x.; Sextus Rufus, Brev. 26; Aurel. Vict. Epit. 40, 41, de Caes. 40, &c.; Zosim. lib. ii., Zosimus is a violent antagonist of Constantine; Zonar. lib. xiii.; Lactant. de Mort. Persecut. 24-52; Oros. lib. vii.; Amm. Marc. lib. xiv., &c., Excerpta, p. 710, &c., ed. Valesius. The accounts of, and the opinions on, Constantine given by Eumenius, Nazarius, &c., in the Panegyrics (especially vi.xi.), and by the emperor Julian, in his Caesars as well as in his Orations, are of great importance, but full of partiality: Julian treats Constantine very badly, and the Panegyrics are what their name indicates. Among the ecclesiastical writers, Eusebius, Lactantius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theophanes, &c., are the principal; but it has already been observed that their statements must be perused with great precaution. The Life of Constantine by Praxagoras, which was known to the Byzantines, is lost. Besides these sources, there is scarcely a writer of the time of Constantine and the following centuries, who does not give some account of Constantine; and even in the works of the later Byzantines, such as Constantine Porphyrogenitus and Cedrenus, we find valuable additions to the history of that great emperor. The most complete list of sources, with critical observations, is contained in Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs. See also Manso, Leben Constantins des Grossen.) [W. P.] COIN OF CONSTANTINUS I. CONSTANTI'NUS II. FLA'VIUS CLAU'DIUS, surnamed the Younger, Roman emperor, A. D. 337-340, the second son of Constantine the Great, and the first whom he had by his second wife, Fausta, was born at Arelatum, now Arles, in Gaul, on the 7th of August, A. D. 312. As early as A. D. 316, he was created Caesar, together with his elder brother, Crispus, and the younger Licinius, and he held the consulship several times. In commemoration of the fifth anniversary of his Caesarship, in 321, the orator Nazarius delivered a panegyric (Panegyr. Veter. ix.), which, however, is of little importance. In 335 he was entrusted with the administration of Gaul, Britain, and Spain. After the death of his father, 337, he received in the division of the empire between the three sons of the Great Constantine and his nephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, the same provinces which he had governed under his father, and a part of Africa. Being the eldest surviving son of Constantine, lie received some exterior marks of respect from the other emperors, but he had no authority over them. Dissatisfied with his share of the spoil, he exacted from his younger brother Constans the rest of Africa and the co-administration of Italy. Constans refused to give up those provinces. Constantine declared war against him, and invaded Italy by sea and by land, and at Aquileia met with the army of Constans, who approached from Dacia. Having rashly pursued the enemy when they gave way in a mock flight, Constantine was suddenly surrounded by them and fell under their swords. (A. D. 340.) His body was thrown into the river Alsa, but was afterwards found and buried with royal honours. He was twice married, but the names of his wives are not known; they probably both died before him, and he left no issue. An unknown author pronounced a monody on his death, which is contained in Havercamp's edition of Eutropius. (Zosim. lib. ii.; Zonar. lib. xiii.; Euseb. Vita Const. iv. 40--49; Prosper, Chron. Acyndino et Proculo Coss; more authorities are given in the lives of his brothers, Constantius and Constans.) [W. P.] COIN OF CONSTANTINUS II. CONSTANTI'NUS III., FLA'VIUS HERA'CLIUS,called NOVUS CONSTANTI'NUS, emperor of the East,A. D. 641, the son of the emperor Heraclius by his first wife, Eudoxia, was born in May, 612, and succeeded his father on the 11th of March (February), 641, together with his younger half-brother Heracleonas, the succession being thus established by the testament of their father. Constantine died as early as the 22nd of June (25th of May) A. D. 641, after a reign of 103 days, either from ill-health, or probably from poison administered to him by his step-mother Martina. His successor was his brother Heracleonas. [HERACLEONAS; CONSTANS II.] Constantine distinguished himself personally in a war against the Persians. Advised by his rapacious treasurer, Philagrius, he sacrilegiously ordered the grave of his father to be robbed of a golden crown of seventy pounds' weight, which stuck so fast to the head of the dead emperor, that the corpse was mutilated in removing the crown from it. (Theophan. pp. 251, 275, &c., ed. Paris; Cedren. p. 430, &c., ed. Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. pp. 71, 87, &c., ed. Paris; Glycas, p. 276, ed. Paris.) [W. P.] CONSTANTINUS IV., FLA'VIUS, surnamed POGONA'TUS or BARBA'TUS, emperor of the East, A. D. 668-685, the eldest son of Constans II., succeeded his father in 668. Constans having lost his life by assassination at Syracuse, his murderers, who seemed to have had great power, and who were assisted by the Greek army stationed in Sicily, chose as emperor one Mizizus, Mecentius, or Mezzetius, an Armenian. Constantine fitted out an expedition against the usurper, quelled the rebellion in 669, and put Mizizus to death. After a short stay at Syracuse, Constantine sailed back to Constantinople, carrying with him the body of his father; but no sooner
Page 838 838 CONSTANTINUS. CONSTANTINUS. was he gone, than an Arabic fleet, perhaps invited nothing of the last five years of the reign of Conthither by the rebels, appeared off Syracuse. stantine: he died in the month of September, 685, The place was taken by surprise and partly de- and was succeeded by his son, Justinian II. stroyed, and the riches and statues, the plunder of Besides the wars which signalized the reign Rome, collected there by Constans, were carried of Constantine IV., there is an event not less by the Arabs to Alexandria. The Greek troops remarkable, which most probably took place during in Asia revolted soon after the return of the em- the same period. We allude to the new division peror. They would be governed by a "Trinity," of the empire, which had hitherto been adminisand not by a sole sovereign, and demanded that tered according to the ancient system, so that, for Constantine should divide his authority, with his instance, all the Asiatic dominions were ruled by two brothers, Heraclius and Tiberius, who had the a civil governor or proconsul, and the whole army title but not the power of Augusti. This rebellion stationed in that part of the empire had likewise was likewise soon quelled, and Constantine par- but one chief commander, the praefect of Asia. doned both his brothers. At the same time, an The constant incursions of the Arabs required the Arabic army commanded by Ukbah and Dinar presence of different moveable corps stationed in invaded the remaining part of the Greek dominions the frontier provinces, the commanders of which in Africa (Mauretania), penetrated as far as the were independent of one another: these bodies shores of the Atlantic, and ravaged the country so were called themata (O41eaa), from thema (OEa), fearfully, that both the Greek and-Berber inhabi- a position. This name was afterwards given to tants rose in despair, and, under the command of a the districts in which such corps were stationed, native chief named Kussileh, surprised the Mos- and its use became so general, that at last the lems, and killed nearly all of them. This however whole empire was divided into twenty-nine thewas no advantage to the emperor, since Kussileh ntac, seventeen of which were in the eastern and succeeded in seizing the supreme power in that southern or Asiatic part of the empire, and twelve country. in the northern and western parts, from the CimIn 671 the Arabs equipped a powerful fleet merian Bosporus to Sicily. This important change with the intention of laying siege to Constantino- in the administration of the empire took place in ple. They conquered Smyrna and nearly all the the latter years of the reign of Heraclius, or in the islands of the Grecian archipelago, and began the reign of Constantine IV., that is, from about 635 blockade of Constantinople in the spring of 672; to 685. But although we do not precisely know but, after a protracted siege of five months,were com- the year, there are many reasons for believing that pelled to sail back, after sustaining immense losses Constantine IV. was the originator of that plan. from the Greek fire, which had just been invented [CONSTANTINUS VII.] (Cedren. p. 436, &c., ed. by Callinicus, a native of Heliopolis in Syria, and Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 89, &c., ed. Paris; Glywas first employed in that siege. Yezid, the son cas, p. 278, &c., ed. Paris; Theophan. p. 289, &c., of the khalif Mi'awiyah, who commanded the ed. Paris; Paulus Diacon. De Gestis Longobard. Arabic forces, returned in the following spring, v. 30.) [W. P.] and, during a period of seven years, regularly ap- CONSTANTI'NUS V., surnamed COPRO'peared before Constantinople in the spring, and NYMUS (6 KorrpC'vuveos), because he polluted the sailed to his winter-quarters in the autumn, but baptismal font at the time of his baptism, emperor wa% not able to take the city. During the last of the East, A. D. 741-775, was the only son of siege, in 679, the Arabic fleet lost so many ships the emperor Leo III. Isaurus. He was born in 719, by the Greek fire, that Yezid was compelled to and succeeded his father in 741. The unfortunate make a hasty retreat, and not having a sufficient commencement of his reign is related in the life of number of ships for his numerous forces, despatched the emperor ARTAVASDES, p. 370, b. The downa body of 30,000 men by land for Syria, while he fall of this usurper in 743 and the complete success embarked the rest on board his fleet. But his of Constantine caused much grief to pope Zacharias, fleet was destroyed by a storm, and the land army who had recognized Artavasdes because he prowas overtaken and cut to pieces by a Greek army tected the worship of images, while Constantine commanded by Florus, Petronas, and Cyprianus. was an iconoclast, at whose instigation a council This unfortunate campaign, and the war at the held at Constantinople in 754 condemned the worsame time with the Maronites or Druses of Mount ship of images throughout the whole Eastern emLebanon, pressed so heavily upon the khalif pire. Constantine was most cruel in his proceedMYh'awiyah, that, wishing for peace, he signed the ings against the orthodox: he anathematized conditions offered him by Constantine, and he thus Joannes Damascenus and put to death Constanbecame liable, for the period of thirty years, to an tine, the patriarch of Constantinople, St. Stephaannual tribute of 3000 pounds of gold accompanied nus, and many other fathers who had declared fbr by rich presents of slaves and horses. By this the images. In 751 Eutychius, exarch of Ravenna, glorious peace the authority of the Greek emperor was driven out by Astolf (Astaulphus), king of the rose to such a height, that all the minor powers of Longobards, who united that province with his Asia sought his protection. But his name was dominions after the dignity of exarch had been in less dreaded in Europe, for he was compelled by existence during a period of 185 years. A war the Bulgarians to cede to them that country south having broken out between Astolf and Pipin the of the Danube which is still called Bulgaria. Short, king of the Franks, the latter conquered In 680 Constantine assembled the sixth general the exarchate and gave it to pope Stephen (755), council at Constantinople, by which the Monoth- the first pope who ever had temporal dominions, elists were condemned and peace was restored the duchy of Rome being still a dependency of the to the church. In 681 the emperor's brothers, Eastern empire. Constantine sent ambassadors to Heraclius and Tiberius, were both deprived of their Pipin, Astolf, and the pope, to claim the restitution dignity of Augustus, which title Constantine con- of the exarchate; but the negotiations proved aborferred upon his son Justinian. We know almost tive, since the emperor could not give them suffi
Page 839 CONSTANTINUS. cient weight by the display of a formidable army in Italy; for his troops were engaged in disastrous wars with the Arabs, who ravaged Pamphylia, Cilicia, and Isauria; with the Slavonians, who conquered Greece; and with the Bulgarians, who penetrated several times as far as the environs of Constantinople. The Bulgarian king, Paganus, however, suffered a severe defeat from Constantine in 765, in which he was treacherously killed, and Constantine entered his capital in triumph; but in the following year he sustained a severe defeat from the Bulgarians, and was compelled to fly ingloriously, after losing his fleet and army. Constantine still flattered himself with regaining Ravenna, either by force or arms; but after Charlemagne became king of the Franks he relinquished this hope, and united his dominions on the continent of southern Italy with the island of Sicily, putting all those provinces under the authority of the Patricius or governor-general of Sicily. The continental part of the new province or T/hema of Sicily was sometimes called Sicilia secunda, whence arose the name of both the Sicilies, which is still the regular designation of the kingdom of Naples. In 774, the empire was once more invaded by the Bulgarians under their king Telericus; but Constantine checked his progress, and in the following year fitted out a powerful expedition to chastise the barbarian. Having resolved to take the command of it in person, he set out for the Haemus; but some ulcers on his legs, the consequence of his debaucheries, having suddenly burst, he stopped at Arcadiopolis, and finally went on board his fleet off Selembria, where he died from an inflammatory fever on the 14th of September, 775. Constantine V. was a cruel, profligate, and most fanatical man; but he was, nevertheless, well adapted for the business of government. He was addicted to unnatural vices; his passion for horses procured him the nickname of Caballinus. He was thrice married: viz. to Irene, daughter of the khagan or khan of the Khazars; a lady called Maria; and Eudoxia Melissena. His successor was his eldest son, Leo IV., whom he had by Irene. During the reign of Constantine V. the beautiful aqueduct of Constantinople, built by the emperor Valens, which had been ruined by the barbarians in the time of the emperor Heraclius, was restored by order, of Constantine. (Theophan. p. 346, &c., ed. Paris; Cedren. p. 549, &c., ed. Paris; Nicephor. Gregoras, p. 38, &c., ed. Paris; Glyeas, p. 283, ed. Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 105, ed. Paris.) [W. P.] CONSTANTI'NUS VI., FLA'VIUS, emperor of the East, A. D. 780-797, the son of Leo IV. Chazarus Isaurus and Irene, was born in 771, and succeeded his father in 780, under the guardianship of his mother, a highly-gifted but ambitious and cruel woman, a native of Athens. The reign of Constantine VI. presents a hideous picture of wars, civil and religious troubles, and pitiless crimes. Elpidus, governor of the thema of Sicily, revolted in 781; and it seems that his intention was either to place himself or one of the four paternal uncles of the young emperor on the throne; but the eunuch Theodore, an able general, defeated him in several engagements in 782, and Elpidus fled with his treasures to the Arabs in Africa, by whom he was treated till his death with the honours due to an emperor. The power of the Arabs grew every year more dangerous to the empire. In 781 they CONSTANTIN US. 839 suffered a severe defeat from the eunuch Joannes in Armenia, evacuated that country, and fled in confusion to Syria; but in the following year, a powerful Arabian army, divided into three strong bodies, and commanded by Harfin-ar-Rashid, the son of the khalif Mahadi, penetrated as far as the Bosporus, and compelled Irene to pay an annual tribute of 60,000 pieces of gold. The peace, however, was broken some years afterwards, and the new war lasted till the end of the reign of Constantine, who in 790 lost half of his fleet in the gulf of Attalia, but obtained several victories over the Arabs by land. He was likewise victorious in a war with the Slavonians, who had conquered all Greece, but were driven back by Stauracius in 784. At an early age, Constantine was betrothed to Rotrudis, daughter of Charlemagne; but quarrels having broken out with that emperor on the subject of the Greek dominions in Italy, the match was broken off, and Constantine married Maria, an Armenian lady, whom he repudiated three years afterwards, and married one Theodata. In 787, the sect of the Iconoclasts was condemned in the seventh general council held at Nicaea, and the worship of images was restored throughout the empire. When Constantine came of age, he was of course intrusted with the administration of the empire; but Irene's influence was so great, that she remained the real sovereign. Tired of his vassalage, Constantine intrigued against her, and had already resolved to arrest her, when the plot was discovered; his partisans were severely punished, and he himself received the chastisement of a boy from the hands of his mother. Infuriated by this outrage, the young emperor requested the assistance of his Armenian life-guard, and, having found them all devoted to him, seized upon his mother, and confined her in one of her palaces, where she was kindly treated, but was allowed to have no other company but that of her attendants. A reconciliation took place some time afterwards, but Irene finally contrived the ruin of her son. After succeeding in being recognized as the lawful master of the empire, Constantine put himself at the head of his army, and set out to meet the Bulgarians, who were plundering all Thrace. He obtained some advantages over them, but lost a pitched battle, saw his army cut to pieces, and with difficulty escaped to Constantinople. There he received intelligence that a conspiracy against his life, formed by his four uncles and supported by the Armenian guard, was on the eve of breaking out. His measures were at once quick and energetic: he seized the conspirators, disarmed the Armenians, whose commander, Alexis, had his eyes put out, and punished his uncles with equal severity: one of them was blinded, and the three others had their tongues cut off, and they were all forced to become ecclesiastics, in order to incapacitate them for reigning. They were afterwards banished, and died in obscurity. The reconciliation which had taken place between Constantine and his mother was a hollow one; Irene could not forget that she had once ruled, and during an expedition of her son against the Arabs she formed another conspiracy. On Constantine's return in 797, he was suddenly assailed by assassins while he was sitting in the Hippodrome to look at the races. He escaped unhurt, fled from the city, and directed his course to Phrygia.
Page 840 I0 CONSTANTINUJS. CONSTANTINUS. Before arriving there, he was joined by the empress phorns, the sons of Bardas Phocas; the Chrisanud a host of partisans. Relying on the promises tian princes of Iberia recognised the supremacy of of Irene, he returned to Constantinople, but was the emperor; alliances of the Greeks with tilt surprised in his palace by a band of assassins hired Petchenegues or Patzinacitae in soutihern Russia by Irene and her favourite, the general Stauracius. checked both the Russians and thie Bulgarians in His eyes were put out by their order with so their hostile designs against the empire: and Conmuch violence that he died on the same day. By stantine had the satisfaction of receiving in his a singular coincidence of circumstances, lie was palace ambassadors of the khalifs or- Baeghd.cd and murdered in the " Porphyra," the name of the Africa, and of the Roman emneror Otoo the Great, apartment where the empresses were accustomed Luitprand, the emperor's am)assador. has left us a to be confined, and where he was born. His most interesting account of his rmnssion to Constanonly son, Leo, having died in his lifetime, he was tinople. (Annales Luitprandi.) One of the most succeeded by his mother Irene. Constantine VI. praiseworthy acts of Constan Line was the restoration was the last of the Isaurian dynasty. Zonaras to their lawful proprietors of estates confiscated and Cedrenus say, that he survived his excaeca- during rebellions, and held by robbers and swindtion for a considerable time; but their opinion lers without any titles, or under fraudulent ones. seems to be untenable, although Le Beau believes Constantine's end was hastened by poison, adit to be correct. (Theophan. p. 382, &c., ed. Paris; ministered to him by an ungrateful son, Romanus Cedren. p. 469, &c., ed. Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. p. (his successor), in consequence of which he died 93, &c., ed. Paris; Joel, p. 178, ed. Paris; Gly- on the 15th of November, A. i). 959. His wife cas, p. 285, ed. Paris. [W. P.] was Helena, by whom lie had the above-mentioned CONSTANTINUS VII. FLA'VIUS POR- son Romanus, a daughter Theodora, married to PHYROGE'NITUS (5 Tlpopvpopyv'wrTos), em- Joannes Zimiscus, and other children. peror of the East, A. D. 911-959, the only son Constantine Porphyrogenitus holds a high rank of the emperor Leo VI. Philosophus, of the in literature. His productions are no masterMacedonian dynasty, and his fourth wife, Zoe, works in point of style and thought, but they treat was born in A. D. 905; the name flopspvpoY'vVYrTos, of important and interesting subjects, and without thnt is, " born in the purple," was given to him him our knowledge of his time would be reduced because he was born in an apartment of the im- to a few vague notions; for he not only composed perial palace called xro'puvpa, in which the empresses works himself, but caused others to be composed awaited their confinement. The name Porphyro- or compiled by the most able men among his genitus is also given to Constantine VI., but it is subjects. His own works aregenerally employed to distinguish the subject of I. 'IrTeopI IC Sye'iTs rUi8 P3iov Keal irpdEwv yTOV this article. Constantine succeeded his father in BaUIAEhov TroV ridoei6ov SaremAEmws ((Vita Basilii), 911, and reigned under the guardianship of his the life of Basilius I. Macedo, the grandfather of paternal uncle, Alexander, who was already Augus- Constantine Porphyrogenitus, a work of great imtus, governed the empire as an absolute monarch, portance for the reign and character of that great and died in the following year, 912. After his emperor, although it contains many things which death the government was usurped by Romanus cannot be relied upon, as Constantine was rather Lecapenus, who excluded Constantine from the credulous, and embellished the truth from motives administration, leaving him nothing but an hono- of filial piety or vanity. Editions: 1. By Leo rary retreat in the imperial palace, and who ruled Allatius in his 6isgusc-rot, with a Latin translation, as emperor till 944, when he was deposed and Cologne, 1653, 8vo.; the text divided into 70 exiled by his sons Stephanus and Constantine, sections or chapters. 2. By Combefisius, in his both Augusti, and who expected to be recognised " Scriptores post Theophanem," Paris, 1685, fol.; as emperors. [ROMANUS LECAPENUS.] They divided into 101 sections or chapters; with a new were deceived; the people declared for the son of translation and notes of the editor. Leo; Constantine left his solitude, and, supported II. HIept rTWv td'iTeWrft, " De Thematibus." (The by an enthusiastic population, seized upon the origin and signification of the word Z&dsa as a new usurpers, banished them, and ascended the throne. name for " province," is given in the life of CONIn the long period of his retirement Constantine STANTINUS IV.) This work is divided into two had become a model of learning and theoretical books; the first treats on the Eastern (Eastern and wisdom; but the energy of his character was sup-!outhern) or Asiatic themas, and the second on pressed; instead of men he knew books, and when the Western (Western and Northern) or European he took the reins of government into his hands, he themas. Editions: 1. The first book, with a held them without strength, prudence, and resolu- Latin translation and notes, by B. Vulcanius, tion. He would have been an excellent artist or Leyden, 1588, 8vo. 2. The second book, with a professor, but was an incompetent emperor. Yet Latin translation and notes by T. Morellus, Paris, the good qualities of his heart, his humanity, his 1609, 8vo. Both these editions, and consequently love of justice, his sense of order, his passion for the complete work, were reprinted and edited with the fine arts and literature, won him the affections some other works of Constantine, by Meursiius, of his subjects. His good nature often caused him Leyden, 1617, 8vo. 3. The same in the sixth to trust without 'discernment, and to confer the volume of " J. Meursii Opera," edited by Lamni. high offices of the state upon fools or rogues; but 4. The complete work, by Bandurius, in the first he was not always deceived in his choice, and volume of his " Imperium Orientale," with notes many of his ministers and generals were able men, and a corrected version by the editor. 5. The and equally devoted to their business and their same in the third volume of the Bonn edition or master. The empire was thus governed much the works of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, a rebetter than could have been expected. In a long vised reprint of the edition of Bandurius, but and bloody war against the Arabs in Syria, the without the map of De l'Isle, edited by Im-manuel Creek amus were victorious under Leo and Nice- Bekker, Bonu, 1840.
Page 841 CONSTANTINUS. HI. " De Administrando Imperio," without a corresponding Greek title. This celebrated work was written by the imperial author for the special purpose of informing his son Romanus of the political state of the empire, its various resources, and the political principles which ought to be followed in its administration, as well as in its relations to foreign nations. It contains abundance of historical, geographical, ethnographical, and political facts of great importance, and without it our knowledge of the times of the author and the nations which were either his subjects or his neighbours would be little more than vagueness, error, or complete darkness. The work is divided into 53 chapters, preceded by a dedication to prince Romanus. In the first 13 chapters the author gives an account of the state of several nations which lived towards the north of the Danube, such as the Petchenegues or Patzinacitae, the Chazars, the Bulgarians, the Turks (by which he means the Majars or present Hungarians), and especially the Russians, who were then the most dangerous enemies of Constantinople. In the 14th and following chapters he speaks of Mohammed, and gives a view of the rising power of the Arabs, which leads him to Spain and the conquest of the West Gothic kingdom by the Arabs. (cc. 23 and 24.) The relations of the Greeks to Italy and to the Frankish kingdoms are related in cc. 26 to 28. In the eight following chapters (29 to 36), which are all very long, he dwells on the history and geography of those parts of the empire which a few centuries before his time were, and are still, occupied by Slavonian nations, viz. Dalmatia, Servia, Croatia, &c. In c. 37 and following he returns to the Patzinacitae, Chazars, and other nations in ancient Scythia-a most valuable and interesting section, on which Bayer wrote the best commentary which we have on the work: it refers likewise to the corresponding part of the Themata and is contained in the ninth volume of the " Commentarii Academiae Petropolitanae." After illustrating that subject, Constantine proceeds to Iberia, Armenia, and some of the adjacent countries in Asia. Chapter 52 contains some remarks on the therma of the Peloponnesus, a country of which the author speaks also occasionally in other chapters; and in the 53rd and last chapter, which is of considerable length, he gives interesting information respecting the city of Cherson, the Chersosiitae, and other adjacent nations. The style of the work is generally clear and simple, but the logical order of the subjects is in some instances broken. Editions: I and 2. By Meursius, 1610, 8vo. and 1617, 8vo., in his " Opera Const. Porph.," with a Latin translation. 3. By the same, in the sixth volume of " Meursii Opera," edited by Lami, in which, however, only the translation of Meursius is contained, the editor having likewise given the more perfect text and translation of Bandurius. 4. By Bandurius, in his " Imperium Orientale," the best edition, partly on account of a map of the Eastern empire by Guillaume de L' Isle, which belongs both to this work and to that on the Themas. Bandurius added a new translation and an extensive commentary. Having perused better MSS. than Meursius, Bandurius was enabled to add the text with a translation of the 23rd and 24th chapters (" De Iberia" and " De Hispania"), of which Meursius had only fragments, so that he could not translate them. 5. By Immanuel Bekker, Bonn, CONSTANTINUS. 841 1840, in the Bonn collection of the Byzantines, a revised reprint of the edition of Bandurius without the map of Guillaume de L'Isle. The commentary of Bayer cited above belongs likewise to this "work. IV. BthAiov TaKrtcrci, rd(nvw reptiEov Vrc Ic'rd SdchaTav v Kcal y7v /paxoaEVV, commonly called " Tactica," an essay on the art of warfare by sea and by land, a very interesting treatise. Editions: 1 and 2. By Meursius, in " Constantini Opera," and in the sixth volume of " Meursii Opera," edited by Lami, both cited above. No. 1 gives only the text, but No. 2 has also a Latin translation by Lami. Maffei, who translated a Cod. Veronensis of this work, attributes it to Constantine, the son of the emperor Romanus Lecapenus. V. El PAlo y.T:paTn7yiucv 7rEPl cwv itac6pdev,Ovzv, &c., commonly called " Strategica," an interesting treatise on the mode of warfare adopted by different nations. Edition, by Meursius, in the sixth volume of his works edited by Lami, with a Latin translation of the editor. VI. "EcOecEOs 7rs BtaotXnov Tci4ws, " De Ceremoniis Aulae Byzantinae." This work is divided into three sections, viz. the first book, an appendix to the first book, and the second book. It gives a detailed account of the ceremonies observed at the imperial court of Constantinople. The appendix to the first book treats of the ceremonies observed in the imperial camp, and when the emperor sets out from his palace for the purpose of leading his army into the field, or returns from it to his capital: it is dedicated to Romanus, the son of Constantine. The first book is divided into 97 chapters, the appendix into 16 sections, or heads, which are not numbered, and the second book into 56 chapters, the last chapter incomplete; and it seems that there were originally some chapters more, which have not been discovered yet. The work is on the whole tedious and wearisome, as we may presume from the nature of the subject and the character of the emperor, who dwells with delight on trifling forms and usages which scarcely anybody but a master of ceremonies would find it worth while to write upon. The style, however, is pure and elegant for the time; but the work abounds with Arabic and other terms strange to the Greek language, which are, however, explained by the commentators. It is impossible to read it through; but if used as a book of reference it answers well, and it contains, besides, a number of important facts, and little stories or anecdotes referring to the life of former emperors. Editions: 1. By Leich and Reiske, the first volume containing the first book and the appendix, Leipzig, 1751, fol.; the second volume containing the second book, ibid. 1754, fol., with a Latin translation, an excellent Commentary to the first book by Reiske, and Notes and a " Commentatio de Vita et Rebus Gestis Constantini" by Leich. 2. By Niebuhr, vol. i., Bonn, 1829, 8vo.; vol. ii., ibid. 1830. This is a carefully revised reprint of the editio princeps; it contains the remaining part of Reiske's commentary (to the appendix and the second book), first edited by Niebuhr. The principal laws issued by Constantine (Novellae Constitutiones) have been published by Leunclavius in his "Jus Graeco-Romanum," and by Labbe, Paris, 1606, 8vo. Constantine wrote besides several smaller treatises on religious and other matters.
Page 842 842 CONSTANTINUS. Besides his own writings, we owe to Constantine's love of literature the preservation of some works from destruction or oblivion, and the compilation of others at his order. Such are: I. " Collectanea et Excerpta Historico-Politica et Moralia," an extensive compilation, of which but the 27th book, HTepl lpEo@eDIC, " De Legationibus," and the 50th, Ilepl 'ApETj- cal KaKias, " De Virtute et Vitio," have been preserved. A further account of this work is given in the life of PRisCus. II. 'IrTrmaTrpuca, " De Medicina Veterinaria," compiled from the works of a number of writers, a list of whom is given by Fabricius; it is divided into two books. Editions: 1. A Latin translation by J. Ruellius, Paris, 1530, fol. 2. The Greek text, by Simon Grynaeus, Basel, 1537, 4to. 3. ByValesiis, together with the " Collectanea," &c., Paris, 1634, 4to. An Italian translation of it was published at Venice, 1543, 8vo., and a French one at Paris, 1563, 4to. III. Freworotcda, " De Re Rustica," which is generally attributed to Bassus Cassianus. [BAssus CASSIANUS.] Both the Hippiatrica and the Geoponica were held in high esteem in the middle ages as well as in after times, and they were both used for practical purposes, as we may see from the numerous editions and translations, especially of the Geoponica. The first eight books of this work, which treat on the cure of beasts, and form a kind of domestic veterinary handbook, were separately published in a Latin translation by Andreas a Lacuna, Cologne, 1543, 8vo. An Italian translation of the complete work appeared at Venice, 1542; French ones at Poitiers, 1545, Lyon, 1557; and a German, by Michael Herr, in 1551, 3rd edition, edited by Ludwig Rabus, Strassburg, 1566, 8vo. The Annals of Theophanes were continued by Constantine's order [THEOPHANES], and he also induced Josephus Genesius to write his Annals, which contain the period from Leo Armenus to Basilius Macedo. [GENESIUS.] An account of Constantine's laws is given in the life of the emperor LEo PHILOSOPHUS. (Cedren. pp. 607, &c., 631, &c., ed. Paris; Leo Diaconus, pp. 487, &c., 507, &c., ed. Paris; Zonar. vol. ii. pp. 182, &c., 192, &c., ed. Paris; Joel, pp. 180, 181, ed. Paris; Glycas, pp. 302, 303, ed. Paris; Hanckius, De Script. Byzant. pp. 461-478; Hamberger, Zuverlissiye Nachrichten, &c., vol. iii. p. 686, &c.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec.vol. viii. p. 1,&c.; Leich, Commentatio de Vita et Rebus Gestis Const. Porpshyr., Leipzig, 1746, 4to., and also in his and Reiske's edition of Constantine's works, as well as in the Bonn edition of " De Cerem. Aulae Byzant.") ' [W. P.] CONSTANTI'NUS VIII., emperor of the East, reigned, together with his brother Stephanus, after the deposition of their father, Romanus Lecapenus, but was soon compelled to cede the throne to the lawful sovereign, Constantine Porphyrogenitus. (A. D. 945.) [CONSTANTINUS VII.] CONSTANTINUS IX., emperor of the East, A. D. 976-1028, the son of the emperor Romanus II., was born in A. D. 961, and began to reign, together with his elder brother, Basil II., in 976; but, addicted to idleness and luxury, he took no part in the administration of the empire. After the death of Basil in 1025, he became sole emperor; but, fortunately for his subjects, who suffered much from the Arabians during his miserable administration, he died three years afterwards, in 1028. Constantine IX. was the last of the Mace CONSTANTINUS. donian dynasty. His successor was Romanus Argyrus, the husband of his daughter Zoe, whom he had by his wife Helena Augusta. [BASILIUS II.] CONSTANTI'NUS X. MONOMA'CHUS (' Mo'vogLdXos), emperor of the East, A. D. 1042 -1054. His surname was given him on account of his personal courage in war. In 1042 the government of the empire was in the hands of two imperial sisters, Zoe, the widow of the emperor Romanus Argyrus, and afterwards of Michael IV. the Pa.phlagonian, and Theodora, a spinster, who were placed on the throne by the inhabitants of Constantinople, after they had deposed the emperor Michael V. Calaphates, the adopted son of Zoe. The two sisters being afraid of their position, Zoe proposed to Constantine Monomachus that he should marry her; and as she was rather advanced in age, being then upwards of sixty, she allowed the gallant warrior to bring his beautiful mistress, Sclerena, with him to the imperial palace, where the two ladies lived together on the best terms. Constantine was saluted as emperor, and conferred the dignity of Augusta upon Sclerena. Soon after the accession of Constantine, Georgius Maniaces, a brother of Sclerena, who was renowned for his victories over the Arabs, and who then held the command in Italy, raised a rebellion. At the head of a chosen body of troops he crossed the Adriatic, landed in Epeirus, joined an auxiliary army of Bulgarians, and marched upon Constantinople. An assassin delivered the emperor from his fears: Maniaces was murdered by an unknown hand in the midst of his camp. A still greater danger arose in 1043 from an invasion of the Russians, who appeared with a powerful fleet in the Bosporus, while a land force penetrated as far as Varna: but the fleet was dispersed or taken in a bloody engagement, and the Russian army was routed by Catacalo. In 1047, while absent on an expedition against the Arabs, Constantine received news of another rebellion having broken out, headed by Tornicius, a relative of the emperor, who assumed the imperial title, and laid siege to Constantinople. The emperor hastened to the defence of his capital, broke the forces of the rebel in a decisive battle, and Tornicius, having fallen into the hands of his pursuers, was blinded and confined to a monastery. Constantine was not less fortunate in a war with Cacicus, the vassal king of Armenia and Iberia, who tried to make himself independent; but, unable to take the field against the imperial armies, he was at last compelled to throw himself at the feet of the emperor and implore his clemency. His crown was taken from him, but he was allowed to enjoy both life and liberty, and spent the rest of his days in Cappadocia, where his generous victor had given him extensive estates. Iberia and Armenia were reunited under the immediate authority of the Greeks. While the frontiers of the empire were thus extended in the East, Thrace and Macedonia suffered dreadfully from an invasion of the Petchenegues, who were so superior to the Greeks in martial qualities, that they would have conquered all those provinces which they had hitherto only plundered, but for the timely interference of the emperor's body-guards, composed of Waregians or Normans, who drove the enemy back beyond the Danube, and compelled them to beg for peace. (A. D. 1053.) At the same time the Normans made great progress
Page 843 CONSTANTINUS. CONSTANTINUS. 843 in Italy, where they finally succeeded in conquer- the capital of them, was taken shortly before the ing all the dominions of the Greek emperors. In death of the emperor, which happened in A. D. the following year, 1054, the great schism began, 1067. Constantine had many good qualities, which resulted in the complete separation of the though they were overshadowed by petty and Greek and Roman churches, and put an end to strange passions. Love of justice induced him to the authority of the popes in the East. Constan- recall immediately on his accession all those who tine did not live to see the completion of the schism, were exiled for political crimes, and to undertake a for he died in the course of the same year, 1054. great number of lawsuits, which, accustomed as he Constantine was a man of generous character, who, was to follow his sophistical genius, he believed to when emperor, would not revenge many insults lie be just, while they proved to be mere chicaneries. had received while he was but an officer in the When it became known that his love of war had army. He managed, however, the financial de- turned into love of legal intrigues, many officers of partment in an unprincipled manner, spending his army abandoned the profession of arms, and large sums upon the embellishment of Constantino- became advocates for the purpose of rising to ple and other luxuries, and shewing himself a honours and making their fortunes. Constantine miser where he ought to have spared no money. conferred the title of Augustus upon his three sons, Thus, for economy's sake, he paid off his Iberian Michael, Andronicus, and Constantine, who were troops, 50,000 in number, who were the bulwark all under age, and whom he destined to succeed of Greece, and who were no sooner disbanded than him and to reign conjointly under the regency of the frontier provinces of the empire were inun- his widow Eudoxia. But she was unable to keep dated by Arabs and Petchenegues, so that, although the throne alone, and married Romanus Diogenes he augmented the extent of his dominions by the for the sake of protection and support, and this addition of Iberia and Armenia, he contributed distinguished general, who was created emperor, much to the rapid decline of Greek power under his must be considered as the real successor of Consuccessor. The successor of Constantine X. was stantine XI. (Scylitzes, p. 813, &c., ed. Paris; the empress Theodora mentioned above. (Cedren. Psellus in Zonar. vol. ii. p. 272, &c., ed. Paris; p. 754, &c., ed. Paris; Psellus in Zonar. vol. ii. Glycas, p. 324, &c., ed. Paris; Nicephorus Bryenn. p. 247, &c. ed. Paris; Glycas, p. 319, &c., ed. p. 19, &c., ed. Paris.) [W. P.] Paris; Joel, p. 183, &c., ed. Paris.) [W.P.] CONSTANTI'NUS XII. DUCAS, emperor CONSTANTI'NUS XI. DUCAS (d Aoeicas), of the East, the youngest son of the preceding, emperor of the East, A. D. 1059-1067, was succeeded his father Constantine XI. in 1067, tochosen by the emperor Isaac I. Comnenus, who gether with his brothers Michael and Andronicus, abdicated in 1059, as his successor, in preference under the regency of their mother Eudoxia, who to his own children, because he thought him to be married Romanus III. Diogenes and made him the most worthy of his subjects. It proved, how- emperor. After the capture of Romanus by the ever, that, although Constantine was undoubtedly Turks in 1071, Constantine and his brothers were one of the best subjects of Isaac, he still was not proclaimed emperors, but Michael, the eldest, was fit to rule in those troublous times. Previously to the real ruler. Constantine was confined in a his election, Constantine had been very active in monastery by the emperor Nicephorus III. Botaputting Michael VI. Stratioticus on the throne niates about 1078. His final fate is not well (A. D. 1056), but he deserted him in the following known. He died either in the same year in conyear and espoused the party of Isaac Comnenus, sequence of cruel tortures to which he had been who succeeded in seizing the government. Thence exposed, or as late as 1082, in a battle between their friendship arose. When he ascended the the emperor Alexis I. and Robert Guiscard. Anna throne, the people expected that he would take Comnena calls him Constantius (p. 117, ed. Paris). vigorous measures against those swarms of barba- [MICHAEL VII.; RoMANUS III.] [W. P.] rians who were attacking the empire from all sides, CONSTANTI'NUS XIII. PALAEO'LOGUS, and they were the more justified in their expecta- surnamed DRAGASES (6 naealedoyos 6 Apaydtions as Constantine was an able general. But he ans), the last emperor of the East, A. D. 1448-1453, loved talking quite as much as action, and instead was the fourth son of the emperor Manuel II. Paof preparing for war, he addressed the people in a laeologus. He was born in A. D. 1394, and obtained long elaborate speech on the duties of an emperor the throne after the death of his elder brother, the under the circumstances of the times. So fond emperor John VII., in 1448. He first married was he of speeches, that he said he preferred the Theodora, daughter of Leonardo, count of Tocco, crown of eloquence to the crown of Rome, nor can a lord in the Peloponnesus, and, after her death, we feel sure whether he really meant so or not, for Catharina, daughter of Notaras Palaeologus Cateboth those crowns were rather dusty then. Having lusius, prince of Lesbos, by neither of whom he reduced his army from motives of economy, he saw left issue. his empire suddenly invaded (in 1064) by a host, Previously to his accession, Constantine was or probably the whole nation, of the Uzes, for they despot or lord of a small remnant of the Byzantine are said to have been 600,000 men strong. While empire in the Chersonnesus Taurica, and during they ravaged Thrace and Macedonia, the Hunga- the reign of his brother John he was invested with rians crossed the Danube and seized Belgrade, the the principality of, or more correctly a principality key of the empire. Fortunately for the Greeks, in, the Peloponnesus, which he bravely defended the plague broke out in the camps of those barba- against the Turks. After the death of John, the rians, and so much diminished their numbers that throne was claimed by his surviving brothers, they hastened back to their steppes beyond the Demetrius, the eldest, Constantine, and Thomas. Danube. During the same time the Turks-Seljuks A strong party having declared for Constantine, made similar attacks upon the Greek domains in this prince, who was still in the Peloponnesus, Asia, and the Normans obtained possession of the accepted the crown after long hesitation, as he saw rest of the emperor's dominions in Italy. Bari, that he had but few chances of defending it against
Page 844 844 CONSTANTINUS. the overwhelming power of the Turks, who had gradually reduced the Byzantine empire to the city of Constantinople and a few maritime places and islands in Greece. In his embarrassment he sent Phranza, the historian, to the court of sultan Mi'rad II., declaring that he would not exercise that power which the Greeks had conferred upon Ihim, unless the sultan would give him his permission. Miirad having received the ambassador favourably, and given his consent, Constantine embarked on board a squadron, and soon afterwards arrived at Constantinople. He made peace with his brothers by giving them his former domain in the Peloponnesus. The beginning of his reign was quiet; but sultan Mirad died in 1450, and his son and successor, the ambitious and lofty Mohammed, was far from shewing the same sentiments towards Constantine as his father. Mohammed was then engaged in a war against the Turkish emir of Caramania, who made such a desperate resistance, that the councillors of Constantiiie thought this to be a favourable opportunity for making their master somewhat more independent of the sultan. They threatened to assist prince Urkhan (the eldest brother of Mohammed?), who lived at Constantinople and claimed the Turkish throne, to raise an army and to enter into a contest with Mohammed. Ambassadors having been sent to the sultan to inform him of the dispositions of the Greek court, the vizir Khalil reproached them with their imprudent and presumptuous conduct in very severe terms, and concluded with the words, "1If you will proclaim Urkhan as sultan, you may do so; you may call the Hungarians for assistance, you may try to reconquer all those countries which we have taken from you; but know ye that you will succeed in nothing, and that instead of winning an inch of ground, you will lose the petty remains of your empire which we have left you. My master shall be informed of the subject of your message, and his will shall be done." (Ducas, p. 132.) Soon afterwards, Mohammed made preparations for a siege of Constantinople, having declared that he would not make peace till he could reside in the capital of the Greek empire. Constantinople was blockaded by land and by sea till the sultan's artillery was ready, which was cast at Adrianople by Urban, a Daciani or Hungarian founder, and was of greater dinmensions than had ever been made before. While it was casting Mohammed took Mesembria, Anchialos, Byzon, and other towns which still belonged to the empire. On the 6th of April, 1453, Mohammed appeared under the walls of Constantinople at the head of an army of 258,000 men, carrying with him, among other pieces of large size, a gun which threw a stone ball of 1200 pounds. The city was defended by the Greeks and numerous Venetian, Genoese, and other Frankish auxiliaries or volunteers; and the Christian navy was superior to the Turkish, riot in number, but in the construction of the ships and the skill of the Frankish marines. Our limits do not allow us to give a history of this siege. Among the numerous works, in which the account is given with more or less truth or * A Dacian (AW() according to Chalcondylas, and a Hungarian according to Ducas. Gibbon (xii. p. 1.97, ed. 1815) says, "a Dane or Hungarian,"-either a mistake or a typographical error. CONSTANTINUS. beauty, we refer to Gibbon, Le Beau, '4 Histoira du Bas Empire," continued by Ameilhon, and -lammer, " Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches." The contest lasted from the 6th of April till the 29th of May, 1453: prophecies had foretold its issue. O(n that day the last emperor of the East fell on the wall of his trembling capital: OA cv eavyesV f5XAkov - qNPv, he cried out in despair when the Turks stormed the wall and he was forsaken by his guards. Surrounded by a crowd of Janissaries, and foreseeing his fate, he cried out again, " Is there no Christian who will cut off my head?" He had scarcely uttered these words when he was struck by two Turks at once, and expired unknown to them on a heap of slain. His body wias afterwards discovered, and when Mohammed was in undisputed possession of the city, he ordered his head to be cut off, and had it nailed on the porphyry column on the place called Augusteum. It was afterwards sent as a trophy to the principal towns in Turkish Asia. One of the first acts of the victor was the consecration of the church of St. Sophia as a mosque, and Mohammed was the first Moslem who prayed there standing on the altar. It is said that he entered that church on horseback, but this is an idle story invented by monks. lHe alighted from his horse at the principal gate, entered the church with visible respect and admiration, and was so far from committing any profanation, that he killed with his own hand a Turk whom he discovered breaking up the beautiful marbles of the pavement. The conquest of Constantinople was an event of the greatest importance to the Sultans. During upwards of one thousand years that city had been looked upon by the nations of the East as the sacred seat of both the supreme temporal and spiritual power, and being masters of Constantinople, the Sultans at once were considered as the heirs of the Roman emperors. Until then the obedience paid to them was but submission to the sword of a conqueror: it was now both fear and habit, and the transient impression of victory acquired the strength of hereditary duty. With the fall of Constantinople, darkness spread over the East; but the Muses flying from the Bosporus found a more genial home on the banks of the Arno and the Tiber. Almost four centuries have elapsed since the first Mohammedan prayer was offered in St. Sophia; yet all the power and glory of the Sultans have been unable to root out of the minds of the Greeks the remembrance of their past grandeur, and at the present moment the duration of the Turkish power in Constantinople is less probable than the revival of a new Greek empire. (Phranzes, lib. iii., &c.; Ducas, c. 34, &c.; Chalcocondyles, lib. vii., &c.; Leonardus Chiensis, Hist. Constant. a Turc. expugnatae, 1st ed., Niirnberg, 1544, 4to., a small but curious work, written a few months after the fall of Constantinople.) [W. P.] CONSTANTI'NUS ACROPOLI'TA. [AcRoPOLITA, GEORGIUS.] CONSTANTI'NUS, of ANTIOCH, also called Constantius, was a presbyter at the metropolitan church of Antioch, lived about A. D. 400, and was destined to succeed bishop Flavianus. Porphyrius, however, who wished to obtain that see, intrigued at the court of Constantinople, and succeeded in obtaining an order from the emperor Arcadius for the banishment of Constantine. With the aid of some friends, Constan
Page 845 CONSTANTINUS. tine escaped to Cyprus, where he seems to have remained during the rest of his life. He survived St. Chrysostom, who died in A. D. 407. Constantine edited the Commentary of St. Chrysostom on the Epistle to the Hebrews, consisting of thirtyfour homilies, arranged by the editor. Among the Epistles of St. Chrysostom, two, viz. Ep. 221 and 225, are addressed to Constantine, who is perhaps the author of two other Epistles commonly attributed to St. Chrysostom, viz. Ep. 237 and 238. (Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p. 135, ad an. 404.) [W. P.] CONSTANTFNUS CE'PHALAS (Kwvarav',rOS 6 KEpa.Ah ), was the compiler of the most important of the Greek Anthologies, the one which is known by the name of the Palatine Anthology. His personal history is entirely unknown, but in all probability his Anthology was composed at the beginning of the tenth century of our era. An account of the literary history of the Greek Anthology is given under PLANUDES. [P. S.] CONSTANTI'NUS, DIACONUS and chartophylax at the metropolitan church of Constantinople, wrote " Oratio encomiastica in Omnes Sanctos Martyres," the Greek text of which is extant in MS., and which is referred to in the Acts of the second council of Nicaea in " Acta Patrum." He lived before the eighth century. (Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. D. p. 10; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. x. p. 288, xi. p. 270, xii. p. 239.) [W. P.] CONSTANTINUS HARMENOPULUS. [IHARMNorULUvs.] CONSTANTI'NUS, a JURIST, a contemporary of Justinian. In A. D. 528, he was one of the commissioners appointed to form the first code. He was then, and in A. D. 529, when the first code was confirmed, mentioned by Justinian with several official titles: vir illustris, comes sacrarum largitionum inter agentes, et magister scrinii libellorum et sacrarum cognitionum." (Const. Haec qicew necessario, ~ 1, Const. Summa Reipublicae, ~2.) A person of the same name, who is described as an advocate at Constantinople, without any of these official titles, was one of the commissioners appointed to compile the Digest, A. D. 530 (Const. Tanta, ~ 9), and was also one of the commissioners appointed to draw up that new edition of the Code which now forms part of the Corpus Juris. (Const. Cordi, ~ 2.) In the collection of Edicta Praefectorum Praetorio, first published by Zachariae (Anecdota, Lips. 1843) from a Bodleian manuscript, are three edicts of Constantinus (p. 272). The edicts in this collection belong to the time of Anastasius, Justin, and Justinian. (A. D. 491-565.) Zachariae thinks that the author of these three edicts was the Constantinus who was praef. praet. of the East under Anastasius, as appears from Cod. 8, tit. 48. s. 5, and Cod. 2, tit. 7. s. 22, and that his full name was Asper Alypius Constantinus. (p. 260, nn. 19, 20.) [J. T. G.] CONSTANTINUS LICHUDES or LICUDEX, protovestiarius, became patriarch of Constantinople about A. D. 1058, and died in 1066. We have two Decreta Synodalia of him, on "Criminal Slaves," and on " Priests being arrested for Murder," which are contained with a Latin translation in Leunclavius, Jus Graeco- Romanum. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 613, ad an. 1058.) [W. P.] CONSTANTI'NUS MANASSES. [MA.NASSES.] CONSTANTINUS. 845 CONSTANTI'NUS MELITENIO'TA, archidiaconus, lived about 1276, patronized the union of the Greek and Latin Churches, died in exile in Bithynia, and wrote two treatises "De Ecclesiastica Unione Latinorum et Graecorum," and " De Processione Spiritus Sancti," both, in the Greek text with a Latin translation, contained in Leo Allatius, " Graecia Orthodoxa." (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 738; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. xi. p. 272, 397.) [W. P.] CONSTANTI'NUS, surnamed NICAEUS from the place of his abode, by which surname alone he is usually designated in the Basilica, was a GraecoRoman jurist. (Basil. iii. p. 372.) He was posterior to Garidas, who flourished in the latter half of the eleventh century of the Christian aera, for in Basilica, ii. pp. 653, 654, he cites the rXotXio- vof Garidas He was a commentator upon the Novells of Justinian (Bas. iii. p. 113), and upon the books of the Basilica. (Bas. ii. p. 651, iii. p. 240.) Nic. Comnenus (Praenot. Mystag. p. 371) cites his exposition of the Novells. In Bas. iii. p. 208, he speaks of Stephanus as his teacher (d tiSdanKahos Op lci'reoavos); but by this expression he may have referred to the jurist Stephanus, who was a contemporary of Justinian, as an English lawyer might call Coke his master. Reiz, however (ad Theopli. p. 1245), thinks it more probable, that he referred to an Antonius Stephanus, judge and magistrate, who is said by Nic. Comnenus (Papadopoli) (Praenot. Mystag. p. 404) to have written scholia on the Ecloga of Leo; but G. E. Heimbach (Anecdote, i. p. 221) has in this case clearly exposed the fabrication of Comnenus. In the scholia of Constantinus Nicaeus appended to the Basilica are citations of Cyrillus, Stephanus, and Thalelaeus (iii. p. 141), of Joannes Nomophylus, with whom he disagrees (ii. p. 549), of the Institutes (iii. p. 616), of the Digest (iii. p. 275, ii. p. 650), of the Novells of Leo (iii. p. 186), and of the Basilica (ii. pp. 550, 615, 616, 619, iii. pp. 194, 240). (Reiz, ad Tleoph. p. 1238; Assemani, Bibl. Jur. Orient. ii. c. 20, p. 404; Pohl, ad Suares. Notit. Basil. p. 134, n. (o); Heimbach, de Basil. Orig. p. 75.) [J. T. G.] CONSTANTI'NUS RHO'DIUS (Kwvr'av"rTios 6 'Poslos), is the author of three epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Jacobs, Paralip. e Cod. Vat. 201-203, xiii. pp. 738-740), the first of which was written, as appears from internal evidence, during the joint reign of the emperors Leo and Alexander, that is, between A. D. 906 and 911. Reiske supposed him to be the same person as Constantinus Cephalas, who compiled the Palatine Anthology. [CONSTANTINUS CEPHALAS.] The poetry of Constantine himself is barbarous in the last degree. (Jacobs, Anthol. Graec. xiii. pp. 874, 875; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. 469.) [P. S.] CONSTANTI'NUS SI'CULUS (Kwrvearw?Vos:2iceAo-), is the author of an epigram in the Greek Anthology on the chair (Spovos) from which he taught, which is followed in the Vatican MS. by the reply of Theophanes. (Jacobs, Paralip. e Cod. Vat. 199, 200, xiii. pp. 737, 738.) Since each poet's name has the title pcapaov added to it, it would appear that they were both dead before the time when the Palatine Anthology was compiled, that is, the beginning of the tenth century. From the subject of the above-mentioned epigram it is inferred, that Constantine was a rhetorician or philosopher. There is extant in MS. an anacreontic poem by Constantine, a philo
Page 846 846 CONSTANTIUS. sopher of Sicily. (Kewva'rav-vov eihoor6jP'ov roev:ZKceoeU; Lambec. Bibl. Caesar. L. V. Cod. 333, p. 295; Jacobs, Anthiol. Graec. xiii. p. 874; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. 469.) [P. S.] CONSTA'NTIUS I. FLA'VIUS VALE'RIUS, surnamed CHLORUS (i' Xlwpos), "the Pale," Roman emperor, A. D. 305-306, the father of Constantine the Great, was the son of one Eutropius, of a noble Dardanian family, and Claudia, the daughter of Crispus, who was the (younger?) brother of the emperors Claudius II. and Quintilius. He was probably born in 250. Distinguished by ability, valour, and virtue, Constantius became governor of Dalmatia during the reign of the emperor Carus, who, disgusted with the extravagant conduct of his son Carinus, intended to adopt and appoint as his successor the more worthy Constantins. Death prevented Carus from carrying that plan into execution, and the reward of Constantius was left to the emperors Diocletian and Maximian, who had experienced that the government of the immense Roman empire, in its perpetual and hostile contact with so many barbarians, was a burden too heavy not only for one, but even for two emperors, however distinguished they were. They consequently resolved that each should appoint a co-regent Caesar, and their choice fell upon Constantius, who was adopted by Maximian, and Galerius, who was adopted by Diocletian. Both the Caesars were obliged to repudiate their wives, and Galerius was married to Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian, while Constantius received the hand of Theodora, the daughter of the wife of Maximian. Their appointment as Caesars took place at Nicomedeia on the 1st of March, 292. The government of the empire was distributed among the four princes in the following manner: Constantius was set over the provinces beyond the Alps, that is, Gaul, Britain, and Spain (?); Galerius received both the Illyriae and Moesia, an extensive tract comprising all the countries from the Inn in Germany to mount Athos and the shores of the Archipelago, and from the Adriatic Sea to the mouth of the Danube; Maximian governed Italy and Africa; and Thrace, Egypt, and all the Asiatic provinces were reserved for the authority of Diocletian. The first and most important business of Constantius was the reunion of Britain with the empire, as Carausius had succeeded in making himself independent of the authority of Diocletian and Maximian. [CARAUSIUS.] After the murder of Carausins by Allectus in 293, this officer seized the government; but Britain was taken from him after a struggle of three years [ALLECTUS], and Constantius established his authority there. Some time afterwards, the Alemanni invaded Gaul. A pitched battle took place, in 298, between them and Constantius at Lingones, in Lugdunensis Prima, now Langres: the Romans were nearly routed, when Constantius restored the battle, defeated the enemy, and killed either 60,000 or 6000 barbarians. They suffered another defeat at Vindonissa, now Windish, in Switzerland: there are doubts with regard to this battle. After the abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, in 305, Constantius and Galerius assumed the title and dignity of Augusti, and ruled as co-emperors. Constantius died fifteen months afterwards (25th of July, 306) at Eboracum, now York, on an expedition against the Picts, in which he was accompanied by his son Constantine, whom he had by his first CONSTANTIUS. wife, Helena, whom he had repudiated. The same Constantine, afterwards the Great, succeeded him in his share of the government. Constantius was one of the most excellent characters among the later Romans, and it is to be regretted that we know so little about him. His administration of his provinces procured him great honour, for he took the most lively interest in the welfare of the people, and was so far from imitating the rapacity of other governors, that he was not even provided with such things as are necessary to men of his rank, though a vulgar appellation calls them luxuries. In his abstinence from luxuries he seems, however, to have shewn some affectation. The Pagans praised him for his humanity, and the Christians for his impartiality and toleration, Theophanes calls him Xpoe-ravos'pwV, or a man of Christian principles. His conduct during the persecution of the Christians by Diocletian was very humane. It is not known whence he received the surname of Chlorus, or the Pale, which is given to him only by later Byzantine writers. Gibbon (vol. ii. p. 118, note I. ed. 1815) observes, that any remarkable degree of paleness seems inconsistent with the rubor mentioned in the Panegyrics (v. 19). Besides his son and successor, Constantine, Constantius had by his second wife, Theodora, three sons and three daughters, who are mentioned in the genealogical table prefixed to the life of CONs-rANTINus I. (Eutrop. ix. 14-23; Aurel. Vict. Caes. 39, &c., Epil. 39; Zosim. ii. 7, &c.; Theophan. pp. 4-8, ed. Paris; Panegyric. Jeter. iv. 3, vi. 4, 6; Euseb. Vit. Const. i. 13-21; Treb. Pollio, Claudius, 3. 13; Ael. Spart. Ael. Verus, 2; Vopiscus, Carinus, 16, 17, Aurelianus, 44, Probuzs, 22; Amm. Marc. xix. 2.) [W. P.] COIN OF CONSTANTIUS I. CONSTA'NTIUS II., FLAVIUS JULIUS, Roman emperor, A. D. 337-361, whose name is sometimes written Flavius Claudius Constantius, Flavius Valerius Constantius, and Constantinus Constantius. He was the third son of Constantine the Great, and the second whom he had by his second wife, Fausta; he was born at Sirmium in Pannonia on the 6th of August, A. D. 317, in the consulate of Ovidius Gallicanus and Septimius Bassus. He was educated with and received the same careful education as his brothers, Constantine and Constans, was less proficient in learned pursuits and fine arts, but surpassed them in gymnastic and military exercises. He was created consul in 326, or perhaps as early as 324, and was employed by his father in the administration of the eastern provinces. At the death of his father in 337, Constantius was in Asia, and immediately hastened to Constantinople, where the garrison had already declared that none should reign but the sons of Constantine, excluding thus the nephews of the late emperor, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, from the government of those provinces which had been assigned to them by Constantine, who had placed Dalmatius over Greece, Macedonia, Thrace,
Page 847 CONSTANTIUS. and part of Illyricum, and Hannibalianus over Pontus, Cappadocia, and Armenia Minor, with Caesareia as the capital. The declaration of the army, whether preconcerted between them and the sons of Constantine or not, was agreeable to Constantius, who was apparently resolved to act in accordance with the same views. In a wholesale murder, where the troops were the executioners, the male descendants of Constantius Chlorus by his second wife perished through the cruel perfidy of Constantius, who spared the lives of only two princes, Flavius Julius Gallus and Flavius Claudius Julianus, the sons of Flavius Julianus Constantius, youngest son of Constantius Chlorus, who himself became a victim of his nephew's ambition. Besides those princes, the patrician Optatus and the praefectus praetorio Ablavius were likewise massacred. It would be difficult to exculpate Constantius from the part which he took in this bloody affair, even if it were true that his crime was not so much that of a murderer as that of a cool spectator of a massacre which he could have prevented. After this the three sons of Constantine the Great had an interview at Sirmium in Pannonia, and made a new division of the empire (September, 337), in which Constantine, the eldest, received Gaul, Spain, Britain, and part of Africa; Constantius, the second and the subject of this article, Thrace, Macedonia, Greece, the Asiatic provinces, and Egypt; and Constans, the youngest, Italy, Illyricum, and the rest of Africa. The ancient world was thus governed by three youths of twenty-one, twenty, and seventeen years of age. Immediately after the death of Constantine the Great a war broke out with the Persian king, Sapor II., which was chiefly carried on in Mesopotamia and on the frontiers of Syria, and, with short interruptions, lasted during the whole reign of Constantius. This war was to the disadvantage of the Romans (Greeks), who were vanquished in many battles, especially at Singara, in 343, where Constantius commanded in person, and after having carried the day, was routed with great slaughter of his troops in the succeeding night. On the other hand, the Persians sustained great losses in their fruitless attempts to take the strong fortress of Nisibis, the key of Mesopotamia; and as other fortified places in that country as well as in the mountains of Armenia were equally well defended, Sapor gained victories without making any acquisitions. Being thus engaged in the east, Constantius was prevented from paying due intention to the west, and he was obliged to be a quiet spectator of the civil war between his brothers, in which Constantine was slain at Aquileia, and Constans got possession of the whole share of Constantine in the division of the empire (A. D. 340). In 350, Constans was murdered by the troops of Magnentius, who assumed the purple and was obeyed as emperor in Britain, Gaul, and Spain; at the same time Vetranio, commander of the legions in the extensive province of Illyricum, was forced by his troops to imitate the example of Magnentius, and he likewise assumed the purple. It was now time for Constantius to prove with his sword that none but a son of the great Constantine should rule over Rome. At the head of his army he marched from the Persian frontier to the West. At Heracleia in Thrace ambassadors of Magnentius waited upon CONSTANTIUS. 847 him, proposing that he should acknowledge their master as emperor, and cement their alliance by a marriage of Constantius with the daughter of Magnentius, and of Magnentius with Constantina, eldest sister of Constantius; they threatened him with the consequences of a war should he decline those propositions. Constantius dismissed the ambassadors with a haughty refusal, and, sending one of them back to Magnentius, ordered the others to be put in prison as the agents of a rebel. His conduct towards Vetranio tended to a reconciliation; but while he promised to acknowledge him as co-emperor if he would join him against Magnentius, lie secretly planned treachery. Having bribed or persuaded the principal officers of Vetranio to forsake their master if it should suit his plans, he advanced towards Sardica, now Sophia, where he met with Vetranio, both of them being at the head of an army, that of Vetranio, however, being by far the stronger. Had Vetranio, a straightforward veteran, who could disobey but was not made for more refined perfidy, now acted in the spirit of Constantius, he could have seized his rival in the midst of his camp; but the result was very different. On a plain near Sardica a tribune was erected, where the two emperors showed themselves to their troops, who filled the plain apparently for the purpose of being' witnesses of a ceremony by which the empire was to have two lawful heads. Constantius first addressed the armed crowd, and artfully turning upon his " legitimate" opinion, that a son of the great Constantine was alone worthy to reign, suddenly met with a thunder of applause from his own troops as well as those of Vetranio, who, either spontaneously or in accordance with the instructions of their officers, declared that they would obey no emperor but Constantius. Vetranio at once perceived his situation: he took off his diadem, knelt down before Constantius, and acknowledged him as his master, himself as his guilty subject. Constantius evinced equal wisdom: he raised Vetranio from the ground, embraced him, and, as he despised a throne, assigned him a pension, and allowed him to spend the rest of his days at Prusa. (A. D. 351.) Constantius now turned his arms against Magnentius, after having appointed his cousin Gallus as Caesar and commander-in-chief of the army against the Persians. At Mursa, now Essek, a town on the river Drave in Hungary, Magnentius was routed (28th of September, A. D. 351) in a bloody battle, in which Constantius evinced more piety than courage, but where the flower of both armies perished. The conquest of Illyricum and Italy was the fruit of that victory, and Magnentius fled into Gaul. There he was attacked in the east by the army under Constantius, and in the west by another army, which, after having conquered Africa and Spain, crossed the Pyrenees and penetrated into Gaul. After another complete defeat at mount Seleucus in the Cossian Alps, and the rebellion of the principal cities in Gaul, Magnentius, reduced to extremity, put an end to his life, and his brother Decentius followed his example. (A. D. 353.) [MAGNENTIUS.] Constantius became thus master of the whole West. He avenged the murder of his brother Constans, and established his authority by cruel measures, and neither the guilty nor the innocent were exempt from his resentment. Once more the immense extent of the Roman
Page 848 8148 CONSTANTIUS. empire was ruled by one man. The administration of the government and the public and private life of Constantius, approached more and more those of an Asiatic monarch: eunuchs reigned at the court, and secret murders, dictated by jealousy or suspicion, were committed by order of the emperor, whenever justice disdained or was too weak to assist him in his plans. One of the victims of his malice was his cousin, Gallus Caesar. Guilty of negligence, disobedience, and cruelty in his administration of the East, he deserved punishment; and his guilt became still greater when he put to death the imperial commissioners, Domitian, praefectus praetorio Orientis, and Montius, quaestor palatii, who were sent to his residence, Antioch, to inquire into his conduct, but conducted themselves with the most imprudent haughtines, threatening and defying Gallus, when they ought to have ensnared him with gentle persuasions and intrigues, according to their instructions. They were torn to pieces by the mob excited by Gallus, who after such an atrocious act seemed to have had but one means of saving himself from the emperor's resentment,-rebellion. But deceived by new promises from the artful Constantius, he went to meet him at Milan. At Petovio in Pannonia he was arrested, and sent to Pola in Istria, where he was beheaded in a prison. (A. D. 354.) Julian, the brother of Gallus was likewise arrested; but, after having spent about a year in prison and exile, was pardoned at the intervention of his protectress, the empress Eusebia, and in November, 355, was created Caesar and appointed to the command-inchief in Gaul, which was suffering from the consequences of the rebellion of Sylvans.s, who had assumed the purple, but was ensnared by Ursicinus, by whom hle was murdered in the church of St. Severin at Cologne in September, 355. In 357, Constantius visited Rome, where he celebrated an undeserved triumph. Imitating the example of Augustus, he ordered the great obelisk which stood before the temple of the Sun at Heliopolls to be carried to Rome, where it was erected in the Circus Maximus. (Having been thrown down, it was placed by order of pope Sixtus V. before the portal of the church of St. John Lateran, and is known as the Lateran obelisk.) From Rome Constantius went to Illyricum, where his generals made a successful campaign against the Quadi and Sarmatians, and thence returned in 359 to Asia to meet the armies of Sapor, who had once more invaded Mesopotamia, and taken Amida, now Diyarbekr, and the minor fortresses of Singara and Bezabde. Before Sapor appeared in the field, Gaul was invaded by the Alemanni and the Franks, but their power was broken in a three years' campaign by Julian, who made Chnodomarius, the king of the Alemanni prisoner [CHNuDOMaan US]; and not only by his martial deeds, but also by his excellent administration, which won him the hearts of the inhabitants, he excited the jealousy of Constantius. Accordingly, orders arrived in Gaul that the legions employed there should march to the defence of the East. The pretext for this command was, that Gaul being tranquil, no great army was required there, but the real motive was the fear that Julian might abuse his popularity, and assume the purple. Instead of preventing that event, the imprudent order caused it. The troops refused to march; and Julian having nevertheless brought them into motion, they sud CONSTANTIUS. denly proclaimed him emperor. (A. D. 360.) It is related in the life of Julian how he acted under these circumstances; his protestations of innocence were misconstrued; his ambassadors, who met with Constantius at Caesareia, were dismissed with anger, and war was declared. Constantius, with the greater part of his army, marched to the West, and the empire was on the eve of being shaken by a dreadful civil war, when the sudden death of Constantius at Mopsocrene, near Tarsus in Cilicia (3rd of November, A. D. 361), prevented that calamity, and made Julian the sole master of the empire. [JULIANUS.] By his third wife, Maxima Faustina, Constantius left one daughter, who was afterwards married to the emperor Gratian. (Amm. Marc. lib. xiv.-xxi.; Zosimus, lib. ii. iii.; Agathias, lib. iv.; Euseb. Vita Constantin. lib. iv.; Eutrop. lib. x. 5, &c.; Julian. Orat. i. ii.; Liban. Orat. iii.-x.; Zonar. lib. xiii.; the authorities referred to under Constantinus II. and Constans I.; Tillemont,Hlisloire des Empereurs.) [W.P.] COIN OP CONSTANTIUS II. CONSTA'NTIUS III., emperor of the West, A. D. 421, was born in Illyria in the latter part of the 4th century of our aera. He became early known by his military deeds, and was beloved at the court of the emperor Honorius, as well as among the people and the soldiers, for his talents and amiable yet energetic character, which were enhanced by extraordinary manly beauty. When the tyrant Constantine, after his return from Italy, was besieged in Arles by his rebellious and successful general, Gerontius, Constantius was despatched by Honorius to reduce Gaul and Spain to obedience; but the emperor refrained from sending troops oveC' to Britain, since this country was then in a hopeless state of revolt against everything Roman. It is related under Constantine the tyrant [p. 831] how Constantius, whose first lieutenant was Ulphilas, a Goth, compelled Gerontius to raise the siege and to fly to the Pyrenees, where he perished. Constantius then continued the siege; but, although closely confined, his adversary found means to send one Edobicus or Edovinchus into Germany, for the purpose of calling the nations beyond the Rhine to his assistance. Edobicus soon returned at the head of a body of Frankish and Alemannic auxiliaries; but, instead of surprising Constantius, the latter surprised him, having suddenly left his camp, and marched to attack the barbarians, whom lie and Ulphilas met with beyond the Rh6ne and defeated entirely. Edovicus was murdered by a friend in whose house he had taken refuge, and the murderer presented the head of Edovicus to the victor, expecting a recompense. With the virtue of an ancient Roman, Constantius refused to accept the hideous present, and ordered the murderer to be turned out of his camp straightway. Constantius hastened back to Arles, resumed the interrupted siege, and forced Constantine to surrender, whose fate is related in his life. Constantius was rewarded for his victory by
Page 849 CONSTANTIUS. Honorius with the consulship (A. D. 414), and was also created comes and patricius. In A. D. 414 he marched against Ataulphus, who supported the claims of the rival emperor Attalus, but was defeated and compelled to give him up to his victor in 416. [ATTALUS.] The reward of Constantius was the hand of Placidia, the sister of Honorius, who, after being a captive of the WestGothic kings, Ataulphus (to whom she was married), Sigericus, and Wallia, since 410, was given up in 417 by Wallia, who became an ally of the Romans. Constantius afterwards induced him to cede the conquests which he had made in Spain to Honorius, and Wallia received in compensation Aquitania II. and probably also Novempopulania, or Aquitania III. From this time Toulouse became the capital of the WestGothic kings. In 421 (8th of February), Honorius conferred upon Constantius the dignity of Augustus and the authority of a co-emperor of the West. Theodosius II., emperor of the East, having refused to recognize him as Augustus, Constantius prepared to make war against him; but, before actual hostilities had broken out, he died at Ravenna, on the 11th of September, 421, after a short reign of not quite seven months. After his accession he was more severe than he used to be, but it seems that he does not deserve reproaches for it, since he shewed that severity in restoring domestic peace to Italy and Rome, where ambitious men of all nations caused disturbances of the worst description. His children by Placidia were Flavius Placidius Valentinianus, afterwards Valentinian III., emperor, and Justa Grata Honoria, afterwards betrothed to Attila. Only gold coins of Constantius have been found; they are very rare. (Zosim. lib. v. ult. and lib. vi., the chief authority; Sozom. ix. 13-16; Oros. vii. 42, 43; Philostorg. xii. 4, 12; Theoph. pp. 66-72, ed. Paris; Prosper, Chsron. Theodosio Aug. IV. Cons. &c.) [W. P.] COIN OF CONSTANTIUS III. CONSTA'NTIUS GALLUS. [CONSTANTIus.] CONSTA'NTIUS, a native of Gaul, was private secretary to Attila and his brother Bleda, to whom he was recommended by Aitius. Constantius was a very rapacious man. Having been sent to the court of Theodosius II. to negotiate a lasting peace, he promised to promote the interest of the emperor if he would give him a rich woman in marriage. Theodosius offered him the hand of a daughter of Saturninus, Comes Domesticorum, who was very rich, but who had been carried off by Zeno, Praefectus Orienti. Constantius having complained about it to Attila, this king threatened to invade Greece if the emperor did not produce the woman, and as Theodosius was unable to do so, Attila availed himself of the circumstance as a pretext for making war upon the emperor. During this war (A. D. 441) he laid siege to Sirmium. The bishop of Sirmium sent a considerable quantity of gold and silver vessels CONSUS. 849 belonging to his church to Constantius, requesting that he would keep them as his ransom in case the town should be taken and he fall into the hands of the victors. But Constantius kept those vessels for himself, and pledged them to a banker of the name of Sylvanus. When after the capture of Sirmiunm and the captivity of the bishop, Attila was informed of the robbery, he requested Theodosius to give up Sylvanus and his property, and Theodosius having refused to comply with the demand, Attila prolonged the war on that ground. Constantius was afterwards charged with high treason, and crucified by order of his master. (Priscus, in Excerpt. de Legal. pp. 54, 57, 69, ed. Paris.) [W. P.] CONSTA'NTIUS, a presbyter of Lyons, who flourished towards the close of the fifth century, has been characterised by a French writer as at once the Maecenas and the Aristarchus of the literary men of that period, fostering them by his munificence and training them to excellence by his counsel. We find four letters addressed to him by his friend Sidonius Apollinaris, from the first of which we learn, that this collection of epistles was made at his suggestion and submitted to his criticism and correction. Constantius, at the request of Patiens, bishop of Lyons, drew up a biography of Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, who died in A. D. 448. This work, entitled Vita S. Germcani Episcopi Autissiodorensis, appears from the second dedication to have been completed about A. D. 488, and is contained in the compilations of Surius and of the Bollandists under the Saints of July. It was rendered into verse by Ericus, a Benedictine monik of Auxerre, who lived about A. D. 989, and translated into French by Arnauld d'Andilly. Some persons have ascribed to Constantius the " Vita S. Justi Lugdunensis Episcopi," who died in A. D. 390, but there is no evidence that he was the author. This performance also will be found in Surius under September 2nd, and has beeni translated into French by Le Maitre de Sacy in his " Vies des Peres du Desert." [W. R.] CONSUS, an ancient Roman divinity, whose name is derived by some from conso, i. e. consulo (Plut. Roem. 14; Tertull. de Spect. 5), while others regard it as a contraction of condiltus. (PseudoAscon. in Cic. Verr. ii. 10.) All we know about the nature of this divinity is limited to what may be inferred from the etymology of the name, and from the rites and ceremonies which were observed at his festival, the Consualia. (Dict. of Ant. s. v.) With regard to the former, some call him the god of secret deliberations, and others the hidden or mysterious god, that is, a god of the lower regions. The story about the introduction of his worship throws no light upon the question, since both explanations are equally in accordance with it. When after the building of Rome the Romans had no women, it is said, and when their suit to obtain them from the neighbouring tribes was rejected, Romulus spread a report, that he had found the altar of an unknown god buried under the earth. The god was called Consus, and Romulus vowed sacrifices and a festival to him, if he succeeded in the plan he devised to obtain wives for his Romans. (Plut. 1. c.; Dionys. ii. 30, &c.) Livy (i. 9) calls the god Neptunus Equestris. Hartung (Die Relig. d. Rsm. ii. p. 87) has pointed out reasons sufficient to shew, that Consus must be regarded as an infernal divinity; this notion is 3i
Page 850 850 COPONIUS. implied in the tradition of his altar being found under the earth, and also in the fact that mules and horses, which were under the especial protection of the infernal divinities, were used in the races at the Consualia, and were treated with especial care and solemnity on that occasion. [L. S.] COON (Kowv), a son of Antenor and brother of Iphidamas, who wounded Agamemnon, but was afterwards slain by him. He was represented on the chest of Cypselus. (Hom. II. xi. 248, &c., xix. 53; Paus. v. 19. ~ 1.) [L. S.] COPHEN or COPHES (Kwc^'v, Kw'Pqs), son of the satrap Artabazus [No. 4, p. 368, b.), was appointed to convey to Damascus the treasures of Dareius, when the latter marched from Babylon to meet Alexander, B. c. 333. (Arr. Anab. ii. 15; comp. Curt. iii. 10.) The favour with which Alexander regarded Artabazus was extended also to Cophen, whom we find mentioned among the young Asiatic nobles that were enrolled in the body of cavalry called "A-y,'-a, in the re-organization of the army in B. c. 424. (Arr. Anab. vii. 6; comp. Polyb. v. 25, 65, xxxi. 3.) [E. E.] COPO'NIUS, the name of a Roman family, which originally came from Tibur. The name occurs in an inscription found at Tibur. 1. T. COPONIUS, of Tibur, a man of distinguished merit and rank, was made a Roman citizen upon the condemnation of C. Masso, whom he accused. (Cic. pro Balb. 23.) 2. M. COPONlUS, had a celebrated law-suit respecting an inheritance with M'. Curius, B. C. 93. The cause of Coponius was pleaded by Q. Scaevola, and that of Curius by L. Crassus, in the court of the centumviri. (Cic. de Orat. i. 39, ii. 32, Brut. 52.) [CuRIus.] 3, 4. T. and C. COPONzI, two grandsons of No. 1, are spoken of by Cicero in B. c. 56 as two young men of great acquirements. (Cic. pro Balb. 23, pro Cael. 10.) C. Coponius is probably the same as No. 6. 5. CoPoNIUS, was left in command of Carrae in the expedition of Crassus against the Parthians, B. c. 53. (Plut. Crass. 27.) He may also have been the same as No. 6. 6. C. COPONIUS, one of the praetors on the breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 49. He espoused the side of Pompey, followed him into Greece, and had the command of the Rhodian ships conjointly with C. Marcellus. (Cic. ad Att. viii. 12, A.; Caes. B. C. iii. 5, 26; Cic. de Div. i. 32, ii. 55.) Coponius was proscribed by the triumvirs in B. c. 43, but his wife obtained his pardon from Antony by the sacrifice of her honour. (Appian, B. C. iii. 40.) He is afterwards mentioned shortly before the battle of Actium as the father-in-law of Silius, and as a greatly respected member of the senate. (Vell. Pat. ii. 83.) The following coin was probably struck by order of this Coponius. It contains on the obverse the head of Apollo, with the inscription Q. SICINIUS IIIvR (that is, of the mint), and on the reverse a club with the skin of a lion upon it, and the in CORBULO. scription C. COPoxNus PR. S. C. The reverse no doubt has reference to Hercules, whose worship prevailed at Tibur. COPO'NIUS, a Roman sculptor, author of the fourteen statues of nations conquered by Pompey, which were placed at the entrance of the porticoes belonging to the theatre of Pompey at Rome, which gave to this entrance-hall the name of Porticus ad Nationes. This was built by Pompey himself, and afterwards restored by Augustus. (Plin. I. N. xxxvi. 4. ~~ 12, 13; Suet. Claud. 46; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. viii. 720; Thiersch, Epoch. p. 296; Urlichs, Beschreib. der Stadt Rom, iii. 3, p. 59.) [L.U.] COPREUS (KoTrppss), a son of Pelops and father of Periphetes. After having murdered Iphitus, he fled from Elis to Mycenae, where he was purified by Eurystheus, who employed him to inform Heracles of the labours he had to perform. (Hom. II. xv. 639; Apollod. i. 5. ~ 1.) Euripides in his " Heracleidae" makes him the herald of Eurysthens. [L. S.] CORAX (KOpa$), a Sicilian, who, after the expulsion of Thrasybulus from Syracuse (n. c. 467), by his oratorical powers acquired so much influence over the citizens, that for a considerable time he was the leading man in the commonwealth. The great increase of litigation consequent on the confusion produced by the expulsion of the tyrants and the claims of those whom they had deprived of their property, gave a new impulse to the practice of forensic eloquence. Corax applied himself to the study of its principles, opened a school of rhetoric, and wrote a treatise (entitled TE'Xmv) embodying such rules of the art as he had discovered. He is commonly mentioned, with his pupil Tisias, as the founder of the art of rhetoric; he was at any rate the earliest writer on the subject. His work has entirely perished. It has been conjectured (by Gamier, Mem. de l'Institut. de France, Classe d'Histoire, vol. ii. p. 44, &c., and others), though upon very slight and insufficient grounds, that the treatise entitled Rhetorica ad Alexandriun, found amongst the works of Aristotle, is the supposed lost work of Corax. (Cic. Brut. 12, de Orat. i. 20, iii. 21; Aristot. Rhet. ii. 24; Quintil. iii. 1; Mongitor, Bibl. Sicul. i. p. 146, &c., ii. p. 267, &c.; Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredtsamkeit, i. ~ 27, note 5, &c., ~ 68, notes 8, 27.) [C. P. M.] CORBIS and ORSUA, two Spanish chiefs, and cousins-german, fought in the presence of Scipio at New Carthage in Spain, B. c. 206, for the sovereignty of the town of Ibis. (Liv. xxviii. 21; Val. Max. ix. 11, extern. 1.) CO'RBULO, CN. DOMITIUS, a son of Vestilia, who was married first to Herdonius, afterwards to Pomponius, and at last to Orfitus. He was accordingly a brother of Caesonia, the wife of Caligula. He was invested with the praetorship as early as the reign of Tiberius, and after the expiration of this office was commissioned by Tiberius and afterwards by Caligula to superintend the improvement of the high-roads in Italy, which the carelessness of the magistrates had allowed to fall into decay. While engaged upon this undertaking he committed acts of cruelty and extortion, probably in compliance with commands which he received from Caligula, who rewarded his proceedings with the honour of consul suffectus in A. I. 39. In the reign of Claudius, however, he was taken to account for these proceedings, and those who had been injured by him were indemnified as far
Page 851 CORBULO. as was possible. In 47, however, Corbulo obtained the command of an army in Germany, and fought with great success against the Chauci under their leader Gennascus. He maintained excellent discipline among his troops, and acted with great caution and courage. His success excited either the fear or jealousy of Claudius, for he was commanded to lead his army back to the western banks of the Rhine. Corbulo obeyed, though with reluctance, as his career was thus checked without any necessity; but to prevent his soldiers from becoming demoralized by inactivity, he made them dig a canal between the Meuse and the Rhine, of 23,000 paces in length, in order to prevent the inundation of the country by the tide of the sea. In 54, shortly after the accession of Nero, Corbulo was entrusted with the supreme command against the Parthians, whose king, Vologeses, had invaded Armenia and expelled its king, Rhadamistus, who "was under the protection of the Romans. But as Vologeses was engaged in quelling an insurrection of his own son, Vardanes, he withdrew his troops from Armenia, and gave the most distinguished members of the family of the Arsacidae as hostages to the Romans. But, a few years later, A. D. 58, the war broke out afresh, and Corbulo fought with great success against Tiridates, the brother of Vologeses, who now claimed the throne of Armenia. Corbulo took the towns of Artaxata and Tigranocerta, and secured the throne to Tigranes, to whom Nero had given the kingdom of Armenia. In 63, Vologeses and Tiridates renewed the war; and, as Corbulo had to protect Syria, Caesennius Paetus was sent into Armenia; but he conducted the war "with so much inability and want of success, that Corbulo was in the end glad to see Vologeses willing to conclude a treaty by which both the Romans and Parthians were obliged to evacuate Armenia. But Tiridates soon after took possession of Armenia, and then sent an insulting letter to Rome, requesting Nero's sanction to his title of king of Armenia. This conduct occasioned a renewal of the war, and Corbulo marched with a strong army into Armenia. But the Parthians had become tired of incessant warfare: they sued for peace, and Tiridates condescended to lay down his crown before a statue of Nero, in order to receive it back at Rome from the hands of the emperor himself. Corbulo sent Annius, his son-in-law, to accompany Tiridates to Rome, in order to attest his own fidelity to the emperor. Corbulo was one of the greatest generals of the time, and amid the universal hatred which Nero had drawn upon himself, Corbulo remained faithful to him. His power and influence with the army were very great, and if he had placed himself at the head of an insurrection, he would have been sure of obtaining the imperial dignity. But he seems never to have entertained such a thought: the reward he earned for his fidelity was-death. For, in A. D. 67, when Nero was in Greece, he invited Corbulo to come to him. As soon as the latter landed at Cenchreae, Nero gave orders for his execution. When Corbulo was informed of his fate, he plunged his sword into his breast, exclaiming, " Well deserved!" (Plin. H.N. ii. 70, vi. 8, 13, vii. 5; Tac. Ann. iii. 31, ix. 18, &c., xiii. 6, &c., 34, &c., xiv. 23, &c., xv. 1, &c., 26, &c., Hist. ii. 76; Dion Cass. lix. 15, lx. 30, 1xii. 19, &c., 1xiii. 17; Frontin. Strateg. iv. 2, 7, ii. 9, i,. I.) [L.S.] CORDUS. 851 CORDACA (Kopa/dca), a surname of Artemis in Elis, derived from an indecent dance called icdpaý, which the companions of Pelops are said to have performed in honour of the goddess after a victory which they had won. (Paus. vi. 22, ~ 1.) [L. S.] CORDUS, AE'LIUS, or JuNIus CORDUS, apparently different designations of the same individual-an historian perpetually quoted by Capitolinus in his biographies of Albinus, the Maximins, the Gordians, and Maximus with Balbinus. He appears to have been an accurate chronicler of trivial facts. (Capit. Albin. c. 11.) [W. R.] CORDUS, CAE'SIUS, governor of Crete, with the title of proconsul, in the reign of Tiberius, was accused by Ancharius Priscus of extortion in his province. The accusation was supported by the inhabitants of Cyrene, which was included in the province of Crete, and Cordus was condemned. (Tac. Ann. iii. 38, 70.) CORDUS, CREMU'TIUS, a Roman historian, who, after having lived long and blamelessly, was impeached by two of his own clients before Tiberius of having praised Brutus and denominated Cassius " the last of the Romans"-" crimine," says Tacitus, " novo ac tune primum audito." His real offence, however, was the freedom of speech in which he had indulged against Sejanus, for the work in which the objectionable passages occurred had been published for many years, and had been read with approbation by Augustus himself. Perceiving from the relentless aspect of the emperor that there was no room for hope, Cordus delivered an apology, the substance of which has been preserved or fabricated by Tacitus, appealing to the impunity enjoyed under similar circumstances by all preceding annalists, and then quitting the senate-house retired to his own mansion, where he starved himself to death. (A. D. 25.) The subservient fathers ordained that his works should be burned by the aediles in the city, and by the public authorities wherever elsewhere found, but copies were so much the more eagerly treasured in concealment by his daughter Marcia and by his friends, who afterwards gave them again to the world with the full permission of Caligula. A few scanty fragments are contained in the seventh of the Suasoriae of Seneca. (Tac. Ann. iv. 34, 35; Sueton. Octav. 35, Tib. 61, Calig. 16; Senec. Suasor. vii., and especially his Consolatio addressed to Marcia, the daughter of Cremutius Cordus, cc. 1 and 22; Dion Cass. Ivii. 24.) [W. R.] CORDUS, JUNIUS. [CORDUS, AELIUS.] CORDUS, MUCIUS. This surname was borne by some of the Scaevolae [SCAEVOLAE], and occurs on the annexed coin of the Mucia gens. The obverse represents two heads, the one crowned with laurel and the other with a helmet, which would appear from the letters on each side to represent Honos and Virtus * the letters KALENI underneath refer to some members of the Fufia gens. [CALENUS.] On the reverse two women are standing, the one on the left representing Italia and the one on the right Roma, the former holding a cornucopia in her hand, and the latter with a sceptre in her hand and her foot on a globe: beneath is CORDI. Who the Calenus and Cordus are, mentioned on the coin, is quite uncertain. The figures of Italia and Roma would seem to refer to the times when harmony was established between 3 12
Page 852 852 CORINNA. CORIOLANUS. Rome and the people of Italy after the Social war. ( She was surnamed Mvia (the Fly). We have (Eckhel, v. pp. 220, 256.) mention of a younger Corinna of Thebes, also sur. named Myia, who is probably the same with the contemporary of Pindar. And so also is probably a Myia or Corinna of Thespiae who is mentioned (Suidas, s.v. Kdpwvva). The fragments that are left S may be found in Ch. Wolf's Poet. octo Fragm.. et 0 Elog. Hamburg, 1734, and in A. Schneider's Poui. <rN JL |Graec. Fragsm. Giessen, 1802. [C. P. M.] 0 >. ceokCORINNUS (Kdpivvos), was, according to Suidas (s. v.), an epic poet, a native of Ilium, who CORE (Kodpt), the maiden, a name by which lived before Homer, in the time of the Trojan war, Persephone is often called. [PERSEPHONE.] [L. S.] and wrote an Iliad, from which Homer borrowed CO RE, of Corinth, mentioned among the mythic the argument of his poem. He also, according to stories of the invention of sculpture. (Plin. H. N. the same authority, sang the war of Dardanus xxxv. 43; Athenag. Legat. pro Christ. c. 17.) [L.U.] with the Paphlagonians. He is likewise said to L. CORFI'DIUS, a Roman knight, whom have been a pupil of Palamedes, and to have writCicero mentioned in his oration for Ligarius, B. c. ten in the Doric characters invented by the latter. 46, as one of the distinguished men who were in- (Suidas, s. v.; Eudocia, p. 271; Fabric. Bibl. terceding with Caesar on behalf of Ligarius; but Graec. i. 16.) [C. P. M.] after the oration was published, Cicero was re- CORINTHUS (KodpvOos), according to the minded that he had made a mistake in mentioning local tradition of Corinth, a son of Zeus and the the name of Corfidius, as the latter had died before founder of the town of Corinth. (Paus. ii. 1. ~ 1; the speech was delivered. (Cic. pro Ligar. 11, Schol. ad Pind. Nemn. vii. 155.) There are two ad Att. xiii. 44.) It is probably this Corfidius of other mythical beings of this name. (Paus. ii. 3. whose return to life an amusing tale is related by ~ 8; Apollod. iii. 16. ~ 2.) [L. S.] Pliny on the authority of Varro. (H. N. vii. 52.) CORIOLA'NUS, C., or more properly, CN. CORINNA (Koptvva), a Greek poetess, a na- MA'RCIUS, the hero of one of the most beautiful tive of Tanagra in Boeotia. According to some of the early Roman legends, was said to have been accounts (Eudocia, p. 270; Welcker, in Creuzer's the son of a descendant of king Ancus Marcius. Melelem, ii. pp. 10-17), she was the daughter of His mother's name, according to the best authoriAchelodorus and Procratia. On account of her ties, was Veturia (Plutarch calls her Volummnia). long residence in Thebes, she was sometimes called He lost his father while yet a child, and under the a Theban. She flourished about the beginning of training of his mother, whom he loved exceedingly, the fifth century B. c., and was a contemporary of grew up to be a brave and valiant man; but he Pindar, whom she is said to have instructed (Plut. was likewise noted for his imperious and proud de Glor. Athen. iv. p. 348, a.), and with whom she temper. He was said to have fought in the battle strove for a prize at the public games at Thebes. by the lake Regillus, and to have won a civic According to Aelian ( V. H. xiii. 25), she gained crown in it. To explain his surname, Coriolanus, the victory over him five times. Pausanias (ix. the legend told how in a war with the Volscians 22. ~ 3) does not speak of more than one victory, their capital, Corioli, was attacked by the Romans. and mentions a picture which he saw at Tanagra, When the enemy made a sally, Marcius at the in which she was represented binding her hair head of a few brave men drove them back, and with a fillet in token of her victory, which he then, single-handed (for his followers could not attributes as much to her beauty and to the cir- support him), drove the Volscians before him to cumstance that she wrote in the Aeolic dialect, as the other side of the town. So in memory of his to her poetical talents. At a later period, when prowess the surname Coriolanus was given him. Pindar's fame was more securely established, she But his haughty bearing towards the commons blamed her contemporary, Myrtis, for entering into excited their fear and dislike, and when he was a a similar contest with him. (Apollon. Dyscol. in candidate for the consulship, they refused to elect Wolf, Corinnae Carm. p. 56, &c.) The Aeolic him. After this, when there was a famine in the dialect employed by Corinna had many Boeotian city, and a Greek prince sent corn from Sicily, peculiarities. (Eustath. ad Od. vol. i. p. 376. 10, Coriolanus advised that it should not be distributed ad II. vol. ii. p. 364. 22, ed. Lips.; Wolf, 1. c.) to the commons, unless they gave up their tribunes. She appears to have intended her poems chiefly For this he was impeached and condemned to for Boeotian ears; hence the numerous local refer- exile. He now took refuge among the Volscians, ences connected with Boeotia to be found in them. and promised to assist them in war against the (Paus. ix. 20. 1; Steph. Byz. s. v. Oe4-Vreta; Romans. Attius Tullius, the king of the VolsEustath. ad II. vol. i. p. 215. 2. ed. Lips.; Schol. cians, found a pretext for a quarrel, and war was ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1177.) They were collected in declared. Coriolanus was appointed general of the five books, and were chiefly of a lyrical kind, comin- Volscian army. HIe took many towns, and adprising choral songs, lyrical nomes, parthenia, epi- vanced plundering and burning the property of the grams, and erotic and heroic poems. The last, commons, but sparing that of the patricians, till he however, seem to have been written in a lyrical came to the fossa Cluilia, or Cluilian dyke. Here form. Among them we find mentioned one enti- he encamped, and the Romans in alarm (for they tied Jolaus, and one t1he Seven against Thebes. could not raise an army) sent as deputies to him Only a few unimportant fragments have been pre- five consulars, offering to restore him to his rights. served. But he refused to make peace unless the Ronmans Statues were erected to Corinna in different would restore to the Volscians all the lands they parts of Greece, and she was ranked as the first had taken from them, and receive all the people as and most distinguished of the nine lyrical Muses. citizens. To these terms the deputies could not
Page 853 CORIPPUS. agree. After this the Romans sent the ten chief men of the Senate, and then all the priests and augurs. But Coriolanus would not listen to them. Then, at the suggestion of Valeria, the noblest matrons of Rome, headed by Veturia, and Volumnia, the wife of Coriolanus, with his two little children, came to his tent. His mother's reproaches, and the tears of his wife, and the other matrons bent his purpose. He led back his army, and lived in exile among the Volscians till his death. On the spot where he yielded to his mother's words, a temple was dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris, and Valeria was the first priestess. Such is the substance of the legend. The date assigned to it in the annals is B. c. 490. Its inconsistency with the traces of real history which have come down to us have been pointed out by Niebuhr, who has also shewn that if his banishment be placed some twenty years later, and his attack on the Romans about ten years after that, the groundwork of the story is reconcileable with history. The account of his condemnation is not applicable to the state of things earlier than B. c. 470, about which time a famine happened, while Hiero was tyrant of Syracuse, and might have been induced by his hostility to the Etruscans to send corn to the Romans. Moreover, in B. c. 458, the Volscians obtained from the Romans the very terms which were proposed by Coriolanus. "The list of his conquests is only that of a portion of those made by the Volscians transferred to a Roman whose glory was flattering to national vanity." The circumstance that the story has been referred to a wrong date Niebuhr considers to have arisen from its being mixed up with the foundation of the temple to Fortuna Muliebris. The name Coriolanus may have been derived from his settling in the town of Corioli after his banishment. Whether he had any share in bringing about the peace of 458, Niebuhr considers doubtful. (Plut. Coriolanus; Liv. ii. 34-40; Dionys. vii. 20-viii. 59; Niebuhr, vol. ii. pp. 94-107, 234-260). [C. P. M.] CORIPPUS, FLA'VIUS CRESCO'NIUS. In the year 1581 a work issued from the press of Plantin at Antwerp, edited by Michael Ruiz, a Spaniard, and bearing the title Corippi Africani Grammatici friagmentum carmiinis in laudem imperatoris Justini Minoris; Carmene panegyricum in laudem Anastasii quaestoris et magistri; de laudibus Justini Aaugusti Minoris heroico carmine libri IV. The two former, of which the first is imperfect, are extremely short, and in reality are merely the preface and epistle dedicatory of the third, which extends to nearly 1600 hexameter lines, and is a formal panegyric, conceived in all the hyperbolical extravagance of the Byzantine school, in honour of the younger Justin, who swayed the empire of the East from A. D. 565 to 578. Ruiz asserts, that these pieces were faithfully copied from a MS. more than 700 years old; but of this document he gives no description; he does not state how it had come into his possession, nor where it was deposited; it has never been found; and no other being known to exist, the text depends upon the editio princeps alone. Corippus, in the preface above mentioned, refers to a poem which he had previously composed upon the African wars. Quid Libycas gentes, quid Syrtica proelia dicam Jam libris completa umeis? CORIPPUS. 853 Now, Johannes Cuspianus "De Caesaribus et Imperatoribus" declares, that he saw in the royal library at Buda a poem in eight books entitled Johannis by Flavius Cresconius Corippus, the subject of which was the war carried on against the Africans by Johannes Patricius, and he quotes the first five lines beginning Signa, duces gentesque feras, Martisque ruinas. Moreover, we can prove from history that Cuspianus was at Buda between the years 1510 and 1515. Secondly, it is known that as late as 1532 a MS. "De Bellis Libycis" was preserved in the monastery of the Monte Casino, bearing the name of Cresconius, the first word being " Victoris." This does not correspond, it will be observed, with the commencement given by Cuspianus; but the difference, as we shall soon see, is only apparent. Both of the above MSS. have disappeared and left no trace behind them. Lastly, in the Vallicellan library at Rome is a MS. of the tenth century, containing a collection of ancient canons, to which the transcriber has prefixed the following note: " Concordia Canonum a Cresconio Africano episcopo digesta sub capitulis trecentis: iste nimirum Cresconius bella et victorias, quas Johannes Patricius apud Africam de Saracenis gessit, hexametris versibus descripsit," &c. From this it was inferred by many scholars, that Cresconius must have flourished towards the end of the seventh century, since we learn from Cedrenus that, in 697, the Arabians overran Africa, and were expelled by a certain Johannes Patricius despatched thither by the emperor Leontius; hence also Corippus and Cresconius were generally distinguished from each other, the former being supposed to be the author of the panegyric upon Justin, the latter of the Concordia Canonum and the poem " de Bellis Libycis." Various other conjectures were formed and combinations imagined which are now not worth discussing, since a great portion of the doubt and difficulty was removed by Mazuchelli in 1814, who discovered the long-lost Johannis in the library of the Marquis of Trivulzi at Milan,.where it had been overlooked in consequence of having been inserted in the catalogue as the production of a Johannes de Aretio, who lived towards the close of the 14th century, and who appears to have transcribed it into the same volume with his own barbarous effusions. The Praefatio to this Johannis begins Victoris, proceres, praesumsi dicere lauros, while the first lines of the poem itself are the same with those quoted by Cuspianus, thus establishing the identity of the piece with that contained in the MSS. of Buda and Monte Casino, and enabling us to determine the full name of the author as given at the head of this article. The theme is a war carried on in Africa against the Moors and Vandals during the reign of Justinian, about the year 550, by a proconsul or magister militiae named Johannes, who is the hero of the lay. The campaign in question is noticed by Procopius (B. V. ii. 28, B. G. iv. 17) and Paulus Diaconus. (De Gestis Longobard. i. 25.) Of Johannes we know nothing except what we are told by Procopius and by the poet himself. Hie was the brother of Pappus; had served along with him on two previous occasions in Africa, under Belisarius in 533, and under Germanus in 537; his father was
Page 854 854 CORIPPUS. CORNELIA. named Evantus; his wife was the daughter of a p. 247) speaks as if Ruiz had previously published king; his son was called Peter; he had been em- an edition at Madrid in 1579; to this, or these, ployed in the East against the Persians, and had succeeded the edition of Thomas Dempster, 8vo., been recalled from thence to head an expedition Paris, 1610; of Rivinus, 8vo., Leipzig, 1663; of against the rebellious Moors. (Procop. 11. cc. and Ritterhusius, 4to., Altdorf, 1664; of Goetzius, B. G. iv. 34; Johan. i. 197, 380, vii. 576.) 8vo., Altdorf, 1743; and of Foggini, 4to. Rome, Although the designation and age of Corippus 1777, which completes the list. are thus satisfactorily ascertained, and the author The Johannis, discovered as described above, of the Johannis is proved to be the same person was first printed at Milan, 4to., 1820, with the with the panegyrist of Justinian's nephew, we notes of Mazuchelli. have no means of deciding with equal certainty Both works will be found in the best form in whether he is to be identified with the African the new Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae bishop Cresconius who compiled a C nonum Bre- at present in the course of publication at Bonn. viarium and a Concordia Canonum, the former The Canonum Breviarium and the Concordia being a sort of index or table of contents to the Canonum are printed entire in the first volume of latter, which comprises an extensive and important the Bibliotheca Juris Canonici published by Voellus collection of laws of the Church, arranged not and Justellus at Paris, fol. 1661. chronologically according to the date of the several The Breviarium was first published at Paris by councils, but systematically according to the nature Pithou in 1588, 8vo., and is contained in the of the subjects, and distributed under three hun- Bibliothleca Patrnru Lugdun. vol. ix. [W. R.] dred titles. Saxe and most writers upon the history CORISCUS (K6dpKo-os), is mentioned, with of ecclesiastical literature place the prelate in the Erastus, as a disciple of Plato, by Diogenes (iii. reign of Tiberius III. as low as A. D. 698, this 31, s. 46), who also states, that Plato wrote a epoch being assigned to him on the double suppo- letter to Erastus and Coriscus. (iii. 36, s. 61.) sition that he was the composer of the Libyan War They were both natives of Scepsis in the Troas. and that this was the Libyan War of Leontius; (Diog. 1. c.; Strab. xiii. p. 608.) [P. S.] but the-latter hypothesis has now been proved to CORNE'LIA. 1. One of the noble women at be false. The epithets Africani and Grammatici Rome, who was said to have been guilty of poison-attached, as we have already seen, to the name ing the leading men of the state in B. c. 331, the of Corippus in the editio princeps of the panegyric, first instance in which this crime is mentioned in the former pointing out his country, which is Roman history. The aediles were informed by a clearly indicated by several expressions in the slave-girl of the guilt of Cornelia and other Roman work itself, the lattei a complimentary designation matrons, and in consequence of her information equivalent at that period to "learned,"-convey they detected Cornelia and her accomplices in the the sum total of the information we possess con- act of preparing certain drugs over a fire, which cerning his personal history. they were compelled by the magistrates to drink, With regard to his merits, the epigrammatic and thus perished. (Liv. viii. 18; comp. Val. censure of Baillet, that he was a great flatterer Max. ii. 5. ~ 3; August. de Civ. Dei, iii. 17; and a little poet, is perhaps not absolutely unjust; Diet. of Ant. s. v. Veneficium.) but if we view him in relation to the state of literature in the age when he flourished, and compare him with his contemporaries, we may feel inclined 2. Daughter of L. Cinna, one of the great to entertain some respect for his talents. He was leaders of the Marian party, was married to C. evidently well read in Virgil, Lucan, and Claudian; Caesar, afterwards dictator. Caesar married her the last two especially seem to have been his mo- in B. c. 83, when he was only seventeen years of dels; and hence, while his language is wonderfully age; and when Sulla commanded him to put her pure, we have a constant display of rhetorical de- away, he refused to do so, and chose rather to be clamation and a most ambitious straining after deprived of her fortune and to be proscribed himself. splendour of diction. Nor is the perusal of his Cornelia bore him his daughter Julia, and died beverses unattended with profit, inasmuch as he fore his quaestorship. Caesar delivered an oration frequently sheds light upon a period of history for in praise of her from the Rostra, when he was which our authorities are singularly imperfect and quaestor. (Plut. Cues. 1, 5; Suet. Caes. 1, 5, 6; obscure, and frequently illustrates with great life Vell. Pat. ii. 41.) and vigour, the manners of the Byzantine court. 3. Sister of the preceding, was married to Cn. In proof of this, we need only turn to the 45th Domitius Ahenobarbus, who was proscribed by chapter of Gibbon, where the striking description Sulla in B. c. 82, and killed in Africa, whither he of Justin's elevation, and the complicated ceremo- had fled. [AHENOBARBUS, No. 6.] nies which attended his coronation, is merely a Family of the Scipiones. translation "into simple and concise prose" from the first two books of Corippus. The text, as 4. The elder daughter of P. Scipio Africanus might be anticipated from the circumstance that the elder, was married in her father's life-time to each poem depends upon a single MS., that one of P. Scipio Nasica. (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Polyb. xxxii. these has never been collated or even seen by any 13.) modern scholar, and that the other was transcribed 5. The younger daughter of P. Scipio Africanus at a late period by a most ignorant copyist,-is the elder, was married to Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, miserably defective; nor can we form any reason- censor B. c. 169, and was by him the mother of able expectation of its being materially improved, the two tribunes Tiberius and Caius. Gracchus The Editio Princeps of the Panegyric is gene- espoused the popular party in the commonwealth, rally marked by bibliographers as having been and was consequently not on good terms with priuted by Plantin, at Antwerp, in 1581; but Scipio, and it was not till after the death of the Funccius (De iaerti ac decrepit. L. L. Senectate, latter, according to most accounts, that Gracchus
Page 855 COINELIA. married his daughter. According to other statements, however, Cornelia was married to Gracchus in the life-time of her father, and Scipio is said to have given her to Gracchus, because the latter interfered to save his brother L. Scipio from being dragged to prison. (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 1; Liv. xxxviii. 57.) Cornelia was left a widow with a young family of twelve children, and devoted herself entirely to their education, rejecting all offers of a second marriage, and adhering to her resolution even when tempted by Ptolemy, who offered to share his crown and bed with her. Of her numerous family three only survived their childhood,-a daughter, who was married to Scipio Africanus the Younger, and her two sons Tiberius and Caius. Cornelia had inherited from her father a love of literature, and united in her person the severe virtues of the old Roman matron with the superior knowledge, refinement, and civilization which then began to prevail in the higher classes at Rome. She was well acquainted with Greek literature, and spoke her own language with that purity and elegance which pre-eminently characterises well educated women in every country. Her letters, which were extant in the time of Cicero, were models of composition, and it was doubtless mainly owing to her judicious training that her sons became in after-life such distinguished orators and statesmen. (Comp. Cic. Brut. 58.) As the daughter of the conqueror of Hannibal, the mother of the Gracchi, and the mother-in-law of the taker of Carthage and Numantia, Cornelia occupies a prouder position than any other woman in Roman history. She was almost idolized by the people, and exercised an important influence over her two sons, whose greatness she lived to see,-and also their death. It was related by some writers that Ti. Gracchus was urged on to propose his laws by the reproaches of his mother, who upbraided him with her being called the mother-in-law of Scipio and not the mother of the Gracchi; but though she was doubtless privy to all the plans of her son, and probably urged him to persevere in his course, his lofty soul needed not such inducements as these to undertake what he considered necessary for the salvation of the state. Such respect was paid to her by her son Caius, that he dropped a law upon her intercession which was directed against M. Octavius, who had been a colleague of Tiberius in his tribunate. But great as she was, she did not escape the foul aspersions of calumny and slander. Some attributed to her, with the assistance of her daughter, the death of her son-in-law, Scipio Africanus the Younger (Appian, B. C. i. 20); but this charge is probably nothing but the base invention of party malice. She bore the death of her sons with magnanimity, and said in reference to the consecrated places where they had lost their lives, that they were sepulchres worthy of them. On the murder of Caius, she retired to Misenum, where she spent the remainder of her life. Here she exercised unbounded hospitality; she was constantly surrounded by Greeks and men of letters; and the various kings in alliance with the Romans were accustomed to send her presents, and receive the like from her in return. Thus she reached a good old age, honoured and respected by all, and the Roman people erected a statue to her, with the inscription, CORNELIA, MOTHER OF THE GRACCHI. (Plut. Ti. Gracch. 1, 8, C. Gracch. 4, 19; Oros. v. 12; Yell. Pat. ii. 7.) CORNELIANUS. 855 6. Daughter of P. Cornelius Scipio (also called Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio, on account of his adoption by Q. Metellus), consul in B. c. 52, was first married to P. Crassus, the son of the triumvir, who perished, in B. c. 53, with his father, in the expedition against the Parthians. In the next year she married Pompey the Great. This marriage was not merely a political one; for Pompey seems to have been captivated by her. She was still young, possessed of extraordinary beauty, and distinguished for her knowledge of literature, music, geometry, and philosophy. In B. c. 49, Pompey sent her, when he abandoned Italy, with his youngest son Sextus to Lesbos, where she received her husband upon his flight after the battle of Pharsalia. She accompanied him to the Egyptian coast, saw him murdered, and fled first to Cyprus and afterwards to Cyrene. But, pardoned by Caesar, she soon afterwards returned to Rome, and received from him the ashes of her husband, which she preserved on his Alban estate. (Plut. Pomp. 55, 66, 74, 76, 78-80; Appian, B. C. ii. 83; Dion Cass. xl. 51, xlii. 5; Vell. Pat. ii. 53; Lucan, iii. 23, v. 725, viii. 40, &c.) Family of the Sullae. 7. Sister of the dictator Sulla, was married to Nonius, and her son is mentioned as grown up in B. c. 88. (Plut. Sull. 10.) 8. Daughter of the dictator Sulla, was married to Q. Pompeius Rufus, who was murdered by the Marian party, in B. c. 88, at the instigation of the tribune Sulpicius. (Liv. Epit. 77; Vell. Pat. ii. 18; Plut. Sull. 8.) 9. Another daughter of the dictator Sulla, was married first to C. Memmius, and afterwards to T. Annius Milo. She is better known by the name of Fausta. [FAUSTA.] CORNE'LIA ORESTILLA. [ORESTILLA.] CORNE'LIA PAULLA. [PAULLA.] CORNE'LIA GENS, patrician and plebeian, was one of the most distinguished Roman gentes, and produced a greater number of illustrious men than any other house at Rome. All its great families belonged to the patrician order. The names of the patrician families are:-ARvINA, BLASIO, CETHEGUS, CINNA, CoSSUS, DOLABELLA, LENTULUS (with the agnomens Caudinus, Clodianus, Crus, Gaetulicus, Lupus, Maluginensis, Marcellinus, Niger, Rufinus, Scipio, Spinther, Sura), MALUGINENSIS, MAMMULA, MERENDA, MERULA, RUFINUS, SCAPULA, SCIPIO (with the agnomens Africanus, Asiaticus, Asina, Barbatus, Calvus, Hispallus, Nasica, Serapio), SISENNA, and SULLA (with the agnomen Felix). The names of the plebeian families are BALBUS and GALLUS, and we also find various cognomens, as Chrysogonus, Culleolus, Phagita, &c., given to freedmen of this gens. There are also several plebeians mentioned without any surname: of these an account is given under CORNELIUS. The following cognomens occur on coins of this gens:-Balbeus, Blasio, Cethegus, Cinna, Lentulus, Sci io, Sisenna, Sulla. Under the empire the number of cognomens increased considerably; of these an alphabetical list is given under Cornelius. CORNELIA'NUS, a Roman rhetorician, who seems to have lived in the reign of M. Aurelius and Verus, and was secretary to the emperor M. Aurelius. The grammarian Phrynichus, who de
Page 856 856 CORNELIUS. dicated to Cornelianus his "'Ecloge." speaks of him in terms of high praise, and describes him as worthy of the age of Demosthenes. (Comp. Phrynich. s. v. ja0s iotlaCa, p. 225, s. v. Td rpdoewra, p. 379, ed. Lobeck.) Fronto (Epist. ad Amic. i. 4, p. 187 and p. 237) mentions a rhetorician of the name of Sulpicius Cornelianus; but whether he is the same as the friend of Phrynichus, as Mai supposes, is uncertain, though there is nothing to oppose the supposition. [L. S.] CORNE'LIUS. Many plebeians of this name frequently occur towards the end of the republic without any cognomen. [CORNELIA GENS.] Their great number is no doubt owing to the fact mentioned by Appian (B. 0. i. 100), that the dictator Sulla bestowed the Roman franchise upon 10,000 slaves, and called them after his own name, " Cornelii," that he might always have a large number among the people to support him. Of these the most important are:1. CORNELIUS, a secretary (scriba) in Sulla's dictatorship, lived to become city quaestor in the dictatorship of Caesar. (Sall. Hist. in Or. Lep.; Cic. de Of. ii. 8.) 2. CORNELIUS PHAGITA, the commander of a company of soldiers, into whose hands Caesar fell when he was proscribed by Sulla in B. c. 82. It was with difficulty that Cornelius allowed him to escape even after receiving a bribe of two talents, but Caesar never punished him when he afterwards obtained supreme power. (Suet. Caes. 74; Plut. Caes. 1. 3. C. ConELIUS, tribune of the plebs, B.C. 67, whom Cicero defended. See below. 4. C. CORNELIUS, a Roman knight, and one of Catiline's crew, undertook, in conjunction with L. Vargunteius to murder Cicero in B.c. 63, but their plan was frustrated by information conveyed to Cicero through Curius and Fulvia. When accused subsequently, he could obtain no one to defend him; but he escaped punishment probably on account of the information he gave respecting the conspiracy. When P. Sulla was accused in B.C.. 62 of participation in the conspiracy, Cornelius caused his son to come forward as a witness against bim. (Sal. Cat. 17, 28; Cic.pro Sull. 2, 6, 18.) 5. P. CORNELIUS, tribune of the plebs, B.C. 51. (Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8.) 6. CORNELIUS, a centurion in the army of young Octavianus, was at the head of the embassy sent to Rome in B. c. 43, to demand in the name of the army the consulship for their general. When the senate hesitated to comply with their demands, Cornelius threw back his cloak, and pointing to the hilt of his sword, exclaimed, " This shall make him consul, if you won't." (Suet. Aug.26.) C. CORNE'LIUS, of a plebeian branch of the Cornelia gens, was quaestor of Pompey the Great. In the year B. c. 67, he was tribune of the plebs, and proposed a law in the senate to prevent the lending of money to foreign ambassadors at Rome. The proposition was not carried, since many of the senators derived profit from the practice, which had led to shameful abuses by the bribery and extortions which it covered. He then proposed that no10 person should be released from the obligations of a law except by the populus. The senate had of late exercised a power, analogous to that of the British Parliament in passing private acts, which exempt individuals in certain cases from the general provisions of the law. This power the senate was CORNELIUS. unwilling to be deprived of, and the tribune Servilius Globulus, a colleague of Cornelius, was persuaded to interpose, and prohibit the reading of the rogation by the clerk. Cornelius thereupon read it himself, and a tumult followed. Cornelius took no part in the riot, and evinced his moderation by being content with a law, which made the presence of 200 senators requisite to the validity of a dispensing senatusconsultum. When his year of office was ended, he was accused of majestas by P. Cominius, for reading the rogation in defiance of the intercession of Globulus; the accusation was dropped this year, but renewed in B. c. 65. Cornelius was ably defended by Cicero (part of whose speech is extant), and was acquitted by a majority of votes. [COMINIus, Nos. 5 and 6.] In his tribuneship, he was the successful proposer of a law, of which the importance can scarcely be over-rated. In order to check the partiality of occasional edicts, it was enacted by the lex Cornelia " ut praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis jus dicerent." (Dict. of Ant. s. v. Edictum.) Cornelius was a man of blameless private life, and, in his public character, though he was accused of factiousness by the nobles, seems to have advocated usefll measures. (Asconius, in Cic. pro Cornel.; Dion Cass. xxxvi. 21, 23; Drumann's Geschi. Roms, ii. p. 613.). [J. T. G.] CORNE'LIUS, succeeded Fabianus as bishop of Rome on the 4th of June, A. D. 251. HIe is chiefly remarkable on account of the controversy which he maintained with Novatianus in regard to the readmission of the Lapsi, that is, Christians who after baptism, influenced by the terrors of persecution, had openly fallen away from the faith. Cornelius was disposed to be lenient towards the renegades upon receiving full evidence of their contrition, while Novatianus denied the power of the church to grant forgiveness under such circumnstances and restore the culprits to her communion. The result of the dispute was, that, upon the election of Cornelius, Novatianus refused to acknowledge the authority of his opponent, who summoned a council, by which his own opinions were fully confirmed. Upon this the religious warfare raged more fiercely than ever; Novatianus was irregularly chosen bishop by some of his own partizans, and thus arose the schism of the Novatians. [NoVATIANUS.] Cornelius, however, enjoyed his dignity for but a very brief period. He was banished to Civita Vecchia by the emperor Gallus, in A. D. 252, where he soon after died, or, according to some accounts, suffered martyrdom. Hie is known to have written several Epistles, two of which addressed to Cyprian will be found in the works of that prelate, and in Coustant's " Epistolae Pontificum," p. 125, while a fragment of a third is preserved in the ecclesiastical history of Eusebius. (vi. 43.) [CYPRIANUS.] [W. R.] CORNE'LIUS, SE'RVIUS. In the GraecoRoman Epitome Legum, composed about A. D. 945 by one Embatus, and preserved in MS. at Florence (Cod. Laurent. lxxx. 6), it is stated, that Servius Cornelius was employed by the emperor Hadrian, in conjunction with Salvius Julianus, to collect, arrange, and remodel the edictum perpetuum. The passage (which, though the lateness of its date diminishes its value, is the most explicit of the few that relate to this obscure part of legal history) is given by Klenze. (Lelsrbnwch der Gesc/. des Rinm. Recits, p. 54.) [J. T. G.]
Page 857 CORNIFICIUS. CORNE'LIUS CELSUS. [CELSUS.] CORNE'LIUS CHRYSO'GONUS. [CHiYSOGONUS.] CORNE'LIUS FRONTO. [FRONTO.] CORNE'LIUS FUSCUS. [Fuscus.] CORNE'LIUS LACO. [LAco.] CORNE'LIUS MARCELLUS. [MARCELLUS.] CORNE'LIUS MARTIALIS. [MARTIALIS.] CORNE'LIUS NEPOS. [NEPOs.] CORNE'LIUS TA'CITUS. [TAcITUS] CORNE'LIUS TLEPO'LEMUS. [TLEPOLEMUS.] CORNE'LIUS TUSCUS. [Tuscus.] CORNI'ADES (Kopvliad s), an intimate friend of Epicurus, is spoken of by Cicero (de Fin. v. 31) as paying a visit to Arcesilaus. The MSS. of Cicero have Carneades, but there can be little doubt that Corniades is the correct reading, since the latter is mentioned by Plutarch (non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicur. p. 1089) as a friend of Epicurus, and the former could not possibly have been the friend of Epicurus, as Carneades died in u. c. 129, and Epicurus in B. c. 209. CO'RNICEN, a "horn-blower," an agnomen of Postumus Aebutius Elva, consul B. c. 442 [ELVA], and a cognomen of the Oppia gens. Cicero uses the form Cornicinus. [See No. 2.] 1. SP. OPPIUS CORNICEN, a plebeian, one of the second decemvirate, B. c. 450. When the other decemvirs had to march against the enemy, Cornicen was left as the colleague of App. Claudius to take care of the city; and it was he who convened the senate when the people rose in arms upon the death of Virginia. In the next year, he was sent to prison on the evidence of an old soldier, whom, after twenty-seven years of service, he had ordered to be scourged without any cause; but Cornicen, fearing the result of a trial, put an end to his own life in prison. (Liv. iii. 35, 41, 49, 50, 58; Dionys. x. 58, xi. 23, 44, 46.) 2. (OPPIUS) CORNICINUS, a senator, the son-inlaw of Sex. Atilius Serranus, tribune of the plebs, B. C. 57. (Cic. ad Alt. iv. 2.) CORNIF'CIA. 1. Daughter of Q. Cornificius [CoRNIFICIUS, No. 2], was sought in marriage by Juventius Thalna in a. c. 45, when she was rather advanced in years and had been married several times; but she refused his offer, because his fortune was not large enough. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 29.) 2. Sister of the poet Cornificius, is said by Hieronymus (Chron. Euseb. 01. 184. 4) to have written some excellent epigrams, which were extant in his time. CORNI'FICIA, the last surviving daughter of M. Aurelius, was put to death by Caracalla, and a very interesting account of her last moments and last words has recently come to light in the fragments of Dion Cassius discovered by Mai. (Mai, Fragment. Vatican, ii. p. 230.) [W. R.] CORNIFICIA GENS, plebeian, seems to have come originally from Rhegium. (Cic. ad Fasm. xii. 25.) No persons of this name occur till the last century of the republic; and the first who obtained any of the higher honours of the state was Q. Cornificius, praetor, B. c. 66. On coins the name is written Cornuficius, which is also the form used by Dion Cassius (xlviii. 21). CORNI'FICIUS. 1. CoaNIFIciUS, secretary (scriba) of Verres in his praetorship, B. c. 74. (Cic. in Vcrr. i. 57.) CORNIFICIUS. 857.2. Q. CORNIFICIUS, was one of the judices on the trial of Verres, and tribune of the plebs in the following year, B. c. 69. He probably obtained the praetorship in 66, and was one of Cicero's competitors for the consulship in 64. His failure, however, did not make him an enemy of the great orator; he seems to have assisted him in the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy, and it was to his care that Cethegus was committed upon the arrest of the conspirators. Subsequently in B. c, 62, Cornificius was the first to bring before the senate the sacrilege of Clodius in violating the mysteries of the Bona Dea. He probably died soon afterwards, as we hear nothing further of him. He is called by Asconius "vir sobrius ac sanctus." (Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 10; Ascon. in Tog. Cand. p. 82; Cic. ad Ait. i. 1; Sall. Cat. 47; Appian, B. C. ii. 5; Cic. ad Att. i. 13.) 3. Q. CORNIFICIUS, son of No. 2, is first mentioned in B. c. 50, as betrothing himself to the daughter of Aurelia Orestilla, the beautiful but profligate widow of Catiline. (Cic. ad Famo. viii. 7.) In the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, he served in 48 as the quaestor of the former, by whom he was sent into Illyricum with the title of propraetor. By his prudence and military skill, Cornificius reduced the province to a state of obedience, and rendered no small service to Caesar's cause. (Hirt. B. Alex. 42.) He seems to have returned to Rome in the following year, and was then probably rewarded by Caesar with the augurate, as we find, from Cicero's letters, that he was in possession of that office in the next year. He also formed an intimate friendship with Cicero, several of whose letters to him are extant. (Ad Fam. xii. 17-30.) Cornificius did not remain long in Rome. In B. c. 46, we find him in Syria, where he was observing the movements of Caecilius Bassus, and in the beginning of the following year he was appointed by Caesar governor of Syria. (Cic. ad Fam. xii. 18, 19.) This office, however, he did not hold long, for on the death of Caesar, in B. c. 44, he was in possession of the province of Old Africa. This he maintained for the senate against L. Calvisius Sabinus, and continued to adhere to the same party on the formation of the triumvirate, in 43. He sent troops to the assistance of Sex. Pompey, and gave shelter and protection to those who had been proscribed by the triumvirs. IIe refused to surrender his province to T. Sextius, who commanded the neighbouring province of New Africa, and who had ordered him, in the name of the triumvirs, to do so. Hereupon a war broke out between them. The details of this war are related somewhat differently by Appian and Dion Cassius; but so much is certain, that Cornificius at first defeated T. Sextius, but was eventually conquered by the latter, and fell in battle. (Appian, B. C. iii. 85, iv. 36, 53-56; Dion Cass. xlviii. 17, 21; Liv. Epit. 123.) Cornificius was a man of literary habits and tastes. Cicero speaks highly of his judgment when he sends him in B. c. 45 a copy of his "Orator," but seems to banter him somewhat respecting his oratory. (Cic. Ad Fam. xii. 17, 18.) Many have attributed to him the authorship of the " Rhetorica ad Herennium." Some remarks are made on this subject below. The following, coin refers to this Cornificius. It bears on the obverse the head of Ammon, and on
Page 858 858 CORNIFICIUS. the reverse Juno holding a shield and crowning a man who has a lituus in his right hand, with the legend Q. CORNVFiCI AVGVR IMP. From the head of Ammon, it would appear to have been struck in Africa, and the title of Imperator was probably given him by his soldiers after his victory over T. Sextius. 4. L. CORNIFICIUS, was one of the accusers of Milo in B. c. 52, after the death of Clodius. (Ascon. in Milon. pp. 40, 54, ed. Orelli.) The P. Cornificius, a senator, also mentioned by Asconius (In Milon. p. 37), is probably the same person. 5. L. CORNIFICIUS, probably, from his praenomen, the son of No. 4, was the accuser of M. Brutus in the court by which the murderers of Caesar were tried. He afterwards commanded the fleet of Octavianus in the war against Sex. Pompey, and by his boldness and bravery saved the fleet when it was in great danger off the coa.st of Sicily (B. c. 38), and took the ship of Demochares, the admiral of the Pompeian squadron. Cornificius again distinguished himself in the campaign of B. c. 36. He had been left by Octavianus with the land forces at Tauromenium, where they were 'in circumstances of the greatest peril; but by a most bold and dangerous march he arrived at Mylae, and united his army with Agrippa's. For these services he was rewarded with the consulship in the following year, B. c. 35; and he considered himself entitled to such honour from saving the lives of the soldiers, that he was accustomed afterwards at Rome to ride home upon an elephant whenever he supped out. Like the other generals of Augustus, Cornificius was obliged afterwards to expend some of his property in embellishing the city, and accordingly built a temple of Diana. (Plut. Brut. 27; Appian, B. C. v. 80, 86, 111-115; Dion Cass. xlix. 5-7; Vell. Pat. ii. 79; Dion Cass. xlix. 18; Suet. Aug. 29.) Quintilian speaks (iii. 1. ~ 21, ix. 3. ~~ 89, 98) of one Cornificius as the writer of a work on Rhetoric; and, as some of the extracts which Quintilian gives from this work agree in many respects both in form and substance with the " Rhetorica ad Herennium," several critics have ascribed the authorship of the latter treatise to Cornificius. But the difficulties in which this matter is involved are pointed out under CICERO, p. 727, b.; and even if the " Rhetorica ad Herennium" were written by Cornificius, there is no reason to identify him either with Q. Cornificius, the father, or the son [No. 2 or 3], as is usually done. There are also chronological difficulties in this supposition which are pointed out in the Prolegomena to the first volume (p. Iv.) of the complete edition of Cicero's works by Schiltz. (Lips. 1814.) The author of the work on Rhetoric referred to by Quintilian may be (though the matter is quite uncertain) the same as the writer of the " Etyma," of which the third book is quoted by Macrobius (Sat. i. 9), and which must have been composed at least subsequently to B. c. 44, as it contained a quotation from Cicero's " De Natura Deorum," which was CORNUTUS. published in that year. The etymologies of Cornificius, frequently quoted by Festus, were taken undoubtedly from this work, and are rather worse than the usual wretched etymologies of the ancients. Thus, for instance, nare is derived from snavis, because "aqua feratur natans ut avis;" oscillare from os and caelare; nuptiae from nouis " quod nova petantur conjugia.," the word for marriage being of course of no consequence! Again, there is a poet Cornificius mentioned by Ovid (Trist. ii. 436), and also by Macrobius, who has preserved an hexameter line and a half of a poem of his, entitled " Glaucus." (Sat. vi. 5.) Donatus, in his life of Virgil (~~ 67, 76), likewise speaks of a Cornificius who was an enemy and a detractor of the Mantuan bard; and Servius tells us, that Cornificius is intended under the name of Amyntas in two passages of the Eclogues. (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. ii. 39, v. 8.) Now, it seems probable enough that the poet mentioned by Ovid and Macrobius are the same; but his identity with the detractor of Virgil is rendered doubtful by the statement of Hieronymus (Chron. Euseb. 01. 184. 4), that the poet Cornificius perished in B. c. 41, deserted by his soldiers. Heyne, who is followed by Clinton, remarks, that, if the date of Hieronymus is correct, the poet Cornificius must be a different person from the detractor of Virgil, as the latter had not risen to eminence so early as B,. c. 41; but 'Weichert (tPpotarunz Latinorum Reliquiae, p. 167) observes, that as the "Culex" was written in B. c. 44 and some of the Eclogues before B. c. 41, the rising famne of Virgil may have provoked the jealousy of Cornificius, who is described by Donatus as a man " perversae naturae." At all events, it is likely enough that the poet Cornificius is the same as the Cornificius to whom Catullus addresses his 38th poem. CORNU'TUS, occurs as an agnomen in the family of the Camerini, who belonged to the patrician Sulpicia gens [CAMERINUS], and also as a cognomen of several plebeians whose gens is unknown. 1. C. CORNUTUS, tribune of the plebs in B. c. 61, is described by Cicero as a well-meaning man, and resembling Cato in his character, whence he is called Pseudo-Cato. In 57 he held the office of praetor, and was among those who were active in bringing about the recall of Cicero from exile. (Cic. ad Att. i. 14, Post. Red. in Sen. 9.) 2. M. CORNUTUS, a praetorian, served, in B. c. 90, as legate in the Marsic war, and distinguished himself as an experienced officer. (Cic. pro Font. 15.) He is in all probability the same person with the Cornutus who, in B. c. 87, opposed Marius and Cinna, and was saved from destruction through the artifice of his slaves. (Appian, B. C. i. 73; Plut. Mar. 43.) 3. M. CORNUTUS, probably a son of No. 2, was praetor urbanus in B. c. 43, and, during the absence of the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, he supplied their place at Rome: after the death of the consuls, he was ordered by the senate to superintend their funeral. When Octavianus shortly after demanded the consulship for himself, and advanced towards Rome upon the senate refusing to grant it, the three legions stationed in the city went over to Octavianus, and M. Cornutus, who had the command of one of them, put an end to his life, (Cic. ad Famr. x. 12, 16, Philip. xiv. 14; Val. Max. v. 2. ~ 10; Appian, B, C. iii. 92.) [L. S.]
Page 859 CORNUTUS. CORNU'TUS, a Roman historian, who, according to the account of Suidas (s. v. Kopvogros, where, however, the account of the philosopher L. Annaeus Cornutus and the historian are jumbled together in one article), seems to have been a contemporary of Livy, but very inferior to him in point of merit. His great wealth and the circumstance of his having no children, attracted crowds of admirers around him, but no further particulars are known about him. (G. J. de Martini, Disput. lit. de L. Annaeo Cornuto, p. 8, &c.) [L. S.] CORNU'TUS, L. ANNAEUS ('Avva7os Kop-,ovros), one of the commentators on Aristotle, concerning whose life but few particulars are known. The work of Diogenes Ladrtius is believed to have contained a life of Cornutus, which, however, is lost. (Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 888, &c.) Our principal sources of information are Suidas (s. v. Kopvo6Tos)-where, however, only the last words of the article refer to the philosopher, and all the rest to Cornutus the historian-and Eudocia (p. 273). Cornutus was born at Leptis in Libya, and came, probably in the capacity of a slave, into the house of the Annaei, which was distinguished for its love of literary pursuits. The Annaei emancipated him (whence his name Annaeus), and he became the teacher and friend of the poet Persius, on whose intellectual culture and development he exercised a very great influence. He was sent into exile by Nero, for having too freely criticised the literary attempts of the emperor. (Dion Cass. lxii. 29.) This happened, according to Hieronymus in his Chronicle, in A. D. 68. The account of Dion Cassius furnishes a characteristic feature of the defiance peculiar to the Stoics of that time, to whom Cornutus also belonged, as we see from the fifth satire of Persius. That he was a man of very ex-, tensive knowledge is attested by the authority of Dion Cassius, as well as by the works he wrote. One of the most important of the philosophical productions of Cornutus was his work on Aristotle's Categories, which is referred to by the later commentators, Simplicius and Porphyrius. (Schol. Aristot. p. 48, b. 13, p. 80, a. 22, ed. Brandis; Simplic. fol. 5, a., ed. Basil.) He seems to have been very partial to the study of Aristotle, for he wrote a work against Athenodorus, an opponent of the Aristotelian philosophy, which, according to Bake's emendation, bore the title 'Av-Lypa(pi 7rpds 'AOndSwpov. (Simplic. p. 47, b. 22, ed. Brandis; Porphyr. Expos. Arist. Categ. p. 21, ed. Paris; Simplic. fol. 15, b.) He also wrote a philosophical work, entitled 'EXAhlvucK OsoXoyia, which is probably still extant, and the same as the much mutilated treatise H. pt -is T'rv OECsa'4a-ecos, edited by Gale in his " Opusc. Mythol. Phys. Eth." p. 139. (Ritter, Gesch. d. Philos. iv. p. 202.) Others, however, consider this treatise as a mere abridgment of the original work of Cornutus. The other philosophical productions of Cornutus, which were very numerous, are completely lost, arid not even their titles have come down to us. He also wrote on rhetorical and grammatical subjects. Thus he made, for example, a commentary on all Virgil's poems, which he dedicated to the poet Silius Italicus. (Suringar, His. it. O Scholiast. Lat. ii. p. 116, &c.) According to the fashion of the time, he also tried his hand in tragedy, in conjunction with his friend Seneca and his pupils Lucan and Persius (Welcker, Griech. Trag. iii. p. 1456, &c.); and he is even said to have made attempts at CORONATUS. 859 writing satires. (Wernsdorf, Po!t. Lat. Min. iii. p. xvii. 4.) A minute account of his relation to the poet Persius, as well as of his pupils and his literary merits, is given by Ger. Jo. de Martini, Disputatio Litteraria de L. Annaeo Cornuto, Lugd. Bat. 1825, and in Otto Jahn's Prolegomena to his edition of Persius, Lipsiae, 1843, pp. viii.-xxvii. (Comp. Stahr, Aristoteles bei d. Ro6mern, p. 71, &c.) [A. S.] CORNU'TUS, CAECI'LIUS, a man of praetorian rank in the reign of Tiberius, who was implicated, in A. D. 24, in the affair between young Vibius Serenus and his father, and put an end to his life to escape an unjust verdict. (Tac. Ann. iv, 28.) [L. S.] CORNU'TUS TERTULLUS was consul suffectus in A. D. 101 together with Pliny the Younger, who mentions him several times as a person of great merit. (Epist. iv. 17, v. 15, vii. 21, 31.) [L. S.] CORO'BIUS (Kopcoios), a purple-dyer of Itanus in Crete. When the Theraeans were seeking for some one to lead them to Libya, where the Delphic oracle had enjoined them to plant a colony, Corobius undertook to shew them the way. He accordingly conducted a party of them to the island of Platea, off the Libyan coast, and there he was left by them with a supply of provisions, while they sailed back to Thera to report how matters stood. As they did not however return to Platea at the time appointed, Corobius was in danger of perishing from hunger, but was relieved by the crew of a Samian ship which had been driven to the island on its way to Egypt. (Herod. iv. 151, 152.) For the connexion of Crete with Thera, and of Samos with Cyrene, see Herod. iv. 154, 162-164. [E. E.] COROEBUS (Kopolgos), a Phrygian, a son of Mygdon, was one of the heroes that fought in the Trojan war on the side of the Trojans. He was one of the suitors of Cassandra, and was slain by Neoptolemus or Diomedes. (Paus. ix. 27. 1; Virg. Aen. ii. 341.) [L. S.] COROEBUS (Kopotgos), an Elean, who gained a victory in the stadium at the Olympian games in 01. 1. (B. c. 776.) According to tradition, he slew the daemon Poene, whom Apollo had sent into the country of the Argives. He was represented on his tomb in the act of killing Poene, and his statue, which was made of stone, was one of the most ancient that Pausanias saw in the whole of Greece. (Paus. i. 43. ~ 7, 44. ~ 1, v. 8. ~ 3, viii. 26. ~ 2; Strab. viii. p. 355.) [L. S.] COROEBUS, architect at the time of Pericles, who began the temple of Demeter at Eleusis, bat died before he had completed his task. (Plut. Pericl. 13.) [L. U.] CORO'NA, SILICIUS, a senator, who voted for the acquittal of Brutus and Cassius, when Octavianus called upon the court to condemn the murderers of Caesar. The life of Silicius was spared at the time, but he was afterwards included in the proscription, and perished in B. c. 43. Plutarch calls him P. Silicius, and Appian Icilius. (Dion Cass. xlvi. 49; Plut. Brut. 27; Appian, B. 6. iv. 27.) CORONA'TUS, styled in MSS. Vir Clarissimus, the author of three pieces in the Latin Anthology (ed. Burm. i. 176, v. 155, 157, or Nos. 549-551, ed. Meyer). The first, consisting of twenty-nine hexameters, is a poetical amplifica
Page 860 860 CORUNCANIUS. tion, possessing no particular merit, of the Virgilian line " Vivo equidem, vitamque extrema per omnia duco;" the second and third are short epigrams, ingeniously expressed, upon hens fattened with their own eggs. We possess no information with regard to this writer, but he probably belongs to a late period. [W. R.] CORO'NIS (Kopwcvs). 1. A daughter of Phlegyas and mother of Asclepius. (Ov. Fast. i. 291; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 14, 48, 59; comp. ASCLEPIUS.) 2. A daughter of Phoroneus, king of Phocis; she was metamorphosed by Athena into a crow, for when she was pursued by Poseidon, she implored the protection of Athena. (Ov. Mlet. ii. 550, &c.) A third Coronis is mentioned among the Hyades. (Hygin. Fab. 182.) [L. S.] CORO'NUS (Kopwvo's). 1. A son of Apollo by Chrysorthe, father of Corax and Lamedon, and king of Sicyon. (Paus. ii. 5. ~ 5.) 2. A son of Thersander, grandson of Sisyphus, and founder of Coroneia. (Paus. ix. 34. ~ 5; Muller, Orchom. p. 1 33, &c.) 3. A son of Caeneus, was a prince of the Lapithae, and father of Leonteus and Lyside. He was slain by Heracles. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 7; Muller, Orchom. pp. 194, 203.) 4. The father of the Argonaut Caeneus. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 16; comp. Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 57.) [L. S.] CORREUS, a Gaul, chief of the Bellovaci, was distinguished by a high spirit of independence and an inveterate hatred of the Romans, and was accordingly acknowledged as their commander by all the tribes which, together with the Bellovaci, made war against Caesar in B. c. 51. Correus, conducted the campaign with much ability, and, when he at length met with a decisive defeat, disdained to surrender himself, and fell fighting desperately. (Hirt. B. G. viii. 5-17.) [E. E.] CORVI'NUS, a cognomen in the Valeria gens, and merely a longer form of Corvus, the surname of M. Valerius. Many writers give Corvinus as the surname of M. Valerius himself, and his descendants seem to have invariably adopted the form Corvinus. [See CoRvus.] The Messallae Corvini of the Valeria gens are given under MESSALLA. CORVI'NUS, TAURUS STATPLIUS, consul in A. D. 45 with M. Vinucius. (Dion Cass, lx. 25; Phlegon, Mirabil. 6.) He is probably the same as the Statilius Corvinus who conspired against the emperor Claudius. (Suet. Claud. 13.) TI. CORUNCA'NIUS, a distinguished Roman pontiff and jurist, was descended from a father and a grandfather of the same name, but none of his ancestors had ever obtained the honours of the Roman magistracy. According to a speech of the emperor Claudius in Tacitus, the Coruncanii came from Camerium (Ann. xi. 24); but Cicero makes the jurist a townsman of Tusculum (pro Plane. 8). Notwithstanding his provincial extraction, this novus homo was promoted to all the highest offices at Rome. (Vell. Pat. ii. 128.) In n. c. 280, he was consul with P. Valerius Laevinus, and while his colleague was engaged in the commencement of the war against Pyrrhus, the province of Etruria fell to Coruncanius, who was successful in quelling the remains of disaffection, and entirely defeated the Vulsinienses and Vulcientes. For these victories he was honoured with a triumph early in the following year. After subduing Etruria, CORUNCANIUS. he returned towards Rome to aid Laevinus in checking the advance of Pyrrhus. (Appian, Samn. 10. ~ 3.) In B. c. 270, he seems to have been censor with C. Claudius Canina. Modern writers appear to be ignorant of any ancient historical account of this censorship. In l'Art de verifier les Dates, i. p. 605, Coruncanius is inferred to have been censor in the 34th lustrum, from the expressions of Velleins Paterculus (ii. 128), and a Claudius is wanting to complete the seven censors in that family mentioned by Suetonius. (Tiber. 1.) Seneca (de Vit. Beat. 21) says, that Cato of Utica was wont to praise the age of M'. Curius and Coruncanius, when it was a censorian crime to possess a few thin plates of silver. Niebuhr (iii. p. 555) speaks-of this censorship as missing; but, though it is not mentioned by the epitomizer of Livy, we suspect that there is some classical authority extant concerning it, known to less modern scholars, for Panciroli (de Clar. Interp. p. 21) says, that Coruncanius was censor with C. Claudius; and Val. Forsterus (Historia Juris, fol. 41, b.) states, that in his censorship the population included in the census amounted to 277,222. About B. c. 254, Coruncanius was created pontifex maximus, and was the first plebeian who ever filled that office (Liv. Epist. xviii.), although, before that time, his brother jurist, P. Sempronius Sophus, and other plebeians, had been pontifices. (Liv. x. 9.) In B. c. 246, he was appointed dictator for the purpose of holding the comitia, in order to prevent the necessity of recalling either of the consuls from Sicily; and he must have died shortly afterwards, at a very advanced age (Cic. de Senect. 6), for, in Liv. Epit. xix., Caecilius Metellus is named as pontifex maximus. Coruncanius was a remarkable man. He lived on terms of strict friendship with M'. Curius and other eminent statesmen of his day. He was a Roman sage (Sapiens), a character more practical than that of a Grecian philosopher, but he was sufficiently versed in the learning of the times. That philosophy which placed the highest good in pleasure he rejected, and, with M'. Curius, wished that the enemies of Rome, Pyrrhus and the Samnites, could be taught to believe its precepts. He was a manly orator; his advice and opinion were respected in war as well as in peace, and he had great influence in the senate as well as in the public assembly. (Cic. de Orat. iii. 33.) Cicero, who often sounds his praises, speaks of him as one of those extraordinary persons whose greatness was owing to a special Providence. (De Nat. Deor. ii. 66.) To the highest acquirements of a politician he united profound knowledge of pontifical and civil law. Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 2. ~ 38) says, that he left behind no writings, but that he gave many cral opinions, which were handed down to remembrance by legal tradition. Cicero says, that the Pontificum Commentarii afforded proof of his surpassing abilities (Brit. 14); and, in the treatise de Legibus (ii. 21), he cites one of his memorabilia. Another of his legal fragments is preserved by Pliny. (H. N. viii. 51. s. 77.) It might be supposed from a passage in Seneca (Ep. 114), that writings of Coruncanius were extant in his time, for he there ridicules the affectation of orators, who, thinking Gracchus and Crassus and Curio too modern, went back to the language of the 12 Tables, of Appius, and of Coruncanius. There is a passage relating to Coruncanius iu
Page 861 CORV US. Pomponius (Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 8. E 35), which has given occasion to much controversy. He says that Coruncanius was the first who publicly professed law, since, before his time, jurists endeavoured to conceal the jus civile, and gave their time, not to students, but to those who wanted their advice. The statement as to the early concealment of the law has been supposed to be fabulous (Puchta, Institutionen, i. p. 301); but here it is proper to distinguish between the rules applicable to ordinary dealings on the one hand, and the technical regulations of the calendar, of procedure and of religious rites, on the other. Schrader (in Hugo's Civil. Mag. v. p. 187) assumes that it was usual for jurists before Coruncanius to admit patrician students-those at least who were destined for the college of pontiffs-to learn law by being present at their consultations with their clients. He further thinks that Coruncanius did not profess to give any systematic or peculiar instruction in the theory of law, and certainly there are passages which prove that such theoretic instruction was not common in the time of Cicero. (Cic. Brut. 89, de Amic. 1, de Leg. i. 4, de Of. ii. 13.) Schrader therefore comes to the conclusion, that Coruncanius first publicly professed law only in this sense, that he was the first to allow plebeians and patricians indiscriminately to learn law by attending his consultations. This interpretation, though it is ingenious, and has found favour with Hugo (R. R. G. p. 460) and Zimmern (R. R. G. i. ~ 53), appears to us to be very strained, and we think Pomponius must have meant to convey, whether rightly or wrongly, first, that before Coruncanius, it was not usual for jurists to take pupils; and, secondly, that the pupils of Coruncanius were not left to gain knowledge merely by seeing business transacted and hearing or reading the opinions given by their master to those who consulted him, but that they received special instruction in the general doctrines of law. The two Coruncanii who were sent B. c. 228 as ambassadors from Rome to Teuta, queen of Illyricum, to complain of the maritime depredations of her subjects, and one of whom at least was put to death by her orders, were probably the sons of the jurist. (Appian, de Rebus Illyr. 7; Polyb. ii. 8; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 6.) By Polybius they are called Caius and Lucius; by Pliny, P. Junius and Tiberius. Titus for Tiberius, and Coruncanus for Coruncanius, are ordinary corruptions of the jurist's name. (Rutilius, Vitae JCtorum, c. 5; Heineccius, Hist. Jzr. Civ. ~ 118; Schweppe, R. R. G. ~ 127; L. A. Wiirffel, Epist. de Ti. Coruncanio, Hal. 1740.) [J. T. G.] CORVUS, a surname in the Aquillia and Valeria gentes. In the latter, the lengthened form Corvinus was adopted after the time of M. Valerius Corvus. [See below, No. 3, and CORVINUs.] 1. L. AQUILLIUS CORVUs, consular tribune in B. c. 388. (Liv. vi. 4.) 2. M. VALERIUS CORVUs, one of the most illustrious men in the early history of the republic, was born about B. c. 371 in the midst of the struggles attending the Licinian laws. Being a member of the great Valerian house, he had an early opportunity of distinguishing himself, and we accordingly find him serving in B. c. 349 as military tribune in the army of the consul L. Furius Camillus in his campaign against the Gauls. His celebrated CORVUS. 861 exploit in this war, from which he obtained the surname of " Corvus," or " Raven," is, like many other of the achievements of the early Roman heroes, mingled with fable. A Gallic' warrior of gigantic size challenged to single combat any one of the Romans. It was accepted by Valerius after obtaining the consent of the consul, and as he was commencing the combat, a raven settled upon his helmet, and, as often as he attacked the Gaul, the raven flew at the face of the foe, till at length the barbarian fell by the sword of Valerius. A general battle then ensued, in which the Gauls were entirely defeated. The consul presented Valerius with ten oxen and a golden crown, and the grateful people elected him, in his absence, consul for the next year, though he was only twenty-three years of age. He was consul in B. c. 348 with L. Popillius Laenas. There was peace in that year both at home and abroad: a treaty was made with Carthage. (Liv. vii. 26, 27; Gell. ix. 11; Val. Max. viii. 15. ~ 5; Eutrop. ii. 6.) In B. c. 346 Corvus was consul a second time with C. Poetelius Libo. He carried on war against the Volsci, defeated them in battle, and then took Satricum, which he burnt to the ground with the exception of the temple of Mater Matuta. He obtained a triumph on his return to Rome. (Liv. vii. 27; Censorin. de Die Nat. 17.) In B. c. 343 Corvus was consul a third time with A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina. Young as he was, Corvus was already regarded as one of the very first generals of the republic, and the state therefore looked up to him to conduct the war against the Samnites, which had broken out in this year. His popularity with the soldiers was as great as his military talents, and he consequently possessed unbounded influence over his troops. He was distinguished by a kind and amiable disposition, like the other members of his house; and in the camp he was in the habit of competing with the common_ soldiers in the athletic games which amused their leisure hours. It was fortunate for the Romans that they had such a general in the great struggle they were now entering upon. After a hard-fought and most bloody battle, Corvus entirely defeated the Samnites on mount Gaurus above Cumae: a battle which, as Niebuhr remarks, seldom as it is mentioned, is one of the most memorable in the history of the world, since it was a presage of the result of the great contest which had then begun between Sabellians and Latins for the sovereignty of the world. Meanwhile the colleague of Corvus had been in the greatest danger in the mountain passes near Caudium, where the Romans met with such a disaster twenty-one years afterwards; but the army was saved by the valour of P. Decius. Corvus seems to have joined his colleague shortly afterwards, and with their united forces, or with his own alone, he gained another brilliant victory over the Samnites near Suessula. Forty thousand shields of those who had been slain or had fled, and a hundred and seventy standards are said to have been piled up before the consul. His triumph on his return to Rome was the most brilliant that the Romans had yet seen. Corvus gained these two great victories in his twenty-ninth year, and he is another instance of the fact which we so frequently find in history, that the greatest military talents are mostly developed at an early age. (Liv. vii. 28--39; Appian, Sumn. 1.)
Page 862 862 CORVUS. In the year following, B. c. 342, Corvus was appointed dictator in consequence of the mutiny of the army. The legions stationed at Capua and the surrounding Campanian towns had openly rebelled, marched against Rome, and pitched their camp within eight miles of the city. Here they were met by Corvus at the head of an army; but before proceeding to use force, he offered them peace. This was accepted by the soldiers, who could place implicit confidence in their favourite general and a member likewise of the Valerian house. Through his influence an amnesty was granted to the soldiers; and this was followed by the enactment of several important laws. Another account, however, of this revolt has been preserved, and the whole subject has been investigated by Niebuhr (iii. p. 63, &c.) at great length. (Liv. vii. 40-42.) In B. c. 335 Corvus was elected consul a fourth time with M. Atilius Regulus, since the Sidicinians had joined the Ausonians of Cales, and the senate was anxious that the war should be entrusted to a general on whom they could entirely depend. The consuls accordingly did not draw lots for their provinces, and that of Cales was given to Corvus. He did not disappoint their expectations. Cales was taken by storm, and, in consequence of the importance of its situation, the Romans settled there a colony of 2,500 men. Corvus obtained the honour of a triumph, and also the surname of Calenus from the conquest of the town. (Liv. viii. 1.6.) With the exception of the years B. c. 332 and 320, in which he acted as interrex (viii. 17, ix. 7), we do not hear of Corvus again for several years. The M. Valerius, who was one of the legates of the dictator L. Papirius Cursor in the great battle fought against the Samnites in B. c. 309, is probably the same as our Corvus, since Livy says, that he was created praetor for the fourth time as a reward for his services in this battle, and we know that Corvus held curule dignities twenty-one times. (ix. 40, 41.) In B. c. 301, in consequence of the dangers which threatened Rome, Corvus, who was then in his 70th year, was again summoned to the dictatorship. Etruria was in arms, and the Marsi, one of the most warlike of the neighbouring people, had also risen. But the genius of Corvus again triumphed. The Marsi were defeated in battle; several of their fortified towns, Milionia, Plestina, and Fresilia, were taken; and the Marsi were glad to have their ancient alliance renewed on the forfeiture of part of their land. Having thus quickly finished the war against the Marsi, Corvus marched into Etruria; but, before commencing active operations, he had to return to Rome to renew the auspices. In his absence, his master of the horse was attacked by the enemy while on a foraging expedition, and was shut up in his camp with the loss of several of his men and some military standards. This disaster caused the greatest terror at Rome; a "justitium" or universal cessation from business was proclaimed, and the gates and walls were manned and guarded as if the enemy were at hand. But the arrival of Corvus in the camp soon changed the posture of affairs. The Etruscans were defeated in a great battle; and another triumph was added to the laurels of Corvus. (x. 3-5.) In B. c. 300, Corvus was elected consul for the CORYPHASIA. fifth time with Q. Appuleius Pansa. The state of affairs at home rather than those abroad led to his election this year. There must have been severe struggles between the two orders for some time previously, and probably both of them looked to Corvus as the man most likely to bring matters to an amicable settlement. During his fifth consulship the Ogulnian law was passed, by which the colleges of pontiffs and augurs were thrown open to the plebeians. The consul himself renewed the law of his ancestor respecting the right of appeal (provocatio) to the people, and rendered it more certain to be observed by affixing a definite punishment for any magistrate who transgressed it. (x. 5, 6-9.) In B. c. 29.9 Corvus was elected consul a sixth time in place of T. Manlius Torquatus, who had been killed by a fall from his horse while engaged in the Etruscan war. The death of so great a man, and the superstitious feeling attending it, induced the people unanimously to appoint Corvus to the vacant office. The Etruscans, who had been elated by the death of Torquatus, no sooner heard of the arrival of Corvus, than they kept close within their fortifications, nor could he provoke them to risk a battle, although he set whole villages on fire. (x. 11.) From this time, Corvus retired from public life; but he lived nearly thirty years longer, and reached the age of a hundred. His health was sound and vigorous to the last, and he is frequently referred to by the later Roman writers as a memorable example of the favours of fortune. He was twice dictator, six times consul, and had filled the curule chair twenty-one times. He lived to see Pyrrhus driven out of Italy, and the dominion of Rome firmly established in the peninsula. lHe died about B. c. 217, seven years before the commencement of the first Punic war. (Cic. de Senect. 17; Val. Max. viii. 13. ~ 1; Plin. II. N. vii. 48. s. 49; Niebuhr, iii. p. 124.) A statue of Valerius Corvus was erected by Augustus in his own forum along with the statues of the other great Roman heroes. (Gell. ix. 11; comp. Suet. Aug. 31.) 2. M. VALERIUS M. F. M. N. MAXIMUS CORVINUS, son apparently of the preceding, was consul with Q. Caedicius Noctua in B. c. 289; but his name occurs only in the Fasti. CORYBANTES. [CABEIRI and CYBELE.] CORY'CIA (KwpvKiae or Kwpvicis), a nymph, who became by Apollo the mother of Lycorus or Lycoreus, and from whom the Corycian cave in mount Parnassus was believed to have derived its name. (Paus. x. 6. ~ 2, 32. ~ 2.) The plural, Coryciae, is applied to the daughters of Pleistus. (Apollon. Rhod. ii. 710; Ov. Met. i. 320, Heroid. xx. 221.) [L. S.] CO'RYDUS (KopuOos), a surname of Apollo, under which the god had a temple eighty stadia from Corone, on the sea-coast. (Paus. iv. 34. ~ 4, &c.) [L. S.] CO'RYLAS. [CoTYS, No. 1.] CORYPHAEA (Kopvuaia), the goddess who inhabits the summit of the mountain, a surname of Artemis, under which she had a temple on mount Coryphaeon, near Epidaurus. (Paus. ii. 28. ~ 2.) It is also applied to designate the highest or supreme god, and is consequently given as an epithet to Zeus. (Paus. ii. 4. ~ 5.) [L. S.] CORYPHA'SIA (Kopvpatia), a surname of
Page 863 COSCONIUS. Athena, derived from the promontory of Coryphasion, on which she had a sanctuary. (Paus. iv. 36. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CORYTHA'LLIA (KopvOaex\a), a surname of Artemis at Sparta, at whose festival of the Tithenidia the Spartan boys were carried into her sanctuary. (Athen. iv. p. 139.) [L. S.] CO'RYTHUS (KopvOos). 1. An Italian hero, a son of Jupiter, and husband of Electra, the daughter of Atlas, by whom he became the father of Jasius and Dardanus. He is described as king of Tuscia, and as the founder of Corythus. (Cortona; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 167, vii. 207, x. 719.) 2. A son of Paris and Oenone. He loved Helena and was beloved by her, and was therefore killed by his own father. (Parthen. Erot. 34.) According to other traditions, Oenone made use of him for the purpose of provoking the jealousy of Paris, and thereby causing the ruin of Helena. (Conon, Narrat. 22; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 57.) Others again call Corythus a son of Paris by Helena. (Dictys. Cret. v. 5.) There are four other mythical personages of this name. (Ptolem. Heph. ii. p. 311; Ov. M et. v. 125, xii. 290; Paus. i. 4. ~ 6.) [L. S.] COSCO'NIA GENS, plebeian. Members of this gens are first mentioned in the second Punic war, but none ever obtained the honours of the consulship: the first who held a curule office was M. Cosconius, praetor in B. c. 135. [CoscoNIUS.] COSCO'NIUS. 1. M. CoscoNIUS, military tribune in the army of the praetor P. Quinctilius Varus, fell in the battle fought with Mago in the land of the Insubrian Gauls, B. c. 203. (Liv. xxx. 18.) 2. M. CoscoNIUS, perhaps grandson of the preceding, praetor in B. c. 135, fought successfully with the Scordisci in Thrace. (Liv. Epit. 56.) 3. C. CoscoNIus, praetor in the Social war, B. c. 89, distinguished himself in the command of one of the Roman armies. According to Livy (Epit. 75) Cosconius and Lucceius defeated the Samnites in battle, slew Marius Egnatius, the most distinguished of the enemy's generals, and received the surrender of very many towns. Appian (B. C. i. 52) says, that Cosconius burnt Salapia, took possession of Cannae, and then proceeded to besiege Canusium; but a Samnite army came to the relief of the town, which defeated Cosconius and obliged him to fall back upon Cannae. Trebatius, the Samnite general, following up his advantage, crossed the Aufidus, but was attacked, immediately after his passage of the river, by Cosconius, defeated with a loss of 15,000 men, and fled with the remnant to Canusium. Hereupon, Cosconius marched into the territories of the Larinates, Venusini, and Apulians, and conquered the Poediculi in two days. Most modern commentators identify Egnatius and Trebatius, and suppose that Appian has made a mistake in the name (Schweigh. ad App. 1. c.); but Livy and Appian probably speak of two different battles. The above-named Cosconius seems to be the same with the C. Cosconius who was sent into Illyricum, with the title of proconsul, about B. c. 78, and who conquered a great part of Dalmatia, took Salonae, and, after concluding the war, returned to Rome at the end of two years' time. (Eutrop. vi. 4; Oros. v. 23; comp. Cic. pro Cluent. 35.) 4. C. CoscoNIUS CALIDIANUS, adopted firom COSMAS. 863 the Calidia gens, a Roman orator of little merit, distinguished for his vehement action and gesticulation (Cic. Brut. 69), is perhaps the same person as the preceding or succeeding. 5. C. CoscoNIUs, praetor in B. c. 63, the same year that Cicero was consul, obtained in the following year the province of Further Spain, with the title of proconsul, and was, it seems, on his return accused of extortion, but acquitted. He was one of the twenty commissioners appointed in B. c. 59 to carry into execution the agrarian law of Julius Caesar for dividing the public lands in Campania, but he died in this year, and his vacant place was offered to Cicero by Caesar, who wished to withdraw him from the threatened attack of Clodius. This offer, however, was refused by Cicero. (Cic. pro Sull. 14, in Vatin. 5; comp. Val. Max. viii. 1. ~ 8; Cic. ad Att. ii. 19, ix. 2, A; Quintil. xii. 1. ~ 16.) 6. C. CoscoNIUS, tribune of the plebs in B. c. 59, when he was one of the colleagues of P. Vatinius, aedile in 57, and one of the judices in the following year, 56, in the trial of P. Sextius. In the same year, C. Cato, the tribune of the plebs, purchased of Cosconius some bestiarii which the latter had undoubtedly exhibited the year before in the games of his aedileship. It seems that Cosconius subsequently obtained the aedileship, for Plutarch states, that Cosconius and Galba, two men of praetorian rank, were murdered by Caesar's soldiers in the mutiny in Campania, B. c. 47, and we know of no other Cosconius who is likely to have been praetor. (Cic. in Vatin. 7, ad Q. Fr. ii. 6; Plut. Caes. 51; comp. Dion. Cass. xlii. 52, povhvAEvs 6Uo.) 7. COSCONIUs, a writer of Epigrams in the time of Martial, attacked the latter on account of the length of his.epigrams and their lascivious nature. He is severely handled in two epigrams of Martial. (ii. 77, iii. 69; comp. Weichert, PoUatarum Latinorum Reliquiae, p. 249, &c.) Varro speaks (L. L. vi. 36, 89, ed. Miiller) of a Cosconius who wrote a grammatical work and another on "Actiones," but it is uncertain who he was. It is also doubtful to which of the Cosconii the following coin refers. It contains on the obverse the head of Pallas, with L. Cosc. M. F., and on the reverse Mars driving a chariot, with L. Lic. CN. DOM. It is therefore supposed that this Cosconius was a triumvir of the mint at the time that L. Licinius and Cn. Domitius held one of the higher magistracies; and as we find that they were censors in B. c. 92, the coin is referred to that year. (Eckhel. v. p. 196.) COSINGAS, a Thracian chief, and priest of Juno, whose stratagem for securing the obedience of his people is related by Polyaenus. (Stratag. vii. 22.) [P. S.] COSMAS (Koo-ays), a celebrated physician, saint, and martyr, who lived in the third and fourth centuries after Christ. He is said to have been the brother of St. Damianus, with whose
Page 864 864 COSMAS. name his own is constantly associated, and under which article the particulars of their lives and deaths are mentioned. A medical prescription attributed to them is preserved by Arnaldus Villanovanus (Antidot. p. 453, in Opera, ed. Basil. 1585), and there are several Greek homilies still extant in MS., written or preached in their honour. Their memory is observed by the Greek and Roman Churches on the 27th of September. (Acta Sanct., Sept. vol. vii. p. 428; Bbrner, De Cosma et Danm... Commentatio, Helmest. 1751, 4to.; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. ix. p. 68, xiii. 128, ed. vet.; Bzovius, Nomenclator Sanctorum Professione Medicorumz; Carpzovius, De Medicis ab Ecclesia pro Sanctis habitis.) [W. A. G.] COSMAS (Kooeecs), of JERUSALEM, a monk, the friend and companion of John of Damascus, and afterwards bishop of Maiuma in Palestine (about A. D. 743), was the most celebrated composer of hymns in the Greek church, and obtained the surname of uyeAwod's. Among his compositions was a version (6Kppaoeis) of the Psalms of David in Iambic metre. Many of his hymns exist in MS., but no complete edition of them has been published. Fabricius mentions, as a rare book, an Aldine edition of some of them. Thirteen of them are printed in Gallandi's Biblioth. Patrisn. Several of the hymns of Cosmas are acrostics. (Suid. s. v. 'Iwdevvus d Aauao.aerec7vds; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. xi. pp. 173-181, viii. 596.) [P. S.] COSMAS (Kootpls), commonly called INDICOPLEUSTES (Indian navigator), an Egyptian monk, who flourished in the reign of Justinian, about A. D. 535. In early life he followed the employment of a merchant, and was extensively engaged in traffic. He navigated the Red Sea, advanced to India, visited various nations, Ethiopia, Syria, Arabia, Persia, and almost all places of the East. Impelled, as it would appear, more by curiosity than by desire of gain, eager to inspect the habits and manners of distant people, he carried on a commerce amid dangers sufficient to appal the most adventurous. There is abundant reason for believing, that he was an attentive observer of every thing that met his eye, and that he carefully registered his remarks upon the scenes and objects which presented themselves. But a migratory life became irksome. After many years spent in this manner, he bade adieu to worldly occupations, took up his residence in a monastery, and devoted himself to a contemplative life. Possessed of multifarious knowledge acquired in many lands, and doubtless learned according to the standard of his times, he began to embody his information in books. His chief work is his To7roypapica XpitotriaviKj, "Topographia Christiana, sive Christianorum Opinio de Mundo," in twelve books. The last book, as hitherto published, is imperfect at the end. The object of the treatise is to shew, in opposition to the universal opinion of astronomers, that the earth is not spherical, but an extended surface. The arguments adduced in proof of such a position are drawn from ScriptuI, reason, testimony, and the authority of the fathbrs. Weapons of every kind are employed against the prevailing theory, and the earth is affirmed to be a vast oblong plain, its length from east to west being more than twice its breadth, the whole enclosed by the ocean. The only value of the work consists in the geographical and historical information it contains. Its author describes in general with great accuracy tlhe situa COSMAS. tion of countries, the manners of their people, their modes of commercial intercourse, the nature and properties of plants and animals, and many other particulars of a like kind, which serve to throw light on the Scriptures. His illustrations, which are far from being methodically arranged, touch upon subjects the most diverse. He speaks, for example, of the locality where the Israelites passed through the Red Sea, their garments in the wilderness, the terrestrial paradise, the epistle to the Hebrews, the birthday of the Lord, the rite of baptism, the catholic epistles, Egyptian hieroglyphics, the state of the Christians in India, their bishops, priests, &c. But the most curious and interesting piece of antiquarian information relates to that celebrated monument of antiquity which was placed at the entrance of the city Adulite, consisting of a royal seat of white marble consecrated to Mars, with the images of Hercules and Mercury sculptured upon it. On every side of this monument Greek letters were written, and an ample inscription had been added, as has been generally supposed, by Ptolemy II. Euergetes (B. c. 247-222). This was copied by Cosmas,. and is given, with notes, in the second book of the Topography. It appears, however, from the researches of Mr. Salt, that Cosmas has made two different inscriptions into one, and that while the first part refers to Ptolemy Euergetes, the second relates to some Ethiopian king, whose conquests are commemorated on the inscription. The author also inserts in the work, in illustration of his sentiments, astronomical figures and tables. We meet too with several passages from writings of the fathers now lost, and fragments of epistles, especially from Athanasius. Photius (cod. 36) reviewed this production without mentioning the writer's name, probably because it was not in the copy he had before him. He speaks of it under the titles of XprmiOevod JfieAos, " Christianorum liber, Expositio in Octateuchum;" the former, as containing the opinion of Christians concerning the earth; the latter, because the first part of the work treats of the tabernacle of Moses and other things described in the Pentateuch. The same writer affirms, that many of Cosmas's narratives are fabulous. The monk, however, relates events as they were commonly received and viewed in his own time. His diction is plain and familiar. So far is it from approaching elegance or elevation, that it is even below mediocrity. He did not aim at pompous or polished phraseology; and in several places he modestly acknowledges that his mode of expression is homely and inelegant. Manuscripts vary much in the contents of the work. It was composed at different times. At first it consisted of five books; but in consequence of various attacks, the author added the remaining seven at different periods, enlarging, correcting, and curtailing, so as best to meet the arguments of those who still contended that the earth was spherical. This accounts for the longer and shorter forms of the production in different manuscript copies. The entire treatise was first published by Bernard de Montfaucon, from a MS. of the tenth century, in Greek and Latin, in his Collectio Nova Patrum et Scriptorum Graecorum, fol., Paris, 1706, vol. ii. pp. 113-346, to which the editor prefixed an able and learned preface. This is the best edition. It is also printed in the Bibliotheca Vett. Patrumn edited by Gallandi, Ven. 1765, vol. ix.
Page 865 COSSINIUS. COSSUS. 865 We learn from Cosmas himself, that he composed a Universal Cosmography, as also Astronomical tables, in which the motions of the stars were described. He was likewise the author of a Commentary on the Canticles and an exposition on the Psalms. These are now lost. Leo Allatius thinks that he wrote the Chronicon Alexandrinum; but it is more correct to affirm, with Cave, that the author of the Chronicle borrowed largely from Cosmas, copying without scruple, and in the same words, many of his observations. (Montfaucon, Nova Collectio Pair. et Scriptor. Graecor. vol. ii.; Cave, Historia Literaria, vol. i. pp. 515-16, Oxford, 1740; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. p. 255.) [S.D.] COSMAS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, usually named COSMAS MAGISTER, probably because he filled the office of magister officiorum under Romanus Senior; although Reiz, in the index of proper names subjoined to his edition of Harmenopulus in the supplementary volume of Meermann's Thesaurus, is inclined to think that Magister was a family surname. In Leunclavius (J. G. R. ii. pp. 166, 167) are two sententiae (ijoti) of Cosmas in the style of imperial constitutions, as if he had been authorized by Romanus to frame legal regulations. It further appears from a Novell of Romanus, published in the collection of Leunclavius (ii. p. 158), that Cosmas was employed by the emperor in the composition of his laws. Hence Assemani (Bibl. Jur. Orient. lib. ii. c. 29, pp. 582-584) is disposed to ascribe to Cosmas a legal work which is preserved in manuscript in the Royal Library at Vienna. It is a system or compendium of law, divided into 50 titles, and compiled in the first year of Romanus Senior (A. D. 919 or 920) under the name Eco-y7) Vod'wv rC"v he h'Tto'py tcvOei0eEvwv. (Lambecius, Comment. in Bibl. Vindob. vi. p. 38; Zachariae, Hist. J. G. R. ~ 37.) The preface and tit. 1 of this work were first published by Zachariae in his edition of the Procheiron of Basileius (4 'rpJoXEpos Popeos, Heidelb. 1837). Cedrenus (in Constantino et Romano) mentions Cosmas as a patricius and logotheta dromi, the hippodromus being the name of the highest court of justice in Constantinople. Harmenopulus, in the preface to his Hexabiblus, acknowledges his obligations to the Romaica of Magister (rdC 'Pcc/ca1K - TO Mhaytforpov Xeyoegia), and Jac. Godefroi supposes that Cosmas is meant. In this, as in most other questions in the history of Graeco-Roman law, there is great difficulty in arriving at the truth; but we believe the Magister referred to by Harmenopulus to be Eustathius Patricius Romanus. (Reiz, ad Harmenop. in Meerm. Thes. viii. p. 6, n. 8, ib. pp. 399, 400; Pohl, ad Snares. Notit. Basil. p. 15, n. (0), ib. p. 52, n. (x); Zachariae, Hist. Jur. G. R. ~ 41.) [J. T. G.] COSMAS (Kooads), a MONK, according to the title in Brunck's Analecta, but according to that in Stephen's edition of the Planudean Anthology, a mechanician, is the author of one epigram in the Greek Anthology. (Anab. iii. p. 127; Jacobs, iv. p. 96.) Whether he is the same person as COSMAs INDICOPLEUSTES, or as the COSMAS of JERUSALEM, or whether he was different from both, is altogether uncertain. [P. S.] CO'SROES, king of Parthia. [ARSACESXXV.] CO'SROES, king of Persia. [SASSANIDAE.] COSSPNIUS, the name of a Roman family which came fromi Tibur. None of its members ever obtained any of the higher offices of the state. 1. L. CossINIUS, of Tibur, received the Roman franchise in consequence of the condemnation of T. Caelius, whom he had accused. (Cic. pro Balb. 23.) He is perhaps the same as the Cossinius who was one of the legates in the army of the praetor P. Varinius, and who fell in battle against Spartacus, B. c. 73. (Plut. Crass. 9.) 2. L. CossINIus, a Roman knight and son of the preceding (Cic. pro Balb. 23), was a friend of Cicero, Atticus, and Varro. Cicero mentions his death in B. c. 45, and expresses his grief at his loss. (Cic. ad Ait. i. 19, 20, ii. 1, ad Famo. xiii. 23; Varr. R. R. ii. 1; Cic. ad Att. xiii. 46.) 3. L. COSSINIus ANCHIALUS, a freedman of No. 2, is recommended by Cicero to Ser. Sulpicius in B. c. 46. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 23.) 4. CossINIUs, a Roman knight and a friend of Nero's, was poisoned by mistake by an Egyptian physician, whom the emperor had sent for in order to cure his friend. (Plin. H. N. xxix. 4. s. 30.) COSSUS, the name of a patrician family of the Cornelia gens. This family produced many illustrious men in the fifth century before the Christian aera, but afterwards sunk into oblivion. The name " Cossus" was afterwards revived as a praenomen in the family of the Lentuli, who belonged to the same gens. The Cossi and Maluginenses were probably one family originally, for at first both these surnames are united, as for instance, in the case of Ser. Cornelius Cossus Maluginensis, consul in B. c. 485. [MALUGINENSIs.] Afterwards, however, the Cossi and Maluginenses became two separate families. 1. SER. CORNELIUS M. F. L. N. Cossus, one of the three consular tribunes in B. c. 434, though other authorities assign consuls to this year. (Diod. xii. 53; Liv. iv. 23.) 2. SER. CORNELIUS (M. F. L. N.) Cossus, probably brother of the preceding, was consul in B. c. 428 with T. Quinctius Pennus Cincinnatus II., and two years afterwards, B. c. 426, one of the four consular tribunes, when he was entrusted with the care of the city, while his three colleagues had the conduct of the war against Veii. But the latter having met with a repulse, Cossus nominated Mam. Aemilius Mamercinus dictator, who in his turn appointed Cossus master of the horse. It was this Cossus who killed Lar Tolumnius, the king of the Veili, in single combat, and dedicated his spoils in the temple of Jupiter Feretriusthe second of the three instances in which the spolia opima were won. But the year in which Tolumnius was slain, was a subject of dispute even in antiquity. Livy following, as he says, all his authorities, places it in B. c. 437, nine years before the consulship of Cossus, when he was military tribune in the army of Marm. Aemilius Mamercinus, who is said to have been dictator in that year likewise. At the same time the historian brings forward several reasons why this was improbable, and mentions in particular that Augustus had discovered a linen breastplate in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, on which it was stated that the consul Cossus had won these spoils. But as the year of Cossus' consulship was, according to the annalists, one of pestilence and dearth without any military operations, it is probable that Tolumnius was slain by Cossus in the year of his consular tribunate, when he was master of the h6rse, especially since it is expressly placed in that year by some writers. (Val. Max. iii. 2. ~ 4; Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 25.) In dedicating the spoils, Cossus would have added 3K
Page 866 866 COSSUTIA. the title of consul, either on account of his having filled that dignity or in consideration of his holding at the time the consular tribunate. (Liv. iv. 19, 20, 30-32; Plut. Romul. 16, Marcell. 8; Niebuhr, ii. p. 458, &c.; Propert. iv. 10. 23, &c., who gives quite a different account.) 3. P. CORNELIUS A. F. P. N. Cossus, consular tribune in B. c.415. (Liv. iv. 49; Diod. xiii. 34.) 4. CN. CORNELIUS A. F. M. N. Cossus, consular tribune in B. c. 414, and consul in 409 with L. Furius Medullinus II., the year in which plebeian quaestors were first created. (Liv. iv. 49, 54; Diod. xiii. 38.) 5. A. CORNELIUS A. F. M. N. Cossus, brother of No. 4, consul in B. c. 413 with L. Furius Medullinus. (Liv. iv. 51; Diod. xiii. 43.) 6. P. CORNELIUS A. F. M. N. Cossus, brother of Nos. 4 and 5, consular tribune in B. C. 408, in which year a dictator was appointed on account of the war with the Volsci and Aequi. (Liv. iv. 56; Diod. xiii. 104.) 7. P. CORNELIUS M. F. L. N. RUTILUS Cossus, dictator in B. c. 408, defeated the Volsci near Antium, laid waste their territory, took by storm a fort near lake Fucinus, by which he made 3000 prisoners, and then returned to Rome. He was consular tribune in B. c. 406. (Liv. iv. 56, 58.) 8. CN. CORNELIUS P. F. A. N. Cossus, consular tribune in B. c. 406, when he was left in charge of the city while his colleagues marched against Veii, consular tribune a second time in 404, and a third time in 401, in the last of which years he laid waste the country of the Capenates, but the enemy did not venture upon a battle. Cossus was a moderate man in the party struggles of his day. He caused a third stipendium to be paid to those horsemen, who were not supplied with a horse by the state, and was supposed to have procured the elevation of his half-brother or cousin, the plebeian P. Licinius Calvus, to the consular tribunate in B. c. 400. (Liv. iv. 58, 61, v. 10, 12.) 9. P. CORNELIUS MALUGINENSIS COSSUs, consular tribune B. c. 395, when he ravaged the territory of the Falisci, and consul in 393 with L. Valerius Potitus; but he and his colleague were obliged to resign their office in consequence of some defect in the election, and L. Lucretius Flavus Triciptinus and Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus were appointed in their stead. (Liv. v. 24; Fasti.) 10. A. CORNELIUS Cossus, was appointed dictator B. C. 385, partly on account of the Volscian war, but chiefly to crush the designs of Manlius. The dictator at first marched against the Volsci, whom he defeated with great slaughter, although their forces were augmented by the Latini, Hernici and others. He then returned to Rome, threw Manlius into prison, and celebrated a triumph for the victory he had gained over the Volsci. (Liv. vi. 11-16.) 11. A. CORNELIUS Cossus, consular tribune in B. c. 369, and a second time in 367, in the latter of which years the Licinian laws were passed. (Liv. vi. 36, 42.) 12. A. CORNELIUS COSSUs ARVINA. [ARVINA.] COSSU'TIA, the first wife of C. Julius Caesar, belonged to an equestrian family, and was very rich. She was betrothed to Caesar by his parents, while he was very young, but was divorced by him in his seventeenth year, that he might marry Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna. (Suet. CGes. 1.) COSSU'TIA GENS of equestrian rank (Suet. COTTA. Caes. 1), never attained to any importance. It is conjectured by some from Cicero's mention of the Cossutianae tabulae, near Caesena, in Gallia Cisal-' pina (ad Fami. xvi. 27), that the Cossutii came originally from that place. On coins of this gens we find the cognomens Maridianus and Sabula, but none occur in history. COSSUTIA'NUS CA'PITO. [Capito, p. 602, a.] M. COSSU'TIUS, a Roman knight, a man of the greatest respectability and integrity, who lived in Sicily during the administration of Verres, and defended Xeno before the latter. (Cic. Verr. iii. 22, 80.) COSSU'TIUS, a Roman architect, who rebuilt at the expense of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria the temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens, about B. c. 168, in the most magnificent Corinthian style. The temple, however, in its present form, which had been deprived of its pillars by Sulla, was finished by Hadrian. (Vitruv. Praef. vii.; Liv. xli. 20; Vell. Pat. i. 10; Athen. v. p. 594, a.; Strab. ix. p. 396; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 5; Jacobs, Amalth. ii. p. 249; Bickh, Corp. Inscr. i. n. 362, 363.) [L. U.] CO'TISO, a king of the Dacians, who was conquered in the reign of Augustus by Lentulus. (Flor. iv. 12; Hor. Carm. iii. 8..18.) He seems to be the same as the Cotiso, king of the Getae, to whom, according to M. Antony, Augustus betrothed his daughter Julia, and whose daughter Augustus himself sought in marriage. (Suet. Aug. 63.) Q. CO'TIUS surnamed ACHILLES on account of his bravery, accompanied, as a legate, the consul Q. Metellus Macedonicus in his campaign against the Celtiberi in Spain, B.C. 143, and distinguished himself by slaying two of the enemy in single combat. (Val. Max. iii. 2. ~ 21.) COTTA, AURE'LIUS. 1. C. AURELIUS COTTA, was consul in B. c. 252, with P. Servilius Geminus, and both consuls carried on the war in Sicily against the Carthaginians with great success. Among several other places they also took Himera, but its inhabitants had been secretly removed by the Carthaginians. Afterwards Cotta borrowed ships from Hiero, and having united them with the remnants of the Roman fleet, he sailed to Lipara, the blockade of which he left to his tribune, Q. Cassius, with the express order not to engage in a battle; but, during the absence of the consul, Cassius notwithstanding allowed himself to be drawn into an engagement, in which many Romans were killed. On being informed of this Cotta returned to Lipara, besieged and took the town, put its inhabitants to the sword, and deprived Cassius of his office of tribune. Cotta was celebrated for the strict discipline which he maintained among his troops, and of which several instances are on record. During the siege of Lipara one of his own kinsmen, P. Aurelius Pecuniola, was scourged and degraded to the rank of a common soldier, because through his fault a part of the camp was set on fire, in consequence of which almost the whole camp fell into the hands of the enemy. It was probably during the same campaign, that he acted with great rigour towards the equites who refused to obey his commands. (Frontin. Strateg. iv. 1. ~ 22.) At the close of his consulship Cotta triumphed over the Carthaginians and Sicilians. In 248 he obtained the consulship
Page 867 COTTA. a second time, together with his former colleague, P. Servilius Geminus, and again fought in Sicily against the Carthaginians. Carthalo in vain endeavoured to make a diversion by attacking the coasts of Italy; but further particulars are not known about him. (Zonar, viii. 14, 16; Oros. iv. 9; Cic. Acad. ii. 26; Frontin. Strateg. iv. 1. ~ 31; Val. Max. ii. 7. ~ 4; Fast. Capit.) 2. M. AURELIUS COTTA, was plebian aedile in B. c. 216, and had in 212 the command of a detachment at Puteoli under the consul App. Claudius Pulcher. Nine years later, B. c. 203, he was appointed decemvir sacrorum, in the place of M. Pomponius Matho. The year after this he was sent as ambassador to Philip of Macedonia, and protected the Roman allies who had to suffer from the inroads of the Macedonians. After the conclusion of the war against Carthage, he urged the necessity of proceeding with energy against Philip. -He died, in B. c. 201, as decemvir sacrorum, in which office he was succeeded by M'. Acilius Glabrio. (Liv. xxiii. 30, xxv. 22, xxix. 38, xxx. 26, 42, xxxi. 3, 5, 50.) 3. C. AURELIUS COTTA, was praetor urbanus, in B. c. 202, and consul in 200, with P. Sulpicius Galba. He obtained Italy as his province, and with it the command in the war against the Boians, Insubrians and Cenomanians, who, under the command of Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, had invaded the Roman dominion. The praetor, L. Furius Purpureo, however, had the merit of conquering the enemies; and Cotta, who was indignant at the laurels being snatched from him, occupied himself chiefly with plundering and ravaging the country of the enemy, and gained more booty than glory, while the praetor Furius was honoured with a triumph. (Liv. xxx. 26, 27, xxxi. 5, 6, 10, 11, 21, 22, 47, 49; Zonar. ix. 15; Oros. iv. 20.) 4. M. AURELIUS COTTA, was legate of L. Cornelius Scipio, in B. c. 189, during the war against Antiochus. He returned to Rome with the ambassadors of Antiochus, with Eumenes and the Rhodians, to report to the senate the state of affairs in the East. (Liv. xxxvii. 52.) 5. L. AURELIUS COTTA, was tribune of the soldiers, in B. C. 1 81, and commanded, together with Sex. Julius Caesar, the third legion in the war against the Ligurians. (Liv. xl. 27.) 6. L. AURELIUS COTTA, was tribune of the people in B. c. 154, and in reliance on the inviolable character of his office he refused paying his creditors, whereupon however his colleagues declared, that unless he satisfied the creditors they would support them in their claims. In B.c. 144, he was consul together with Ser. Sulpicius Galba, and disputed in the senate which of them was to obtain the command against Viriathus in Spain; but Scipio Aemilianus carried a decree that neither of them should be sent to Spain, and the command in that country was accordingly prolonged to the proconsul Fhibius Maximus Aemilianus. Subsequently Cotta was accused by Scipio Aemilianus, and although he was guilty of glaring acts of injustice he was acquitted, merely because the judges wished to avoid the appearance of Cotta havingbeen crushed by the overwhelming influence of his accuser. Cotta was defended on that occasion by Q. Metellus Macedonicus. Cicero states that Cotta was considered a veterator, that is, a man cunning in managing his own affairs. (Val. Max. vi. 4. ~ 2, COTTA. 867 5. ~ 4, viii. 1. ~ 11; Cic. pro Muren. 28, pro Font. 13, Brut. 21, Divin in Caecil. 21; Tacit. Ann. iii. 66.) 7. L. AURELIUS COTTA, was consul in B.C. 119, and proposed in the senate that C. Marius, who was then tribune of the people, should be called to account for a law (lex Maria) which he had brought forward relative to the voting in the comitia, and which was levelled at the influence of the opti-. mates. Marius, who was summoned accordingly, appeared in the senate, but, instead of defending himself, threatened Cotta with imprisonment unless he withdrew his motion. L. Caecilius Metellus, the other consul, who supported Cotta, was really thrown into prison by the command of Marius, none of whose colleagues would listen to the appeal of the consul, so that the senate was compelled to yield. (Plut. Mar. 4; Cic. de Leg. iii. 17.) From Appian (Illyr. 10) it might seem as if Cotta had taken part with his colleague Metellus in the war against the Illyrians, but it may also be that Appian mentions his name only as the consul of that year, without wishing to suggest anything further. 8. L. AURELIUS COTTA, was tribune of the people in B. c. 95, together with T. Didius and C. Norbanus. When the last of them brought forward an accusation against Q. Caepio, Cotta and Didius attempted to interfere, but Cotta was pulled down by force from the tribunal (tempimu). He must afterwards have held the office of praetor, since Cicero calls him a praetorius. Cicero speaks of him several times, and mentions him as a friend of Q. Lutatius Catulus; he places him among the orators of mediocrity, and states that in his speeches he purposely abstained from all refinement, and gloried in a certain coarseness and rusticity which more resembled the style of an uneducated peasant, than that of the earlier Roman orators. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 47, iii. 11, 12, Brut. 36, 74). 9. C. AURELIUS COTTA, brother of No. 8, was born in B. c. 124, and was the son of Rutilia. He was a friend of the tribune M. Livius Drusus, who was murdered in B. c. 91; and in the same year he sued for the tribuneship, but was rejected, and a few months afterwards went into voluntary exile to avoid being condemned by the lex Varia, which ordained that an inquiry should be made as to who had either publicly or privately supported the claims of the Italian allies in their demand of the franchise. Cotta did not return to Rome till the year B. c. 82, when Sulla was dictator, and in 75 he obtained the consulship, together with L. Octavius. In that year he excited the hostility of the optimates by a law by which he endeavoured to raise the tribuneship from the condition into which it had been thrown by Sulla. The exact nature of this law, however, is not certain. (Cic. Fragm. Cornel. p. 80 ed. Orelli, with the note of Ascon.; Sallust, Hist. Fragm. p. 210, ed. Gerlach.) A lex de judiciis privatis of Cotta is likewise mentioned by Cicero, (Fragm. Corn. p.44 8,) which, however, was abolished the year after by his brother. In his consulship Cotta also concluded a treaty with Hiempsal of Mauretania. On the expiration of his office he obtained Gaul for his province, and although he did not carry on any real war in it, he yet demanded a triumph on his return. His request was granted, but on the day before the solemnity was to take place, a wound which he had received many years before burst open, in consequence of which he died the same day. Cotta 3K(2
Page 868 868 COTTA. was one of the most distinguished orators of his time; he is placed by the side of P. Sulpicius and C. Caesar, and Cicero entertained a very high opinion of him. Cicero, who at an early period of his life, and when Sulla still had the power in his hands, pleaded the case of a woman of Arretium against Cotta, characterises him as a most acute and subtile orator; his arguments were always sound, but calm and dry, and his oratory was never sublime or animated. We still possess a specimen of it among the fragments of Sallust's Hlistoriae. He appears to have occupied himself also with the study of philosophy, for Cicero introduces him as one of the interlocutors in the " De Oratore," and in the third book of the " De Natura Deorum," as maintaining the cause of the Academics. (Cic. de Orat. i. 7, ii. 23, iii. 3, 8, Brut. 49, 55, 86, 88, 90, Orat. 30, 38, ad Att. xii. 20, in Verr. i. 50, iii. 7, de Leg. Agr. ii. 22, in Pison. 26; Sallust, Hist. Fragm. ii. p. 206, ed. Gerl.; Appian, de B. C. i. 37. Compare Meyer, Fragm. Orat. Rom. p. 338, &c., 2nd ed.) 10. M. AURELIUS COTTA, a brother of No. 9, was consul in B. c. 74, together with L. Licinius Lucullus. In this year the war against Mithridates broke out again, and while the conduct of it was entrusted to Metellus, Cotta obtained Bithynia for his province, and a fleet to protect the Propontis. When Mithridates marched into Bithynia with his army, Cotta retreated to Chalcedon, in the port of which his fleet was stationed. In the neighbourhood of Chalcedon a battle was fought, in which Cotta was not only defeated and obliged to take refuge within the walls of Chalcedon, but lost his whole fleet of sixty-four sail. Mithridates, who had to direct his attention towards another quarter, left Cotta at Chalcedon. During this campaign Cotta dismissed his quaestor, P. Oppius, whom he suspected of being bribed by the enemy and plotting against him. On his return to Rome, therefore, Cotta brought an accusation against Oppius, who was defended by Cicero. Afterwards Cotta himself was charged by C. Carbo with having been guilty of extortion in his province of Bithynia, and was condemned. His son, M. Aurelius Cotta, took revenge for this hostility of Carbo towards his father, by accusing Carbo of the same crime, on the very same day that he (M. Cotta) assumed the manly gown. (Liv. Epit. 93; Eutrop. vi. 6; Sall. Fragm. Hist. lib. iv.; Ascon. in Cornel. p. 67; Plut. Lucull. 5, 6, 8; Cic. in Verr. v. 13, pro Muren. 15, pro Opp. Fragm. p. 444 ed. Orelli; Dion. Cass xxxvi. 23; Appian, Mithrid. 71; Val. Max. v. 4. ~ 4.) 11. L. AURELIUS COTTA, a brother of Nos. 9 and 10, was praetor in B. c. 70, in which year he carried the celebrated law (lex Aurelia judiciaria), which entrusted the judicia to courts consisting of senators, equites, and the tribuni aerarii. The main object of this law was to deprive the senators of their exclusive right to act as judices, and to allow other parts of the Roman state a share in the judicial functions, for which reason the law is sometimes vaguely described as having transferred the judicia from the senate to the equites. P. Cornelius Sulla and P. Autronius Paetus were the consuls elect for the year B. c. 65, but both were accused by L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus of ambitus: they were convicted and their accusers were elected consuls in their stead. No sooner had they entered upon their consulship, than COTTA. P. Autronius Paetus formed a plan with Catiline for murdering the consuls and most of the senators. This conspiracy however was discovered and frustrated. The year after his consulship, B. c. 64, Cotta was censor, but he and his colleague abdicated on account of the machinations of the tribunes. In 63, when Cicero had suppressed the Catilinarian conspiracy, in the debates upon which in the senate Cotta had taken a part, he proposed a supplicatio for Cicero; and he afterwards shewed the same friendship for the unfortunate orator, as he was the first to bring forward in the senate a motion for the recall of Cicero from his exile. During the civil war Cotta belonged to the party of Caesar, whose mother Aurelia was his kinswoman, and when Caesar was alone at the head of the republic, it was rumoured that Cotta, who then held the office of quindecimvir, would propose in the senate to confer upon Caesar the title of king, since it was written in the libri fatales that the Parthians, against whom Caesar was preparing war, could be conquered only by a king. After the murder of Caesar, Cotta rarely attended the meetings of the senate from a feeling of despair. He is praised by Cicero as a man of great talent and of the highest prudence. (Ascon. in Cornel. pp. 64, 67, 78, &c.; Cic. in Pison. 16, in Verr. ii. 71, in P. Clod. 7, de Leg. Agr. ii. 17, in Catil. iii. 8, Philip. ii. 6, pro Doam. 26, 32, pro Sext. 34, ad Att. xii. 21, de Leg. iii. 19, ad Fam. xii. 2; Suet. Caes. 79; Liv. Epit. 97; Vell. Pat. ii. 32; Corn. Nep. Attic. 4; Plut. Cic. 27. Comp. Orelli, Onom. Tull. ii. p. 90.) 12. AURELIUS COTTA MESSALLINUS, a son of the orator Messalla, who was adopted into the Aurelia gens. In the reign of Tiberius, with whom he was on terms of intimacy, he made himself notorious for the gratuitous harshness and animosity with which he acted on several occasions. This drew upon him an accusation of the most illustrious senators in A.D. 32, for having spoken disrespectfully of Tiberius; but the emperor himself sent a written defence to the senate, which of course procured his acquittal. Tacitus characterises him as nobilis quidem, sed egens ob luxam et per flagitia infamis. (Plin. H. N. x. 27; Tacit. Ann. ii. 32, iv. 20, v. 3, vi. 5, &c.) On coins of the Aurelia gens we find the names of M. Cotta and L. Cotta, but there are no means of identifying them with any of the preceding persons. Of the two coins annexed the obverse of the former represents the head of Pallas, the reverse Hercules in a biga drawn by two centaurs; the obverse of the latter represents the head of
Page 869 COTYLA. Vulcan with forcipes behind him, the reverse an eagle standing on a thunderbolt. [L. S.] COTTA, L. AURUNCULE'IUS, served as legate in the army of C. Julius Caesar in Gaul, and distinguished himself no less by his valour than by his foresight and prudence. In B. c. 54, when Caesar, on account of the scarcity of provisions in Gaul, distributed his troops over a great part of the country for their winter-quarters, Cotta and Q. Titurius Sabinus obtained the command of one legion and five cohorts, with which they took up their position in the territory of the Eburones, between the Meuse and the Rhine. Soon after, Ambiorix and Cativolcus, the chiefs of the Eburones, caused a revolt against the Romans, and attacked the camp of Cotta and Sabinus only fifteen days after they had been stationed in the:country. Cotta, who apprehended more from the cunning than from the open attacks of the Gauls, strongly recommended his colleague not to abandon the camp and trust to the faith of the Gauls; but Sabinus, who feared that they should be overpowered in their winter-quarters, was anxious to avail himself of the safe-conduct which Ambiorix promised, and to proceed to the winter-quarters of the legions nearest to them. After some debates, Cotta gave way for the sake of concord among his forces. The Romans were drawn into an ambuscade by the Gauls, and Cotta, who neglected none of the duties of a general in his perilous position, received a wound in his face while addressing the soldiers; but he still continued to fight bravely, and refused entering into negotiations with the enemy, until shortly after he and the greater part of his soldiers were cut down by the Gauls. (Caesar, B. G. ii. 11, v. 24-37; Dion Cass. xl. 5, 6; Sueton. Caes. 25; Appian, B. C. ii. 150; Florus, iii. 10; Eutrop. vi. 14.) [L. S.] M. and P. COTTII, of Tauromenium in Sicily, two Roman knights, witnesses against Verres. (Cic. Verr. v. 64.) CO'TTIUS, son of Donnus, was king of several Ligurian tribes in those parts of the Alps, which were called after him, the Cottian Alps. He maintained his independence when the other Alpine tribes were subdued by Augustus, till at length the emperor purchased his submission, by granting him the sovereignty over twelve of these tribes, with the title of Praefectus. Cottius thereupon made roads over the Alps, and shewed his gratitude to Augustus by erecting (B. c. 8) at Segusio, now Suza, a triumphal arch to his honour, which is extant at the present day, and bears an inscription, in which the praefect is called M. Julius Cottius, and the names of the people are enumerated, of which he was praefect. His authority was transmitted to his son, who also bore the name of M. Julius Cottius, and upon whom the emperor Claudius conferred the title of king. But upon the death of this prince, his kingdom was reduced by Nero into the form of a Roman province. (Amm. Marc. xv. 10; Strab. iv. p. 204; Plin. IH. N. iii. 20. s. 24; Orelli, Inscr. No. 626; Dion. Cass. Ix. 24; Suet. Ner. 18; Aur. Vict. Caes. 5, Epit. 5; Eutrop. vii. 14.) CO'TYLA, L. VA'RIUS, one of Antony's most intimate friends and boon companions, although Cicero says that Antony had him whipped on two occasions, during a banquet, by public slaves. He was probably aedile in B. c. 44, as he is called in the following year a mani of aedilician COTYS. 869 rank. When Antony was besieging Mutina, in B.. 43, he sent Cotyla to Rome, to propose terms of peace to the senate; and when after his defeat at Mutina he had collected another army in Gaul, and recrossed the Alps later in the year, he entrusted Cotyla with the command of the legions, which he left behind in Gaul. (Cic. Philipp. v. 2, viii. 8, 10, 11, xiii. 12; Plut. Ant. 18, who calls him Cotylo.) COTYS or COTYTTO (Ko'Tvs or KoTrUrcT), a Thracian divinity, whose festival, the Cotyttia (Did. of Ant. s. v.), resembled that of the Phrygian Cybele, and was celebrated on hills with riotous proceedings. In later times her worship was introduced at Athens and Corinth, and was connected, like that of Dionysus, with licentious frivolity. Her worship appears to have spread even as far as Italy and Sicily. Those who celebrated her festival were called f3dmatrr, from the purifications which were originally connected with the solemnity. (Strab. x. p. 470; Hesych. Suid. s. vv. Ko7vs, SiaaiTojris; Horat. Epod. xvii. 56; Juven. ii. 92; Virg. Catal. v. 19; A. Meineke, Quaest. Seen. p. 41, &c.) [L. S.] COTYS (Ko'Tvs). 1. A king of Paphlagonia, seems to have been the same whom Xenophon (Anab. v. 5. ~ 12, &c.) calls Corylas. Otys also is only another form of the name. A vassal originally of the Persian throne, he had thrown off his allegiance to Artaxerxes II., and, when summoned to court, as a test probably of his loyalty, had refused obedience. He therefore listened readily to the recommendation of Spithridates to enter into alliance with Sparta, and having met Agesilaus for this purpose on his entrance into Paphlagonia, he left with him a considerable reinforcement for his army. For this service Agesilaus rewarded Spithridates by negotiating a marriage for his daugh. ter with Cotys, B. c. 395. (Xen. Hell. iv. 1. ~ 3, &c.) The subject of the present article has been identified by some with Thyus, whom Datames conquered and carried prisoner to Artaxerxes about B. c. 364; but this conjecture does not appear to rest on any valid grounds. (See Schneider, ad Xen. Hell. 1. c.) [THvyUs.] 2. King of Thrace from B. c. 382 to 358. (See Suid. s. v., where his reign is said to have lasted twenty-four years.) It is not, however, till towards the end of this period that we find anything recorded of him. In B. c. 364 he appears as an enemy of the Athenians, the main point of dispute being the possession of the Thracian Chersonesus, and it was at this time that he first availed himself of the aid of the adventurer Charidemus on his desertion from the Athenian service [see p. 684, b.]. He also secured the valuable assistance of Iphicrates, to whom he gave one of his daughters in marriage, and who did not scruple to take part with his father-in-law against his country. (Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 663, 669, 672; Pseudo-Aristot. Oecon. ii. 26; Nep. Iphicr. 3; Anaxandr. ap. Athen. iv. p. 131.) In B. c. 362, Miltocythes, a powerful chief, revolted from Cotys, and engaged the Athenians on his side by promising to cede the Chersonesus to them; but Cotys sent them a letter, outbidding his adversary in promises, and the Athenians passed a decree in the king's favour. It has been thought that this was the same decree which conferred on him the gift of citizenship. (See Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. p. 217; Ep. Phil. ad Ath. p. 161, where he is called " Sitalces.")
Page 870 870 COTYS. CRANAEA. The effect of it certainly was so to discourage Miltocythes that he abandoned the struggle, while Cotys, having gained his point, never dreamed of fulfilling his promises. (Dem. c. Aristocr. p. 655, c. Polycl. 1207.) [AUTOCLES, No. 2.] In the same year he vigorously opposed Ariobarzanes and the other revolted satraps of the western provinces. Here again he shewed his hostility to Athens, which sided with the rebels, while another motive with him for the course he took seems to have been, that the satraps protected the cities on the Hellespont, over which he desired to establish his own authority. Having besieged Sestus, which belonged to Ariobarzanes, he was compelled, apparently by Timotheus, to raise the siege; but the town soon after revolted from Athens and submitted to Cotys, who, having in vain tried to persuade Iphicrates to aid him [IPHICRATES], again bought the services of Charidemus, made him his son-in-law, and prosecuted the war with his assistance. (Xen. Ages, ii. ~ 26; Nep. Timoteh. 1; Dem. de Rhod. Lib. p. 193, c. Aristocr. pp. 663, 664, 672-674.) [CHARIDEMUS.] This appears to have occurred in B. c. 359, and in the same year, and not long after Philip's accession, we find him supporting the claims of the pretender Pausanias to the Macedonian throne; but the bribes of Philip induced him to abandon his cause. (Diod. xvi. 2, 3.) For his letter to Philip, perhaps on this occasion, see Hegesand. ap. Athen. vi. p. 248. In B. c. 358, he was assassinated by Python or Parrhon and Heracleides (two citizens of Aenus, a Greek town in Thrace), whose father he had in some way injured. The murderers were honoured by the Athenians with golden crowns and the franchise of the city. (Arist. Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk.; Dem. c. Aristocr. pp. 659, 662, 674; Plut. adv. Colot. 32; Diog. Lairt. iii. 46, ix. 65.) Cotys, from the accounts we have of him, was much addicted to gross luxury, and especially to drunkenness, the prevalent vice of his nation. His violence and cruelty were excessive, almost, in fact, akin to madness. He is said to have murdered his wife, of whom he was jealous, with circumstances of the most shocking barbarity; on one occasion also he persuaded himself, or chose to assert, that he was the bridegroom of the goddess Athena, and, having drunk deeply at what he called the nuptial feast, he put to death two of his attendants successively, who had not presence of mind or courtly tact sufficient to fall in with his mad humour. (Theopomp. ap. Atien. xii. pp. 531, 532; Suid. s. v.; Plut. Reg. et Imp. Apophth.) 3. A king of the Odrysae in Thrace. He was originally an ally of Rome, but was forced into an alliance against her with Perseus, to whom he gave hostages for his fidelity, and supplied a force of 2000 men. When Perseus was conquered by Aemilius Paullus in B. c. 168, Bites, the son of Cotys, was taken prisoner and carried to Rome, and his father sent ambassadors to offer any sum of money for his freedom, and to account for his own conduct in having sided with Macedonia. The Roman senate did not admit the excuse of Cotys as a valid one, but they made a flourish of generosity, and released the prince unransomed. Cotys is honourably recorded as differing widely from the generality of his countrymen in sobriety, gentleness, and cultivation of mind. (Polyb. xxvii. 10, xxx. 12; Suid. s. v.; Liv. xlii. 29, 51, 57, 59, 67, xliii. 18, xlv. 42.) 4. A king of Thrace, took part against Caesar with Pompey, and sent him a body of auxiliaries under his son Sadales in B. c. 48. (Caes. Bell. Civ. iii. 4; Lucan. Phars. v. 54.) 5. Son of Rhoemetalces, king of Thrace. On the death of Rhoemetalces his dominions were divided by Augustus between his brother Rhescuporis and his son Cotys. Rhescuporis desired to subject the whole kingdom to himself, but did not venture on palpable acts of aggression till the death of Augustus. He then openly waged war against his nephew, but both parties were commanded by Tiberius to desist from hostilies. Rhescuporis then, feigning a wish for friendly negotiation, invited Cotys to a conference, and, at the banquet which followed, he treacherously seized him, and, having thrown him into chains, wrote to Tiberius, pretending that he had only acted in self-defence and anticipated a plot on the part of Cotys. He was, however, commanded to release him, and to come to Rome to have the matter investigated, whereupon (A. D. 19) he murdered his prisoner, thinking, says Tacitus, that he might as well have to answer for a crime completed as for one half done. Tacitus speaks of Cotys as a man of gentle disposition and manners, and Ovid, in an epistle addressed to him during his exile at Tomi, alludes to his cultivated taste for literature, and claims his favour and protection as a brother-poet. (Tac. Ann. ii. 64-67, iii. 38; Vell. Pat. ii. 129; Ov. ex Pont. ii. 9.) 6. A king of a portion of Thrace, and perhaps one of the sons of No. 5. (See Tac. Ann. ii. 67.) In A. D. 38, Caligula gave the whole of Thrace to Rhoemetalces, son of Rhescuporis, and put Cotys in possession of Armenia Minor. In A. D. 47, when Claudius wished to place Mithridates on the throne of Armenia, Cotys endeavoured to obtain it for himself, and had succeeded in attaching some of the nobles to his cause, but was compelled by the commands of the emperor to desist. (Dion Cass. lix. 12; Tac. Ann. xi. 9.) 7. King of the Bosporus, which he received from the Romans on the expulsion of his brother Mithridates. As only a few cohorts under Julius Aquila had been left in the country to support the new king, who was himself young and inexperienced, Mithridates endeavoured to recover his dominions by force of arms, A. D. 50; but he was conquered and carried prisoner to Rome. (Tac. Ann. xii. 15-21.) The second of the coins figured on p. 777, a. belongs to this Cotys, who is sometimes called Cotys I., king of the Bosporus. The coin given below belongs to Cotys II., who reigned under Hadrian, and is mentioned by Arrian in his Periplus. The obverse represents the head of Cotys, the reverse that of Hadrian. (Eckhel, ii. pp. 376, 378.) [E. E.] CRANAEA (Kpava-a), a surname of Artemis, derived from a temple on a hill near Elateia in
Page 871 CRASSINUS. Phocis, in which the office of priest was always held by youths below the age of puberty, and for the space of five years by each youth. (Paus. x. 34. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CRANA'US (Kpavas\), an autochthon and king of Attica, who reigned at the time of the flood of Deucalion. He was married to Pedias, by whom he became the father of Cranae, Cranaechme, and Atthis, from the last of whom Attica was believed to have derived its name. He was deprived of his kingdom by Amphictyon, his son-in-law, and after his death he was buried in the demos of Lamprae, where his tomb was shewn as late as the time of Pausanias. (Apollod. iii. 14. ~ 5, &c.; Paus. i. 2. ~ 5, 31. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CRANE. [CARDEA.] CRANTOR (Kpd'vrwp), of Soli in Cilicia, left his native country, and repaired to Athens, in order to study philosophy, where he became a pupil of Xenocrates and a friend of Polemo, and one of the most distinguished supporters of the philosophy of the older Academy. As Xenocrates died B. c. 315, Crantor must have come to Athens previous to that year, but we do not know the date of his birth or his death. He died before Polemo and Crates, and the dropsy was the cause of his death. He left his fortune, which amounted to twelve talents, to Arcesilaiis; and this may be the reason why many of Crantor's writings were ascribed by the ancients to Arcesilaiis. His works were very numerous. Diogenes La'rtius says, that he left behind Commentaries (T7rousIpa'ra), which consisted of 30,000 lines; but of these only fragments have been preserved. They appear to have related principally to moral subjects, and, accordingly, Horace (Ep. i. 2. 4) classes him with Chrysippus as a moral philosopher, and speaks of him in a manner which proves that the writings of Crantor were much read and generally known in Rome at that time. The most popular of Crantor's works at Rome seems to have been that "On Grief" (De Lucit, IIepl lisvOovs), which was addressed to his friend Hippocles on the death of his son, and from which Cicero seems to have taken almost the whole of the third book of his Tusculan Disputations. The philosopher Panaetius called it a " golden" work, which deserved to be learnt by heart word for word. (Cic. Acad. ii. 44.) Cicero also made great use of it while writing his celebrated " Consolatio" on the death of his daughter, Tullia; and several extracts from it are preserved in Plutarch's treatise on Consolation addressed to Apollonius, which has come down to us. Crantor was the first of Plato's followers who wrote commentaries on the works of his master. He also made some attempts in poetry; and Diogenes Laertius relates, that, after sealing up a collection of his poems, he deposited them in the temple of Athena in his native city, Soli. He is accordingly called by the poet Theaetetus, in an epitaph which he composed upon him, the friend of the Muses; and we are told, that his chief favourites among the poets were Homer and Euripides. (Diog. Laert. iv. 24-27; Orelli, Onom. Tell. ii. p. 201; Schneider in Zimmermann's Zeitschrift fir Alterthumswissensclhaft, 1836, Nos. 104, 105; Kayser, De Crantore Academico, Heidelb. 1841.) [A. S.] CRASSFNUS or CRASSUS, a surname borne in early times by many members of the patrician Claudia gens. [CLAUnDIUS, p. 767.] CRASSITIUS. 871 CRASSIPES, " thick-footed," the name of a patrician family of the Furia gens. 1. M. FURIus CRASSIPES, was one of the three commissioners appointed in B. c. 194 to found a Latin colony among the Brutii, and he with his colleagues accordingly led, two years afterwards, 3700 foot soldiers and 300 horsemen to Vibo, which had been previously called Hipponium. Crassipes was elected praetor, in B.C. 187, and obtained the province of Gaul. Desiring to obtain a pretext for a war, he deprived the Cenomani of their arms, though they had been guilty of no offence; but when this people appealed to the senate at Rome, Crassipes was commanded to restore them their arms, and to depart from the province. He obtained the praetorship a second time in B.C. 173, and received Sicily as his province. (Liv. xxxiv. 53, xxxv. 40, xxxviii. 42, xxxix. 3, xli. 28. s. 33, xlii. 1.) 2. FuRIus CRASSIPES, married Tullia, the daughter of M. Tullius Cicero, after the death of her first husband, C. Piso Frugi. The marriage contract (sponsalia) was made on the 6th of April, B.C. 56. She was, however, shortly afterwards divorced from Crassipes, but at what time is uncertain; it must have been before B. c. 50, as she was married to Dolabella in that year. Cicero notwithstanding continued to live on friendly terms with Crassipes, and mentions to Atticus a conversation he had had with him, when Pompey was setting out from Brundisium, in B. c. 49. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 4, v. 1, vi. 1, ad Fam. i. 7. ~ 11, 9. ~ 20, ad Att. iv. 5, 12, vii. 1, ad Att. ix. 11.) There is a letter of Cicero's (ad Fam. xiii. 9) addressed to Crassipes, when he was quaestor in Bithynia, B. c. 51, recommending to his notice the company that farmed the taxes in that province. 3. P. FuRms CRASSIPES, curule aedile, as we learn from coins (a specimen of which is given below), but at what time is uncertain. The obverse of the coin annexed represents a woman's head crowned with a tower, and by the side a foot, through a kind of jocular allusion to the name of Crassipes; on the reverse is a curule seat. L. CRASSITIUS, a Latin grammarian, was a native of Tarentum and a freedman, and was surnamed Pasicles, which he afterwards changed into Pansa. He was first employed in assisting the writers of the mimes for the stage, afterwards gave lectures on grammar, and at length wrote a commentary on the obscure poem of C. Helvius Cinna, entitled Smyrna, which gained him great renown: his praises were celebrated in an epigram preserved by Suetonius, but the meaning of it is difficult to understand. He taught the sons of many of the noblest families at Rome, and among others Julius Antonius, the son of the triumvir, but eventually he gave up his school, in order to be compared to Verrius Flaccus, and betook himself to the study of philosophy. (Suet. Illustr. Gramm. 18; Weichert, Po't. Latin. Reliqu. p. 184.) It is not impossible that this Crassitius was originally the slave of the Crassitius or Crassicius,
Page 872 872 CRASSUS. mentioned by Cicero in B.c. 43 (Phil]pp. v. 6. xiii. 2) as one of the friends of Antony. His original name would therefore have been Pasicles, and he would have taken the name of his patron as a matter of course upon manumission. It may be, however, that the Crassitius mentioned by Cicero is the same as the grammarian. CRASSUS, M. AQUI'LIUS, was praetor in B. c. 43, and was sent by the senate into Picenum to levy troops, in order to resist Octavianus, when he marched upon the city in this year, in order to demand the consulship. Crassus was seized in a slave's dress, and brought to Octavianus, who did not punish him at the time, but afterwards included his name in the proscription. (Appian, B. C. iii. 93, 94.) It is thought by some commentators that we ought to read Acilius instead of Aquilius. If this conjecture be correct, the Crassus mentioned above would be the same as the Acilius, who was included in the proscription, and whose escape is related by Appian. (B. C. iv. 39.) CRASSUS, CALPU'RNIUS, descended from the ancient family of the (Licinii?) Crassi, conspired against Nerva; but when his designs were detected, he received no punishment from the emperor, but was merely removed to Tarentum with his wife. Crassus was subsequently put to death. on account of his forming a conspiracy against the life of Trajan. (Aur. Vict. Epit. 12; Dion Cass. lxviii. 3, 16. CRASSUS, L. CANI'DIUS, was with Lepidus in Gaul, in B. c. 43, when Antony was compelled to seek refuge there, and was the main instrument in bringing about the union between the armies of Lepidus and Antony. Three years later, B. c. 40, he was consul suffectus with L. Cornelius Balbus, and afterwards he was one of the legates of Antony, whom he accompanied in his campaign against the Parthians. In B. c. 38, CRASSUS. when Antony returned from that expedition, Canidius Crassus remained in Armenia, and continued the war against those nations with considerable success, for he defeated the Armenians, and also the kings of the Iberians and Albanians, and penetrated as far as the Caucasus. In the canpaign which Antony made against the Parthians in B. c. 36, Crassus was as unfortunate as the other Roman generals, all of whom suffered great losses, and were compelled to retreat. In B. c. 32, when Antony resolved upon the war with Octavian, Crassus was commissioned to lead the army, which was stationed in Armenia, to the coast of the Mediterranean. On the outbreak of the war many of Antony's friends advised him to remove Cleopatra from the army, but Crassus who was bribed by the queen, opposed this plan, and she accordingly accompanied her lover to the fatal war. Shortly afterwards, however, Crassus also advised Antony to send her back to Egypt, and to fight the decisive battle on the land and not on the sea. This time his advice was disregarded. During the battle of Actium, Crassus who had the command of Antony's land forces, could only act the part of a spectator. After the unfortunate issue of the seafight, Crassus and his army still held out for seven days in the hope that Antony would return; but in the end Crassus in despair took to flight, and followed his master to Alexandria, where he informed him of the issue of the contest and of the fate of his army. After the fall of Antony Crassus was put to death by the command of Octavianus. He died as a coward, although in times of prosperity he had been in the habit of boasting, that death had no terrors for him. (Cic. ad Fam. x. 21; Dion Cass. xlviii. 32, xlix. 24; Plut. Ant. 34, 42, 56, 63, 65, 68, 71, Comparat. Dem. c. Ant. 1; Vell. Pat. ii. 85, 87; Oros. vi. 19.) [L. S.] CRASSUS, CLAU'DIUS. [CLAUDIUS, p.767.] CRASSUS, LICI'NIUS. STEMMA CRASSORUM. (A.) C. Licinius Varus. I 1. P. Licinius Crassus, Cos. B. c. 171. 2. C. Licinius Crassus, Cos. B. C. 168. 3. C. Licinius Crassus, Tr. P1. B. c. 145. (?) 4. C. Licinius [Crassus]? 5. Licinia, vestal, B. c. 123. (B.) 6. P. Licinius Crassus Dives, Cos. B. c. 205. 7. P. Licinius Crassus Dives. s Mucianus, 9. M. Licinius Crassus 10. Licinia, (?) married B. c. 131. Agelastus. Claudius Asellus. 8. P. Licinius Crassus Dive! adopted son of No. 7, Cos. i 11. Licinia, married 12. ] C. Sulpicius Galba. C. Se I Licinia, married ampronius Gracchus. I! 13. M. Licinius 14. P. Lie. Crassus Dives, Crassus, Pr. B. c. 107. (a) Cos. B. c. 97; married Venuleia. a
Page 873 CRASSUS. CRASSUTS. 817 3 a 15. P. Licinius Crassus Dives, died B. c. 87. 1 8 TP:,:n:,, TI,, L i,,C 16. Licinius Crassus Dives. 17. M. Licinius Crassus, triumvir, married Tertulla. J 0. JL c. rUillsi U1( Decoctor. lssaLs -ives, 19. M. Licinius Crassus Dives, 20. P. Licik Quaestor of Caesar. Legate of Ca 21. M. Licinius Crassuas Dives, Cos. B. c. 30. 22. M. Licinius Crassus Dives, Cos. B c. c14. (C.) 23. L. Licinius Crassus, orator; Cos. B. c. 95; married Mucia. nius Crassus Dives, esar, marr. Cornelia. 24. Licinia, married Scipio Nasica. 25. Licinia, married 26. L. Licinius Crassus Scipio, son of C. Marius. No. 24, and adopted by No. 23. (D.) Other Licinii Crassi of uncertain pedigree. 27. Licinius Crassus Dives, Pr. B. c. 59. 29. P. Licinius Crassus Junianus, Tr. P1. B. c. 53. 1. P. LICINIUS C. F. P. N. CRASSUS, was grandson of P. Licinius Varus, who was praetor B. c. 208. In B. c. 176 he was praetor, and pleaded that he was bound to perform a solemn sacrifice as an excuse for not proceeding to his province, Hither Spain. In B. c. 171 he was consul, and appointed to the command against Perseus. He advanced through Epeirus to Thessaly, and was defeated by the king in an engagement of cavalry. (Liv. xli., xlii., xliii.) During his command, he oppressed the Athenians by excessive requisitions of corn to supply his troops, and was accused on this account to the senate. 2. C. LICINIUS C. F. P. N. CRAssUS, brother of No. 1, was praetor in B. c. 172, and in B. c. 171 served as legatus with his brother in Greece, and commanded the right wing in the unsuccessful battle against Perseus. In B. c. 168 he was consul, and in the following year went to Macedonia, instead of proceeding to Cisalpine Gaul, which was his appointed province. (Liv. xlv. 17.) 3. C. LICINIUS CRASSUS, probably a son of No. 2, was tribune of the plebs B. c. 145, and according to Cicero (de Amic. 25) and Varro (de Re Rust. i. 2), was the first who in his orations to the people turned towards the forum, instead of turning towards the comitium and the curia. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 5) attributes the introduction of this mark of independence to C. Gracchus. He introduced a rogation in order to prevent the colleges of priests from filling up vacancies by co-optation, and to transfer the election to the people; but the measure was defeated in consequence of the speech of the then praetor, C. Laelius Sapiens. (Cic. Brut. 21.) (Huschke, Ueber die Stelle des Varro von den Liciniern, Heidelb. 1837.) 4. C. LIcINIus (CRAssus), probably a son of No. 3. (Dion Cass. Frag. xcii.) 5. LICINIA. [LICINIA.] 6. P. LICINIUS P. F. P. N. CRAssus, DIVES, was the son of P. Licinius Varus, and was the first Licinius with the surname Dives mentioned in history. In B. c. 212, though a young man who had never sat in the curule chair, he defeated two distinguished and aged consulars, Q. Fulvius Flac 28. P. Licinius Crassus, Pr. B. c. 57. 30. M. Licinius Crassus Mucianus, a contemporary of Vespasian. cus and T. Manlius Torquatus, in a hard-fought contest for the office of pontifex maximus. (Liv. xxv. 5.) In B. c. 211 he was curule aedile, and gave splendid games, remarkable for the crowns with foliage of gold and silver, that were then first exhibited at Rome (Plin. H. N. xxi. 4); in B. c. 210 he was magister equitum of the dictator Q. Fulvius Flaccus, and in the same year obtained the censorship, but abdicated (as was usual) in consequence of the death of his colleague. In B. c. 208 he was praetor. In B. c. 205 he was consul with Scipio Africanus, and undertook the task of keeping Hannibal in check in the country of the Bruttii. Here he succeeded in rescuing some towns from the enemy, but was able to do little in consequence of a contagious disease which attacked him and his army. (Liv. xxix. 10.) In the following year he united his forces with those of the consul Sempronius, to oppose Hannibal in the neighbourhood of Croton, but the Romans were defeated. In a. c. 203, he returned to Rome, and died at an advanced age, B. c. 183, when his funeral was celebrated with games and feasts which lasted for three days, and by a fight of 120 gladiators. (xxxix.46.) He possessed many gifts of nature and fortune, and added to them by his own industry. He was noble and rich, of commanding form and great corporeal strength, and, in addition to his military accomplishments, was extremely eloquent, whether in addressing the senate or haranguing the people. In civil and pontifical law he was deeply skilled. (xxx. 1.) Valerius Maximus (i. 1. ~ 6) gives an example of his religious severity in condemning a Vestal virgin to be burnt, because one night she neglected her charge of guarding the everlasting fire. 7. P. LICINIUS CRASSUS DIvES, son of No. 6. 8. P. LICINIUS CRASSUS DIVES MUCIANUS, was the adopted son of No. 7. (Cic. Brut. 26.) His natural father was P. Mucius Scaevola, who was consul B. c. 175. In the year B. c. 131 he was consul and pontifex maximus, and, according to Livy, was the first priest of that rank who went beyond Italy. (Epit. lix.) As pontifex maximus, he forbade his colleague, Valerius Flac
Page 874 874 CRASSUS. cus, who was flamen Martialis, to undertake the command against Aristonicus, and imposed a fine upon him, in case of his leaving the sacred rites. The people remitted the fine, but shewed their sense of due priestly subordination by ordering the flamen to obey the pontiff. (Cic. Phil. xi. 8.) Crassus, though his own absence was liable to similar objection, proceeded to oppose Aristonicus, who had occupied the kingdom of Pergamus, which had been bequeathed by Attalus to the Roman people. His expedition to Asia was unfortunate. He suffered a defeat at Leucae, and was overtaken in his flight between Elaea and Smyrna by the body-guard of the enemy. In order that he might not be taken alive, he struck a Thracian in the eye with his horse-whip, and the Thracian, smarting with the blow, stabbed him to death. (Val. Max. iii. 2. ~ 12.) His body was buried at Smyrna, and his head was brought to Aristonicus, who, in the following year, surrendered to Perperna, and was put to death at Rome. He was so minutely skilled in the Greek language, that when he presided in Asia, he was in the habit of giving judgment to those who resorted to his tribunal in any one of five dialects in which they preferred their claim. (Quintil. xi. 2, fin.) Cicero extols him as a good orator and jurist (Cic. Brut. 26; compare Dig. 1. tit. 2. s. 4), and Gellius (who gives an example of the strictness of his military discipline) says that, according to Sempronius Asellio and other writers of Roman history, he possessed five of the best of good things, " quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus." (Gell. i. 13.) How the legal lore of Crassus was on one occasion wellnigh foiled in contest with the superior eloquence of Ser. Sulpicius Galba (whose son married the daughter of Crassus) may be read in Cicero (de Orat. i. 56). By Heineccius (Hist. Jur. Rom. i. 143) and many others, he has been confounded with L. Licinius Crassus, the orator, No. 23. (Rutilius, Vitae JCtorum, c. xviii.) 9. M. LICINIUS CRASSUS AGELASTUS, son of No. 7, and grandfather of Crassus the triumvir. He derived his cognomen from having never laughed (Plin. H. N. vii. 18), or, as Cicero says, he was not the less entitled to the designation, though Lucilius reports that he laughed once in his life. (Cic. de Fin. v. 30.) 10, 11, 12. LICINIAE. [LICINIA.] 13. M. LICINIUS CRASSUS, son of No. 9, was praetor B. c. 107. 14. P. LICINIUS M. F. P. N. CRASSUS DIVES, brother of No. 13 and father of the triumvir. He was the proposer of the lex Licinia, mentioned by Gellius (ii. 24), to prevent excessive expense and gluttony in banquets. The exact date of this law is uncertain, but it was alluded to by the poet Lucilius, who died before the consulship of Crassus, which took place B. c. 97. The sumptuary law of Crassus was so much approved of, that it was directed by a decree of the senate to take effect immediately after its publication, and before it had been actually passed by the populus. (Macrob. ii. 13.) It was abolished at the proposition of Duronius in B.C. 98. (Val. Max. ii. 9. ~ 5.) The extravagance of the games and shows given by the aediles had now become unreasonably great, and Crassus during his aedileship yielded to the prevailing prodigality. (Cic. de Of. ii. 16.) During the consulship of Crassus, the senate made a re CRASSUS. markable decree, by which it was ordained " no homo immolaretur,"--a monstrous rite, says Pliny, which up to that time had been publicly solemnized. (Plin. H. N. xxx. 3.) After his consulship, he took the command in Spain, where he presided for several years, and, in the year B. c. 93, was honoured with a triumph for his successes in combating the Lusitanian tribes. In the social war, B. c. 90, he was the legate of L. Julius Caesar, and in the following year his colleague in the censorship (Festus, s. v. refsrri), and with him enrolled in new tribes certain of the Latini and Itali, who were rewarded for their fidelity with the rights of citizenship. In the civil war which commenced soon afterwards, he took part with Sulla and the aristocracy. When Marius and Cinna, after being proscribed, returned to Rome in the absence of Sulla, he stabbed himself in order to escape a more ignominious death from the hands of their partisans. (Liv. Epit. lxxx.) 15. P. LicINIUS CRASSUS DIVES, son of No. 14, by Venuleia. (Cic. ad Alt. xii. 24.) In B. c. 87, he was put to death by the horsemen of Fimbria, who belonged to the party of Marius, and, according to Florus (iii. 21. ~ 14), was massacred before his father's eyes. Appian (B. C. i. p. 394) differs from other historians in his account of this transaction. Hie relates that the father, after slaying his son, was himself slaughtered by the party in pursuit. 16. LICINIUS CRASSUS DIVES, a younger brother of No. 15. His praenomen is unknown, and the only particulars of his history which have been recorded are the fact of his marriage in the lifetime of his parents, and his escape from the massacre of the year B. c. 87. (Plut. Crass. 1, 4.) 17. M. LICINIus P. F. M. N. CRASSUS DIVES, the younger son of No. 14. The date of his birth is not precisely recorded, but it is probable that he was born about the year B. c. 105, for Plutarch states, that he was younger than Pompey (Plut. Crass. 6), and that he was more than sixty years old when he departed (in the year B. c. 55) to make war against the Parthians. (lb. 17.) In the year B. C. 87, when his father and brother suffered death for their resistance to Marius and Cinna, he was not considered of sufficient importance to be involved in the same doom; but he was closely watched, and after some time he thought it prudent to make his escape to Spain, which he had visited some years before, when his father had the command in that country. How he concealed himself in a cavern near the sea upon the estate of Vibius Paciaecus, and how he passed his life in this strange retreat, is related in detail by the lively and amusing pen of Plutarch. After a retirement of eight months, the death of Cinna (B. c. 84) relieved him from his voluntary confinement. He put himself at the head of a needy rabble, for whose sustenance he provided by marauding excursions, and, with 2500 men, made his way to Malaca. Thence, seizing the vessels in the port, he set sail for Africa, where he met Q. Metellus Pius, who had escaped from the party of Marius. He soon quarrelled with Metellus, and did not remain long in Africa, for when Sulla (B. c. 83) landed in Italy, Crassus proceeded to join that successful general. He was now brought into competition with Pompey, who also served under Sulla. The mind of Crassus was of an essentially vulgar type. He
Page 875 CRASSUS. CRASSUS. 875 was noted for envy, but his envy was low and cavilling: it was not energetic enough to be cruel and revengeful, even when successful, and it was so far under the control of pusillanimity and selfinterest, as to abstain from the open opposition of manly hatred. It was with such feelings that Crassus regarded Pompey; and Sulla played off the rivals against each other. He understood his tools. He gratified Pompey by external marks of honour, and Crassus with gold. The ruling passion of Crassus was avarice, and to repair and increase the fortunes of his family he was willing to submit to servile dependence, to encounter any risk, and undergo any hardship. He undertook a service of considerable danger in levying troops for Sulla among the Marsi, and he afterwards (B. c. 83) distinguished himself in a successful campaign in Umbria. He was personally brave, and, by fighting against the remains of the Marian faction, he was avenging the wrongs of his house. Sulla put him in mind of this, and rewarded him by donations of confiscated property, or by allowing him to purchase at an almost nominal value the estates of those who were proscribed. Crassus was reported to have sought for gain by dishonest means. He was accused of unduly appropriating the booty taken at Tuder (an Umbrian colony not far from the Tiber), and of placing, without authority, a name in the proscribed lists, in order that he might succeed to an inheritance. The desire of wealth which absorbed Crassus was neither the self-sufficing love of possession, which enables the miser to despise the hiss of the people while he contemplates the coin in his chest, nor did it spring from that valuptuousness which made Lucullus value the means of material enjoyment, nor from that lofty ambition which made Sulla and Caesar look upon gold as a mere instrument of empire. Crassus sought wealth because he loved the reputation of being rich, liked to have the power of purchasing vulgar popularity, and prized the kind of influence which the capitalist acquires over the debtor, and over the man who wants to borrow or hopes to profit. To these objects the administration of civil affairs and warlike command were, in his view, subordinate. He possessed very great ability and steady industry in obtaining what he desired, and soon began to justify his hereditary surname, Dives. He extended his influence by acting as an advocate before the courts, by giving advice in domestic affairs, by canvassing for votes in favour of his friends, and by lending money. At one time of his life, there was scarcely a senator who was not under some private obligation to him. He was affable in his demeanour to the common people, taking them by the hand, and addressing them by name. Rich legacies and inheritances rewarded his assiduity and complaisance to the old and wealthy. He was a keen and sagacious speculator. He bought multitudes of slaves, and, in order to increase their value, had them instructed in lucrative arts, and sometimes assisted personally in their education. Order and economy reigned in his household. He worked silver-mines, cultivated farms, and built houses, which he let at high rents. He took advantage of the distresses and dangers of others to make cheap purchases. Was there a fire in the city, Crassus might be seen among the throng, bargaining for the houses that were burning or in danger of being burnt. From such pursuits Crassus was called to action by that servile war which sprang from and indicated the deplorable state of domestic life in Italy, and was signalized by the romantic adventures and reverses of the daring but ill-fated Spartacus. Spartacus had for many months successfully resisted the generals who had been sent to oppose him. A revolt so really dangerous had begun to create alarm, and no confidence was placed in the military talents of the consuls for the year B. c. 71, who regularly, according to a still-prevailing custom, would have divided between them the command of the army. But the occasion called for more experienced leaders, and, in the absence of Pompey, who was fighting in Spain, the command of six legions and of the troops already in the field was given to Crassus, who was created praetor. After several engagements fought with various success [SPARTACUS], Crassus at length brought the rebel chief to a decisive battle in Lucania. Spartacus was slain with 12,300 (Plut. Pomp. 21), or, according to Livy (Epit. 97), 60,000 of his followers; and of the slaves that were taken prisoners, 6000 were crucified along the road between Rome and Capua. Crassus had hastened operations in order to anticipate the arrival of Pompey, who he feared might reap the credit without having shared the dangers of the campaign. His fears were in some degree verified, for Pompey came in time to cut off 5000 fugitives, and wrote to the senate, " Crassus, indeed, has defeated the enemy, but I have extirpated the war by the roots." Though the victory of Crassus was of great importance, yet, as being achieved over slaves, it was not thought worthy of a triumph; but Crassus was honoured with an ovation, and allowed the distinction of wearing a triumphal crown of bay (laurus) instead of the myrtle, which was appropriate to an ovation. Crassus now aspired to the consulship, and was not above applying for assistance to his rival Pompey, who had also announced himself a candidate. Pompey assumed with pleasure the part of protector, and declared to the people that he should consider his own election valueless, unless it were accompanied with that of Crassus. Both were elected. (B. c. 70.) Already had Pompey become a favourite of the people, and already begun to incur the distrust of the optimates, while Caesar endeavoured to increase the estrangement by promoting a union between Pompey and Crassus in popular measures. With their united support, the lex Aurelia was carried, by which the judices were selected from the populus (represented by the tribuni aerarii) and equites as well as the senate, whereas the senate had possessed the judicia exclusively during the preceding twelve years by the lex Cornelia of Sulla. The jealousy of Crassus, however, prevented any cordiality of sentiment, or general unity of action. He saw himself overborne by the superior authority of his colleague. To gain favour, he entertained the populace at a banquet of 10,000 tables, and distributed corn enough to supply the family of every citizen for three months; but all this was insufficient to outweigh the superior personal consideration of Pompey. The coolness between the consuls became a matter of public observation, and, on the last day of the year, the knight C. Aurelius (probably at the instigation of Caesar) mounted. the tribune, and announced to the assembled multitude that Jupiter, who had appeared to him in a
Page 876 876 CRASSUS. dream the night before, invited the consuls to be reconciled before they left office. Pompey remained cold and inflexible, but Crassus took the first step by offering his hand to his rival, in the midst of general acclamations. The reconciliation was hollow, for the jealousy of Crassus continued. He privily opposed the Gabinian rogation, which commissioned Pompey to clear the sea of pirates; and Cicero's support of the Manilian law, which conferred the command against Mithridates upon Pompey, rankled in the mind of Crassus. When Pompey returned victorious, Crassus, from timidity or disgust, retired for a time from Rome. In the year B. C. 65, Crassus was censor with Q. Catulus, the firm supporter of the senate; but the censors, in consequence of their political discordance, passed the period of their office without holding a census or a muster of the equites. In the following year, Crassus failed in his wish to obtain the rich province of Egypt. Crassus was suspected by some, probably without sufficient reason, of being privy to the first conspiracy of Catiline; and again, in the year B. c. 63, L. Tarquinius, when he was arrested on his way to Catiline, affirmed that he was sent by Crassus with a message inviting Catiline to come with speed to the rescue of his friends at Rome; but the senate denounced the testimony of L. Tarquinius as a calumny, and Crassus himself attributed the charge to the subornation of Cicero. (Sall. B. C. 48.) The interests of Crassus were opposed to the success of the conspiracy; for it would have required a man of higher order to seize and retain the helm in the confusion that would have ensued. In the whole intercourse between Crassus and Cicero may be observed a real coldness, with occasional alternations of affected friendship. (Comp. Cic. ad A t. i. 14 and 16, ad Fam. xiv. 2, pro Sext. 17, ad Fam. i. 9. ~ 6, v. 8.) In his intercourse with others, Crassus was equally unsteady in his likings and enmities. They were, in fact, not deeply-seated, and, without the practice of much hypocrisy, could be assumed or withdrawn as temporary expediency might suggest. It was from motives of self-interest, without actual community of feeling or purpose, that the so-called triumvirate was formed between Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. Each hoped to gain the first place for himself by using the others for his purposes, though there can be no doubt that the confederacy was really most profitable to Caesar, and that, of the three, Crassus would have been the least able to rule alone. Caesar had already found Crassus a convenient friend; for in B. c. 61, when Caesar was about to proceed to his province in Further Spain, Crassus became security for his debts to a large amount. It may, at first view, excite surprise that a person of so little independent greatness as Crassus should have occupied the position that he filled, and that men of wider capacity should have entered into a compact to share with him the honours and profits of the commonwealth. But the fact is to be accounted for by considering, that the character of Crassus represented in many points a large portion of the public. While the young, the daring and the ambitious, the needy, the revolutionary, and the democratic, adhered to Caesar,--while the aristocracy, the party of the old constitution, those who affected the reputation of high CRASSUS. principle and steady virtue, looked with greater favour upon Pompey,-there was a considerable mass of plain, moderate, practical men, who saw much that they liked in Crassus. Independently of the actual influence which he acquired by the means we have explained, he had the sympathy of those who, without being noble, were jealous of the nobility, and were rich or were occupied in making money. They sympathised with him, because the love of gain was a strong trait in the Roman character, and they saw that his unequivocal success in his pursuit was a proof of at least one unquestionable talent-a talent of the most universal practical utility. He was not without literary acquirement, for, under the teaching of the Peripatetic Alexander, he had gained a moderate proficiency in history and philosophy. There was no profligacy in his private conduct to shock decent and respectable mediocrity. He was not above ordinary comprehension. The many could appreciate a worldly and vulgar-minded but safe man, whose principles sat loosely but conveniently upon him, who was not likely to innovate rashly, to dazzle by eccentric brilliancy, or to put to shame by an overstrained rigidity of virtue. Thus it was more prudent to combine with Crassus as an ally, than to incur the opposition of his party,. and to risk the counter-influence of an enormous fortune, which made the name of Crassus proverbial for wealth. Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 47) values his estates in the country alone at two hundred millions of sesterces. He might have maintained no despicable army at his own cost. Without the means of doing this, he thought that no one deserved to be called rich. In other less stirring times he might have lived and died without leaving in history any marked traces of his existence; but in the period of transition and commotion which preceded the fall of the republic, such elements of power as he possessed could scarcely remain neglected and quiescent. It was part of the triumviral contract-renewed at an interview between the parties in Luca-that Pompey and Crassus should be a second time consuls together, should share the armies and provinces of the ensuing year, and should exert their influence to secure the prolongation for five years of Caesar's command in Gaul. Notwithstanding the strenuous opposition of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, backed by all the authority of Cato of Utica (who was forced on the day of election to leave the Field of Mars with his followers after a scene of serious riot and uproar), both Pompey and Crassus were elected consuls, B. c. 55. A law was passed at the rogation of the tribune C. Trebonius, by which Syria and the two Spains, with the right of peace and war, were assigned to the consuls for five years, while the Gauls and Illyricum were handed over to Caesar for a similar period. In the distribution of the consular provinces, Crassus took Syria. Crassus was anxious to distinguish himself in war. Pompey, he saw, had subjugated the Pirates and Mithridates: Caesar had conquered Gaul, and was marching his army victoriously to Germany and Britain. Mortified at successes which made him feel his inferiority to both, he chose rather to enter upon an undertaking for which he had no genius than to continue the pursuit of wealth and influence at home. Armed by the lex Trebonia with power to make war, he determined to exer
Page 877 "CIRASSUS. cise his authority by attacking the Parthians. This was a stretch and perversion of the law, for the Parthians were not expressly named in the lex Trebonia, and the Senate, who constitutionally were the proper arbiters of peace and war, refused to sanction hostilities by their decree. Indeed there was not the slightest pretext for hostilities, and nothing could be more flagrantly unjust than the determination of Crassus. It was in express violation of treaties, for in the year B. c. 92, Sulla had concluded a treaty of peace with the Parthians, and the treaty had been renewed by Pompey with their king Phraates. The Romans were not very scrupulous in their career of conquest, and they often fought from motives of gain or ambition, but their ostensible reasons generally bore some show of plausibility, and a total disregard of form was offensive to a people who were accustomed in their international dealings to observe certain legal and religious technicalities. It was not surprising, therefore, that, apart from all political considerations, the feelings of common justice should excite a strong repugnance to the plans of Crassus, who, having gained his immediate object in obtaining Syria as his province, broke out into a display of childish vanity and boastfulness, which were alien from his usual demeanour. C. Ateius Capito, the tribune, ordered his officer to arrest Crassus, but' was obliged to release him by the intercession of his colleagues. However, he ran on to the gate of the city to intercept the consul, who was anxious without delay to proceed to his destination, and resolved to set out at once without waiting for the termination of his year of office. Posted at the gate, Ateius kindled a fire, and with certain fumigations and libations and invocations of strange and terrible deities, mingled the most awful curses and imprecations against Crassus. This was done in pursuance of an ancient Roman rite, which was never solemnized on light grounds; for, while it was believed to be fatal to the person devoted, it was also thought to bring calamity upon the person who devoted another. But Crassus was not deterred. He proceeded on his way to Brundusium. The evil omen daunted the army, and seems to have occasioned an unusual attention to disastrous auguries and forebodings, for Plutarch is copious in his account of tokens of misfortune in almost every stage of the expedition. The route of Crassus lay through Macedonia, Thrace, the Hellespont, Galatia, and the northern part of Syria to Mesopotamia. Throughout the whole campaign he exhibited so much imprudence and such a complete neglect of the first principles of military art, that premature age may be thought to have impaired his faculties, though he was now but little more than sixty years old. He was deaf, and looked older than he really was. The aged Deiotarus, whom he met in Galatia, rallied him on his coming late into the field. He was accompanied by some able men, especially the quaestor C. Cassius Longinus (afterwards one of Caesar's murderers) and the legate Octavius, but he did not profit by their advice. He was quite uninformed as to the character and resources of the enemy he was going to attack; fancied that he should have an easy conquest over unwarlike people; that countless treasures lay before him, and that it would be a matter of no difficulty to outstrip the glory of his predecessors, Scipio, Lucullus, Pompey, and push on his army to Bactria and CRASSUS, 877 India. He did not attempt to take advantage of the intestine dissensions in Parthia, did not form any cordial union with the Armenians and other tribes who were hostile to the Parthians, and did not obtain correct information as to the position of the enemsy's force, and the nature of the country. On the contrary, he listened to flatterers; he suffered himself to be grossly deceived and misled, and he alienated, by ill-treatment and insolence, those who might have been useful, and were disposed to be friendly. After crossing the Euphrates, and taking Zenodotium in Mesopotamia (a success on which he prided himself as if it were a great exploit), he did not follow up the attack upon Parthia, but gave time to the enemy to assemble his forces and concert his plans and choose his ground. He was advised by Cassius to keep the banks of the Euphrates, to make himself master of Seleuceia (which was situate on a canal connecting the Euphrates and the Tigris), and to take Babylon, since both these cities were always at enmity with the Parthians. He chose, however, after leaving 7000 infantry and 1000'cavalry in garrison in Mesopotamia, to recross the Euphrates with the rest of his forces, and to pass the winter in northern Syria. In Syria he behaved more like a revenue officer than a general. He omitted to muster and exercise the troops, or to review the armour and military stores. It is true that he ordered the neighbouring tribes and chieftains to furnish recruits and bring supplies, but these requisitions he willingly commuted for money. Nor was his cupidity satisfied by such gains. At Hierapolis there was a wealthy temple, dedicated to the Syrian goddess Derceto or Atargatis (the Ashtaroth of Scripture), who presided over the elements of nature and the productive seeds of things. (Plin. H. N. v. 19; Strab. xvi. in fin.) This temple he plundered of its treasures, which it took several days to examine and weigh. One of the ill omens mentioned by Plutarch occurred here. Crassus had a son Publius, who had lately arrived from Italy with 1000 Gallic cavalry to join his father's army. The son, on going out of the temple, stumbled on the threshold, and the father, who was following, fell over him. Josephus (Ant. xiv. 7, Bell. Jud. i. 8) gives a circumstantial account of the plunder of the temple at Jerusalem by Crassus, but the narrative is not free from suspicion, for Jerusalem lay entirely out of the route of Crassus, and was at a distance of between 400 and 500 Roman miles from the winter quarters of the army; and we believe that no historian but Josephus mentions the occurrence, if we except the author of the Latin work " De Bello Judaico," (i. 21,) which is little more than an enlarged translation of Josephus, and passes under the name of Hegesippus. To the divine judgment for his sacrilege on this occasion, Dr. Prideaux (Connexion, part 2) attributes the subsequent infatuation of Crassus. According to this account, Eleazar, treasurer of the temple, had, for security, put a bar of gold of the weight of 300 Hebrew minae into a hollowed beam, and to this beam was attached the veil which separated the Holy Place from the Holy of Holies. Perceiving that Crassus intended to plunder the temple, Eleazar endeavoured to compound with him, by giving him the bar of gold on condition that he would spare the other treasures. This Crassus promised with an oath, but had no sooner received
Page 878 878 CRASSUS. the gold, than he seized, not only 2000 talents in money, which Pompey had left untouched, but everything else that he thought worth carrying away, to the value of 8000 talents more. Orodes (Arsaces XIV.), the king of Parthia, was himself engaged with part of his army, in an invasion of Armenia, but he despatched Surenas, the most illustrious of his nobles and a young accomplished general, into Mesopotamia with the rest of his forces, to hold Crassus in check. Before proceeding to hostilities, he sent ambassadors to Crassus to say that if the Roman general made war by the authority of the senate, the war could only terminate by the destruction of one or other of the parties, but if at the prompting of his own desire, the king would take compassion on his old age, and allow him to withdraw his troops in safety. Crassus replied that he would give his answer at Seleuceia. " Sooner," said the ambassador, Vagises, "shall hair grow on the palm of this hand, than thy eyes behold Seleuceia." Artavasdes, the king of Armenia, requested Crassus to join him in Armenia, in order that they might oppose Orodes with their united forces; he pointed out to the Roman general that Armenia being a rough mountainous country, the cavalry, of which the Parthian army was almost wholly composed, would there be useless, and he promised to take care that in Armenia the Roman army should be supplied with all necessaries. In Mesopotamia, on the other hand, the Romans would be exposed to extreme danger on their march through sandy deserts, where they would be unable to procure water and provisions. Crassus, however, determined to march through Mesopotamia, and engaged Artavasdes to supply him with auxiliary troops; but the king never sent the promised forces, excusing himself on the ground that they were necessary for his own defence against Orodes. Crassus, in pursuing the imprudent course which he determined upon, was misled by a crafty Arabian chieftain, called by Plutarch, Ariamnes.* This Arab had formerly served under Pompey, and was well known to many in the army of Crassus, for which reason he was selected by Surenas to betray the Romans. He offered himself as a guide to conduct them by the shortest way to the enemy. He told the Roman general, that the Parthians durst not stand before him; that unless he made haste, they would escape from him, and rob him of the fruits of victory. Cassius, the legate, suspected Ariamnes of treachery, and warned Crassus, instead of following him, to retire to the mountains; but Crassus, deceived by his fair words and fooled by his flattery, was led by him to the open plains of Mesopotamia. Ariamnes, having accomplished his object, seized a frivolous pretext, and rode off to inform Surenas that the Roman army was delivered into his hands, and Crassus soon learned from his scouts, that the Parthians were advancing. The conduct of CRASSUS. Crassus in this emergency was marked by irresolution. He first drew up his infantry in line, and placed his cavalry at the wings-an arrangement which would have obviated the murderous success of the Parthian archers, and would have prevented the troops from being outflanked by the Parthian horse; but he then altered his mind, and formed the infantry in a solid square flanked by squadrons of cavalry. To his son he gave one wing, to Cassius the other, and placed himself in the centre. In the battle that ensued, the Parthians exhibited their usual tactics, advancing with terrific shouts and the noise of kettle-drums. They worried the densely marshalled Romans with showers of arrows and javelins, every one of which struck its man. Crassus was disheartened at finding that there was no chance of their missiles being exhausted, as a number of camels were laden with a large supply. By feigned retreats, during which they continued to discharge their arrows, they led the Romans into disadvantageous positions; then they suddenly rallied and charged, while the enemy was in disorder and blinded by dust. For the details of the engagement, which was distinguished by errors and misfortunes and unavailing bravery, we must refer to the account of Plutarch. Crassus lost his son in the battle, and endeavoured to encourage the soldiers under a calamity which, he said, concerned him alone. He talked to them of honour and their country, but the faint and languid shout with which they responded to his harangue, attested their dejection. When night came on the Parthians retired, it being contrary to their custom to pass the night near an enemy, because they never fortified their camps, and because their horses and arrows could be of little use in the dark. In this miserable state of affairs, Octavius and Cassius found Crassus lying upon the ground, as if he were stunned and senseless. They held a council of war, and determined to retreat at once, leaving the wounded on the field. Crassus, with such of the troops as had strength to march, retired to Carrhae (the Haran of Scripture), and, on the following morning, the Parthians entered the Roman camp, and massacred the sick and wounded, to the number of 4000. They then pursued and overtook four cohorts, which had lost their way in the dark, and put all but twenty men to the sword. Surenas, having ascertained that Crassus and the principal officers of the Roman army were shut up in Carrhae, and fearing that they might altogether escape, again had recourse to stratagem and treachery. Crassus was induced to take a guide, Andromachus, who acted as a traitor, and led the army into dangerous defiles. Having escaped from. this snare, he was forced by the mutinous threats of the troops, though his eyes were open to the inevitable result, to accept a perfidious invitation from Surenas, who offered a pacific interview, and held out hopes that the Romans would be allowed to retire without molestation. At the interview, a horse, with rich trappings, was led out as a present from the king to Crassus, who was forcibly placed upon the saddle. Octavius, seeing plainly that it was the object of the Parthians to take Crassus alive, seized the horse by the bridle. A scuffle ensued, and Crassus fell by some unknown hand. Whether he was despatched by an enemy, or by some friend who desired to save him from the disgrace of becoming a prisoner, is uncer * From the Roman ignorance of oriental languages, there is a great variation among historians in the oriental names that occur in the expedition of Crassus. Thus, this chieftain is called by Dion Cassius, Augarus or Abgarus, and by the compiler of the Hisloria Romanorum Partiica, attributed to Appian, he is called Acbarus. Florus (iii. 11. ~ 7) names him Mazaras. Again, the Armenian king is called by Dion Cassius (xl. 16) Artabazes.
Page 879 CRASSUS. tain. In the course of this expedition,-one of the most disastrous in which the Romans were ever engaged against a foreign enemy,-Crassus is said to have lost 20,000 men killed, and 10,000 taken prisoners. At the time of his death, Artavasdes had made peace with Orodes, and had given one of his daughters in marriage to Pacorus, the son of the Parthian. They were sitting together at the nuptial banquet, and listening to the representation of the Bacchae of Euripides, when a messenger arrived from Surenas, and brought in the head and hand of Crassus. To the great delight of the spectators, passages from the drama (1. 1168 &c.) were applied by the actors to the lifeless head. Orodes afterwards caused melted gold to be poured into the mouth of his fallen enemy, saying, "Sate thyself now with that metal of which in life thou wert so greedy." (Dion Cass. xl. 27; Florus, iii. 11.) (Plutarch, Crassus; Dion Cass. xxxvii.-xl.; Cic. Epist. passim. The HIistoria Romanorums Parthica, usually attributed to Appian, is a compilation from Plutarch. All the authorities are collected in Drumann, Gesch. Roms iv. pp. 71-115.) 18. P. LICINIUS CRASSUS DIVES, son of No. 15, and known by the designation of Decoctor; for, though originally very rich, his prodigality and dissipation were so inordinate, that he became insolvent, and his creditors sold his goods. After this, he was often taunted by being addressed as Crassus Dives. (Yal. Max. vi. 9. ~ 12.) 19. M. LICINIUS CRAssUS DIVES, the elder son of the triumvir (No. 17) by Tertulla. (Cic. ad Fam. v. 8.) From his resemblance to the senator Axius, there was a slander that his mother had been unfaithful to her husband. After his younger brother Publius had left Caesar, Marcus became Caesar's quaestor in Gaul, and at the breaking out of the civil war, in B. c. 49 was praefect in Cisalpine Gaul. (Caes. B. G. v. 24; Justin xlii. 4.) It is possible that he was the husband of the Caecilia or Metella, who appears by an inscription in Gruter (p. 377, No. 7) to have been the wife of M. Crassus, and has by some genealogists been wrongly given to the triumvir. (Drumann, Gesch. Roms ii. p. 55.) 20. P. LICINIUS M. F. CRASSUS DIVES, younger son of the triumvir, was Caesar's legate in Gaul from B. c. 58 to the second consulship of his father. In B. c. 58, he fought against Ariovistus; in the following year, against the Veneti and other tribes in north-western Gaul; and in B. c. 56, he distinguished himself in Aquitania. In the next winter, Caesar sent him to Rome with a party of soldiers who were intended to forward the election of the triumvirs Pompey and Crassus, and he also brought home 1000 Gallic cavalry, who afterwards took part in the Parthian war. Notwithstanding the mutual dislike of Cicero and Crassus the triumvir, Publius was much attacled to the great orator, and derived much pleasure and benefit from his society. In B. c. 58, he strove to prevent the banishment of Cicero, and with other young Romans appeared in public clad in mourning; and, on his return to Rome, in B. c. 55, he exerted himself to procure a reconciliation between Cicero and his father. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 9. ~ 2.) At the end of the year B. c. 54, he followed the triumvir to Syria, and, in the fatal battle near Carrhae, behaved with the utmost gallantry. (Pint. Crass. 25.) Seeing that he could not rescue his troops, CRASSUS. 879 he refused to provide for his own safety, and, as his hand was disabled by being transfixed with an arrow, he ordered his sword-bearer to run him through the body. Though he was more ambitious of military renown than of the fame of eloquence, he was fond of literature. He was a proficient in the art of dancing (Macrob. ii. 10 fin.), and under the teaching of his friend and freedman Apollonius, became well skilled in Greek. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 16.) There is extant a Roman denarius (post, p. 882) which has been usually supposed to refer to him, although the name inscribed and the device on the reverse would equally or better apply to his grandfather, Publius the censor, No. 14. See below, p. 882, a, (Eckhel, v. p. 232; Spanh. ii. p. 99.) 21. M. LICINIUS M. F. CRASSUS DIVES, son of No. 19. In B. c. 30, he was consul with Octavian, and in the following year, as proconsul of Macedonia, he fought with success against the surrounding barbarians. (Liv. Epit. cxxxiv., cxxxv.) 22. M. LICINIUS M. F. CRASSUS DIVES, son of No. 21, was consul B. c. 14. (Dion Cass. liv. 24.) 23. L. LICINIUS L. F. CRASSUS, the orator. His pedigree is unknown. He was born B. c. 140, was educated by his father with the greatest care, and received instruction from the celebrated historian and jurist, L. Caelius Antipater. (Cic. Brut. 26.) At a very early age he began to display his oratorical ability. At the age of twenty-one (or, according to Tacitus, Dial. de Orat. c. 34, two years earlier) he accused C, Carbo, a man of high nobility and eloquence, who was hated by the aristocratic party to which Crassus belonged. Val. Maximus (vi. 5. ~ 6) gives an instance of his honourable conduct in this case. When the slave of Carbo brought to Crassus a desk filled with his master's papers, Crassus sent back the desk to Carbo with the seal unbroken, together with his slave in chains. Carbo escaped condemnation by poisoning himself with cantharides (Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21, Brut. 27); and Crassus, pitying his fate, felt some remorse at the eagerness and success of his accusation. (Cic. Verr. iii. 1.) In the following year (B. c.118) he defended the proposal of a law for establishing a new colony at Narbo in Gaul. The measure was opposed by the senate, who feared that by the assignation of lands to the poorer citizens, the aerarium would suffer from a diminution of the rents of the ager publicus; but, on this occasion, Crassus preferred the quest of popularity to the reputation of consistent adherence to the aristocracy. (Cic. Brut. 43, de Ojf. ii. 18.) By eloquence above his years, he succeeded in carrying the law, and proceeded himself to found the colony. In B. c. 114, he undertook the defence of his kinswoman, the vestal Licinia, who, with two other vestals, Marcia and Aemilia, were accused of in cest; but, though upon a former trial his client had been acquitted by L. Caecilius Mettius, pontifex maximus, and the whole college of pontiffs, the energy and ability of his' defence were unable to prevail against the severity of L. Cassius, the scopulus reorum, who was appointed inquisitor by the people for the purpose of reviewing the former lenient sentence. (Veil. i. 15; Cic. de Orat. ii. 55, de Off. ii. 18; Macrob. i. 10; Clinton, Fasti, B. c. 114; Ascon. in Mil. p. 46, ed. Orelli.) In his quaestorship he was the colleague of Q. Mucius Scaevola, with whom, as colleague, he served every other office except the tribunate. of
Page 880 880 CRASSUS. the plebs and the censorship. In his qnaestorship he travelled through Macedonia to Athens on his return from Asia, which seems to have been his province. In Asia he had listened to the teaching of Scepsius Metrodorus, and at Athens he received instruction from Charmadas and other philosophers and rhetoricians; but he did not remain so long as he intended in that city, from unreasonable resentment at the refusal of the Athenians to repeat the solemnization of the mysteries, which were over two days before his arrival. (Cic. de Orat. iii. 20.) After his return to Rome, we find him engaged in pleading the causes of his friends. Thus, he defended Sergius Orata, who was accused of appropriating the public waters for the use of his oyster fisheries. (Val. Max. ix. 1. ~ 1.) He was engaged, on behalf of the same Orata, in another cause, in which the following interesting question arose:-How far is a vendor, selling a house to a person from whom he had previously purchased it, liable to damages for not expressly mentioning in the conveyance a defect in title that existed at the time of the former sale, and of which the purchaser might therefore be supposed to be cognizant? (Cic. de Qf. iii. 16, de Orat. i. 39.) He was tribune of the people in B. c. 107, but the period of this office was not distinguished by anything remarkable. In B. c. 106 he spoke in favour of the lex Servilia, by which it was proposed to restore to the equites the judicia, which were then in the hands of the senatorian order. The contests for the power of being selected as judices, which divided the different orders, prove how much the administration of justice was perverted by partiality and faction. As there is much confusion in the history of the judicia, it may be proper to mention some of the changes which took place about this period. In B. c. 122, by the lex Sempronia of C. Gracchus, the judicia were transferred from the senate to the equites. In B. c. 106, by the lex Servilia of Q. Servilius Caepio, they were restored to the senate; and it is not correct to say (with Walter, Gesch. des Romischen Rechts, i. p. 244, and others), that by this lex Servilia both orders were admitted to share the judicia. The lex Servilia of Caepio had a very brief existence; for about B. c. 104, by the lex Servilia of C. Servilius Glaucia, the judicia were again taken from the senate and given to the knights. Much error has arisen from the existence of two laws of the same name and of nearly the same date, but exactly opposite in their enactments. The speech of Crassus for the lex Servilia of Caepio was one of remarkable power and eloquence (Cic. Brut. 43, de Orat. i. 52), and expressed the strength of his devotion to the aristocratic party. It was probably in this speech that he attacked Memmius (Cic. de Orat. ii. 59, 66) who was a strenuous opponent of the rogation of Caepio. In B. c. 103 he was curule aedile, and with his colleague, Q. Scaevola, gave splendid games, in which pillars of foreign marble were exhibited, and lion fights were introduced. (Cic. de Of1. ii. 16; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 3, viii. 16. s. 20.) After being praetor and augur, he became a candidate for the consulship, but he studiously kept away from the presence of his father-in-law, Q. Scaevola, the augur, not wishing that one whom he so respected should be a witness of what he considered the degradation of his canvass. (Val. Max. iv. 5. ~ 4.) He was elected, B. c. 95, with his constant colleague, Q. Scaevola, the CRASSUS. pontifex maximus, who must be carefully distinguished from the augur of the same name. During their consulship was passed the Lex Licinia Mucia de Civibus regundis, to prevent persons passing as citizens who were not entitled to that character, and to compel all who were not citizens to depart from Rome. The rigour and inhospitality of this law seems to have been one of the promoting causes of the social war. (Ascon. in Cic. pro Cornel.; Cic. de Ofq. iii. 11.) During the term of his office, he had occasion to defend Q. Servilius Caepio, who was hated by the equites, and was accused of majestas by the tribune C. Norbanus (Cic. Brut. 35); but Caepio was condemned. Crassus was now anxious to seek for renown in another field. He hastened to his province, Hither Gaul, and explored the Alps in search of an enemy; but he found no opposition, and was obliged to content himself with the subjugation of some petty tribes, by whose depredations he asserted that the province was disturbed. For this trifling success he was not ashamed to ask a triumph, and would perhaps have obtained his demand from the senate, had not his colleague Scaevola opposed such a misapplication of the honour. (Val. Max. iii. 7. ~ 6; Cic. in Pison. 26.) With this exception, his conduct in the administration of his province was irreproachable. This was admitted by C. Carbo (the son of the Carbo whom he had formerly accused), who accompanied him to Gaul, in order to seek out the materials of an accusation; but Crassus disarmed his opposition by courting inquiry, and employing Carbo in the planning and execution of affairs. One of the most celebrated private causes in the annals of Roman jurisprudence was the contest for an inheritance between M. Curius and M. Coponius, which was heard before the centumviri under the presidency of the praetor T. Manilius, in the year B. c. 93. Crassus, the greatest orator of the day, pleaded the cause of Curius, while Q. Scaevola, the greatest living lawyer, supported the claim of Coponius. The state of the case was this. A testator died, supposing his wife to be pregnant, and having directed by will that if the son, who should be born within the next ten months, should die before becoming his own guardian,* M. Curius should succeed as heir in his place. (Cic. Brut. 52, 53.) No son was born.Scaevola argued that this was a casus omissus, and insisted upon the strict law, according to which Curius could have no claim unless a son were first born, and then died while under guardianship. Crassus contended for the equitable construction, according to which the testator could not be supposed to intend any difference between the case of no son being born, and the case of a son being born and dying before arriving at the age of puberty. The equitable construction contended for by Crassus was approved, and Curius gained the inheritance. In B. C. 92 he was made censor with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. A new practice had sprung up in Rome of sending youths to the schools of persons who called themselves Latin rhetoricians. Crassus disapproved the novelty, as tending to "* " Antequam in suam tutelam pervenisset," i. e. before attaining the age of 14 years, at which age a son would cease to be under the guardianship of another. The phrase has been misunderstood by Drumann.
Page 881 CRASS US. idleness, and calculated rather to encourage effrontery than to sharpen intellect. He thought that the Latins in almost every valuable acquirement excelled the Greeks, and was displeased to see his countrymen stoop to an inferior imitation of Grecian customs. The censors suppressed the schools by a proclamation, which may be found in the Dialogue de Oratoribus and in Gellius (xv. 11), and deserves to be referred to as an example of the form of a censorian edict. Though the two censors concurred in this measure, they were men of very different habits and tempers, and passed the period of their office in strife and discord. Crassus was fond of elegance and luxury. He had a house upon the Palatium, which, though it yielded in magnificence to the mansion of Q. Catulus upon the same hill, and was considerably inferior to that of C. Aquilius upon the Viminal, was remarkable for its size, the taste of its furniture, and the beauty of its grounds. It was adorned with pillars of Hymettian marble, with expensive vases, and triclinia inlaid with brass. He had two goblets, carved by the hand of Mentor, which served rather for ornament than for use. His gardens were provided with fish-ponds, and some noble lotustrees shaded his walks with their ample foliage. Ahenobarbus, his colleague, found fault with such corruption of manners (Plin. H. N. xvii. 1), estimated his house at a hundred million (sestertifm millies), or according to Valerius Maximus (ix. 1. ~ 4) six million (sexagies sestertio) sesterces, and complained of his crying for the loss of a lamprey, as if it had been a daughter. It was a tame lamprey, which used to come at the call of Crassus, and feed out of his hand. Crassus made a public speech against his colleague, and by his great powers of ridicule, turned him into derision; jested upon his name (Sueton. Nero, 2), and to the accusation of weeping for a lamprey, replied, that it was more than Ahenobarbus had done upon the loss of any of his three wives. (Aelian, Hist. Anim. viii. 4.) On many occasions, he availed himself of his power of exciting a laugh against his opponent (Cic. de Or. ii. 59, 60, 70), and was not scrupulous as to the mode, Thus, though he carefully avoided everything that might impair his own dignity, and might seem to his audience to savour of buffoonery, he sometimes jested upon personal deformities, as may be seen by reference to his sally upon L. Aelius Lamia in his speech for C. Aculeo (Cic. de Or. ii.65), and his answer to the troublesome witness, as reported by Pliny. (H.N. xxxv. 4.) Shortly before his death, he spoke in favour of Cn. Plancus in opposition to the charge of M. Junius Brutus the Accuser. [BRUTUS, No. 14.] Brutus, in allusion to his fine house and effeminate manners, called him the Palatine Venus, and taunted him with political inconsistency for depreciating the senate in his speech for the Narbonesd colony, and flattering that body in his speech for the lex Servilia. The successful repartee of Crassus is well known from being recorded by Cicero (de Orat. ii. 54, pro Cluent. 51) and Quintilian (vi. 3. ~ 44). His last speech was delivered in the senate in B. c. 91, against L. Marcius Philippus, the consul, an enemy of the optimates. Philippus, in opposing the measures of M. Livius Drusus, imprudently asked how, with such a senate, it was possible to carry on the government of the commonwealth. Crassus fixed upon this expression, and on that day seemed to CRASSUS. 881 excel himself in the vehemence of his assault upon the consul. Philippus was so irritated by his bitter words, that he ordered his lictor to seize some of the goods of Crassus by way of pledge,-- a strong measure, adopted usually by the highest magistrates to constrain the performance of public duties, or to punish contumacious contempt ot public authority. Crassus repelled the lictor, and said that he could not respect the character of consul in a man who refused to treat him as a senator. "If you want to restrain me, it will not do to seize my goods.* You must tear out this tongue. Even then, with my very breath I will continue to denounce your lawless conduct." At his dictation a vote of the senate was passed by which they vindicated their own patriotism; but the passionate vehemence of this contention shattered his health and brought on a fever. He returned to his dwelling, was seized with a shivering fit, and in seven days was dead. Such was the end of one of the greatest orators that Rome ever produced. In an age abounding with orators he stood pre-eminent. (Vell. Pat. ii. 9.) The rougher style of Coruncanius, Cato, and the Gracchi, had been succeeded by a medium style, which, without sacrificing strength to artificial rules, was more polished and ornamented. His sentences were short and well-turned. In debate he was self-possessed and pertinacious, and his lively wit gave a peculiar zest to his reply. He employed words in common use, but he always employed the best and most proper words. His mode of stating his facts and arguments was wonderfully clear and concise. Though perornatus, he was perbrevis. In early life he had disciplined his taste by the excellent practice of carefully translating into Latin the most celebrated specimens of Grecian eloquence. In the treatise De Oratore, Cicero introduces him as one of the principal speakers, and he is understood to express Cicero's own sentiments. Few of his speeches were preserved in writing, and of those few the greater part, if we may judge from the fragments that remain, consisted of senatorial orations and harangues to the people. His chief excellence seems to have lain in this style rather than in judicial oratory; yet, in the judgment of Cicero, he was eloquennium jurisperitissimus. (Guil. Grotius, de Vit. JCtorum, i. 7. ~ 9; Meyer, Oratorunm Romanorum Fragmenta, pp. 291-317; Drumann, Gesch. Roms. iv. p. 62.) 24 and 25. LICINIA. [LICINIA.] 26. L. LICINIUS CRASSUs SCIPIO, grandson of Crassus the orator [No. 23], one of whose daughters married his father P. Scipio Nasica, who was praetor, B. c. 94, His grandfather, having no son, adopted him by his testament, and made him heir to his property. (Cic. Brut. 58; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 3. s. 8.) 27. LICINIUS CRASSUS DIVES, of uncertain pedigree, was praetor in B. c. 59, when L. Vettius was accused before him of conspiracy against the life of Pompey. (Cic. ad Att. ii. 24. ~ 2.) * "Non tibi illa sunt caedenda." (Cic. de Or. iii. 1.) Caedenda here implies seizure not sale. It is probable that, as a symbol of taking legal possession, the officer struck the goods, or marked them with notches, and that the ceremony was analogous to the manus injectio in personal arrest. 3L
Page 882 882 CRASSUS It has been conjectured that his praenomen was Publius, and that he was identical with No. 18. 28. P. LICINIUS CRASSUS, was praetor in B. C. 57, and favoured Cicero's return from exile. (Cic. post. Redit. in Sen. 9.) Orelli (Onom. Tdll.) thinks that the name affords evidence of the spuriousness of the speech in which it is found. 29. P. CRASSUS JUNIANUS, one of the gens Junia, adopted by some LicINIUS CRASSUS. His name appears on coins. (Spanh. ii. pp. 104, 179; Eckhel. v. pp. 153, 154, 233.) He was tribune cf the plebs in B. c. 51, and a friend of Cicero. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. iii. 8. ~ 3.) In the civil war he fought for Pompey, and served with the title legatus propraetore under Metellus Scipio in Africa, where, after the battle of Thapsus, he made his escape to the sea. (Plut. Cato Maj. 70, fin.) 30. M. LicINIus CRASSUS MUCIANUS. [MuCIANUS.] The annexed coin of the Licinia gens is the one referred to va p. 879, b., and supposed to have been struck by P. Crassus [No. 20], as it bears the legend P. (indistinct in the cut) CRASSus M. F. The obverse represents the head of Venus, and the reverse a man holding a horse, which is supposed to refer to the ceremony of the public inspection of the horses of the equites by the censors. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Equites.) [J. T. G.] CRASSUS, OCTACI'LIUS. 1. M'. OCTACI-.LIUS CRASSUS, was consul in B.C. 263 with M'. Valerins Maximus, and crossed with a numerous army over to Sicily. After having induced many of the Sicilian towns to surrender, the consuls advanced against Hiero of Syracuse. The king, in compliance with.the desire of his people, concluded a peace, which the Romans gladly accepted, and in which he gave up to them the towns they had taken, delivered up the Roman prisoners, and paid a contribution of 200 talents. He thus became the ally of Rome. In B. c. 246 Crassus was consul a second time with M. Fabius Licinus, and carried on the war against the Carthaginians, though nothing of any consequence seems to have been accomplished. (Polyb. i. 16 &c.; Zonar. viii. 9; Eutrop. ii. 10; Oros. iv. 7; Gellius, x. 6.) 2. T. OCTACILIUS CRASSUS, apparently a brother of the former, was consul in B. c. 261, with L. Valerius Flaccus, and continued the operations in Sicily against the Carthaginians after the taking of Agrigentum; but nothing is known to have been accomplished during his consulship. (Polyb. i. 20.) [L. S.] CRASSUS, PAPIRIUS. 1. M'. PAPIRIUS CRASSUS was consul in B. C. 441 with C. Furius Pacilus. (Liv. iv. 12; Diod. xii. 35.) 2. L. PAPIRIus CRAssUS was consul in B. c. 436 with M. Cornelius Maluginensis. They led armies against Veii and Falerii, but as no enemy appeared in the field, the Romans contented themselves with plundering and ravaging the open country. (Liv. iv. 21; Diod. xii. 41.) Crassus was censor in B. c. 424. CRATERITS. 3. C. PAPIRIUS CRLASSUS was consul in B. C. 430 with L. Julius Julus. These consuls discovered, by treacherous means, that the tribunes of the people intended to bring forward a bill on the aestimatio multarum, and in order to anticipate the favour which the tribunes thereby were likely to gain with the people, the consuls themselves proposed and carried the law. (Liv. iv. 30; Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 35; Diod. xii. 72.) 4. C. PAPIRIUS CRAssus was consular tribune in B.C. 384. (Liv. vi. 18.) 5. SP. PAPIRIUS CRASSUS, consular tribune in B. c. 382. He and L. Papirius Crassus, one of his colleagues, led an army against Velitrae, and fought with success against that town and its allies, the Praenestines. (Liv. vi. 22.) 6. L. PAPIRIUS CRASSUS, consular tribune in B. c. 382, and again in B. c. 376. (Livy, vi. 22; Diod. xv. 71.) 7. L. PAPIRIUS CRASSUs, consular tribune in B. c. 368. (Liv. vi. 38; Diod. xv. 78.) 8. L. PAPIRIUS CRASSUs was made dictator in B. c. 340 while holding the office of praetor, in order to conduct the war against the revolted Latins, since, the consul Manlius was ill at the time. Crassus marched against Antium, but was encamped in its neighbourhood for some months without accomplishing anything. In B. c. 336 he was made consul with K. Duilius, and carried on a war against the Ausonians of Cales. In 330 he was consul a second time, and carried on a war against the inhabitants of Privernum. They were commanded by Vitruvius Flaccus who was conquered by the Romans without much difficulty. In 325 Crassus was magister equitum to the dictator L. Papirius Cursor, and in 318 he was invested with the censorship. (Liv. viii. 12, 16, 29; Diod. xvii. 29, 82; Cic. ad iFam. ix. 21.) 9. M. PAPIRIUS CRAssus, apparently a brother of the preceding, was appointed dictator in B. c. 332 to conduct the war against the Gauls, who were then believed to be invading the Roman dominion; but the report proved to be unfounded, (Liv. viii. 17.) 10. L. PAPIRIUS CRASSUS was magister equitumin to the dictator T. Manlius Torquatus, in B. c. 320. (Fast. Cap.) [L. S.] CRA'STINUS, one of Caesar's veterans, who had been the primipilus in the tenth legion in the year before the battle of Pharsalus, and who served as a volunteer in the campaign against Pompey. It was he who commenced the battle of Pharsalus, m. c. 48, saying that, whether he survived or fell, Caesar should be indebted to him: he died fighting bravely in the foremost line. (Caes. B. C. iii. 91, 92; Flor. iv. 2. ~ 46; Lucan, vii. 471, &c.; Appian, B. C. ii. 82; Plunt. Pomp. 71, Caes. 44.) CRATAEIS (Kparatts), according to several traditions, the mother of Scylla. (Homrn. Od. xii. 124; Ov. Met. xiii. 749; Hesych. s. v.; Plin. H. N. iii. 10.) [L. S.] CRA'TERUS (KparEpdo), one of the most distinguished generals of Alexander the Great, was a son of Alexander of Orestis, a district in Macedonia, and a brother of Amphoterus. When Alexander the Great set out on his Asiatic expedition, Craterus commanded the TreETrapoI. Subsequently we find him commanding a detachment of cavalry, as in the battle of Arbela and in the Indian campaign; but it seems that he had no permanent office, and that Alexander employed
Page 883 CRATERUS. him on all occasions where a general of able and independent jnudgment was required. He was a man of a noble character, and although he was strongly attached to the simple manners and customs of Macedonia, and was averse to the conduct which Alexander and his followers assumed in the East, still the king loved and esteemed him, next to Hephaestion, the most among all his generals and friends. In B. c. 324 he was commissioned by Alexander to lead back the veterans to Macedonia, but as his health was not good at the time, Polysperchon was ordered to accompany and support him. It was further arranged that Antipater, who was then regent of Macedonia, should lead reinforcements to Asia, and that Craterus should succeed him in the regency of Macedonia. But Alexander died before Craterus reached Europe, and in the division of the empire which was then made, Antipater and Craterus received in common the government of Macedonia, Greece, the Illyrians, Triballians, Agrianians, and Epeirus, as far as the Ceraunian mountains. According to Dexippus (ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 64, ed. Bekker), the government of these countries was divided between them in such a manner, that Antipater had the command of the armies and Craterus the administration of the kingdom. WVhen Craterus arrived in Europe, Antipater was involved in the Lamian war, and was in a position in which the arrival of his colleague was a matter of the utmost importance to him, and enabled him to crush the daring attempts of the Greeks to recover their independence. After the close of this war Craterus divorced his wife Amastris, who had been given him by Alexander, and married Phila, the daughter of Antipater. Soon after Craterus accompanied his father-in-law in the war against the Aetolians, and in B. c. 321 in that against Perdiccas in Asia. Craterus had the command against Eumenes, while Antipater marched through Cilicia to Egypt. Craterus fell in a battle against Eumenes, which was fought in Cappadocia, and Eumenes on being informed of his death, lamented the fate of his late brother in arms, honoured him with a magnificent funeral, and sent his ashes back to Macedonia. (Arrian, Anab., ap. Phot. Bibl. pp. 69, 224; Q. Curtius; Diod. xviii. 16, 18, xix. 59; Plut. Alex. 47, Phoc. 25; Corn. Nep. Eum. 4; comp. ANTIPATER, AMASTRIs, ALEXANDER.) [L. S.] CRA'TERUS (KpaTepOs), a brother ofAntigonus Gonatas, and father of Alexander, the prince of Corinth. (Phlegon, de Mirab. 32; Justin, Prolog. xxxvi.) He distinguished himself as a diligent compiler of historical documents relative to the history of Attica. Hie made a collection of Attic inscriptions, containing decree's of the people (tpurmcGCrw' rmwavvcywjyi), and out of them he seems to have constructed a diplomatic history of Athens. (Plut. Aristeid. 32, Cims. 13.) This work is frequently referred to by Harpocration and Stephanus of Byzantium, the latter of whom (s. v. NV'sdspaoov) quotes the ninth book of it. (Comp. Pollux, viii. 126; Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 1073, Ran. 323.) With the exception of the statements contained in these and other passages, the work of Craterus, which must have been of great value, is lost. (Niebuhr, Kleine Schrift. i. p. 225, note 39; Bbckh, Pref. to his Corp. Inscript. i. p. ix.) [L. S.] CRA'TERUS (Kparepdo), a Greek physician, who is mentioned in Cicero's Letters (ad Att. xii. 13, 14) as attending the daughter of Atticus, Attica CRATES. 883 (called also Caecilia orPomiponia),. c. 45. He is mentioned also by Horace (&8t. ii. 3. 161), Persius (Sat. iii. 65), and Galen (De Co6mpos. Medicam. sec. Locos, vii. 5, vol. xiii. p. 96, De Antid. ii. 8. vol. x. p. 147); and he may perhaps be the same person who is said by Porphyry (De Abstin. ab A nimal. i. 17, p. 61, ed. Cantab.) to have cured one of his slaves of a very remarkable disease. [W. A. G.] CRA'TERUS, a sculptor of the first century after Christ, whose statues, executed together with Pythodorus, were much admired, and were regarded as a great ornament of the palace of the Caesars. (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4 11.) The words 4"palatinas domos Caesarum," in that passage, conmpared with the preceding ones, " Titi Imperatoris domo," are to be understood of the imperial palaces on the Palatine hill, and fix the date of Craterus to the time of the first emperors. [L. U.] CRATES (KpaT-r?), of ATHENS, was the son of Antigenes of the Thriasian demus, the pupil and friend of Polemo, and his successor in the chair of the Academy, perhaps about B. c. 270. The intimate friendship of Crates and Polemo was celebrated in antiquity, and Diogenes Laertius has preserved an epigram of the poet Antagoras, according to which the two friends were united after death in one tomb. The most distinguished of the pupils of Crates were the philosopher Arcesilaus, Theodorus, the founder of a sect called after him, and Bion Borysthenites. The writings of Crates are lost. Diogenes Laertius says, that they were on philosophical subjects, on comedy, and also orations; but the latter were probably written by Crates of Tralles. [CRATES of Tralles.] (Diog. Laert. iv. 21-23.) [A. S.] CRATES (Kpao'rs-), of ATHENS, a comic poet, of the old comedy, was a younger contemporary of Cratinus, in whose plays he was the principal actor before he betook himself to writing comedies. (Diog. Laert. iv. 23; Aristoph. Equit. 536-540, and Schol.; Anon. de Comn. p. xxix.) He began to flourish in 01. 82. 4, B. c. 449, 448 (Euseb. Chron.), and is spoken of by Aristophanes in such a way as to imply that he was dead before the Knights was acted, 01. 88. 4, B. c. 424. With respect to the character of his dramas, there is a passage in Aristotle (Polt. 5) which has been s misunderstood, but which seems simply to mean, that, instead of making his comedies vehicles of personal abuse, he chose such subjects as admitted of a more general mode of depicting character. This is confirmed by the titles and fragiments of his plays and by the testimony of the Anonymous writer on Comedy respecting his imitator, Pherecrates (p. xxix). His great excellence is attested by Aristophanses, though in a somewhat ironical tone (I. c.; comp. Ath. iii. p. 117, c.), and by the fragnments of his plays. He excelled chiefly in mirth and fun (Aristoph. 1. c.; Anon. de Corn. I.e.), which he carried so far as to bring drunken persons on the stage, a thing which Epicharmus had done, but which no Attic comedian had ventured on before. (Ath. x. p. 429, a.) His exanple was followed by Aristophanes and by later comedians; and with the poets of the new comedy it became a very common practice. (Dion Chrysost. Orat. 32, p. 391, b.) Like the other great comic poets, he was made to feel strongly both the favour and the inconstancy of the people. (Aristoph. 1. c.) The Scholiast on this passage says, that Crates used to bribe the spectators,-a charge which Meineke 3 L2
Page 884 884 CRATES. thinks may have been taken from some comic poet who was an enemy to Crates. There is much confusion among the ancient writers about the number and titles of his plays. Suidas has made two comic poets of the name, but there can be little doubt that he is wrong. Other grammarians assign to him seven and eight comedies respectively. (Anon. de Com. pp. xxix, xxxiv.) The result of Meineke's analysis of the statements of the ancient writers is, that fourteen plays are ascribed to Crates, namely, Felroves, Aiovuos, "Hpwes, Opia, 0jecravpds, Adczua, MeLrotot, "OptLes, Haaira'i, I-5rajTa, 'P'Topes, cdito, TlAhuat, ihAdcpyvpos, of which the following are suspicious, Atdovvoos, O~7oavpds, ME-roi0Lcot,OpVO0ES, Els0rTas, lhiAdpyvpos, thus leaving eight, the number mentioned by the Anonymous writer on Comedy, namely, Fe-roves, "Hpces, O vpia, Adta, satsicam, 'PjTropes, sao',01 Tdoh\alt. Of these eight plays fragments are still extant. There are also seventeen fragments, which cannot be assigned to their proper plays. The language of Crates is pure, elegant, and simple, with very few peculiar words and constructions. He uses a very rare metrical peculiarity, namely, a spondaic ending to the anapaestic tetrameter. (Poll. vi. 53; Athen. iii. p. 119, c.; Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec. i. pp. 58-66, ii. pp. 231 -251; Bergk, Comment. de Reliq. Comm. Ait. Antiq. pp. 266-283.) [P. S.] CRATES (Kpdarqs), of MALLUS in Cilicia, the son of Timocrates, is said by Suidas (s. v.) to have been a Stoic philosopher, but is far better known as one of the most distinguished of the ancient Greek grammarians. He lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor, and was contemporary with Aristarchus, in rivalry with whom he supported the fame of the Pergamene school of grammar against the Alexandrian, and the system of anomaly (&vwpeaxa) against that of analogy (divaoyia). He is said by Varro to have derived his grammatical system from a certain Chrysippus, who left six books -repi 7-rs ociwwMaXcas. He was born at Mallus in Cilicia, and was brought up at Tarsus, whence he removed to Pergamus, and there lived under the patronage of Eumenes II. and Attalus II. He was the founder of the Pergamene school of grammar, and seems to have been at one time the chief librarian. About the year 157 B. c., shortly after the death of Ennius, Crates was sent by Attains as an ambassador to Rome, where he introduced for the first time the study of grammar. The results of his visit lasted a long time, as may be observed especially in the writings of Varro. (Sueton. de Illustr. Grammat. 2.) An accident, by which he broke a leg, gave him the leisure, which his official duties might otherwise have interrupted, for holding frequent grammatical lectures (d1cpodoeis). We know nothing further of the life of Crates. In the grammatical system of Crates a strong distinction was made between criticism ind grammar, the latter of which sciences he regarded as quite subordinate to the former. The office of the critic, according to Crates, was to investigate everything which could throw light upon literature, either from within or from without; that of the grammarian was only to apply the rules of language to clear up the meaning of particular passages, and to settle the text, the prosody, the accentuation, and so forth, of the ancient writers. From this part of his system, Crates derived the CRATES. surname of Kp-rucods. This title is derived by some from the fact that, like Aristarchus, Crates gave the greatest attention to the Homeric poems, from his labours upon which he was also surnamed'OupaptcKs. His chief work is entitled AtLpOwrIs' 'IAIhd5os cal "OlvoeesaY, in nine books, by which we are probably to understand, not a recension of the Homeric poems, dividing them into nine books, but that the commentary of Crates itself was divided into nine books. The few fragments of this commentary, which are preserved by the Scholiasts and other ancient writers, have led Wolf to express a very unfavourable opinion of Crates. As to his emendations, it must be admitted that he was far inferior to Aristarchus in judgment, but it is equally certain that he was most ingenious in conjectural emendations. Several of his readings are to this day preferred by the best scholars to those of Aristarchus. As for his excursions into all the scientific and historical questions for which Homer furnishes an occasion, it was the direct consequence of his opinion of the critic's office, that he should undertake them, nor do the results of his inquiries quite deserve the contempt with which Wolf treats them. Among the ancients themselves he enjoyed a reputation little, if at all, inferior to that of Aristarchus. The school which he founded at Pergamus flourished a considerable time, and was the subject of a work by Ptolemy of Ascalon, entitled mrepl Tijs Kpargreiov alpai-Ews. To this school Wolf refers the catalogues of ancient writers which are mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i v -o^ 1-ep-yaA7yos mrivaei, ii. p. 118, 5, ed. Sylburg.), who also mentions the school by the name of Tobs Ec nepydpov "yppajuyarTuovys (p. 112, 27). They are also called Kpa-rLreto. Among the catalogues mentioned by Dionysius there can be no doubt that we ought to include the lists of titles (dva'pa(pal) of dramas, which Athenaeus (viii. p. 336, c.) states to have been composed by the Pergamenes. Besides his work on Homer, Crates wrote commentaries on the Theogony of Hesiod, on Euripides, on Aristophanes, and probably on other ancient authors, a work on the Attic dialect (repl A-mTTIataAE'crov), and works on geography, natural history, and agriculture, of all which only a few fragments exist. Some scholars, however, think, that the Crates of Pergamus, whose work on the wonders of various countries is quoted by Pliny (H. N. vii. 2) and Aelian (II. A. xvii. 9), was a different person. The fragments of his works are collected by C. F. Wegener (De Aula Attalica Litt. Artiumqueq Fautrice, Havn. 1836, 8vo.) There is also one epigram by him in the Greek Anthology (ii. 3, Brunck and Jacobs) upon Choerilus. This epigram is assigned to Crates on the authority of its title, Kpd'rS'ros ypa,,UaarncoV. But Diogenes La;rtius mentions an epigrammatic poet of the name, as distinct from the grammarian. (Suidas, s. v. KprT-s, 'Aplo-rapXoý; Diog. Laert. iv. 23; Strabo, pp. 3, 4, 30, 157, 439, 609, 676, &c.; Athen. xi. p. 497, f.; Varro, de L. L. viii. 64, 68, ix. 1; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. i. c. 3. ~ 79, c. 12. ~ 248; Schol. in Homs. passim; Plin. H. N. iv. 12; Wolf, Proleg. in lHom. li.; Thiersch, Ueber das Zeitalter und Vaterland des Flower, pp. 19-64; Lersch, Die Sprachphilosophie der Alten, i. pp. 67, 69-72, 112, ii. 148, 243; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i. pp. 318, 509, iii. p. 558; Clinton, Fast. Hell. iii. pp. 528, 529.) [P. S.]
Page 885 CRATES. CRATES (KprT-qs), a very ancient Greek musician, the disciple of Olympus, to whom some ascribed the composition for the flute, which was called vo'ros Io vicE'Apaxos, and which was more usually attributed to Olympus himself. (Plut. de Mus. 7, p. 1133, e.) Nothing further is known of him. [P. S.] CRATES (Kpdr'os), of TARsus, an Academic philosopher, is expressly distinguished by Diogenes Laertius (ii. 114, 117) from Crates of Athens, with whom he has been often confounded. [A.S.] CRATES (Kp-rns) of THEBES, the son of Ascondus, repaired to Athens, where he became a scholar of the Cynic Diogenes, and subsequently one of the most distinguished of the Cynic philosophers. He flourished, according to Diogenes Laertius (vi. 87), in B. c. 328, was still living at Athens in the time of Demetrius Phalereus (Athen. x. p. 422, c.; Diog. Laert. vi. 90), and was at Thebes in B. c. 307, when Demetrius Phalereus withdrew thither. (Plut. Mor. p. 69, c.) Crates was one of the most singular phaenomena of a time which abounded in all sorts of strange characters. Though heir to a large fortune, he renounced it all and bestowed it upon his native city, since a philosopher had no need of money; or, according to another account, he placed it in the hands of a banker, with the charge, that he should deliver it to his sons, in case they were simpletons, but that, if they became philosophers, he should distribute it among the poor. Diogenes Laertius has preserved a number of curious tales about Crates, which prove that he lived and died as a true Cynic, disregarding all external pleasures, restricting himself to the most absolute necessaries, and retaining in every situation of life the most perfect mastery over his desires, complete equanimity of temper, and a constant flow of good spirits. While exercising this self-controul, he was equally severe against the vices of others; the female sex in particular was severely lashed by him; and he received the surname of the " Door-opener," because it was his practice to visit every house at Athens, and rebuke its inmates. In spite of the poverty to which he had reduced himself, and notwithstanding his ugly and deformed figure, he inspired Hipparchia, the daughter of a family of distinction, with such an ardent affection for him, that she refused many wealthy suitors, and threatened to commit suicide unless her parents would give their consent to her union with the philosopher. Of the married life of this philosophic couple Diogenes Lasrtius relates some very curious facts. Crates wrote a book of letters on philosophical subjects, the style of which is compared by Ladertins (vi. 98) to Plato's; but these are no longer extant, for the fourteen letters which were published from a Venetian manuscript under the name of Crates in the Aldine collection of Greek letters (Venet. 1499, 4to.), and the thirty-eight which have been published from the same manuscript by Boissonade (Notices et Extraits des Manuscr. de la Bibl. du Roi, vol. xi. part ii. Paris, 1827) and which are likewise ascribed to Crates, are, like the greater number of such letters, the composition of later rhetoricians. Crates was also the author of tragedies of an earnest philosophical character, which are praised by Laertius, and likewise of some smaller poems, which seem to have been called laiyvua, and to which the la'incs eyKdst'ov CRATEVAS. 885 quoted by Athenaeus (iv. p. 158, b.) perhaps belonged. Plutarch wrote a detailed biography of Crates, which unfortunately is lost. (Diog. La8rt. vi. 85-93, 96-98; Brunck, Anal. i. p. 186; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. i. p. 118; Brucker, Hist. Philosoph. i. p. 888; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 514.) [A. S.] CRATES (KphTrls) of TRALLES, an orator or rhetorician of the school of Isocrates. (Diog. Lairt. iv. 23.) Ruhnken assigns to him the Aoyoi %Avn-yopmKot which Apollodorus (apo. Diog. 1. c.) ascribes to the Academic philosopher, Crates. (Hist. Orit. Oral. Graec. in Opusc. i. p. 370.) Menagius (Comm. in Diog. c.) is wrong in supposing that Crates is mentioned by Lucian. (Rict. Praecept. 9.) The person there spoken of is Critias the sculptor. [P. S.] CRATES. 1. An artist, celebrated for making cups with carved figures upon them. (Athen. xi. p. 782, b.) 2. A famous digger of channels at the time of Alexander. (Diog. Laert. iv. 23; Strab. ix. p. 407; Steph. Byz. s. v. 'AvOvav.) [L. U.] CRATESI'POLIS (KparieriaroAis), wife of Alexander, the son of Polysperchon, was highly distinguished for her beauty, talents, and energy. On the murder of her husband at Sicyon, in B. c. 314 [see p. 126, a], she kept together his forces, with whom her kindness to the men had made her extremely popular, and when the Sicyonians, hoping for an easy conquest over a woman, rose against the garrison for the purpose of establishing an independent government, she quelled the sedition, and, having crucified thirty of the popular leaders, held the town firmly in subjection for Cassander. [See p. 620.] In B. c. 308, however, she was induced by Ptolemy Lagi to betray Corinth and Sicyon to him, these being the only places, except Athens, yet possessed by Cassander in Greece. Cratesipolis was at Corinth at the time, and, as her troops would not have consented to the surrender, she-introduced a body of Ptolemy's forces into the town, pretending that they were a reinforcement which she had sent for from Sicyon. She then withdrew to Patrae in Achaia, where she was living, when, in the following year (a. c. 307), she held with Demetrius Poliorcetes the remarkable interview to which each party was attracted by the fame of the other. (Diod. xix. 67, xx. 37; Polyaen. viii. 58; Plut. Deometrius, 9.) [E. E.] CRATESI'PPIDAS (KparyTr-nrmrieas), a Lacedaemonian, was sent out as admiral after the death of Mindarus, B. c. 410, and took the command at Chios of the fleet which had been collected by Pasippidas from the allies. He effected, however, little or nothing during his term of office beyond the seizure of the acropolis at Chios, and the restoration of the Chian exiles, and was succeeded by Lysander. (Xen. Hell. i. 1. ~ 32, 5. ~ 1; Diod. xiii. 65, 70.) [E. E.] CRATEVAS (Kparev'as), a Greek herbalist ( pioro6^os) who lived about the beginning of the first century B. c., as he gave the name Mitliridatia to a plant in honour of Mithridates. (Plin. H. N. xxv. 26.) He is frequently quoted by Pliny and Dioscorides, and is mentioned by Galen (De Simplic. Medicam. ensperaam. ac Facult. vi. prooem, vol. xi. pp. 795, 797; Conmment. in Hippocr. " De Nat. Hom." ii. 6, vol. xv. p. 134; De Anid. i. 2, vol. xiv. p. 7), among the eminent writers on
Page 886 886 CRATINUS. Materia Medica. Some persons have supposed that Cratevas lived in the fifth and fourth centuries B. c., because one of the spurious letters that go under the name of Hippocrates (Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. p. 790) is addressed to a person of that name; but as no mention of the contemporary of Hippocrates is found in any other passage, those spurious letters are hardly sufficient to prove his existence. [W. A. G.] CRATI'NUS (KparhVos), Comic poets. 1. One of the most celebrated Athenian comic poets of the old comedy, the rise and complete perfection of which he witnessed during a life of 97 years. The dates of his birth and death can be ascertained with tolerable certainty from the following circumstances:-In the year 424 B. c., Aristophanes exhibited his Knqiglds, in which he described Cratinus as a drivelling old man, wandering about with his crown withered, and so utterly neglected by his former admirers that he could not even procure wherewithal to quench the thirst of which he was perishing. (Equit. 531-534.) This attack roused Cratinus to put forth all his remaining strength in the play entitled IvUriUv' (the Flagon), which was exhibited the next year, and with which he carried away the first prize above the Connus of Ameipsias and the Clouds of Aristophanes. (Arg. Nub.) Now Lucian says that the HlTwiV was the last play of Cratinus, and that he did not long survive his victory. (Alacrob. 25.) Aristophanes also, in the Peace, which was acted in 419 B. C., says that Cratinus died 3'O1 ol Adicoves EVdaXov. (Pax, 700, 701.) A doubt has been raised as to what invasion Aristophanes meant. He cannot refer to any of the great invasions mentioned by Thucydides, and we are therefore compelled to suppose some irruption of a part of the Lacedaemonian army into Attica at the time when the armistice, which was made shortly before the negotiations for the fifty years' truce, was broken. (B. c. 422.) Now Lucian says (1. c.) that Cratinus lived 97 years. Thus his birth would fall in B. c. 519. If we may trust the grammarians and chronographers, Cratinus did not begin his dramatic career till he was far advanced in life. According to an Anonymous writer on Comedy (p. xxix), he gained his first victory after the 85th Olympiad, that is, later than B. c. 437, and when he was more than 80 years old. This date is suspicious in itself, and is falsified by circumstantial evidence. For example, in one fragment he blames the tardiness of Pericles in completing the long walls which we know to have been finished in B. c. 451, and there are a few other fragments which evidently belong to an earlier period than the 85th Olympiad. Again, Crates the comic poet acted the plays of Cratinus before he began to write himself; but Crates began to write in B. c. 449-448. We can therefore have no hesitation in preferring the date of Eusebius (Chron. s. a. 01. 81. 3; Syncell. p. 339), although he is manifestly wrong in joining the name of Plato with that of Cratinus. According to this testimony, Cratinus began to exhibit in B. c. 454-453, in about the 66th year of his age. Of his personal history very little is known. His father's name was Callimedes, and he himself was taxiarch of the evXJ O ies's. (Suid. s. vv. Kpanrivos, 'E retoi sesXovepos.) In the latter passage he is charged with excessive cowardice. CRATINUS. Of the charges which Suidas brings against the moral character of Cratinus, one is unsupported by any other testimony, though, if it had been true, it is not likely that Aristophanes would have been silent upon it. Probably Suidas was misled by a passage of Aristophanes (Acharn. 849, 850) which refers to another Cratinus, a lyric poet. (Schol. 1. c.) The other charge which Suidas brings against Cratinus, that of habitual intemperance, is sustained by many passages of Aristophanes and other writers, as well as by the confession of Cratinus himself, who appears to have treated the subject in a very amusing way, especially in his TIvTinv. (See further on this point Meineke, Hist. Crit. Conm. Graec. pp. 47-49.) Cratinus exhibited twenty-one plays and gained nine victories (Suid. s. v.; Eudoc. p. 271; Anon. de Com. p. xxix), and that 7raaJ1pet, according to the Scholiast on Aristophanes. (Equit. 528.) Cratinus was undoubtedly the poet of the old comedy. He gave it its peculiar character, and he did not, like Aristophanes, live to see its decline. Before his time the comic poets had aimed at little beyond exciting the laughter of their audience: it was Cratinus who first made comedy a terrible weapon of personal attack, and the comic poet a severe censor of public and private vice. An anonymous ancient writer says, that to the pleasing in comedy Cratinus added the useful, by accusing evil-doers and punishing them with comedy as with a public scourge. (Anon. de Com. p. xxxii.) He did not even, like Aristophanes, in such attacks unite mirth with satire, but, as an ancient writer says, he hurled his reproaches in the plainest form at the bare heads of the offenders. (Platonius, de Comn. p. xxvii.; Christodor. Ecphrasis, v. 357; Persius, Sat. i. 123.) Still, like Aristophanes with respect to Sophocles, he sometimes bestowed the highest praise, as upon Cimon. (Plut. Cim. 10.) Pericles, on the other hand, was the object of his most persevering and vehement abuse. It is proper here to state what is known of the circumstances under which Cratinus and his followers were permitted to assume this license of attacking institutions and individuals openly and by name. It evidently arose out of the close connexion which exists in nature between mirth and satire. While looking for subjects which could be put in a ridiculous point of view, the poet naturally fell upon the follies and vices of his countrymen. The free constitution of Athens inspired him with courage to attack the offenders, and secured for him protection from their resentment. And accordingly we find, that the political freedom of Athens and this license of her comic poets rose and fell together. Nay, if we are to believe Cicero, the law itself granted them impunity. (De Repub. iv. 10: " apud quos [Graecos] fuit etiam lege concessum, ut quod vellet comoedia de quo vellet nominatim diceret.") The same thing is stated, though not so distinctly,by Themistius. (Orat. viii. p. 110, b.) This flourishing period lasted from the establishment of the Athenian power after the Persian war down to the end of the Peloponnesian war, or perhaps a few years later (about a. c. 460-393). The exercise of this license, however, was not altogether unopposed. In addition to what could be done personally by such men as Cleon and Alcibiades, the law itself interfered on more than one occasion. In the archonship of Morychides (B. c. 440-439), a law
Page 887 CRATINUS. was made prohibiting the comic poets from holding a living person up to ridicule by bringing him on the stage by name (44 ljep a O7 ro I KcoJ)Apevi dovoaeri, Schol. Arist. Acharn. 67; Meineke, Hist. Crit. p. 40). This law remained in force for the two following years, and was annulled in the archonship of Euthymenes. (n. c. 437- 136.) Another restriction, which probably belongs to about the same time, was the law that no Areopagite should write comedies. (Plut. Bell. an Pac. praesf. Atsh. p. 348, c.) 'From B. c. 436 the old comedy flourished in its highest vigour, till a s~ries of attacks was made upon it by a certain Syracosius, who is suspected, with great probability, of having been suborned by Alcibiades. This Syracosius carried a law, p 7 c KcwCVcs1 aOaI oVdroa0-Ti rWva, probably about B. c. 416-415, which did not, however, remain in force long. (Schol. Arist. Av. 1297.) A similar law is said to have been carried by Antimachus, but this is perhaps a mistake. (Schol. Arist. Aclarsn. 1149; Meineke, p. 41.) That the brief aristocratical revolution of 411 B. c. affected the liberty of comedy can hardly be doubted, though we have no express testimony. If it declined then, we have clear evidence of its revival with the restoration of democracy in the Frogs of Aristophanes and the Cleophon of Plato. (B. c. 405.) It cannot be doubted that, during the rule of the thirty tyrants, the liberty of comedy was restrained, not only by the loss of political liberty, but by the exhaustion resulting from the war, in consequence of which the choruses could not be maintained with their ancient splendour. We even find a play of Cratinus without Chorus or Parabasis, namely, the 'O-vo'ors, but this was during the 85th Olympiad, when the above-mentioned law was in force. The old comedy, having thus declined, was at length brought to an end by the attacks of the dithyrambic poet Cinesias, and of Agyrrhius, and was succeeded by the Middle Comedy (about B.c. 393-392; Meineke, pp. 42, 43). Besides what Cratinus did to give a new character and power to comedy, he is said to have made changes in its outward form, so as to bring it into better order, especially by fixing the number of actors, which had before been indefinite, at three. (Anon. de Com. p. xxxii.) On the other hand, however, Aristotle says, that no one knew who made this and other such changes. (PoUi. v. 4.) The character of Cratinus as a poet rests upon the testimonies of the ancient writers, as we have no complete play of his extant. These testimonies are most decided in placing him in the very first rank of comic poets. By one writer he is compared to Aeschylus. (Anon. de Comn. p. xxix.) There is a fragment of his own, which evidently is no vain boast, but expresses the estimation in which he was held by his contemporaries. (Schol. Arist. Equit. 526.) Amongst several allusions to him in Aristophanes, the most remarkable is the passage in the Knights referred to above, where he likens Cratinus to a rapid torrent, carrying everything before it, and says that for his many victories he deserved to drink in the Prytaneium, and to sit anointed as a spectator of the Dionysia. But, after all, his highest praise is in the fact, that he appeared at the Dionysia of the following year, "not as a spectator, but as a competitor, and carried off the prize above Aristophanes himself. His CRATINUS. 887 style seems to have been somewhat grandiloquent, and full of tropes, and altogether of a lyric cast. -He was very bold in inventing new words, and in changing the meaning of old ones. His choruses especially were greatly admired, and were for a time the favourite songs at banquets. (Aristophanes, 1. c.) It was perhaps on account of the dithyrambic character of his poetry that he was likened to Aeschylus, and it was no doubt for the same reason that Aristophanes called him ravpo(cdiyov (Ran. 357; comp. Etym. Mag. p. 747, 50; Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 156, 20.) His metres seem to have partaken of the same lofty character. He sometimes used the epic verse. The " Cratinean metre" of the grammarians, however, was in use before his time. [TOLYNUS.] In the invention of his plots he was most ingenious and felicitous, but his impetuous and exuberant fancy was apt to derange them in the progress of the play. (Platonius, p. xxvii.) Among the poets who imitated him more or less the ancient writers enumerate Eupolis, Aristophanes, Crates, Telecleides, Strattis, and others. The only poets whom he himself is known to have imitated are Homer and Archilochus. (Platonius, 1. c.; Bergk, p. 156.) His most formidable rival was Aristophanes. (See, besides numerous passages of Aristophanes and the Scholia on him, Schol. Plat. p. 330.) Among his enemies Aristophanes mentions ol 7rept Kahheia (L. c.). What Callias he means is doubtful, but it is most natural to suppose that it is Callias the son of Hipponicus. There is much confusion among the ancient writers in quoting from his dramas. Meineke has shewn that the following plays are wrongly attributed to him:-T'aicos, Opcdrwv, "Hpwes, 'Ifal36,,Kp'o-o-a, P'i/e-xara, 'AXAorpioyvw'ov's. These being deducted, there still remain thirty titles, some of which, however, certainly belong to the younger Cratinus. After all deductions, there remain twenty-four titles, namely, 'ApXiAoXoi, Bovico'or, AAlXaUSes, AtaarecaAhiu, ApaTreriLes, 'EgTsrtrpcdievot or 'Iaoti, Eve7'sat, Op3rrat, KAeoovAuvat, Adcirwes, MaOeuaco, Ncteoses, Nodxot, 'Ovro-As, lavoTrT'tar, Ivhacua, IhAoDrot, ITUmiYm, Sa'rvpot, XepieptPo, Tpowcivtos, Xepadegrcotr, Xeipwvcs,v'tpai. The difference between this list and the statement of the grammarians, who give to Cratinus only twenty-one plays, may be reconciled on the supposition that some of these plays had been lost when the grammarians wrote, as, for example, the 'dprvpoi and Xe-qtao6'eVoL, which are mentioned only in the Didascalia of the Knights and Acharnians. The following are the plays of Cratinus, the date of which is known with certainty:B. C. About 448. 'Apxy'AoXoi. In 425. Xesao6'evotM, 2nd prize. Aristophanes was first, with the Acharnians. 424. c2drvpot, 2nd prize. Aristophanes was first, with the Kni:gts. 423. nvrivr, 1st prize. 2nd. Ameipsias, Kivvos. 3rd. Aristoph. Neip'eat. The chief ancient commentators on Cratinus were Asclepiades, Didymus, Callistratus, Euphronius, Symmachus, Aristarchus, and the Scholiasts. (Meineke, Frag. Corn. Graec. i. pp. 43-58, ii. pp. 13-232.; Bergk, Coumment. de Reliq. Comn. Ait.
Page 888 888 CRATIPPUS. Ant., the first part of which is upon Cratinus only.) 2. Cratinus the younger, an Athenian comic poet of the middle comedy, was a contemporary of Plato the philosopher (Diog. Laert. iii. 28) and of Corydus (Athen. vi. p. 241, c.), and therefore flourished during the middle of the 4th century B. c., and as late as 324 B. c. (Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. p. xliii.) Perhaps he even lived down to the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Athen. xi. p. 469, c., compared with vi. p. 242, a.), but this is improbable. The following plays are ascribed to him:riLyavres, @lfpaOptav-s, 'OpuJAAi (doubtful), 'T7ro0oAlptLos,, Xelpwv; in addition to which, it is probable that some of the plays which are ascribed to the elder Cratinus, belong to the younger. (Meineke, Frag. Conm. Graec. i. pp. 411-414, iii. pp. 374-379.) [P. S.] CRATI'NUS, the grammarian. [BASILEIDES, No. 1.] CRATI'NUS,a legal professor at Constantinople and comes sacrarum largitionum, who was charged by Justinian, in A. D. 530, to compile the Digest along with Tribonian, the head of the commission, the professor Theopbilus of Constantinople, Dorotheus and Anatolius, professors at Berytus, and twelve patroni causarum, of whom Stephanus is the best known. The commissioners completed their task in three years. Cratinus does not appear to have been further employed in the other compilations of Justinian. The commission is recited in the second preface to the Digest (Const. Tanta, ~ 9), and Cratinus is one of the eight professors to whom the constitutio Osmnem (so called from its initial word), establishing the new system of legal education, is addressed. [J. T. G.] CRATI'NUS, a painter at Athens, whose works in the Pompeion, the hall containing all things used in processions, are mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxxv. 40. ~~ 33, 43). [L. U.] CRATIPPUS (Kpci.rnrros). 1. A Greek historian and contemporary of Thucydides, whose work he completed-ri - rapaAe6i6v-ra r v' aiTrovi r-vasyanycov yE'ypa(Ev. (Dionys. Jud. de Thucyd. 16.) The expression of Dionysius leads us to suppose that the work of Cratippus was not only a continuation of the unfinished history of Thucydides, but that he also gave an account ef everything that was omitted in the work of Thucydides. The period to which Cratippus appears to have carried his history, is pointed out by Plutarch (de Glor. Athen. 1) to have been the time of Conon. (Comp. Marcellin. Vit. Thucyd. ~ 33; Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 834.) 2. A Peripatetic philosopher of Mytilene, who was a contemporary of Pompey and Cicero. The latter, who was connected with him by intimate friendship, entertained a very high opinion of him, for he declares him to be the most distinguished among the Peripatetics that he had known (de Of. iii. 2), and thinks him at least equal to the greatest men of his school. (De Divin. i. 3.) Cratippus accompanied Pompey in his flight after the battle of Pharsalia, and endeavoured to comfort and rouse him by philosophical arguments. (Plut. Pomp. 75; comp. Aelian, V. H. vii. 21.) Several eminent Romans, such as M. Marcellus and Cicero himself, received instruction from him, and in B. c. 44 young M. Cicero was his pupil at Athens, and was tenderly attached to him. (Cic. Brut. 31, ad Famn. xii. 16, xvi. 21, de Of i. 1, ii. 2, 7.) Young CREON. Cicero seems also to have visited Asia in his coinpany. (Ad Fam. xii. 16.) When Caesar was at the head of the Roman republic, Cicero obtained from him the Roman franchise for Cratippus, and also induced the council of the Areiopagus at Athens to invite the philosopher to remain in that city as one of her chief ornaments, and to continue his instructions in philosophy. (Plut. Cic. 24.) After the murder of Caesar, Brutus, while staying at Athens, also attended the lectures of Cratippus. (Plut. Brut. 24.) Notwithstanding the high opinion which Cicero entertained of the knowledge and talent of Cratippus, we do not hear that he wrote on any philosophical subject, and the only allusions we have to his tenets, refer to his opinions on divination, on which he seems to have written a work. Cicero states that Cratippus believed in dreams and supernatural inspiration (jfiror), but that he rejected all other kinds of divination. (De Divin. i. 3, 32, 50, 70, 71, ii. 48, 52; Tertull. de Anim. 46.) [L. S.] CRATOR (Kpa'rwp), a freedman of M. Aurelius Verus, wrote a history of Rome from its foundation to the death of Verus, in which the names of the consuls and other magistrates were given. (Theophil. ad Antolyc. iii. extr.) CRATOS (Kpiros ), the personification of strength, is described as a son of Uranus and Ge. (Hes. Theog. 385; Aeschyl. Prom. init.; Apollod. i. 2. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CRA'TYLUJS (Kpciarvos), a Greek philosopher, and an elder contemporary of Plato. He professed the doctrines of Heracleitus, and made Plato acquainted with them. (Aristot. Metapliys. i. 6; Appul. de Dogmat. Plat. p. 2, ed. Elm.; Olympiod. Vit. Plat. p. 79, ed. Fischer.) The time at which Plato was instructed by Cratylus, is stated by Diogenes Laertius (iii. 6) to have been after the death of Socrates; but there are several circumstances which prove that Plato must have been acquainted with the doctrines of Heracleitus at an earlier period, and K. F. Hermann has pointed out that it must have been in his youth that Plato acquired his knowledge of that philosophy. One among the dialogues of Plato is named after his master, Cratylus, who is the principal speaker in it, and maintains the doctrine, that things have received their names according to certain laws of nature (pVriTI), and that consequently words correspond to the things which they designate. Hermogenes, the Eleatic, who had likewise been a teacher of Plato, asserts, on the other hand, that nature has nothing to do with giving things their suitable names, but that words are applied to certain things by the mere mutual consent (S-esoi) of men. Some critics are of opinion, that the Cratylus introduced by Plato in his dialogue is a different person from the Cratylus who taught Plato the doctrines of Heracleitus, but the arguments adduced in support of this opinion do not seem to be satisfactory. (Stallbaum, de Cratylo Platonico, p. 18, &c.; K. F. Hermann, System der Plat. Philos. i. pp. 46, 106, 492, &c.; Lersch, Sprac/philos. der Alten, i. p. 29, &c.) [L. S.] CREMU'TIUS CORDUS. [CORnus.] CREON (Kpieo). 1. A mythical king of Corinth, a son of Lycaethus. (Hygin. Fab. 25, calls him a son of Menoecus, and thus confounds him with Creon of Thebes.) His daughter, Glauce, married Jason, and Medeia, who found herself forsaken, took vengeance by sending Glance a garment which destroyed her by fire when she put
Page 889 CHEOPH YLUS. it on. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 28; Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 20.) According to Hyginus (1. c.) Medeia's present consisted of a crown, and Creon perished with his daughter, who is there called Creusa. (Comp. Diod. iv. 54.) 2. A son of Menoecus, and king of Thebes. After the death of Laius, Creon gave the kingdom to Oedipus, who had delivered the country from the Sphinx; but after Oedipus had laid down the government, Creon resumed it. His tyrannical conduct towards the Argives, and especially towards Antigone, is well known from the Oedipus and Antigone of Sophocles. Creon had a son, Haemon, and two daughters, Henioche and Pyrrha. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 8, 7. ~ 1; Pans. ix. 10. ~ 3.) A third mythical Creon is mentioned by Apollodorus. (ii. 7. ~ 8.) [L. S.] CREON (KpCwov), a Greek rhetorician of uncertain date, who is mentioned in three passages of Suidas (s. vv. EiyceiopavA-jtevos, vndpiPto, and (<paKi6dAtov) as the author of a work on rhetoric (praropid), of which the first book is quoted, but nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] CREO'PHYLUS (KpeCPvuAos). 1. One of the earliest epic poets of Greece, whom tradition placed in direct connexion with Homer, as he is called his friend or even his son-in-law. (Plat. de Rep. x. p. 600, b; Callim. Epigram. 6; Strab. xiv. p. 638, &c.; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. i. 2; Eustath. ad Hiom. 11. ii. 730; Suidas, s. v.) Creophylus is said to have received Homer into his house, and to have been a native of Chios, though other accounts describe him as a native of Samos or los. The epic poem OiXaAha or OiXaias a\hwaos, which is ascribed to him, he is said, in some traditions, to have received from Homer as a present or as a dowry with his wife. (Proclus, ap. Hephaest. p. 466, ed. Gaisford; Schol. ad Plat. p. 421, ed. Bekker; Suidas, s. v.) Tradition thus seems to point to Creophylus as one of the most ancient Homeridae, and as the first link connecting Homer himself with the subsequent history of the Homeric poems; for he preserved and taught the Homeric poems, and handed them down to his descendants, from whom Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver, is said to have received them. (Plut. Lyc. 4; Heracleid. Pont. Polit. Fragm. 2; lamblich. Vit. Pythag. ii. 9; Strab. xiv. p. 639.) His poem OlXaxia contained the contest which Heracles, for the sake of Iole, undertook with Eurytus, and the final capture of Oechalia. This poem, from which Panyasis is said to have copied (Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. p. 266), is often referred to, both with and without its author's name, but we possess only a few statements derived from it. (Phot. Lex. p. 177, ed. Porson; Tzetz. Chil. xiii. 659; Cramer, Anecd. ii. p. 327; Schol. ad Soph. Trachi. "266; Bekker, Anecd. p. 728.) Pausanias (iv. 2. ~ 3) mentions a poem 'HpaKrhia by Creophylus, but this seems to be only a different name for the OiXaiaa. (Comp. Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 276.) The Heracleia which the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 1357) ascribes to Cinaethon, is likewise supposed by some to be a mistake, and to allude to the OlXaAia of Creophylus. (Welcker, Der Episch. Cyclus, p. 219, &c.; Willner, De Cycl. Epic. p. 52, &c.; K. W. Muller, De Cycl. Graec. Epic. p. 62, &c.) 2. The author of Annals of Ephesus (Spot 'Epso'iwv), to which Athenaeus (viii. p. 361) refers. [L. S.] CRESILAS. 889 CREPEREIUS, the name of a Roman equestrian family, which was distingaished for the strict discipline of its members, but of which otherwise only very little is known. Among the judges in the case of Verres, one M. Crepereius is mentioned by Cicero (in Verr. i. 10), and it is added, that as he was tribunus militaris designalus, he would not be able to take a part in the proceedings after the 1st of January of B. c. 69. There are several coins on which we read the name Q. Ceerepereius. F. Rocus, and from the representations of Venus and Neptune which appear on those coins, it has been inferred, that this person had some connexion with Corinth, perhaps after its restoration by J. Caesar, since those divinities were the principal gods of Corinth. (Havercamp, in Mllorell. Thesaur. Numism. p. 145, &c.) In the reign of Nero we meet with one Crepereius Gallus, a friend of Agrippina, who perished in the ship by means of which Agrippina was to be destroyed. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 5.) [L. S.] CREPEREIUS CALPURNIA'NUS (KpE-r'pyos KahTrovpvtavds), a native of Pompeiopolis, is mentioned by Lucian (Quota. Hist. conscrib. 15) as the author of a history of the wars between the Romans and Parthians, but nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] CRES (Kpl's), a son of Zeus by a nymph of mount Ida, from whom the island of Crete was believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kpsr-j; Pans. viii. 53. ~ 3.) According to Diodorus (v. 64), Cres was an Eteocretan, that is, a Cretan autochthon. [L. S.] CRESCENS, a Cynic of Megalopolis, (probably the city in Arcadia, though some believe that Rome is meant by that appellation,) who lived in the middle of the second century after Christ, contemporary with Justin Martyr. The Christian writers speak of his character as perfectly infamous. By Tatian (Or. adv. Graec. p. 157, &c.) he is accused of the most flagrant enormities, and is described as a person who was not prevented by his cynical profession from being " wholly enslaved to the love of money." He attacked the Christians with great acrimony, calling them Atheists; but his charges were refuted by Justin, who tells us, that, in consequence of the refutation, he was apprehensive lest Crescens should plot his death. But whether he was really the cause of Justin's martyrdom or not is uncertain; for, although he is accused of this crime by Eusebius, yet the charge is only made to rest on a statement of Tatian, which however merely is, that " he who advised others to despise death, was himself so much in dread of death, that he plotted death for Justin as a very great evil," without a word as to the success of his intrigues. (Justin, Apolog. ii.; Euseb. H. E. iv. 16; Neander, Kirchengesch. i. p. 1131.) [G. E. L. C.] CRESCO'NIUS. [CORIPPUS.] CRE'SILAS (Kpeoi-as), an Athenian sculptor, a contemporary of Phidias and Polycletus. Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. 19), in narrating a competition of five most distinguished artists, and among them Phidias and Polycletus, as to who should make the best Amazon for the temple at Ephesus, mentions Cresilas as the one who obtained the third prize. But as this is an uncommon name, it has been changed by modern editors into Ctesilas or Ctesilaus; and in the same chapter (~ 15) an artist, "Desilaus," whose wounded Amazon was a cele
Page 890 890 CRETHEUS. brated statue, has also had his name changed into Ctesilaus, and consequently the beautiful statues of a wounded Amazon in the Capitol and the Louvre are considered as an imitation of the work at Ephesus. Now this is quite as unfounded a supposition as the one already rejected by Winckelmann, by which the dying gladiator of the Capitol was considered to represent another celebrated statue of Ctesilaus, who wrought " vulneratum deficientem, in quo possit intelligi, quantum restet animae;" and it is the more improbable, because Pliny enumerates the sculptors in an alphabetic order, and begins the letter D by Desilaus. But there are no good reasons for the insertion of the name of Ctesilaus. At some of the late excavations at Athens, there was discovered in the wall of a cistern, before the western frontside of the Parthenon, the following inscription, which is doubtless the identical basement of the expiring warrior:HEPMOATKO2 AIEITPEOTE AITAPXEN. KPEIIAA2 EIIOE2EN. By this we learn, that the rival of Phidias was called Cresilas, as two manuscripts of Pliny exhibit, and that the statue praised by Pliny is the same as that which Pausanias (i. 23. ~ 2) describes at great length. It was an excellent work of bronze, placed in the eastern portico within the Propylaea, and dedicated by Hermolycus to the memory of his father, Diitrephes, who fell pierced with arrows, B. c. 413, at the head of a body of Thracians, near Mycalessos in Boeotia. (Thuc. vii. 29, 30.) Besides these two celebrated works, Cresilas executed a statue of Pericles the Olympian, from which, perhaps, the bust in the Va"tican is a copy. (Ross, Kunslblalt, 1840, No. 12 and 38.) [L. U.] CRE'SIUS (Kp'ý4oos), a surname of Dionysus at Argos, where he had a temple in which. Ariadne was said to be buried. (Paus. ii. 23. ~ 7.) [L. S.] CRESPHONTES (Kpo-0svr-qs), a Heracleid, a son of Aristomachus, and one of the conquerors of Peloponnesus, who obtained Messenia for his share. But during an insurrection of the Messenian nobles, he and two of his sons were slain. A third son, Aepytus, was induced by his mother, Merope, to avenge his father. (Apollod. ii. 8. ~ 4, &c.; Paus. ii. 18. ~ 6, iv. 3. ~ 3, 31. ~ 9, viii. 5. S 4; comp. AEPYTUS.) [L. S.] CRETE (KpTrs-), a daughter of Asterion, and wife of Minos. According to others, she was the mother of Pasiphae by Helios. (Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 2; Diod. iv. 60.) There are two other mythical personages of this name. (Apollod. iii. 3. ~ 1; Diod. iii. 71.) [L. S.] CRETEUS or CATREUS (KpsITrs'), a son of Minos by Pasiphae or Crete, and king of Crete. Hle is renowned in ancient story on account of his tragic death by the hand of his own son, Althemenes. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 2, iii. 1. ~ 2; Diod. iv. 59; Paus. viii. 53. ~ 2; ALTHEMENES.) [L. S.] CRETHEUS (KprOeis), a son of Aeolus and Enarete, was married to Tyro, the daughter of Salmoneus, by whom he became the father of Aeson, Pheres, Amythaon, and Hippolyte. He is called the founder of the town of Iolcus. (Hom. Od. xi. 236, 258; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 11; comp. Paus. viii. 25. ~ 5.) According to another tradition, Cretheus was married to Demodice or Biadice, CRINAS. who loved Phrixus, and as her love was rejected by the latter, she calumniously accused him to Cretheus of having been guilty of improper conduct. (Hygin. Poet. Ast. ii. 20; PHRIxus.) [L. S.] CRETHON (Kps0cov), a son of Diocles and brother of Orsilochus of Phere, was slain by Aeneias in the Trojan war. (Hom. II. v. 542; Paus. iv. 30. ~ 2.) [L. S.] CRE'TICUS, an agnomen of Q. Caecilius Metellus, consul, B. c. 69, and of several of the Metelli. [METELLUS.] CRE'TICUS SILA'NUS. [SILANUS.] CREU'SA (Kpiovo-a). 1. A daughter of Oceanus and Ge. She was a Naid, and became by Peneius the mother of Hypseus, king of the Lapithae, and of Stilbe. (Pind. Pyth. ix. 30; Dioed. iv. 69.) 2. A daughter of Erechtheus and Praxithea, was married to Xuthus, by whom she became the mother of Achaeus and Ion. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3, iii. 15. ~ 1; Paus. vii. 1. ~ 1.) She is also said to have been beloved by Apollo (Paus. i. 28. ~ 4), and Ion is called her son by Apollo, as in the " Ion " of Euripides. 3. A daughter of Priam and Hecabe, and the wife of Aeneias, who became by her the father of Ascanius and lulus, (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5.) Conon (Narrat. 41) calls her the mother of Anius by Apollo. When Aeneias fled from Troy, she followed him; but she was unable to discover his traces, and disappeared. Aeneias then returned to seek her. She then appeared to him as a shade, consoled him, revealed to him his future fate, and informed him that she was kept back by the great mother of the gods, and was obliged to let him depart alone..(Virg. Aen. ii. 725, 738, 752, 769, 775, &c.) In the Lesche of Delphi she was represented by Polygnotus among the captive Trojan women. (Pans. x. 26. ~ 1.) A fourth personage of this name is mentioned by Hyginus. (Fab. 25; comp. CREON, No. 1.) [L. S.] CRINA'GORAS (Kpivayopas), a Greek epigrammatic poet, the author of about fifty epigrams in the Greek Anthology, was a native of Mytilene, among the eminent men of which city he is mentioned by Strabo, who speaks of him as a contemporary. (xiii. p. 617, sub fin.) There are several allusions in his epigrams, which refer to the reign of Augustus, and on the authority of which Jacobs believes him to have flourished from B. c. 31 to A. D. 9. We may also collect from his epigrams that he lived at Rome (Ep. 24), and that he was richer in poems than in worldly goods. (Ep. 33.) He mentions a younger brother of his, Eucleides. (Ep. 12.) From the contents of two of his epigrams Reiske inferred, that they must have been written by a more ancient poet of the same name, but this opinion is refuted by Jacobs. Crinagoras often shews a true poetical spirit. He was included in the Anthology of Philip of Thessalonica. (Jacobs, Antlh. Graec. pp. 876-878; Fabric. Bibl. Groae. iv. p. 470.) [P. S.] CRINAS, a physician of Marseilles who practised at Rome in the reign of Nero, A. D. 54-68, and introduced astrology into his medical practice. He acquired a large fortune, and is said by Pliny (H. N. xxix. 5) to have left at his death to his native city the immense sum of ten million sesterces (centies H. S.) or about 78,1251., after having spent nearly the same sum during his life in building the walls of the city. [W. A. G.]
Page 891 1 j t CRISPINILLA. CRISPINUS. 891 CRINIPPUS (Kpivnarros) is the name which, took largely in the general corruption among fefrom a comparison of Diodorus (xv. 47), it has males of that period. She lived with Nero and been proposed to substitute for Anippus in Xen. his eunuch Porus, and was entrusted with the suHlell. vi. 2. ~ 36. He was sent by Dionysius I. perintendence of the latter's wardrobe. She is said of Syracuse to Corcyra to the aid of the Spartans to have been given to stealing and to have secreted with a squadron of ten ships, B. c. 373; but all on which she could lay her hand. Her interthrough his imprudence he fell, together with nine course with Nero was of such a kind, that Tacitus of his ships, into the hands of Iphicrates. The calls her the instructor of Nero in voluptuousness. latter, in the hope of extorting from him a large In A. D. 68, shortly after the death of Nero, she sum of money, threatened to sell him for a slave, went to Africa to urge Claudius Macer to take up and Crinippus slew himself in despair. (Xen. Hell. arms to avenge the death of the emperor. She vi. 2. ~~ 4, 33, &c.; comp. Schneid. ad loc.; Wes- thus intended to cause a famine at Rome, by presoling, ad Diod. 1. c.; Diod. xvi. 57.) [E. E.] venting grain being imported from Africa. CloCRINIS (Kpivis), a Stoic philosopher who is dius Macer was put to death by the command of referred to several times by Diogenes LaSrtius Galba, and the general indignation of the people [vii. 62, 68, 76), and seems to have founded an demanded that Crispinilla also should pay for her independent school within the boundaries of the guilt with her life, but she escaped the danger by Stoic system, since the authority of his followers various intrigues and a cunning use of circumoil Trepl Kpiviv) is sometimes quoted. He wrote stances. Afterwards she rose very high in public iwork called SiaoCKLTKrr TvrXVe, from which Dio- favour through her marriage with a man who had 'enes Laertius (vii. 71) quotes an opinion. He been consul; she was spared by Galba, Otho, and is mentioned also by Arrian. (Diss. Epict. iii. 2.) Vitellius, and her wealth, together with the circumSuidas speaks of a Crinis who was a priest of stance of her having no children, procured her Apollo, and may be the same as the one mentioned great influence at the time. (Tacit. Hist. i. 73; in a scholion (ad Hom. II. i. 396). [L. S.] Dion. Cass. Ixiii. 12.) [L. S.] CRINISUS. [ACESTES.] CRISPI'NUS. 1. A person ridiculed by HoCRINON (Kpivwv), an officer of Philip V. of race (Sat. i. 1. 120), was, according to the stateMacedon, joined Leontius and Megaleas in their ment of the scholiasts on that passage, a bad poet treason, and took part in the tumult at Limnaea in and philosopher, who was surnamed Aretalogus, Acarnania, in which they assailed Aratus and and wrote verses upon the Stoics. This is all threatened his life, irritated as they were by the that is known about him, and it is not improbasuccessful campaign of Philip in Aetolia, B. c. 218. ble that the name may be a fictitious one, under For this offence Crinon and Megaleas were thrown which Horace intended to ridicule some philosointo prison till they should find security for a fine phical poetaster. of twenty talents. The fine was confirmed, on 2. A late Greek rhetorician, concerning whom their trial, by the king's council, and Crinon was nothing is known, but a sentiment of his, taken detained in prison, while Leontius became security from a work Karc Asioyvoiov, is preserved in Stofor Megaleas. (Polyb. v. 15, 16.) [E. E.] baeus. (Flor. xlvii. 21.) CRI'SAMIS (Kpioraeis). 1. The fifth in des- 3. Of Lampsacus, wrote a life of St. Parthenius cent from Aesculapius, the son of Dardanus, and of Lampsacus, who is said to have been a bishop the father of Cleomyttades I., who probably lived in the time of Constantine the Great. A Latin in the eleventh and tenth centuries B. c. (Jo. version of that Life is printed in the collections of Tzetzes, Chil. vii. Hist. 155, in Fabric. Bibl. Grace. the lives of the Saints by Surius and Bollandus vol. xii. p. 680, ed. vet.) under the 7th of February. A MS. containing the 2. The ninth of the family of the Asclepiadae, Greek original exists in the imperial library at thie son of Sostratus II., and the father of Cleo- Vienna. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 597.) [L.S.] amyttades II., who probably lived in the ninth T. CRISPI'NUS was quaestor about B. c. 69, and eighth centuries B. c. (Id. ibid.) He is called but is otherwise unknown. (Cic. pro Fonteio, loci "king Crisamis" (Paetus, Epist. ad Artax., in Niebuhr. 1.) [L. S.] Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. p. 770), but the country CRISPI'NUS, L. BRU'TTIUS QUI'NTIUS, over which he reigned is not mentioned. By some was consul A. D. 224, and fourteen years afterwriters he is said to have been the father, not of wards (A. D. 238) persuaded the inhabitants of Cleomyttades II., but of Theodorus II. [W.A. G.] Aquileia to shut their gates and defend their CRISPI'NA, daughter of Bruttius Praesens walls against the savage Maximin, whose rage [PRAESENS], was married to Commodus (A. D. when he found his attacks upon the city baffled 17 7), and, having proved unfaithful to her husband, led to those excesses which caused his assassinawas divorced a few years after his accession to the tion. [MAXIMIN us.] (Capitolin. Maex. duo, c. throne, banished to Capreae, and there put to 21; lHerodian. viii. 4.) EW. R.] death. (Dion Cass. Ixxi. 33, lxxii. 4; Capitolin. CRISPI'NUS CAE'PIO. [CAEPIO, p. 535, b.] iM. Aurel. 27; Lamprid. Commod. 5.) [W. R.] CRISPI'NUS, QUI'NCTIUS. Crispinus occurs as an agnomen in the family of the Penni -.> Capitolini of the Quinctia gens. [CArITOLINus, p. 606, a.] The full name of the L. Quinctius Crispinus, who was praetor in B. c. 186, and who triumphed in B. c. 184, on account of his victories Sin Spain, was probably L. Quinctius Pennus Capitolinus Crispinus. (Liv. xxxix. 6, 8, 30, 42.) [L.S.] CRISPI'NUS, RU'FIUS, a Roman eques and COIN OF CRISPINA. contemporary of the emperors Claudius and Nero. CRISPINILLA, CA'LVIA, a Roman lady of He was praefectus praetorio under Claudius, who rauk, of the time of the emperor Nero. She par- employed him in arresting and dragging to Rome
Page 892 892 CRISPUS. Valerius Asiaticus. For this service he was rewarded by a large stun of money and the insignia of the quaestorship. In A. D. 52 he was -removed from his office at the instigation of Agrippina, who believed him to be attached to the children of Messalina. Crispinus was married to the notorious Poppaea Sabina, who had a son by him, bearing the same name as his father. She afterwards became the mistress of Nero, and the circumstance, that she had once been the wife of Crispinus, was a sufficient reason for the tyrant to send Crispinus into exile to Sardinia, A. D. 66, under the pretext of his being an accomplice in a conspiracy. Shortly after when Crispinus received the sentence of death, he put an end to his own life. (Tacit. Ann. xi. 1, 4, xii. 42, xiii. 45, xv. 71, xvi. 17; Senec. Octavia, 728 &c.; Plut. Galba, 19.) His son, Rufius Crispinus, was likewise put to death by Nero. (Suet. Nero, 35.) [L. S.] CRISPUS, a person mentioned three times by Cicero as coheir of Mustela. (Ad Att. xii. 5, xiii. 3, 5.) [L. S.] CRISPUS, brother of Claudius Gothicus and father of Claudia, who by her husband Eutropius was the mother of Constantius Chlorus. Thus Crispus was the great-grandfather of Constantinus Magnas. [W. R.] CRISPUS, FLA'VIUS JU'LIUS, eldest of the sons of Constantinus Magnus and Minervina, derived his name without doubt from his greatgreat-grandfather [CRISPUs], the brother of Claudius Gothicus. Having been educated, as we are told by St. Jerome, under Lactantius, he was nominated Caesar on the 1st of March, A. D. 317, along with his brother Constantinus and the younger Licinius, and was invested with the consulship the year following. Entering forthwith upon his military career, he distinguished himself in a campaign against the Franks, and soon after, in the war with Licinius, gained a great naval victory in the Hellespont, A. D. 323. But unhappily the glory of these exploits excited the bitter jealousy of his step-mother Fausta, at whose instigation he was put to death by his father in the year A. D. 326. [CONSTANTINUS, p. 835.] (Euseb. Chron. ad ann. 317; Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. i. 5; Eckhel, vol. viii. p. 100.) A great number of coins, especially in small brass, are extant bearing the name and effigy of this youth, commonly with the titles Caesar and Princceps Juventutis annexed; on the reverse of one we read the words A l(uuannia Devicta, which may refer to his success in the West, but the legends for the most part commemorate the exploits of his father rather than his own achievements. [W. R.] COIN OF CRISPUS. CRISPUS, JU'LIUS, a distinguished tribune of the praetorians, put to death by Septimius Severus during the Parthian war (A. D. 199), because, being wearied of the hardships of the campaign, he had quoted as a sort of pasquinade on the ambitious projects of the emperor the lines in Virgil from the speech of Drances (Aen. xi. 372), CRITIAS. " Scilicet, ut Turno contingat regia conjux, Nos, animae viles, inhumata infletaque turba, Sternamur campis.... " a fact of no great importance in itself, except in so far as it corroborates the accounts of Spartianus, regarding the vindictive cruelty of Severus in all matters affecting his personal dignity. (Dion Cass. lxxv. 10; comp. Spartian. Sever. 14.) [W. R.] CRISPUS, MA'RCIUS, served as tribune in Caesar's army during the African war. (Hirtius, Bell. Afr. 77.) He is probably the same as the Q. Marcius Crispus, who is frequently mentioned by Cicero as a brave and experienced soldier. In B. c. 43, he was in Bithynia as proconsul, and when L. Murcus solicited his assistance against Bassus, Crispus came with his three legions to Syria. When C. Cassius came to the East, both Crispus and L. Murcus surrendered their legions to him. (Cic. in Pison. 23, fP'il. xi. 12, ad hBm. xii. 11, 12, ad Brut. ii. 5; Dion. Cass. xlvii. 27; Appian. B. C. iii. 77, iv. 58 &c.) [L. S.] CRISPUS PASSIE'NUS, the husband of Agrippina, and consequently the step-father of the Emperor Nero. He was a man of great wealth and distinction, and in A.D. 42 he was raised to the consulship. He is praised both by Seneca the philosopher (Quaest. Nat. iv. Praef., de Benef. i. 15), and by Seneca the rhetorician (Controv. ii. 13) as one of the first orators of the time, especially for his acuteness and subtilty. Quintilian too (vi. 1. ~ 50, 3. ~ 74, x. 1. ~ 24) speaks of him with high esteem and quotes passages from his orations. [L. S.] CRISPUS, VI'BIUS, a Roman orator of great wealth and influence. He was a native of Vercelli and a contemporary of Quintilian. His speeches were most remarkable for their pleasant and elegant style; they were of the judicial kind, and Quintilian places those which he had delivered in civil cases above those spoken on state or public affairs. Vibius Crispus is also mentioned among the delatores of his time. Some fragments of his orations are preserved in Quintilian. (Tacit. Hist. ii. 10, iv. 23, 41, Annal. xiv. 28, de Oral. 8; Quintil. v. 13. } 48, viii. 5. ~~ 15, 17, x. 1. ~ 119, xii. 10. ~ 11; Dion Cass. lxv. 2.) [L. S.] CRISUS or CRISSUS (Kptoos), a son of Phocus and husband of Antiphateia, by whom he became the father of Strophius. He is called the founder of Crissa or Cirrha. (Paus. i. 29. ~ 4; Schol. ad Eeurip. Orest. 33.) [L. S.] CRI'TIAS (Kp'rias). 1. Son of Dropides, a contemporary and relation of Solon's. Hie lived to the age of more than 90 years. His descendant Critias, the son of Callaeschrus, is introduced in the " Timaeus" of Plato (pp. 20--25), as repeating from the old man's account the fable of the once mighty Atlantis, professing to have been derived by Solon from the priests of Egypt. (Comp. Plat. Charm. pp. 155, 157, ad fin.) 2. Son of Callaeschrus, and grandson of the above. He was one of the pupils of Socrates, by whose instructions he profited but little in a moral point of view, and, together with Alcibiades, gave a colour by his life to the charge against the philosopher of corrupting the youth.. Xenophon says, that he sought the company of Socrates, not front any desire of real improvement, but because he wished, for political purposes, to gain skill in confounding an adversary. We learn, however, from
Page 893 CRITIAS. the same authority, that he lived a temperate life as long as his connexion with his great master lasted. (Xen. Mem. i. 2.. 12-18, 39.) From a fragment of Critias himself (ap. Plut. Ale. 33) it appears that he was mainly instrumental in procuring the recall of Alcibiades from banishment. At the time of the murder of the generals who had been victorious at Arginusae, B. c. 406, we find him in Thessaly fomenting a sedition of the Penestae against their lords, and endeavouring to set up democracy in conjunction with one Prometheus, which has been supposed by some to be a surname of Jason of Pherae. According to Xenophon, he had been banished by a sentence of the people, and this it was which afterwards made him so rancorous in his tyranny. (Xen. Mcem. i. 2. ~ 24, Hell. ii. 3. ~~ 15, 36; Schn. ad loc.) On his return to Athens he became leader of the oligarchical party, and was chosen to be one of the body called Ephori, probably not a public and legal, office, but one instituted among themselves by the oligarchs for the better promotion of their ends. (Lys. c. Erat. p. 124; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iv. p. 160; Hermann, Polit. Ant. ~ 168.) He was one of the 30 tyrants established in B c. 404, was conspicuous above all his colleagues for rapacity and cruelty, sparing not even Socrates himself, and took the lead in the prosecutioni of Theramenes when he set himself against the continuance of the reign of terror. He was slain at the battle of Munychia in the same year, fighting against Thrasybulus and the exiles. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~~ 2, 15-56, 4. ~~ 1-19, Mem. i. 2. ~~ 12-38; Diod. xiv. 4; Plat. Apol. p. 32, c; Cic. Tusc. Quaest. i. 40.) Cicero tells us (De Orat. ii. 22), that some speeches of Critias were still extant in his time, and speaks of them as marked by the vigour of matter which distinguished those of Pericles and by a greater copiousness of style A work of his on politics is also frequently referred to by several writers (Athen. xi. p. 463, f; Ael. V. H. x. 13, 17; Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 2; comp. Plat. Tim. p. 20); some fragments of his elegies are still extanf, and he is supposed by some to have been the author of the Peirithoiis and the Sisyphus (a satyric drama), which are commonly reckoned among the lost plays of Euripides; a tragedy named " Atalanta" is likewise ascribed to him. (Athen. 1. p. 28, b, x. p. 432, e, xi. p. 496, b; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. pp. 252, 254, 294.) As we might suppose a priori from his character, he was but a dabbler and a dilettante in philosophy, a circumstance which Plato, with his delicate satire, by no means loses sight of (see Protag. p. 336), insomuch that it was said of him (Schol. ad Plat. Tim. p. 20), that he was 18rruT7s P Ly. (ptolro'dpoLs, i6tho'oPos 8 i iL8d'rais, " a lord among wits, and a wit among lords." The remains of his poems have been edited separately by N, Bach, Leipzig, 1827. [E. E.] CRI'TIAS, a very celebrated Athenian artist, whose workmanship belongs to the more ancient school, the description of which by Lucian (Rhetor. Praecept. c. 9) bears an exact resemblance to the statues of Aegina. For this reason, and because the common reading of Pliny (H. N. xxxiv. 19, in.), " Critias Nestocles," is manifestly corrupt, and the correction of H. Junius, " Nesiotes," is borne out by the Bamberg manuscript, Critias was considered by Muller (Acgin. p. 102) to have CRITODEMUS. 893 been a citizen of Aegina. But as Pausanias (vi. 3. ~ 2) calls him 'A-TTiKcs, Thiersch (Epoch. p. 129) assigns his origin to one of the little islands near the coast of Attica, and Muller (Wien. Jahrb. xxxviii. p. 276) to the island of Lemnos, where the Athenians established a cleruchia. All these theories were overthrown by two inscriptions found near the Acropolis, one of which belongs to a statue of Epicharinus, who had won a prize running in arms, mentioned by Pausanias (i. 23. ~ 11), and should probably be restored thus: "E7rmXapvos daveO`Kv... Kpi7Tos ical NrV-yiT's Ereore'advTryV. From this we learn, first, that the artist's name was Critios, not Critias; then that Nesiotes in Pliny's text is a proper name. This Nesiotes was probably so far the assistant of the greater master, that he superintended the execution in bronze of the models of Critios. The most celebrated of their works were, the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton on the Acropolis. These were erected B. c. 477. (Marm. Oxon. Epoch. Iv.) Critias was, therefore, probably older than Phidias, but lived as late as B. c. 444, to see the greatness of his rival. (Plin. 1. c.) (Lucian, Philosoph. 18; Pans. i. 8. ~ 3; Ross, Kunstblatt, 1840, No. 11.) [L. U.] CRITOBU'LUS (KpT-d0ovAos), son of Criton, and a disciple of Socrates. He did not however profit much by his master's instructions, if we may trust the testimony of Aeschines the Socratic (ap. Athen. v. p. 220, a; comp. Casaub. ad loc.), by whom he is represented as destitute of refinement and sordid in his mode of living. (Comp. Plat. Phaed. p. 57; Xen. Mem. i. 3. 8, ii. 6; Athen. v. p. 188, d; Diog. Labrt. ii. 121.) [E. E.] CRITOBU'LUS (KpiTdeov.os), a citizen of Lampsacus, who appeared at Athens as the representative of Cersobleptes in B. c. 346, when the treaty of peace between Philip and the Athenians was about to be ratified, and claimed to be admitted to take the oath on behalf of the Thracian king as one of the allies of Athens. A decree to this effect was passed by the assembly in spite of a strong opposition, as Aeschines asserts, on the part of Demosthenes. Yet when the treaty was actually ratified before the board of generals, Cersobleptes was excluded from it. Demosthenes and Aeschines accuse one another of thus having nullified the decree; while, according to Philip's account, Critobulus was prevented by the generals from taking the oath. (Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 39, Ep. Phil. ad Alth. p. 160; Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 395; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. p. 356.) [E. E.] CRITOBU'LUS (KptrTo'ovAos), a Greek surgeon, said by Pliny (II. N. vii. 37) to have extracted an arrow from the eye of Philip the son of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, (probably at the siege of Methone, B. c. 353) so skilfully that, though he could not save his sight, he prevented his face from being disfigured. He is also mentioned by Quintus Curtius (ix. 5) as having been the person who extracted the weapon from the wound which Alexander received in storming the principal fortress of the Mallians, B. c. 326. [CRITODEMUs.] [W. A. G.] CRITODE'MUS (Kprr'd6P os), a Greek surgeon of the family of the Asclepiadae, and a native of the island of' Cos, who is said by Arrian (vi. 11) to have been the person who extracted the weapon from the wound which
Page 894 894 CRITOLAUS. Alexander the Great received in storming the principal fortress of the Mallians, B. C. 326. [CRITOBULUS.] [W. A. G.] CRITOLA'US (KptroAaos), the Peripatetic philosopher, was a native of Phaselis, a Greek colony in Lycia, and studied philosophy at Athens under Ariston of Ceos, whom he succeeded as the head of the Peripatetic school. The great reputation which Critolaiis enjoyed at Athens, as a philosopher, an orator, and a statesman, induced the Athenians to send him to Rome in B. C. 155, together with Carneades the Academic and Diogenes the Stoic, to obtain a remission of the fine of 500 talents which the Romans had imposed upon Athens for the destruction of Oropus. They were successful in the object for which they came; and the embassy excited the greatest interest at Rome. Not only the Roman youth, but the most illustrious men in.the state, such as Scipio Africanus, Laelius, Furius, and others, came to listen to their discourses. The novelty of their doctrines seemed to the Romans of the old school to be fraught with such danger to the morals of the citizens, that Cato induced the senate to send them away from Rome as quickly as possible. (Plut. Cat. Maj. 22; Gell. vii. 14; Macrob. Saturn. i. 5; Cic. de Orat. ii. 37, 38.) We have no further information respecting the life of Critolauis. He lived upwards of eighty-two years, but died before the arrival of L. Crassus at Athens, that is, before B. c. 111. (Lucian, Macrob. 20; Cic. de Orat. i. 11.) Critolails seems to have paid particular attention to Rhetoric, though he considered it, like Aristotle, not as an art, but rather as a matter of practice (TptLf). Cicero speaks in high terms of his eloquence. (Quintil. ii. 15. ~ 23, 17. ~ 15; Sext. Empir. adv. lMathem. ii. 12, p. 291; Cic. de Fin. v. 5.) Next to Rhetoric, Critolails seems to have given his chief attention to the study of moral philosophy, and to have made some additions to Aristotle's system (comp. Cic. Tusc. v. 17; Clem. Alex. Strom. ii. p. 416), but upon the whole he deviated very little from the philosophy of the founder of the Peripatetic school. (Stahr, Aristotelia, ii. pp. 83, 135; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 483.) A Critolaiis is mentioned by Plutarch (Parall. n2in. cc. 6, 9) as the author of a work on Epeirus, and of another entitled Uatvdp6eva; and Gellius (xi. 9) also speaks of an historical writer of this name. Whether the historian is the same as the Peripatetic philosopher, cannot be determined. A grammarian Critolails is mentioned in the Etymologicum Magnum (s. v. 0 5' '6s). (Comp. Voss. de Hist. Graec. p. 422, ed. Westermann.) [A. S.] CRITOLA'US (Kptro'Aaos), an Achaean, who succeeded Diaeus, in n. c. 147, as strategus of the Achaeans, and was as bitter an enemy of the Romans as his predecessor. As soon as he entered upon his office, he began insulting the Roman ambassadors and breaking off all negotiations with them. After their departure for Italy, he had recourse to all the demagogic artifices that he could devise, in order to render the rupture between the Romans and Achaeans irremediable. During the ensuing winter he travelled from one town to another, inflaming the people by his furious speeches against the Romans. He tried especially to work upon the populace in the towns of Greece, and resorted to the most iniquitous means to obtain their hfavour. Thus he extorted a promise from CRITON. the magistrates of several towns to take care that no debtor should be compelled to pay his debts before the war with Rome should be brought to a close. By these and similar means he won the enthusiastic admiration of the multitude, and when this was accomplished, he summoned an assembly of the Achaeans to meet at Corinth, which was attended by the dregs of the nation, and which conducted its proceedings in the most riotous and tumultuous manner. Four noble Romans, who attended the meeting and tried to speak, were driven from the place of assembly and treated with the grossest insults. It was in vain that the moderate men among the Achaeans endeavoured to bring Critolaiis and his partizans to their senses. Critola'is surrounded himself with a body-guard, and threatened to use force against those who opposed his plans, and further depicted them to the multitude as traitors of their country. The moderate and well-meaning persons were thus intimidated, and withdrew. War was thereupon declared against Lacedaemon, which was under the especial protection of Rome. In order to get rid of all restraints, he carried a second decree, which conferred dictatorial power upon the strategi. The Romans, or rather Q. Caecilius Metellus, the praetor of Macedonia, had shewn all possible forbearance towards the Achaeans, and a willingness to come to a peaceable understanding with them. This conduct was explained by Critola'is as a consequence of weakness on the part of the Romans, who, he said, did not dare to venture upon a war with the Achaeans. In addition to this, he contrived to inspire the Achaeans with the prospect of forming alliances with powerful princes and states. But this hope was almost completely disappointed, and the Achaeans rushed into a war with the gigantic powers of Rome, in which every sensible person must have seen that destruction awaited them. In the spring of B. c. 146, Critolaiis marched with a considerable army of Achaeans towards Thermopylae, partly to rouse all Greece to a general insurrection against Rome, and partly to chastise Heracleia, near mount Oeta, which had abandoned the cause of the Achaeans. Metellus even now offered his hand for reconciliation; but when his proposals were rejected, and lie himself suddenly appeared in the neighbourhood of Heracleia, Critolails at once raised the siege of the town, quitted his position, and fled southward. Metellus followed and overtook him near the town of Scarphea in Locris, where he gained an easy but brilliant victory over the Achaeans. A great number of the latter fell, and 1000 of them were made prisoners by the Romans. Critolaiis himself was never heard of after this battle. Livy (Epit. 52) states, that he poisoned himself, but it seems more probable that he perished in the sea or the marshes on the coast. Critolails was the immediate cause of the war which terminated in the destruction of Corinth and put an end to the political existence of Greece. His plan of opposing Rome at that time by force of arms was the offspring of a mad brain, and the way in which he proceeded in carrying it into effect shewed what a contemptible and cowardly demagogue he was. (Polyb. xxxviii. 2, &c., xl. 1, &c.; Paus. vii. cc. 1 4 and 15; Florus, ii. 16; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 38; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. iv. p. 304, &c.) [L. S.] CRITON (Kpirw-), of Athens, the friend and disciple of Socrates, is more celebrated in antiquity
Page 895 CRITON. CRIUS. 895 for his love and affection for his master, whom he Galen (De Compos. Medicamn. sec. GCen. ii. 11, vi. 1, generously supported with his fortune (Diog. vol. xiii. pp. 516, 862); he is also quoted by Laert. ii. 20, 121), than as a philosopher himself. Aetius and Paulus Aegineta, and may perhaps be Accordingly, whenever he is introduced in Plato's the person to whom one of the letters of Apollodialogues, his attachment to Socrates is extolled, nius of Tyana is addressed. (Ep. xvii. ed. Colon. and not his philosophical talents. It was Criton Agripp. 1623, 8vo.) None of his works are exwho had made every arrangement for the escape tant, except a few fragments preserved by other of Socrates from prison, and who tried, in vain, to authors. He is perhaps the author of a work on persuade him to fly, as we see from Plato's dia- Cookery, mentioned by Athenaeus. (xii. p. 516.) logue named after him; and it was Criton also 2. Another physician of the same name is menwho closed the eyes of' the dying philosopher. tioned by Galen as having belonged to the sect of (Plat. Phaedon, p. 118, a.) Criton applied his great the Empirici in the fourth or third century bcriches, which are mentioned by Socrates in a jocose fore Christ. (De Subfig. Empir. c. 1, vol. ii. p. way in the Euthydemus of Plato (p. 304, c.), to 340, ed. Chart.) [W. A. G.] the noblest purposes. His sons, of whom he pos- L. CRITO'NIUS, a Roman, who was aedilis sessed four according to Diogenes Lairtius (ii. cerealis in B. c. 44. This office had been instituted 121), and two according to Plato (Eutliydem. p. by J. Caesar, and Critonius and M. Fannius were 360, with Heindorf's note), were likewise disciples the first who filled it. Appian (B. C. iii. 23) reof Socrates. The eldest of them was Critobulus. lates the following occurrence respecting Critonius. [CIIvTOBULUS.] When the Cerealia were celebrated, shortly after Criton wrote seventeen dialogues on philoso- the murder of Caesar, and Octavianus erected the phical subjects, the titles of which are given by golden sella with a crown in honour of Caesar,-a Diogenes Laiirtius (I. c.). Among these there distinction which had been conferred upon the was one " On Poetics" (ISepl noitioriics), which dictator by a senatusconsultum,-Critonius declared is the only work on this subject mentioned in the that he would not suffer Caesar to be thus hohistory of Greek literature before the work of noured in the games for which he (Critonius) himAristotle. (The passages in Plato's writings, in self had to pay the expenses. This conduct of a which Criton is mentioned, are collected in Groen man who had belonged to the party of Caesar, and van Prinsterer, Prosopograplhia Platonica, p. 200, had been promoted by him (comp. Cic. ad Att. xiii. &c., Lugd. Bat. 1823; comp. Hermann, Gesch. und 21), is indeed surprising; but it may have been System der Platon. Philosophic, i. p. 633.) [A.S.] the consequence of a strong republican enthusiasm. CRITON (Kpirws). 1. Of AEGAE, a Pytha- Another more serious difficulty is contained in the gorean philosopher, a fragment of whose work, fact, that the Cerealia, at which Octavianus is here irepI -rpovoias ical dyaOis ri-75s, is preserved by represented to have been present, were celebrated Stobaeus. (Serm. 3; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. i. pp. in the early part of April (Diet. of Ant. s.v. Cerea840, 886.) lia), that is, before the time at which Octavianus is 2. Of ATHENS, a comic poet of the new comedy, known to have returned to Rome. Unless, thereof very little note. Of his comedies there only fore, we suppose that there is some blunder in the remain a few lines and three titles, Al'rwhXof, 4hAo- account of Appian, we must believe that the celerpdyfeov, and Mefoewia. (Pollux. ix. 4. 15, x. bration of the games in that year was postponed 7. 35; Ath. iv. p. 173, b.; Meineke, Frag. Corn. on account of the great confusion that followed CGraec. i. p. 484, iv. pp. 537, 538.) after the murder of Caesar. (Drumann, Gesch. 3. Of NAxus. [EUDoxus.] Roms, i. p. 123.) 4. Of PIERIA, in Macedonia, wrote historical The annexed coin refers to this Critonius. It and descriptive works, entitled IfHaNuXocad, Svpa- bears on the obverse the head of Ceres, and' on iovecw v nreoioS, Hep0o1arC, IZceAutLd, UPepacKovoev the reverse two men sitting, with the legend, Trepir'yr-qms, and repiL 7rs dpyi-s rwcv MCaKEdVwv. M. FAN. L. CRIT., and it was doubtless struck by (Suid. s. v.) Immediately before, Suidas has the order of M. Fannius and L. Critonius in the year entry, Kpltrov E yPEpaey iE rov s T eTicosS. (Comp. that they were aediles cereales. [L. S.] Suid. s. v. *y4coi;, Steph. Byz. rerfa.) Whether this was the same person is not known. (Voss. Hist. Graec. p. 423, Westermann; Ebert, de Critone Pieriota in Diss. Sic. i. p. 138.) [P. S.] A CRITON (Kpirwv). 1. A physician at Rome in the first or second century after Christ, attached to the court of one of the emperors (Gal. De Compos. Medicams. sec. Locos, i. 3, vol. xii. p. 445), probably Trajan, A. D. 98-117. He is perhaps the person mentioned by Martial. (Epigr. xi. 60. CRIUS or CREIUS (Kpios), a son of Uranus 6.) He wrote a work on Cosmetics (Koop-ruKacd) and Ge, and one of the Titans, who was the fain four books, which were very popular in Galen's ther of Astraeus, Pallas, and Perses. (Hesiod. time (ibid. p. 446) and which contained almost all -Theog. 375; Apollod. i. 1. ~ 3, 2. ~ 2.) [L. S.] that had been written on the same subject by CRIUS (KpLos), son of Polycritus, and one of Heracleides of Tarentum, Cleopatra, and others, the chief men of Aegina. When the Aeginetans, The contents of each chapter of the four books in B. c. 491, had submitted to the demand of have been preserved by Galen (ibid.), by whom Dareius Hystaspis for earth and water, Cleomenes the work is frequently quoted, and have been in- I., king of Sparta, crossed over to the island to serted by Fabricius in the twelfth volume of the apprehend those who had chiefly advised the meaold edition of his Biblioth. Graeca. He wrote also sure, but was successfully resisted by Crius on the a work on Simple Medicines (isepi 7trW 'ATrAc ground that he had not come with authority from acndicwve) of which the fourth book is quoted by the Spartan government, since his colleague Dema
Page 896 896 CROESUS. ratus was not with him. Cleomenes, being obliged to withdraw, consoled himself by a play on the words KpLos and Kpios (a ram), advising the refractory Aeginetan to arm his horns with brass, as he would soon need all the defence he could get. (Herod. vi. 50; comp. v. 75.) It was supposed that the resistance had been privately encouraged by Demaratus (vi. 61, 64), and on the deposition of the latter, and the appointment of Leotychides to the throne (vi. 65, 66), Cleomenes again went to Aegina with his new colleague, and, having seized Crius and others, delivered them into the custody of the Athenians. (vi. 73; comp. 85, &c.) Polycritus, the son of Crius, distinguished himself at the battle of Salamis, B. c. 480, and wiped off the reproach of Medism. (viii. 92.) [E. E.] CRIXUS (Kpiýos), a Gaul, was one of the two principal generals in the army of Spartacus, B. c. 73. Two Roman armies had already been defeated by the revolted gladiators and slaves, when Crixus was defeated in a battle near mount Garganus by the consul L. Gellius, in B. c. 72. Crixus himself was slain, and two-thirds of his army, which consisted of 30,000 men, were destroyed on the field of battle. Spartacus soon after sacrificed 300 Roman captives to the manes of Crixus. (Appian, B. C. i. 116, &c.; Liv. Epit. 95, 96; Sall. Fragm. Hist. lib. iii.) [L. S.] CRO'BYLUS (KpWdsvos), an Athenian comic poet, who is reckoned among the poets of the new comedy, but it is uncertain whether he really belonged to the middle or the new. About his age we only know for certain, that he lived about or after B. c. 324, but not how long after. Some writers have confounded him with Hegesippus. [HEGESIPPUS.] The following titles of his plays, and a few lines, are extant: 'ATratyX'seEYos, 'ArroMXroUo'a, 'evSav7roeoXipuatos (Athen. iii. p. 109,d., 107,e., vi. p. 248, b., 258, b. c., viii. p. 364, f., ix. p. 384, c., x. p. 429, d., 443, f.; Meineke, Frag. Comm. Graec. i. pp. 490, 491,iv. pp. 565-569.) [P. S.] CROCE'ATAS (Kpoicecras), a surname of Zeus, derived from a place, Croceae, near Gythium in Laconia. (Paus. iii. 21. ~ 4.) [L. S.] CROCON (Kpde'ov), the husband of Saesara and father of Meganeira. (Apollod. iii. 9. ~ 1; Paus. i. 58. ~ 2; comp. ARCAS.) [L. S.] CROCUS, the beloved friend of Smilax, was changed by the gods into a saffron plant, because he loved without being loved again. According to another tradition, he was metamorphosed by his friend Hermes, who had killed him in a game of discus. (Ov. MIet. iv. 283; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iv. 182.) [L. S.] CROESUS (Kpoo'os), the last king of Lydia, of the family of the Mermnadae, was the son of Alyattes; his mother was a Carian. At the age of thirty-five, he succeeded his father in the kingdom of Lydia. (B. c. 560.) Difficulties have been raised about this date, and there are very strong reasons for believing that Croesus was associated in the kingdom during his father's life, and that the earlier events of his reign, as recorded by Herodotus, belong to this period of joint government. (Clinton F. H. ii. pp. 297, 298.) We are expressly told that he was made satrap of Adramyttium and the plain of Thebe about B. c. 574 or 572. (Nicol. Damasc. p. 243, ed. Cor., supposed io be taken from the Lydian history of Xanthus; Fischer, Griecltische Zeittafeln, s. a. 572 B. c.) Hie made war first on the Ephesians, and after CROESUS. wards on the other Ionian and Aeolian cities of Asia Minor, all of which he reduced to the payment of tribute. He was meditating an attempt to subdue the insular Greeks also, when either Bias or Pittacus turned him from his purpose by a clever fable (Herod. i. 27); and instead of attacking the islanders he made an alliance with them. Croesus next turned his arms against the peoples of Asia Minor west of the river Halys, all of whom he subdued except the Lycians and Cilicians. His dominions now extended from the northern and western coasts of Asia Minor, to the Halys on the east and the Taurus on the south, and included the Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynians, Chalybes, Paphlagonians, the Thynian and Bithynian Thracians, the Carians, lonians, Dorians, Aeolians, and Pamphylians. The fame of his power and wealth drew to his court at Sardis all the wise men (oeoiprorai) of Greece, and among them Solon. To him the king exhibited all his treasures, and then asked him who was the happiest man he had ever seen. The reply of Solon, teaching that no man should be deemed happy till he had finished his life in a happy way, may be read in the beautiful narrative of Herodotus. After the departure of Solon, Croesus was visited with a divine retribution for his pride. He had two sons, of whom one was dumb, but the other excelled all his comrades in manly accomplishments. His name was Atys. Croesus had a dream that Atys should perish by an iron-pointed weapon, and in spite of all his precautions, an accident fulfilled the dream. His other son lived to save his father's life by suddenly regaining the power of speech when he saw Croesus in danger at the taking of Sardis. Adrastus, the unfortunate slayer of Atys, killed himself on his tomb, and Croesus gave himself up to grief for two years. At the end of that time the growing power of Cyrus, who had recently subdued the Median kingdom, excited the apprehension of Croesus, and he conceived the idea of putting down the Persians before their empire became firm. Before, however, venturing to attack Cyrus, he looked to the Greeks for aid, and to their oracles for counsel; and in both points he was deceived. In addition to the oracles among the Greeks, he consulted that of Ammon in Lybia; but first he put their truth to the test by sending messengers to inquire of them at a certain time what he was then doing. The replies of the oracle of Amphiarails and that of the Delphi at Pytho were correct; that of the latter is preserved by Herodotus. To these oracles, and especially to that at Pytho, Croesus sent rich presents, and charged the bearers of them to inquire whether he should march against the Persians, and whether there was any people whom he ought to make his allies. The reply of both oracles was, that, if he marched against the Persians, he would overthrow a great empire, and both advised him to make allies of the most powerful among the Greeks. He of course understood the response to refer to the Persian 'empire, and not, as the priests explained it after the event, to his own; and he sent presents to each of the Delphians, who in return granted to him and his people the privileges of priority in consulting the oracle, exemption from charges, and the chief seat at festivals (Trpo/Lav'T"rl'ry al acieAiiPv ical rpoeapio'), and that any one of them might at any time obtain certain rights of citizen
Page 897 CROESUS. ship (yevrOaiL AAexpvo). Croesus, having now the most unbounded confidence in the oracle, consulted it for the third time, asking whether his monarchy would last long. The Pythia replied that he should flee along the Hermus, when a mule became king over the Medes. By this mule was signified Cyrus, who was descended of two different nations, his father being a Persian, but his mother a Mede. Croesus, however, thought that a mule would never be king overi the Medes, and proceeded confidently to follow the advice of the oracle about making allies of the Greeks. Upon inquiry, he found that the Lacedaemonians and Athenians were the most powerful of the Greeks; but that the Athenians were distracted by the civil dissensions between Peisistratus and the Alcmaeonidae, while the Lacedaemonians had just come off victorious from a long and dangerous war with the people of Tegea. Croesus therefore sent presents to the Lacedaemonians, with a request for their alliance, and his request was granted by the Lacedaemonians, on whom he had previously conferred a favour. All that they did for him, however, was to send a present, which never reached him. Croesus, having now fully determined on the war, in spite of the good advice of a Lydian named Sandanis (Herod. i. 71), and having some time before made a league with Amasis, king of Egypt, and Labynetus, king of the Babylonians, marched across the Halys, which was the boundary betweeen the Medo-Persian empire and his own. The pretext for his aggression was to avenge the wrongs of his brother-in-law Astyages, whom Cyrus had deposed from the throne of Media. He wasted the country of the Cappadocians (whom the Greeks called also Syrians) and took their strongest town, that of the Pterii, near Sinope, in the neighbourhood of which he was met by Cyrus, and they fought an indecisive battle, which was broken off by night. (B. c. 546.) The following day, as Cyrus did not offer. battle, and as his own army was much inferior to the Persian in numbers, Croesus marched back to Sardis, with the intention of summoning his allies and recruiting his own forces, and then renewing the war on the return of spring. Accordingly, he sent heralds to the Aegyptians, Babylonians, and Lacedaemonians, requesting their aid at Sardis in five months, and in the meantime he disbanded all his mercenary troops. Cyrus, however, pursued him with a rapidity which he had not expected, and appeared before Sardis before his approach could be announced. Croesus led out his Lydian cavalry to battle, and was totally defeated. In this battle Cyrus is said to have employed the stratagem of opposing his camels to the enemy's horses, which could not endure the noise or odour of the camels. Croesus, being now shut up in Sardis, sent again to hasten his allies. One of his emissaries, named Eurybatus, betrayed his counsels to Cyrus [EuRYBATUS], and before any help could arrive, Sardis was taken by the boldness of a Mardian, who found an unprotected point in its defences, after Croesus had reigned 14 years, and had been besieged 14 days. (Near the end of 546, B. c.) Croesus was taken alive, and devoted to the flames by Cyrus, together with 14 Lydian youths, probably as a thafiksgiving sacrifice to the god whom the Persians worship in the symbol of fire. But as Croesus stood in fetters upon the pyre, the warning of Solon came to his mind, and having CRONIUS. 897 broken a long silence with a groan, he thrice uttered the name of Solon. Cyrus inquired who it was that he called on, and, upon hearing the story, repented of his purpose, and ordered the fire to be quenched. When this could not be done, Croesus prayed aloud with tears to Apollo, by all the presents he had given him, to save him now, and immediately the fire was quenched by a storm of rain. Believing that Croesus was under a special divine protection, and no doubt also struck by the warning of Solon, Cyrus took Croesus for his friend and counsellor, and gave him for an abode the city of Barene, near Ecbatana. In his expedition against the Massagetae, Cyrus had Croesus with him, and followed his advice about the passage of the Araxes. Before passing the river, however, he sent him back to Persia, with his own son Cambyses, whom he charged to honour Croesus, and Croesus to advise his son. When Cambyses came to the throne, and invaded Egypt, Croesus accompanied him. In the affair of Prexaspes and his son, Croesus at first acted the part of a flattering courtier, though not, as it seems, without a touch of irony (Herod. iii. 34); but, after Cambyses had murdered the youth, Croesus boldly admonished him, and was obliged to fly for his life from the presence of the king. The servants of Cambyses concealed him, thinking that their master would repent of having wished to kill him. And so it happened; but when Cambyses heard that Croesus was alive, he said that he was glad, but he ordered those who had saved him to be put to death for their disobedience. Of the time and circumstances of Croesus's death we know nothing. A few additional, but unimportant incidents in his life, are mentioned by Herodotus. Ctesias's account of the taking of Sardis is somewhat different from that of Herodotus. (Herod. i. 6, 7, 26-94, 130, 155, 207, 208, iii. 14, 34-36, v. 36, vi. 37, 125, viii. 35; Ctesias, Persica, 4, ed. Lion, ap. Phot. Cod. 72, p. 36, Bekker; Ptol. Hephaest. ap. Phot. Cod. 190, p. 146, b. 21, 148, b. 31; Plut. Sol. 27; Diod. ix. 2, 25-27, 29, 31-34, xvi. 56; Justin i. 7.) Xenophon, in his historical romance, gives some further particulars about Croesus which are unsupported by any other testimony and opposed to that of Herodotus, with whom, however, he for the most part agrees. (Cyrop i. 5, ii. 1, iv. 1, 2, vi. 2, vii. 1-4, viii. 2.) [P. S.] CROMUS (Kpg3ios), a son of Poseidon, from whom Cromyon in the territory of Corinth was believed to have derived its name. (Paus. ii. 1. ~ 3.) A son of Lycaon likewise bore this name. (Paus. viii. 3. ~ 1.) [L. S.] CRO'NIDES or CRONI'ON (KpoviL"s or Kpoviov), a patronymic from Cronus, and very commonly given to Zeus, the son of Cronus. (Horn. II. i. 528, ii. 111, &c.) [L. S.] CRO'NIUS (Kpdvios), the name of two mythical personages, the one a son of Zeus by the nymph Himalia (Diod. v. 55), and the other a suitor of Hippodameia, who was killed by Oenomaus. (Paus. vi. 21. ~ 7.) [L. S.] CRO'NIUS (Kpovtos), a Pythagorean philosopher. (Porphyr. Vit. Plot. 20; Euseb. Ilist. Eccles. vi. 19.) Nemesius (de Anim. 2, p. 35) mentions a work of his rtep1 raAxyYevero'eias, and Origen is said to have diligently studied the works of Cronius. (Suid. s.v.'.ppiyvrs.) Porphyrius also states, that he endeavoured to explain the fables of the 3M
Page 898 898 CTESIAS. Homeric poems in a philosophical manner. This is all we know about Cronius, although he appears to have been very distinguished among the later Pythagoreans. [L. S.] CRO'NIUS, an engraver of gems, who lived between the times of Alexander and Augustus. (Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 4; Visconti, Oeuv. div. ii. p. 123.) [L. U.] CRONUS (Kpovos), a son of Uranus and Ge, and the youngest among the Titans. He was married to Rhea, by whom he became the father of Hestia, Demeter, Hera, Hades, Poseidon, and Zeus. Cheiron is also called a son of Cronus. (Hesiod. Theog. 137, 452, &c.; Apollod. i. 1. ~ 3, &c.) At the instigation of his mother, Cronus unmanned his father for having thrown the Cyclopes, who were likewise his children by Ge, into Tartarus. Out of the blood thus shed sprang up the Erinnyes. When the Cyclopes were delivered from Tartarus, the government of the world was taken from Uranus and given to Cronus, who in his turn lost it through Zeus, as was predicted to him by Ge and Uranus. [ZEUS.] The Romans identified their Saturnus with the Cronus of the Greeks. [SATURNUS.] [L. S.] CROTUS (Kpdovs), a son of Pan by Eupheme, the nurse of the Muses, with whom he was brought up, and at whose request he was placed among the stars as Sagittarius, as he had been a skilful shooter. (Hygin. Fab. 224; PoEit. Astr. ii. 77.) [L. S.] CRUS, an agnomen of L. Cornelius Lentulus, consul, B. c. 49. [LENTULus.] CTEATUS. [MOLIONES.] CTE'SIAS (KTrioeuas). 1. Of Cnidus in Caria, and a son of Ctesiochus or Ctesiarchus. (Suid. s. v. KTnrjoas; Eudocia, p. 268; Tzetz. Cil. i. 82.) Cnidus was celebrated from early times as a seat of medical knowledge, and Ctesias, who himself belonged to the family of the Asclepiadae, was a physician by profession. He was a contemporary of Xenophon; and if Herodotus lived till B.c. 425, or, according to some, even till B. c. 408, Ctesias may be called a contemporary of Herodotus. He lived for a number of years in Persia at the court of king Artaxerxes Mnemon, as private physician to the king. (Strab. xiv. p. 656.) Diodorus (ii. 32) states, that Ctesias was made prisoner by the king, and that owing to his great skill in medicine, he was afterwards drawn to the court, and was highly honoured there. This statement, which contains nothing to suggest the time when Ctesias was made prisoner, has been referred by some critics to the war between Artaxerxes and his brother, Cyrus the Younger, B. c. 401. But, in the first place, Ctesias is already mentioned, during that war, as accompanying the king. (Xen. Anab. i. 8. ~ 27.) Moreover, if as Diodorus, and Tzetzes state, Ctesias remained seventeen years at the court of Persia, and returned to his native country in B. c. 398 (Diod. xiv. 46; comp. Plut. Artaoc. 21), it follows, that he must have gone to Persia long before the battle of Cunaxa, that is, about B. c. 415. The statement, that Ctesias entered Persia as a prisoner of war, has' been doubted; and if we consider the favour with which other Greek physicians, such as Democedes and Hippocrates were treated and how they were sought for at the court of Persia, it is not-improbable that Ctesias may have been invited to the court; but the express statement of Diodorus, that he was made a prisoner cannot be upset by such a CTESIAS. mere probability. There are two accounts respecting his return to Cnidus. It took place at the time when Conon was in Cyprus. Ctesias himself had simply stated, that he asked Artaxerxes and obtained from him the permission to return. According to the other account, Conon sent a letter to the king, in which he gave him advice as to the means of humbling the Lacedaemonians. Conon requested the bearer to get the letter delivered to the king by some of the Greeks who were staying at his court. When the letter was given for this purpose to Ctesias, the latter inserted a passage in which he made Conon desire the king to send Ctesias to the west, as he would be a very useful person there. (Plut. Artax. 21.) The latter account is not recommended by any strong internal probability, and the simple statement of Ctesias himself seems to be more entitled to credit. 'How long Ctesias survived his return to Cnidus is unknown. During his stay in Persia, Ctesias gathered all the information that was attainable in that country, and wrote - 1. A great work on the history of Persia (ITEpouca') with the view of giving his countrymen a more accurate knowledge of that empire than they possessed, and to refute the errors current in Greece, which had arisen partly from ignorance and partly from the national vanity of the Greeks. The materials for his history, so far as he did not describe events of which he had been an eye-witness, he derived, according to the testimony of Diodorus, from the Persian archives (r8ip4e BpanSIAtLKat), or the official history of the Persian empire, which was written in accordance with a law of the country. This important work of Ctesias, which, like that of Herodotus, was written in the Ionic dialect, consisted of twentythree books. The first six contained the history of the great Assyrian monarchy down to the foundation of the kingdom of Persia. It is for this reason that Strabo (xiv. p. 656) speaks of Ctesias as ovyypcpa'as T 'AoruvpiaicKd caI 7a HSleplKd. The next seven books contained the history of Persia down to the end of the reign of Xerxes, and the remaining ten carried the history down to the time when Ctesias left Persia, i. e. to the year B. c. 398. (Diod. xiv. 46.) The form and style of this work were of considerable merit, and its loss may be regarded as one of the most serious for the history of the East. (Dionys. Hal. De Conmp. Verb. 10; Demetr. Phal. De Elocut. ~~ 212, 215.) All that is now extant of it is a meagre abridgment in Photius (Cod. 72), and a number of fragments which are preserved in Diodorus, Athenaeus, Plutarch, and others. Of the first portion, which contained the history of Assyria, there is no abridgment in Photius, and all we possess of that part is contained in the second book of Diodorus, which seems to be taken almost entirely from Ctesias. There we find that the accounts of Ctesias, especially in their chronology, differ considerably from those of Berosus, who likewise derived his information from eastern sources. These discrepancies can only be explained by the fact, that the annals used by the two historians were written in - different places and under different circumstances. The chronicles used by Ctesias were written by official persons, and those used by Berosus were the work of priests; both therefore were written from a different point of view, and neither was perhaps strictly true in all its details. The part of
Page 899 CTESIAS. Ctesias's work which contained the history of Persia, that is, from the sixth book to the end, is somewhat better known from the extracts which Photius made from it, and which are still extant. Here again Ctesias is frequently at variance with other Greek writers, especially with Herodotus. To account for this, we must remember, that he is expressly reported to have written his work with the intention of correcting the erroneous notions about Persia in Greece; and if this was the case, the reader must naturally be prepared to find the accounts of Ctesias differing from those of others. It is moreover not improbable, that the Persian chronicles were as partial to the Persians, if not more so, as the accounts written by Greeks were to the Greeks. These considerations sufficiently account, in our opinion, for the differences existing between the statements of Ctesias and other writers; and there appears to be no reason for charging him, as some have done, with wilfully falsifying history. It is at least certain, that there can be no positive evidence for such a serious charge. The court chronicles of Persia appear to have contained chiefly the history of the royal family, the occurrences at the court and the seraglio, the intrigues of the women and eunuchs, and the insurrections of satraps to make themselves independent of the great monarch. Suidas (s. v. flripta) mentions, that Pamphila made an abridgment of the work of Ctesias, probably the Persica, in three books. Another work, for which Ctesias also collected his materials during his stay in Persia, was-2. A treatise on India ('IveSKd) in one book, of which we likewise possess an abridgment in Photius, and a great number of fragments preserved in other writers. The description refers chiefly to the north-western part of India, and is principally confined to a description of the natural history, the produce of the soil, and the animals and men of India. In this description truth is to a great extent mixed up with fables, and it seems to be mainly owing to this work that Ctesias was looked upon in later times as an author who deserved no credit. But if his account of India is looked upon from a proper point of view, it does not in any way deserve to be treated with contempt. Ctesias himself never visited India, and his work was the first in the Greek language that was written upon that country: he could do nothing more than lay before his countrymen that which was known or believed about India among the Persians. His Indica must therefore be regarded as a picture of India, such as it was conceived by the Persians. Many things in his description which were formerly looked upon as fabulous, have been proved by the more recent discoveries in India to be founded on facts. Ctesias also wrote several other works, of which, however, we know little more than their titles: they were-3. Ilepi 'Opwv, which consisted of at least two books. (Plut. de Fluv. 21; Stob. Froriil. C. 18.) 4. HepiTrhovs 'Aolas (Steph. Byz. s. v. i-yvvos), which is perhaps the same as the Iepni-- y7vois of which Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. Koe-Vryr) quotes the third book. 5. lepl Ho-rapv (Plut. de Fluv. 19), and 6. IepI 'rWT Ktcara,rvu 'AValav (Popuv. It has been inferred from a passage in Galen (v. p. 652, ed. Basil.), that Ctesias also wrote on medicine, but no accounts of his medical works have come down to us. The abridgment which Photius made of the CTESICLES. 899 Persica and Indica of Ctesias were printed separately by H. Stephens, Paris, 1 557 and 1594, 8vo., and were also added to his edition of Herodotus. After his time it became customary to print the remains of Ctesias as an appendix to Herodotus. The first separate edition of those abridgments, together with the fragments preserved in other writers, is that of A. Lion, Gittingen, 1823, 8vo., with critical notes and a Latin translation. A more complete edition, with an introductory essay on the life and writings of Ctesias, is that of Bihr, Frankfort, 1824, 8vo. (Compare Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 740, &c.; Rettig, Clesiae Cnidii Vits cum appendice de libris Ctesiae, Hanov. 1827, 8vo.; K. L. Blum, Herodot und Ctesias, Heidelb. 1836, 8vo.) 2. Of Ephesus, an epic poet, who is mentioned by Plutarch (de Flzuv. 18) as the author of an epic poem, rIHpo-r's. His age is quite unknown. Welcker (Der Episch. l. cl. p. 50) considers this Ctesias to be the same as the Musaeus (which he regards as a fictitious name) of Ephesus to whom Suidas and Eudocia ascribe an epic poem, Perseis, in ten books. But this is a mere conjecture, in support of which little can be said. [L. S.] CTESI'BIUS (KTIvrl4&os). 1. A Greek historian, who probably lived at the time of the first Ptolemies, or at least after the time of Demosthenes, for we learn from Plutarch (Dem. 5), that Iermippus of Smyrna referred to him as his authority for some statement respecting Demosthenes. According to Apollodorus (ap. Phlegon. de Longaev. 2), Ctesibius died during a walk at the age of 104, and according to Lucian (Macrob. 22), at the age of 124 years. Whether he was the author of a work, n-epi tXotoeopls, referred to by Plutarch (Vit. X Orat. p. 844, c.) is uncertain. 2. A Cynic philosopher, a native of Chalcis and a friend of Menedemus. According to Athenaeus, who relates an anecdote about him, he lived in the reign of Antigonus, king of Macedonia. (Athen. i. p. 15, iv. p. 162.) [L. S.] CTESI'BIUS (KT-eos), celebrated for his mechanical inventions, was born at Alexandria, and lived probably about B. c. 250, in the reigns of Ptolemy Philadelphus and Euergetes, though Athenaeus (iv. p. 174) says, that he flourished in the time of the second Euergetes. His father was a barber, but his own taste led him to devote himself to mechanics. He is said to have invented a clepsydra or water-clock, a hydraulic organ (i'6pavAhs) and other machines, and to have been the first to discover the elastic force of air and apply it as a moving power. Vitruvius (lib. vii. praef.) mentions him as an author, but none of his works remain. He was the teacher, and has been supposed to have been the father, of Hero Alexandrinus, whose treatise called FSeXoiroicad has also sometimes been attributed to him. (Vitruv. ix. 9, x. 12; Plin. I1. N. vii. 37; Athen. iv. p. 174, xi. p. 497; Philo Byzant. ap. Vet. Malth. pp. 56, 67, 72; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 591.) [W. F. D.] CTE'SICLES (KT'iLKAýs), the author of a chronological work (Xpovsea' or Xpovoe), of which two fragments are preserved in Athenaeus (vi. p. 272, x. p. 445.) [L. S.] CTE'SICLES, the author af a beautiful statue at Samos, about which a similar story is told by Athenaeus (xiii. p. 606, a.) as that respecting the injury sustained by the Cnidian Venus of Praxiteles. [L. U.] 3 am 2
Page 900 900 CUBA. CTESIDE'MUS, a painter celebrated for two pictures, representing the conquest of Oechalia and the story of Laodamia. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 40. ~ 33.) He was the master of Antiphilus (Plin. xxxv. 37), a contemporary of Apelles. [L. U.] CTESILAUS. [CRESILAUS.] CTESI'LOCHUS, a painter, the pupil and perhaps brother of Apelles, known by a ludicrous picture representing the birth of Bacchus. (Plin. xxxv. 40. ~ 33; Suid. s. v. 'ArsEAXjs.) [L. U.] CTE'SIPHON (K'Toa-lv). 1. A son of Leosthenes of Anaphlystus, was accused by Aeschines for having proposed the decree, that Demosthenes should be honoured with the crown. [AESCHINES; DEMOSTHENES.] 2. An Athenian, who was sent in B. c. 348 as ambassador to king Philip of Macedonia, with the view of recovering the ransom which Phrynon of Rhamnus had been obliged to pay during the truce of the Olympian games to pirates who were in the pay of Philip. On his return from Macedonia, Ctesiphon confirmed the report which had been brought to Athens by Euboean ambassadors, that Philip was inclined to make peace with the Athenians. After this, Ctesiphon was one of the ten ambassadors who treated with Philip about peace. (Dem. de Fals. Leg. pp. 344, 371; Argum. ad Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 336; Aeschin. de Fals. Leg. cc. 4, 12, 14; Harpocrat. s. v. KrIfa?'ispV.) 3. The author of a work on Boeotia, of which Plutarch (Parall. Min. 12) quotes the third book. Whether he is the same as the Ctesiphon who wrote on plants and trees (Plut. de Fluv. 14, 18) is uncertain. 4. An Athenian poet, who wrote a peculiar "kind of martial songs called KOiAa@poi, and seems to have lived at the court of the Attali at Pergamus. (Athen. xv. p. 697.) [L. S.] CTESIPHON, artist. [CHERSIPHRON.] CTESIPPUS (K-TL7r7rnos). 1. The name of two sons of Heracles, the one by Deianeira, and the other by Astydameia. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8; Paus. ii. 19. ~ 1, iii. 16. ~ 5.) 2. A son of Polytherses of Same, one of the suitors of Penelope, was killed by Philoetius, the cow-herd. (Hom. Od. xx. 288, &c., xxii. 285, &c.) [L. S.] CTESIPPUS (KTry'a-nros). 1. [CHABRIAS, p. 676, b.] 2. The author of a history of Scythia, of which the second book is quoted by Plutarch. (De Flue. 5.) [L. S.] CTE'SIUS (KrTo'Los), the protector of property, occurs as a surname of Zeus at Phlyus, and of Hermes. (Athen. xi. p. 473; Paus. i. 31. ~ 2.) Ctesius occurs also as a proper name. (Hom. Od. xv. 413.) [L. S.] CTESYLLA (Kr-r'viAAa), a beautiful maiden of the island of Cos, of whom and Hermochares Antoninus Liberalis (Met. 1) relates nearly the same story which other writers relate of Cydippe and Acontius. [ACONTIUS.] Buttmann (Mythol. ii. p. 135, &c.) thinks that Ctesylla was originally an attribute of some ancient national divinity at Ceos-Aphrodite Ctesylla was worshipped therewho was believed to have had some love affair with a mortal. [L. S.] CUBA, CUNI'NA, and RUMI'NA, three Roman genii, who were worshipped as the protectors of infants sleeping in their cradles, and to whom libations of milk were offered. Cunae signi CULLEOLUS. fies a cradle, and ruma or rumis was in ancient Latin the same as mamma, a mother's breast. (August. de Civit. Dei, iv. 10, &c.; Lactant. i. 20, 36; Varro, ap. Non. p. 167, ap. Donat. ad Terent. Phorm. i. 1. 14.) [L. S.] CUBI'DIUS. [COBIDAS.] CU'LLEO or CU'LEO, the name of a plebeian family of the Terentia gens. 1. Q. TERENTIUS CULLEO, belonged to a family of praetorian rank, and was a senator of considerable distinction. (Val. Max. v. 2. ~ 5.) He was taken prisoner in the course of the second Punic war, but at what time is uncertain, and obtained his liberty at the conclusion of the war in B.c. 201. To shew his gratitude to P. Scipio, he followed his triumphal car, wearing the pileus or cap of liberty, like an emancipated slave; and subsequently, on the death of Scipio, he attended his funeral, walking before the bier with the cap of liberty again on his head, and he likewise distributed mulsum, or sweet wine, among the attendants of the funeral. In B. C. 195, Culleo was one of the three ambassadors who were sent to Carthage to complain that Hannibal was forming the design of making war upon the Romans in conjunction with Antiochus. In B. c. 1 87 Culleo was praetor peregrinus, and he was appointed by the senate in this year as the commissioner to conduct the inquiry respecting the money of Antiochus, which was said to have been misappropriated by L. Scipio Asiaticus and his legates. This appointment was made under a plebiscitum which had been carried chiefly through the influence of Cato the censor, and which referred to the senate to nominate a commissioner to inquire into the matter. The respect which Culleo had paid to P. Scipio was well known, and the friends of the Scipios probably supported his appointment for that reason; though it is stated, on the other hand, that his nomination to the office was brought about by the enemies of Scipio, because lie was in reality an enemy to the family, and had been guilty of hypocrisy in the honours he had paid to his deliverer from captivity. But however this may be, L. Scipio and others were condemned by him; from which we may conclude, either that he was in reality in league with the party opposed to the Scipios, or that their guilt was so clear that he dared not acquit even his friends. In B. C. 184, Culleo was an unsuccessful candidate for the consulship, and in 181 was one of the three ambassadors sent to Masinissa and Carthage to ask for assistance in the war against Perseus. (Liv. xxx. 43, 45, xxxiii. 47, xxxviii. 42, 55, xxxix. 32, xlii. 35; Val. Max. v. 2. ~ 5; Plut. Apophth. p. 196.) 2. Q. TERENTIUS CULLEO, was tribune of the plebs, B. c. 58, the year in which Cicero was banished. He was a friend of Cicero's, and did all in his power to prevent his banishment and afterwards to obtain his recall. He is mentioned by Cicero two years afterwards as one of the minor pontiffs. In the war which followed the death of Caesar we find Culleo in B. c. 43 passing over from the army of Antony to join Lentulus. Culleo was placed by Lepidus to guard the passage of the Alps; but he allowed Antony to cross them without offering any resistance. (Cic. ad Att. iii. 15, de Harusp. Resp. 6, ad Fam. x. 34, comp. ad Qu. Fr. ii. 2, ad Att. viii. 12; Appian, B. C. iii. 83.) L. CULLE'OLUS, proconsul, perhaps of Illy
Page 901 CURIA'TIUS. ricum, about B. c. 60, to whom two of Cicero's letters are addressed (ad Fam. xiii. 41, 42), was probably one of the Terentii. CUMA'NUS, VENTI'DIUS. [FELIX, ANTONIUS.] CUNCTA'TOR, a surname given to Q. Fabius IiMaximus, who fought against Hannibal. CUPI'DO was, like Amor and Voluptas, a modification of the Greek Eros, whose worship was carried to Rome from Greece. (Cic. ap. Lactant. i. 20. 14; Plaut. Cure. i. 1, 3; see ERos.) [L. S.] C. CUPIE'NNIUS. 1. A person to whom Cicero wrote a letter in B. c. 44, entreating him to interest himself in the affairs of the inhabitants of Buthrotum, and reminding him of the friendship which had existed between the father of Cupiennius and Cicero himself. (Cic. ad Att. xvi. 16, D.) 2. The Cupiennius attacked by Horace (Sat. i. 2. 36) on account of his adulterous intercourse with Roman matrons, is said by the Scholiast on Horace to have been C. Cupiennius Libo of Cuma, a friend of Augustus. There are some coins extant bearing the names of L. Cupiennius and C. Cupiennius; but who these persons were, is not known. (Eckhel, v. p. 199.) CURA, the personification of Care, respecting whose connexion with man an ingenious allegorical story is related by Hyginus. (Fab. 220.) [L. S.] CURE'TES. [ZEUS.] CURIA GENS, plebeian, is mentioned for the first time in the beginning of the third century B. c., when it was rendered illustrious by M'. Curius Dentatus. [DENTATUS.] This is the only cognomen which occurs in the gens: for the other members of it, see CURIUS. [L. S.] CURIA'TIA GENS. The existence of a patrician gens of this name is attested by Livy (i. 30, comp. Dionys. iii. 30), who expressly mentions the Curiatii among the noble Alban gentes, which, after the destruction of Alba, were transplanted to Rome, and there received among the Patres. This opinion is not contradicted by the fact that in B. c. 401 and 138 we meet with Curiatii who were tribunes of the people and consequently plebeians, for this phenomenon may be accounted for here, as in other cases, by the supposition that the plebeian Curiatii were the descendants of freedmen of the patrician Curiatii, or that some members of the patrician gens had gone over to the plebeians. The Alban origin of the Curiatii is also stated in the story about the three Curiatii who in the reign of Tullus Hostilius fought with the three Roman brothers, the Horatii, and were conquered by the cunning and bravery of one of the Horatii, though some writers described the Curiatii as Romans and the Horatii as Albans. (Liv. i. 24, &c.; Dionys. iii. 11, &c.; Plut. Parall. Gr. et. Rom. 16; Flor. i. 3; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 4; Zonar. vii. 6; Niebubr, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 348; comp. HoRATIus.) No members of the patrician Curiatia gens, so far as our records go, rose to any eminence at Rome, and there are but few whose names have come down to us. The only cognomen of the gens in the times of the republic is FISTus. For the plebeians who are mentioned without a cognomen, see CURIATIUs. [L. S.] CURIA'TIUS. 1. P. CURIATIUs, tribune of the people in B. c. 401. The college of tribunes in that year laboured under great unpopularity, as teo of them had been appointed by the co-optation CURIO. 901 of the college under the influence of the patricians. P. Curiatius and two of his colleagues, M. Metilius and M. Minucius, endeavoured to counteract the unpopularity and turn the hatred of the people against the patricians by bringing a charge against Sergius and Virginius, two military tribunes of the year previous, whom they declared to be the authors of all the mischief and the cause of the people's sufferings. Both the accused were condemned to pay a heavy fine, and the tribunes of the people soon after brought forward an agrarian law, and prevented the tribute for the maintenance of the armies being levied from the plebeians. (Liv. v. 11, 12.) 2. C. CURIATIUs, tribune of the people in B. c. 138, is characterised by Cicero (de Leg. iii. 9) as a homos infimus. He caused the consuls of the year, P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica (whom he nicknamed Serapio) and D. Junius Brutus to be thrown into prison for the severity with which they proceeded in levying fresh troops, and for their disregard to the privilege of the tribunes to exempt certain persons from military service. (Liv. Epit. 55; Val. Max. iii. 7. ~ 3.) There are extant several coins, on which we read C. CUR. TRIGE. or C. CUR. F., and which may belong to this tribune or a son of his; but it is just as probable that they belonged to some patrician C. Curiatius, about whom history furnishes no information. (Eckhel, v. p. 199, &c.) One C. Scaevius Curiatius, who lived in the early period of the empire, is mentioned in an inscription in Orelli (No. 4046) as duumvir in the municipium of Veii. [L. S.] CURIA'TIUS MATERNUS. [MATERNUS.] CU'RIO, the name of a family of the Scribonia gens. 1. C. SCRIBONIUS CURIO, was appointed curio maximus in B. c. 174, in the place of C. Mamilius Vitulus, who had been carried off by the plague. (Liv. xli. 26.) 2. C. SCRIBONIUS CURIO, praetor in B. c. 121, the year of C. Gracchus's death, was one of the most distinguished orators of his time. Cicero mentions one of his orations for Ser. Fulvius, who was accused of incest, and states, that when a young man he thought this oration by far the best of all extant orations; but he adds, that afterwards the speeches of Curio fell almost into oblivion. He was a contemporary of C. Julius Caesar Strabo, Cotta, and Antonius, and against the last of these he once spoke in the court of the centumviri for the brothers Cossus. (Cic. Brut. 32, de Invent. i. 43, de Orat. ii. 23, 33; Schol. Bob. in Argunm. Orat. in Clod. et Curion.; Pseud.-Cic. ad ]H-erenn. ii. 20; Plin. H. N. vii. 41.) 3. C. SCRIBOnsUS CURIO, a son of the former. In B. c. 100, when the seditious tribune L. Appuleius Saturninus was murdered, Curio was with the consuls. In B. c. 90, the year in which the Marsic war broke out, Curio was tribune of the people. He afterwards served in the army of Sulla during his war in Greece against Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, and when the city of Athens was taken, Curio besieged the tyrant Aristion in the acropolis. In B. c. 82 he was invested with the praetorship, and in 76 he was made consul together with Cn. Octavius. After the expiration of the consulship, he obtained Macedonia as his province, and carried on a war for three years in the north of his province against
Page 902 902 CURIO. CURIO. the Dardanians and Moesians with great success. reckless in squandering money as he was insatiable IHe was the first Roman general who advanced in in acquiring it, had by this time contracted enorthose regions as far as the river Danube, and on mous debts, and he saw no way of getting out of his return to Rome in 71, he celebrated a triumph his difficulties except by an utter confusion of the over the Dardanians. Curio appears to have hence- affairs of the republic. It was believed that he forth remained at Rome, where he took an active would direct his power and influence as tiibune part in all public affairs. He acted as an opponent against Caesar, and at first he did so; but Caesar, of Julius Caesar, and was connected in intimate who was anxious to gain over some of the influenfriendship with Cicero. When the punishment of tial men of the city, paid all Curio's debts on conthe Catilinarian conspirators was discussed in the dition of his abandoning the Pompeian party. senate, Curio also spoke, and afterwards expressed This scheme was perfectly successful; but Curio his satisfaction with Cicero's measures. In the was too clever and adroit a person at once to turn trial of P. Clodius, for having violated the sacra of his back upon his former friends. At first he the Bona Dea, Curio spoke in favour of Clodius, continued to act against Caesar; by and by he probably out of enmity towards Caesar; and Cicero assumed an appearance of neutrality; and in order on that occasion attacked both Clodius and Curio to bring about a rupture between himself and the most vehemently in a speech of which considerable Pompeian party, he brought forward some laws fragments are still extant. This event, however, which he knew could not be carried, but which does not appear to have at all interrupted their would afford him a specious pretext for deserting personal friendship, for Cicero speaks well of him his friends. When it was demanded that Caesar as a man on all occasions; he says, that he was should lay down his imperium before coming to one of the good men of the time, and that he was Rome, Curio proposed that Pompey should do the always opposed to bad citizens. In B. c. 57 Curio same. This demand itself was as fair as the was appointed pontifex maximus; he died four source from which it originated was impure. Pomyears later, B. c. 53. Like his father and his son, pey shewed indeed a disposition to do anything that Curio acquired in his time some reputation as an was fair, but it was evident that in reality he did orator, and we learn from Cicero, that he spoke on not intend to do any such thing. Curio therefore various occasions; but of all the requisites of an now openly attacked Pompey, and described him as orator he had only one, viz. elocution, and he ex- a person wanting to set himself up as tyrant; but, celled most others in the purity and brilliancy of in order not to lose every appearance of neutrality his diction; but his mind was altogether unculti- even now, he declared, that if Caesar and Pompey vated; he was ignorant without being aware of would not consent to lay down their imperium, this defect; he was slow in thinking and invent- both must be declared public ememies, and war ing, very awkward in his gesticulation, and with- must be forthwith made against them. This exout any power of memory. With such deficiencies cited Pompey's indignation so much, that he withhe could not escape the ridicule of able rivals or of drew to a suburban villa. Curio, however, contihis audience; and on one occasion, probably during nued to act his part in the senate; and it was his tribuneship, while he was addressing the peo- decreed that Pompey and Caesar should each disple, he was gradually deserted by all his hearers. miss one of their legions, which were to be sent to His orations were published, and he also wrote Syria. Pompey cunningly evaded obeying the a work against Caesar in the form of a dialogue, command by demanding back from Caesar a legion in which his son, C. Scribonius Curio, was one of which he had lent him in B. c. 53; and Caesar the interlocutors, and which had the same defi- sent the two legions required, which, however, ciencies as his orations. (The numerous passages instead of going to Syria, took up their winterin which he is spoken of by Cicero are given in quarters at Capua. Orelli's Onom. Tull. ii. p. 525, &c.; comp. Plut. Soon after, the consul Claudius Marcellus proSull. 14; Appian, Mithrid. 60; Eutrop. vi. 2; posed to the senate the question, whether a sucOros. iv. 23; Suet. Caes. 9, 49, 52; Dion Cass. cessor of Caesar should be sent out, and whether xxxviii. 16; Val. Max. ix. 14. ~ 5; Plin. II. N. Pompey was to be deprived of his imperium? vii. 12; Solin. i. 6; Quintil. vi. 3. ~ 76.) The senate consented to the former, but refused to 4. C. SCRIBONIUS CURIO, the son of the former, do the latter. Curio repeated his former proposal, and, like his father, a friend of Cicero, and an ora- that both the proconsuls should lay down their tor of great natural talents, which however he left power, and when it was put to the vote, a large uncultivated from carelessness and want of indus- majority of the senators voted for Curio. Claudius try. Cicero knew him from his childhood, and Marcellus, who had always pretended to be a did all he could to direct his great talents into a champion of the senate, now refused obedience to proper, channel, to suppress his love of pleasure its decree; and as there was a report that Caesar and of wealth, and to create in him a desire for was advancing with his army towards Rome, he true fame and virtue, but without any success, proposed that the two legions stationed at Capua and Curio was and remained a person of most pro- should be got ready at once to march against Caefligate character. He was married to Fulvia, who sar. Curio, however, denied the truth of the reafterwards became the wife of Antony, and by port, and prevented the consul's command being whom Curio had a daughter who was as dissolute obeyed. Claudius Marcellus and his colleague, as her mother. Owing to his family connexions Ser. Sulpicius Rufus now rushed out of the city to and several other outward circumstances, he be- Pompey, and solemnly called upon him to underlonged to the party of Pompey, although in his take the command of all the troops in Italy, and heart he was favourably disposed towards Caesar. save the republic. Curio now could not interfere, After having been quaestor in Asia, where he had as he could not quit the city in the character of discharged the duties of his office in a praiseworthy tribune; he therefore addressed the people, and manner, he sued for and obtained the tribuneship called upon them to demand of the consuls not to for the eventful year B. c. 50. Curio, who was as permit Pompey to levy an army. But he was not
Page 903 CURITIS. CURIUS. 903 listened to. Amid these disputes the year of goddess. (Ov. Fast. ii. 477, vi. 49; Macrob. Sat. Curio's tribuneship was coming to its close, and as i. 9.) Hartung (Die Relig. der R nm. ii. p. 72) finds he had good reason to fear for his own safety, he in the surname Curitis an allusion to a marriage was induced by despair to quit the city and go to ceremony, in which some of the bride's hair was Caesar, who was at Ravenna and consulted him as either really or symbolically cut off with the to what was to be done. Curio urged the neces- curved point of a sword. (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 87; sity of immediately collecting his troops and march- Ov. Fast. ii. 560.) [L. S.] ing them against Rome. Caesar, however, was CU'RIUS. 1. M'. CuRIus, probably a grandstill inclined to settle the question in a peaceful son of M'. Curius Dentatus, was tribune of the manner, and despatched Curio with a message to people in B. c. 199. He and one of his colleagues, the senate. But when Domitius Ahenobarbus was M. Fulvius, opposed T. Quinctius Flamininus, who actually appointed Caesar's successor, and when offered himself as a candidate for the consulship, the new tribunes, Antony and Q. Cassius, who without having held any of the intermediate offollowed in Curio's footsteps, were commanded by fices between that of quaestor and consul; but the the consuls to quit the senate, and when even tribunes yielded to the wishes of the senate. (Liv. their lives were threatened by the partizans of xxxii. 7.) Pompey, the tribunes together with Curio fled in 2. M'. CURIus, is known only through a lawthe night following, and went to Caesar at Raven- suit which he had with M. Coponius about an na. He and his army received them as men per- inheritance, shortly before B. c. 91. A Roman secuted, and treated as enemies for their zeal in citizen, who was anticipating his wife's confineupholding the freedom of the republic, ment, made a will to this effect, that if the child The breaking out of the civil war could now be should be a son and die before the age of maturity, avoided no longer. Curio collected the troops sta- M. Curius should succeed to his property. Soon tioned in Umbria and Etruria, and led them to after, the testator died, and his wife did not give Caesar, who rewarded him with the province of birth to a son. M. Coponius, who was the next of Sicily and the title of propraetor, B. c. 49. Curio kin to the deceased, now came forward, and, apwas successful in crushing the party of Pompey in pealing to the letter of the will, claimed the proSicily, and compelled Cato to quit the island. Af- perty which had been left. Q. Mucius Scaevola ter having effected this, he crossed over to Africa undertook to plead the cause of, Coponius, and L, to attack king Juba and the Pompeian general, Licinius Crassus spoke for Curius. Crassus sucP. Attius Varus. Curio was at first successful, ceeded in gaining the inheritance for his client. but desertion gradually became general in his This trial (Curiana causa), which attracted great army, which consisted of only two legions, and attention at the time, on account of the two emiwhen he began to lay siege to Utica, he was at- nent men who conducted it, is often mentioned by tacked by Juba, and fell in the ensuing battle. Cicero. (De Orat. i. 39, 56, 57, ii. 6, 32, 54, His troops were dispersed, killed, and taken pri- Brut. 39, 52, 53, 73, 88, pro Caecin. 18, Topic. soners, and only a few of them were able to return 10.) to Sicily. Africa was thus again in the hands of 3. M'. CURIUS (is in some editions called M'. the Pompeian party. Curtius), a friend of Cicero and a relation (consoC. Scribonius Curio had been one of the main brinus) of C. Caelius Caldus. He was quaestor instruments in kindling the civil war between urbanus in B. c. 61, and tribune of the people in Caesar and Pompey. He was a bold man and 58, when Cicero hoped that Curius would protect profligate to the last degree; he squandered his him against the machinations of P. Clodius. At own property as unscrupulously as that of others, a somewhat later time, he is called in a letter of and no means were ample enough to satisfy his Cicero's addressed to him (ad Fam. xiii. 49) a demands. His want of modesty knew no bounds, governor of a Roman province with the title of and he is a fair specimen of a depraved and profli- proconsul, but it is not known of what province he gate Roman of that time. But he was never- had the administration. The letter above referred theless a man of eminent talent, especially as to is the only one extant among the ad Familiares an orator. This Cicero saw and appreciated, and which is addressed to him. In the declamation he never lost the hope of being able to turn the Post Reditum in Senatu (8) Cicero states, that he talent of Curio into a proper direction. This cir- had been quaestor to Curius's father, whereas it is cumstance and the esteem which Cicero had enter- a well-known fact, that Cicero had been quaestor tained for Curio's father, are the only things that to Sex. Peducaeus. This contradiction is usually can account for his tender attachment to Curio; solved by the supposition, that Curius was the and this is one of the many instances of Cicero's adoptive son of Peducaeus. (Cic. ad Fam. ii. 19, amiable character. The first seven letters of the ad Quint. Frat. i. 4, pro Flacc. 13.) second book of Cicero's " Epistolae ad Familiares" 4. M'. CURTUs, one of the most intimate friends are addressed to him. (Orelli, Onom. Tedl. ii. p. of Cicero, who had known him from his childhood, 526, &c.; comp. Caes. B. C. ii. 23, &c.; Vell. Pat. and describes him as one of the kindest of men, ii. 48, 55; Appian, B. C. ii. 23, &c.; Suet. Caes. always ready to serve his friends, and as a very 29, 36, de Clar. Rhet. 1; Tacit. de Clar. Orat. 37; pattern of politeness (urbanitas). He lived for Liv. Epit. 109, 110; Plut. Caes. 29, &c., Pomp. several years as a negotiator at Patrae in Pelopon58; Dion Cass. xl. 60, &c.; Quintil. vi. 3. ~ 76; nesus. At the time when Tiro, Cicero's freedman, Schol. Bob. in Argum. ad Cic. Orat. in Clod. et was ill at Patrae, B. c. 50 and subsequently, Curius Cur.) [L. S.] took great care of him. In B. c. 46, Cicero recomCURITIS, a surname of Juno, which is usually mended Curius to Serv. Sulpicius, who was then derived from the Sabine word curis, a lance or governor of Achaia, and also to Auctus, his successpear, which according to the ancient notions was sor. The intimacy between Curius and Atticus the symbol of the imperium and mancipium, and was still greater than that between Cicero and would accordingly designate Juno as the ruling Curius; and the latter is said to have made a will
Page 904 904 CURSOR. CURSOR. in which Atticus and Cicero were to be the heirs of the consul L. Camillus, who had been taken of his property, Cicero receiving one-fourth, and seriously ill. Cursor and his magister equitunm, Atticus the rest. Among Cicero's letters to his Q. Fabius, afterwards surnamed Maximus, were friends there are three addressed to Curius (vii. the most distinguished generals of the time. 23-26), and one (vii. 29) is addressed by Curius Shortly after Papirius had taken the field, a doubt to Cicero. (Cic. ad. Fam. viii. 5, 6, xiii. 7, 17, 50, as to the validity of the auspices he had taken bexvi. 4, 5, 9, 11, ad Att. vii. 2, 3, xvi. 3.) fore marching against the enemy, obliged him to 5. M'. CURIUS, a man notorious as a gambler, return to Rome and take them again. Q. Fabius who, however, was notwithstanding this appointed was left behind to supply his place, but with the judex by Antony in B. c. 44. (Cic. Phil. v. 5, express command to avoid every engagement with viii. 9.) the enemy during the dictator's absence. But 6. C. CuRius, a brother-in-law of C. Rabirius Fabius allowed himself to be drawn into a battle (the murderer of Saturninus), and father of the with the Samnites near a place called Imbrinium C. Rabirius Postumus, who was adopted by C. or Imbrivium, and he gained a signal victory over Rabirius. He was a man of equestrian rank, and the enemy. Papirius was fearfully exasperated at this is called princeps ordinis equestris. He was the want of military discipline, and hastened back to largest farmer of the public revenue, and acquired the army to punish the offender. He was pregreat wealth by his undertakings, which he spent vented, however, from carrying his intention into in such a manner, that he seemed to acquire it effect by the soldiers, who sympathized with Faonly with the view of obtaining the means for bius, and threatened the dictator with a mutiny. shewing his kindness and benevolence. Notwith- Fabius thereupon fled to Rome, where both the standing this noble character, he was once accused senate and the people interfered on his behalf. of having embezzled sums of public money, and Papirius was thus obliged to pardon, though withwith having destroyed a document by fire; but out forgiving him, and returned to the army. He he was most honourably acquitted. (Cic. pro was looked upon by the soldiers as a tyrant, and Rabir. perd. 3, pro Rabir. Post. 2, 17.) in consequence of this disposition of his, army, he 7. (Q. CURIUS, a Roman senator, who had once was defeated in the first battle he fought against held the office of quaestor, came forward in B. c. the enemy. But, after having condescended to 64 as a candidate for the consulship; but he not regain the good-will of the soldiers by promising merely lost his election, but, being a man of a bad them the booty which they might make, he obcharacter and a notorious gambler, he was even tained a most complete victory over the Samnites, ejected from the senate. He was a friend of Cati- and then allowed his men to plunder the country line, and an accomplice in his conspiracy; but he far and wide. The Samnites now sued for a truce, betrayed the secret to his mistress Fulvia, through which was granted by the dictator for one year, whom it became known to Cicero. Whether he on condition that they should clothe his whole perished during the suppression of the conspiracy, army and give them pay for a year. Papirius or survived it, is uncertain. In the latter case, he thereupon returned to Rome, and celebrated a may have been the same as the Curius mentioned triumph. by Appian (B. C. v. 137), who was in Bithynia In B. c. 320, Papirius Cursor was made consul with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, and attempted to the second (or the third) time, and again underbetray him, for which he paid with his life. took the command against the Samnites in Apulia. (Cic. de Petit. Cons. 3, in Tog. Cand. p. 426, It was however uncertain, even in the days of and Ascon. in Tog. Cand, p. 95, ed. Orelli; Cic. Livy, whether the consuls of that year conducted ad Att. i. 1; Sallust, Catil. 17, 23, 26; Appian, the war with two armies, or whether it was carB. C. ii. 3.) [L. S.] ried on by a dictator and L. Papirius as his magisCU'RIUS FORTUNATIA'NUS. [FORTU- ter equitum. It is certain, however, that Papirius NATIANUS.] blockaded Luceria, and that his camp was reduced CU'RIUS, VI'BIUS, a commander of the ca- to such extremities by the Samnites, who cut off valry in Caesar's army, when he commenced all supplies, that he would have been lost, had he the war against Pompey in Italy. Several of not been relieved by the army of his colleague, Q. Pompey's generals at the time deserted to Vibius Publilius Philo. He continued his operations in Curius. (Caes. B. C. i. 24; Cic. ad Att. ii. 20, ix. Apulia in the year B. c. 319 also, for which he 6; Quintil. vi. 3. ~ 73.) [L. S.] was likewise appointed consul. About this time CUROPALATES. [CODINUS.] the Tarentines. offered to act as mediators between CURSOR, the name of a family of the Papiria the Romans and Samnites, but were haughtily gens, which was probably given to the first who rejected by Papirius, who now made a successful bore it from distinguishing himself in running. attack upon the camp of the Samnites: they were 1. L. PAPIRIUS CURSOR, censor in B. c. 393, compelled to retreat and to leave Luceria to its and afterwards twice military tribune, in n. c. 387 fate. Seven thousand Samnites at Luceria are and 385. (Liv. vi. 5, 11, ix. 34.) said to have capitulated for a free departure, with2. SP. PAPIRIUS CuitsoR, a son of the former, out their arms and baggage; and the Frentanians, was military tribune in B. c. 380. (Liv. vi. 27.) who attempted to revolt against the Romans, were 3. L. PAPIRIUs CURSOR, a son of No. 2, does obliged to submit as subjects and give hostages. not occur in history till the time when lie was After these things were accomplished, he returned made magister equitum to the dictator L. Papirius to Ronme and celebrated his second triumph. Crassus in B. c. 340. In B. c. 333 he was made In n. c. 314 Papirius obtained the consulship consul with C. Poetelius Libo, and according to for the fourth (or fifth) time. Although the war some annals lie obtained the same office a second against the Sanmnites was still going on, neither time in B. c. 326, the year in which the second Papirius nor his colleague Publilius Philo is menSamnite war broke out. In the year following he tioned by Livy as having taken part in the camwas appointed dictator to conduct the war in place paigns of that year, whichl were conducted by
Page 905 CURSOR. dictators, while the consuls are said to have remained at home. It is difficult to account for this state of things. In B. c. 313 Papirius was invested with his fifth (or sixth) consulship. The war against the Samnites was still going on, but no battle was fought, although the Romans made permanent conquests, and thus gave the war a decided turn in their favour. It was, as Livy states, again doubtful as to who had the command of the Roman armies in that year. In B. c. 309 Papirius was made dictator to conduct the war against the Samnites, to save the army of C. Marcius, who was in great distress in Apulia, and to wipe off the disgrace of Caudium, which Rome had suffered the year before. His appointment to the dictatorship was a matter of some difficulty. Q. Fabius, who had once been his magister equitum, and had nearly been sacrificed by him, was ordered to nominate Papirius. The recollection of what had happened sixteen years before rendered it hard to the feelings of Fabius to obey the command of the senate; but he sacrificed his own personal feelings to the good of the republic, and he nominated Papirius in the silence of night without saying a word. Papirius now hastened with the reserve legions to the assistance of C. Marcius. The position of the enemy, however, was so formidable, that for a time he merely watched them, though it would have been more in accordance with his vehement temper to attack them at once. Soon after, however, a battle was fought, in which the Samnites were completely defeated. The dictator's triumph on his return to Rome was very brilliant, on account of the splendid arms which he had taken from the enemy: the shields decorated with gold were distributed among the stalls of the bankers around the forum, probably for no other purpose than to be hung out during processions. This triumph is the last event that is mentioned in the life of Papirius, whence we must infer that he died soon after. He had the reputation of being the greatest general of his age. He did not indeed extend the Roman dominion by conquest, but it was lie who roused Rome after the defeat and peace of Caudium, and led her to victory. But he was, notwithstanding, not popular, in consequence of his personal character, which was that of a rough soldier. He was a man of immense bodily strength, and was accustomed to partake of an excessive quantity of food and wine. He had something horrible and savage about him, for he delighted in rendering the service of the soldiers as hard as lhe could: he punished cruelly and inexorably, and enjoyed the anguish of death in those whom he intended to punish. (Liv. viii. 12, 23, 29. 30-36, 47, ix. 7, 12, 13-16, 22, 28, 38, 40; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 31; Eutrop. ii. 4; Oros. iii. 15; Dion Cass. Excerpt. Vat. p. 32, &c., ed. Sturz; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, iii. pp. 192 -250.) 4. L. PAPIRIUS CURSOR, a son of No. 3, was censor in B. c. 272. (Frontin. de Aquaed. i. 6.) 5. L. PAPIRIUS CURSOR, likewise a son of No. 3, was no less distinguished as a general than his father. He was made consul in B. c. 293 with Sp. Carvilius Maximus, at the time of the third Samnite war. The Samnites, after having made immense efforts, had invaded Campania; but the consuls, instead of attacking them there, penetrated into their unprotected country, and thus compelled CURTILIUS. 905 them to retreat. Papirius took the town of Duronia, and he as well as his colleague ravaged Samnium, especially the territory of Antium. He then pitched his camp opposite the Samnite army near Aquilonia, at some distance from the camp of Carvilius. Several days passed before Papirius attacked the enemy, and it was agreed that Carvilius should make an attack upon Cominium on the same day that Papirius offered battle to the Samnites, in order to prevent the Samnites from obtaining any succour from Cominium. Papirius gained a brilliant victory, which he owed mainly to his cavalry, and the Samnites fled to their camp without being able to maintain it. They however still continued to fight against the two consuls,. and even beat Carvilius near Herculaneum; but it was of no avail, for the Romans soon after again got the upper hand. Papirius continued his operations in Samnium till the beginning of winter, and then returned to Rome, where he and his colleague celebrated a magnificent triumph. The booty which Papirius exhibited on that occasion was very rich; but his troops, who were not satisfied with the plunder they had been allowed, murmured because he did not, like Carvilius, distribute money among them, but delivered up everything to the treasury. He dedicated the temple of Quirinus, which his father had vowed, and adorned it with a solarium horoloqium, or a sun-dial, the first that was set up in public at Rome. Hie was raised to the consulship again in B. c. 272, together with his former colleague, Carvilius, for the exploits of their former consulship had made such an impression upon the Romans, that they were looked up to as the only men capable of bringing the wearisome struggle with the Samnites to a close. They entirely realized the hopes of their nation, for the Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians were compelled to submit to the majesty of Rome. But we have no account of the manner in which those nations were thus reduced. On his return to Rome, Papirius celebrated his second triumph, and after this event we hear no more of him. (Liv. x. 9, 38, 39-47; Zonar. viii. 7; Oros. iii. 2, iv. 3; Frontin, de Aquaed. i. 6, Strateg. iii. 3; Plin. II. N. vii. 60, xxxiv. 7; Niebuhr, iii. pp. 390, &c., 524, &c.) [L. S.] CURSOR, CAE'LIUS, a Roman eques in the time of Tiberius, who was put to death by the emperor, in A. D. 21, for having falsely charged the praetor Magius Caecilianus with high treason. (Tacit. Ann. iii. 37.) [L. S.] CU'RTIA GENS, an obscure patrician gens, of whom only one member, C. Curtius Philo, was ever invested with the consulship, B. c. 445. This consulship is one of the proofs that the Curtia gens must have been patrician, since the consulship at that time was not accessible to the plebeians; other proofs are implied in the stories about the earliest Curtii who occur in Roman history. The fact that, in B. c. 57, C. Curtius Peducaeanus was tribune of the people, does not prove the contrary, for members of the gens may have gone over to the plebeians. The cognomens which occur in this gens under the republic are PEDUCAEANUS, PHILO, and PosTUMUS or POSTUMIUS. For those who are mentioned in history without a cognomen, see CURTIUS. [L. S.] CURTI'LIUS, a Roman who belonged to the party of Caesar, and who, after the victory of lis party in B. c. 43, is described as in the poosesio
Page 906 906 CURTIUS. of an estate at Fundi, which had belonged to C. Sextilius Rufus. (Cic. ad Att. xiv. 6, 10.) [L. S.] CURTI'LIUS MA'NCIA. [MANCIA.] CU'RTIUS. 1. METTUS or METIUS CURTIUS, a Sabine of the time of Romulus. During the war between the Romans and Sabines, which arose from the rape of the Sabihe women, the Sabines had gained possession of the Roman arx. When the Roman army was drawn up between the Palatine and Capitoline hills, two chiefs of the armies, Mettus Curtius on the part of the Sabines, and Hostus Hostilius on that of the Romans, opened the contest, in which the latter was slain. While Curtius was glorying in his victory, Romulus and a band of Romans made an attack upon him. Curtius, who fought on horseback, could not maintain his ground; he was chased by the Romans, and in despair he leaped with his horse into a swamp, which then covered the valley afterwards occupied by the forum. However, he got out of it with difficulty at the bidding of his Sabines. Peace was soon after concluded between the Romans and their neighbours, and the swamp was henceforth called lacus Curtius, to commemorate the event. (Liv. i. 12, &c.; Dionys. ii. 42; Varr. L. L. v. 148; Pint. Romul. 18.) This is the common story about the name of the lacus Curtius; but there are two other traditions, which though they likewise trace it to a person of the name of Curtius, yet refer us to a much later time. According to the first of these, it happened one day that the earth in the forum gave way, sank, and formed a great chasm. All attempts to fill it up were useless, and when at length the aruspices were consulted about it, they declared, that the chasm could not be filled except by throwing into it that on which Rome's greatness was to be based, and that then the state should prosper. When all were hesitating and doubting as to what was meant, a noble youth of the name of M. Curtius came forward, and declaring that Rome possessed no greater treasure than a brave and gallant citizen in arms, he offered himself as the victim demanded, and having mounted his steed in full armour, he leaped into the abyss, and the earth soon closed over him. This event is assigned to the year B. c. 362. (Liv. vii. 6; Varro, 1. c.; Val. Max. v. 6. ~ 2; Plin. H. N. xv. 18; Festus, s. v. Curtilacum; Plut. Parallel. MVIin. 5; Stat. Silv. i. 1, 65, &c.; Augustin, de Civ. Dei, v. 18.) According to the second tradition, the place called lacus Curtius had been struck by lightning, and, at the command of the senate, it was enclosed in the usual manner by the consul C. Curtius Philo, B. c. 445. (Varr. L.L. v. 150.) But that this place was not regarded as a bidental, that is, a sacred spot struck by lightning, seems to be clear from what Pliny (H. N. xv. 18) relates of it. All that we can infer with safety from the ancient traditions respecting the lacus Curtius, is, that a part of the district which subsequently formed the Roman forum, was originally covered by a swamp or a lake, which may have obtained the name of Curtius from some such occurrence as tradition has handed down. This lake was afterwards drained and filled up, but on one occasion after this the ground seems to have sunk, a circumstance which was regarded as an ostentum fatale. In order to avert any evil, and at the same time symbolically to secure the duration of the republic, an altar was erected on the spot, and a regular sacrifice was offered there, which may CURTIUS. have given rise to the story about the self-sacrifice of Curtius. (Suet. Aug. 57; Stat. Silv. i. 1.) 2. CURTIUs, an accuser, was killed in the time of the proscription of Sulla, or perhaps even before, by C. Marius, near the lake Servilius. (Cic. pro Sext. Rose. 32; Senec. de Provid. 3.) 3. C. CURTIUS, probably a son of the preceding, lost his property during the proscription of Sulla, and went into exile. Subsequently, however, he was allowed to return through the mediation of Cicero, with whom he had been acquainted from early youth. In B. c. 45 Caesar made him a member of the senate. In the same year, Caesar distributed 'ands among his veterans in Italy; and Curtius, who had spent the little property he had saved in purchasing an estate near Volaterrae, and was now in danger of losing it again, applied to Cicero to interfere on his behalf. Cicero accordingly wrote a letter to Q. Valerius Orca, the legate of Caesar, who superintended the distribution of land among the veterans, and requested him to spare the property of Curtius, since the loss of it would render it impossible for him to maintain the dignity of a senator. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 5.) 4. P. CUITIUS, a brother of Q. Salassus, was beheaded in Spain by the command of Cn. Pompeius (the son of the Great), in the presence of the whole army, B. c. 45, for he had formed a secret understanding with some Spaniards that Cn. Pompeius, if he should come to a certain town for the sake of getting provisions, should be apprehended and delivered up into the hands of Caesar. (Cic. ad Famr. vi. 18.) 5. Q. CURTIUS, a friend of Verres, is called judex quaestionis, concerning which nothing further is known. (Cic. in Verr. i. 61.) 6. Q. CURTIus, a good and well-educated young man, brought in B. c. 54 the charge of ambitus against C. Memmius, who was then a candidate for the consulship. (Cic. ad Qu. Fr. iii. 2.) We possess several coins on which the name of Q. Curtius appears, together with that of M. Silanus and Cn. Donitius. The types of these coins differ from those which we usually meet with on Roman coins; and Eckhel (Doctr. Num. v. p. 200) conjectures, that those three men were perhaps triumvirs for the establishment of some colony, and that their coins were struck at a distance from Rome. 7. CURTIUS, a Roman eques, who once, while dining with Augustus, availed himself of a joke and threw a fish, which was standing on the table, out of the window. (Macrob. Sat. ii. 4.) Some writers suppose, though without any apparent reason, that he is the same as the Curtius Atticus who lived in the reign of Tiberius. [ATTiCUS, CURTIUS.] [L. S.] CU'RTIUS A'TTICUS. [ATTCUS, p. 413,a.] CU'RTIUS LUPUS. [LuPus.] CU'RTIUS MONTA'NUS. [MONTANUS.] CU'RTIUS RUFUS. [RuFus.] Q. CU'RTIUS RUFUS, the Roman historian of Alexander the Great. Respecting his life and the time at which he lived, nothing is known with any certainty, and there is not a single passage in any ancient writer that can be positively said to refer to Q. Curtius, the historian. One Curtius Rufus is mentioned by Tacitus (Ann. xi. 21) and Pliny (Ep. vii. 27), and a Q. Curtius Rufus occurs in the list of the rhetoricians of whom Suetonius treated in his work " De Claris Rhetoribus." But there is nothing to shew that any of them is the
Page 907 CURTIUS. same as our Q. Curtius, though it may be, as F. A. Wolf was inclined to think, that the rhetorician spoken of by Suetonius is the same as the historian. This total want of external testimony compels us to seek information concerning Q. Curtius in the work that has come down to us under his name; but what we find here is as vague and unsatisfactory as that which is gathered from external testimonies. There are only two passages in his work which contain allusions to the time at which he lived. In the one (iv. 4, in fin.), in. speaking of the city of Tyre, he says, nwec tamen longa pace cuncta refovente, sub tuteld Romanae mansuetudinis acquiescit; the other, which is the more important one (x. 9), contains an eulogy on the emperor for having restored peace after much bloodshed and many disputes about the possession of the empire. But the terms in which this passage is framed are so vague and indefinite, that it may be applied with almost equal propriety to a great number of epochs in the history of the Roman empire, and critics have with equal ingenuity referred the eulogy to a variety of emperors, from Augustus down to Constantine or even to Theodosius the Great, while one of the earlier critics even asserted that Q. Curtius Rufus was a fictitious name, and that the work was the production of a modern writer. This last opinion, however, is refuted by the fact, that there are some very early MSS. of Q. Curtius, and that Joannes Sarisberiensis, who died in A. D. 1182, was acquainted with the work. All modern critics are now pretty well agreed, that Curtius lived in the first centuries of the Christian aera. Niebuhr regards him and Petronius as contemporaries of Septimius Severus, while most other critics place him as early as the time of Vespasian. The latter opinion, which also accords with the supposition that the rhetorician Q. Curtius Rufus mentioned by Suetonius was the same as our historian, presents no other difficulty, except that Quintilian, in mentioning the historians who had died before his time, does not allude to Curtius in any way. This difficulty, however, may be removed by the supposition, that Curtius was still alive when Quintilian wrote. Another kind of internal evidence which might possibly suggest the time in which Curtius wrote, is the style and diction of his work; but in this case neither of them is the writer's own; both are artificially acquired, and exhibit only a few traces which are peculiar to the latter part of the first century after Christ. Thus much, however, seems clear, that Curtius was a rhetorician: his style is not free from strained and high-flown expressions, but on the whole it is a masterly imitation of Livy's style, intermixed here and there with poetical phrases and artificial ornaments. The work itself is a history of Alexander the Great, and written with great partiality for the hero. The author drew his materials from good sources, such as Cleitarchus, Timagenes, and Ptolemaeus, but was deficient himself in knowledge of geography, tactics, and astronomy, and in historical criticism, for which reasons his work cannot always be relied upon as an historical authority. It consisted originally of ten books, but the first two are lost, and the remaining eight also are not without more or less considerable gaps. In the early editions the fifth and sixth books are sometimes united in one, so that the whole would consist of only nine books; and Glareanus in his CYATHUS. 907 edition (1556) divided the work into twelve books. The deficiency of the first two books has been made up in the form of supplements by Bruno, Cellarius, and Freinsheim; but that of the last of these scholars, although the best, is still without any particular merit. The criticism of the text of Curtius is connected with great difficulties, for although all the extant MSS. are derived from one, yet some of them, especially those of the 14th and 15th centuries, contain considerable interpolations. Hence the text appears very different in the different editions. The first edition is that of Vindelinus de Spira, Venice, without date, though probably published in 1471. It was followed in 1480 by the first Milan edition of A. Zarotus. The most important among the subsequent editions are the Juntinae, those of Erasmus, Chr. Bruno, A. Junius, F. Modius, Acidalius, Raderus, Popma, Loccenius, and especially those of Freinsheim, Strassburg, 1640, and Ch. Cellarius, 1688. The best edition that was published during the interval between that and our own time is the variorum edition by H. Senkenburg, Delft and Leiden, 1724, 4to. Among the modern editions the following are the best: 1. that of Schmieder (Giittingen, 1803), Koken (Leipzig, 1818), Zumpt (Berlin, 1826), Baumstark (Stuttgard, 1829), and J. Miitzell. (Berlin, 1843.) Critical investigations concerning the age of Q. Curtius are prefixed to most of the editions here mentioned, but the following may be consulted in addition to them: Niebuhr "ZZwei klassiche Lat. Schriftsteller des dritten Jahrhunderts," in his Kleine Schrfiten, i. p. 305, &c.; Buttmann, Ueber das Leben des Geschichtschreibers Q. Curtius Rufus. In Bezielhung auf A. Hirt's Abhandl. fiber denselb. Gegenstand, Berlin, 1820; G. Pinzger, Ueber das Zeitalter des Q. Curtius Rufus in Seebode's Archiv fiir Philologie, 1824, i. 1, p. 91, &c. [L. S.] P. CU'SPIUS, a Roman knight, had been twice in Africa as the chief director (magister) of the company that farmed the public taxes in that province, and had several friends there, whom Cicero at his request recommended to Q. Valerius Orca, the proconsul of Africa, in B. c. 45. (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 6, comp. xvi. 17.) CU'SP1US FADUS. [FAnus.] CYAMI'TES (Kuapisr-s), the hero of beans, a mysterious being, who had a small sanctuary on the road from Athens to Eleusis. No particulars are known about him, but Pausanias (i. 37. ~ 3) says, that those who were initiated in the mysteries or had read the so-called Orphica would understand the nature of the hero. [L. S.] CY'ANE (Kvci'v-), a Sicilian nymph and playmate of Proserpina, who was changed through grief at the loss of Proserpina into a well. The Syracusans celebrated an annual festival on that spot, which Heracles was said to have instituted, and at which a bull was sunk into the well as a sacrifice. (Diod. v. 4; Ov. Met. v. 412, &c.) A daughter of Liparus was likewise called Cyane. (Diod. v. 7.) [L. S.] CYANIPPUS (Kvivrinros), a son of Aegialeus and prince of Argos, who belonged to the house of the Biantidae. (Paus. ii. 18. ~ 4, 30. ~ 9.) Apollodorus (i. 9. ~ 13) calls him a brother of Aegialeus and a son of Adrastus. [L. S.] CY'ATHUS (KaOeos), the youthful cup-bearer of Oeneus, was killed by Heracles on account of a fault committed in the discharge of his duty. He
Page 908 908 CYAXARES. was honoured at Phlius with a sanctuary close by the temple of Apollo. (Paus. ii. 13. ~ 8.) In other traditions Cyathus is called Eurynomus. (Diod. iv. 36.) [L. S.] CYAXARES (Kvuadpls), was, according to Herodotus, the third king of Media, the son of Phraortes, and the grandson of Deioces. He was the most warlike of the Median kings, and introduced great military reforms, by arranging his subjects into proper divisions of spearmen and archers and cavalry. He succeeded his father, Phraortes, who was defeated and killed while besieging the Assyrian capital, Ninus (Nineveh), in B. c. 634. He collected all the forces of his empire to avenge his father's death, defeated the Assyrians in battle, and laid siege to Ninus. But while he was before the city, a large body of Scythians invaded the northern parts of Media, and Cyaxares marched to meet them, was defeated, and became subject to the Scythians, who held the dominion of all Asia (or, as Herodotus elsewhere says, more correctly, of Upper Asia) for twenty-eight years (B. c. 634-607), during which time they plundered the Medes without mercy. At length Cyaxares and the Medes massacred the greater number of the Scythians, having first made them intoxicated, and the Median dominion was restored. There is a considerable difficulty in reconciling this account with that which Herodotus elsewhere gives (i. 73, 74), of the war between Cyaxares and Alyattes, king of Lydia. This war was provoked by Alyattes having sheltered some Scythians, who had fled to him after having killed one of the sons of Cyaxares, and served him up to his father as a Thyestean banquet. The war lasted five years, and was put an end to in the sixth year, in consequence of the terror inspired by a solar eclipse, which happened just when the Lydian and Median armies had joined battle, and which Thales had predicted. This eclipse is placed by some writers as high as B. c. 625, by others as low as 585. But of all the eclipses between these two dates, several are absolutely excluded by circumstances of time, place, and extent, and on the whole it seems most probable that the eclipse intended was that of September 30, a. c. 610. (Baily, in the Philosophical Transactions for 1811; Oltmann in the Schrift. der Berl. Acad. 1812-13; Hales, Analysis of Chronology, i. pp. 74-78; Ideler, Iiandbuch der Chronologyie, i. p. 209, &c.; Fischer, Griechische Zeittafeln, s. a. 610.) This date, however, involves the difficulty of making Cyaxares, as king of the Medes, carry on a war of five years with Lydia, while the Scythians were masters of his country. But it is pretty evident from the account of Herodotus that Cyaxares still reigned, though as a tributary to the Scythians, and that the dominion of the Scythians over Media rather consisted in constant predatory incursions from positions which they had taken in the northern part of the country, than in any permanent occupation thereof. It was probably, then, from B. c. 615 to B. c. 610 that the war between the Lydians and the Medians lasted, till, both parties being terrified by the eclipse, the two kings accepted the mediation of Syennesis, king of Ciicia,, and Labynetus, king of Babylon (probably Nebuchadnezzar or his father), and the peace made betwieen them was cemented by the marriage of Astvyagcs, the son of Cyaxares, to Aryennis, the daughter of Alyattes. The Scythians were ex CYCLIADAS. pelled from Media in B. c. 607, and Cyaxares again turned his arms against Assyria, and, in the following year, with the aid of the king of Babylon. (probably the father of Nebuchadnezzar), he took and destroyed Ninus. [SARDANAPALUS.] The consequence of this war, according to Herodotus, was, that the Medes made the Assyrians their subjects, except the district of Babylon. He means, as we learn from other writers, that the king of Babylon, who had before been in a state of doubtful subjection to Assyria, obtained complete independence as the reward for his share in the destruction of Nineveh. The league between Cyaxares and the king of Babylon is said by Polyhistor and Abydenus (ap. Euseb. Chron. Arm., and Syncell. p. 210, b.) to have been cemented by the betrothal of Amyhis or Amytis, the daughter of Cyaxares, to Nabuchodrossar or Nabuchodonosor (Nebuchadnezzar), son of the king of Babylon. They have, however, by mistake put the name of Asdahages (Astyages) for that of Cyaxares. (Clinton, i. pp. 271, 279.) Cyaxares died after a reign of forty years (B. c. 594), and was succeeded by his son Astyages. (Herod. i. 73, 74, 103-106, iv. 11, 12, vii. 20.) The Cyaxares of Diodorus (ii. 32) is Deioces. Respecting the supposed Cyaxares II. of Xenophon, see CYRus. [P. S.] CY'BELE. [RHEA.] CYCHREUS or CENCHREUS (KvXpev's), a son of Poseidon and Salamis, became king of the island of Salamis, which was called after bim Cychreia, and which he delivered from a dragon. He was subsequently honoured as a hero, and had a sanctuary in Salamis. (Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 7; Diod. iv. 72.) According to other traditions, Cychreus himself was called a dragon on account of his savage nature, and was expelled from Salamis by Eurylochus; but he was received by Demeter at Eleusis, and appointed a priest to her temple. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kvypeos.) Others again said that Cychreus had brought up a dragon, which was expelled by Eurylochus. (Strab. ix. p. 393.) There was a tradition that, while the battle of Salamis was going on, a dragon appeared in one of the Athenian ships, and that an oracle declared this dragon to be Cychreus. (Paus. i. 36. ~ 1; comp. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 110, 175; Plut. Thes. 10, Solon. 9.) [L. S.] CYCLI'ADAS (KvuhAdnas) was strategus of the Achaeans in B. c. 208, and, having joined Philip V. of Macedon at Dyme with the Achaean forces, aided him in that invasion of Elis which was checked by P. Sulpicius Galba. In B. c. 200, Cycliadas being made strategus instead of Philopoemen, whose military talents he by no means equalled, Nabis took advantage of the change to make war on the Achaeans. Philip offered to help them, and to carry the war into the enemy's country, if they would give him a sufficient number of their soldiers to garrison Chlialcis, Oreus, and Corinth in the mean time; but they saw through his plan, which was to obtain hostages from them and so to force them into a war with the Romans. Cycliadas therefore answered, that their laws precluded them from discussing any proposal except that for which the assembly was summoned, and this conduct relieved him from the imputation, under which lie had previously laboured, of being a mere creature of the king's. In B. c. 198 we find him an exile at the court of Philip, whom he attended in that year at his conference with Fla
Page 909 CYCLOPES. ininnus at Nicaea in Locris. After the battle of Cynoscephalae, B. c. 197, Cycliadas was sent with two others as ambassador from Philip to Flamininus, who granted the king a truce of 15 days with a view to the arrangement of a permanent peace. (Polyb. xvii. 1, xviii. 17; Liv. xxvii. 31, xxxi. "25, xxxii. 19, 32, xxxiii. 11, 12.) [E. E.] CYCLO'PES (KuKAwnres), that is, creatures with round or circular eyes. The tradition about these beings has undergone several changes and modifications in its development in Greek mythology, though some traces of their identity remain visible throughout. According to the ancient cosmogonies, the Cyclopes were the sons of Uranus and Ge; they belonged to the Titans, and were three in number, whose names were Arges, Steropes, and Brontes, and each of them had only one eye on his forehead. Together with the other Titans, they were cast by their father into Tartarus, but, instigated by their mother, they assisted Cronus in usurping the government. But Cronus again threw them into Tartarus, and as Zeus released them in his war against Cronus and the Titans, the Cyclopes provided Zeus with thunderbolts and lightning, Pluto with a helmet, and Poseidon with a trident. (Apollod. i. 1; Hes. Theog. 503.) Henceforth they remained the ministers of Zeus, but were afterwards killed by Apollo for having furnished Zeus with the thunderbolts to kill Asclepius. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 4.) According to others, however, it was not the Cyclopes themselves that were killed, but their sons. (Schol. ad Eurip. Alcest. 1.) In the Homeric poems the Cyclopes are a gigantic, insolent, and lawless race of shepherds, who lived in the south-western part of Sicily, and devoured human beings. They neglected agriculture, and the fruits of the field were reaped by them without labour. They had no laws or political institutions, and each lived with his wives and children in a cave of a mountain, and ruled over them with arbitrary power. (Hom. Od. vi. 5, ix. 106, &c., 190, &c., 240, &c., x. 200.) Homer does not distinctly state that all of the Cyclopes were one-eyed, but Polyphemus, the principal among them, is described as having only one eye on his forehead. (Od. i. 69, ix. 383, &c.; comp. POLYPHEMUS.) The Homeric Cyclopes are no longer the servants of Zeus, but they disregard him. (Od. ix. 275; comp. Virg. Aen. vi. 636; Callim. THymn. in Dian. 53.) A still later tradition regarded the Cyclopes as the assistants of Hephaestus. Volcanoes were the workshops of that god, and mount Aetna in Sicily and the neighbouring isles were accordingly considered as their abodes. As the assistants of Hephaestus they are no longer shepherds, but make the metal armour and ornaments for gods and heroes; they work with such might that Sicily and all the neighbouring islands resound with their hammering. Their number is, like that in the Homeric poems, no longer confined to three, but their residence is removed from the south-western to the eastern part of Sicily (Virg. Georg. iv. 170, Aen. viii. 433; Callim. IHymn. in Dian. 56, &c.; Eurip. Cycl. 599; Val. Flacc. ii. 420.) Two of their names are the same as in the cosmogonic tradition, but new names also were invented, for we find one Cyclops bearing the name of Pyracmon, and another that of Acamas. (Callim. IHymn. in Dian. G8; Virg. Aen. viii. 425; Val. Flacc. i. 583.) The Cyclopes, who were regarded as skilful CYCNUS. 909 architects in later accounts, were a race of men who appear to be different from the Cyclopes whom we have considered hitherto, for they are described as a Thracian tribe, which derived its name from a king Cyclops. They were expelled from their homes in Thrace, and went to the Curetes (Crete) and to Lycia, Thence they followed Proetus to protect him, by the gigantic walls which they constructed, against Acrisius. The grand fortifications of Argos, Tiryns, and Mycenae, were in later times regarded as their works. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~2; Strab. viii. p. 373; Paus. ii. 16. ~ 4; Schol. ad Euwrip. Orest. 953.) Such walls, commonly known by the name of Cyclopean walls, still exist in various parts of ancient Greece and Italy, and consist of unhewn polygones, which are sometimes 20 or 30 feet in breadth. The story of the Cyclopes having built them seems to be a mere invention, and admits neither of an historical nor geographical explanation. Homer, for instance, knows nothing of Cyclopean walls, and he calls Tiryns merely a rdhos 're1Xsieoera. (II. ii. 559.) The Cyclopean walls were probably constructed by an ancient race of men-perhaps the Pelasgianswho occupied the countries in which they occur before the nations of which we have historical records; and later generations, being struck by their grandeur as much as ourselves, ascribed their building to a fabulous race of Cyclopes. Analogies to such a process of tradition are not wanting in modern countries; thus several walls in Germany, which were probably constructed by the Romans, are to this day called by the people Riesenmauer' or Teufelsmauer. In works of art the Cyclopes are represented as sturdy men with one eye on their forehead, and the place which in other human beings is occupied by the eyes, is marked in figures of the Cyclopes by a line. According to the explanation of Plato (ap. Strab. xiii. p. 592), the Cyclopes were beings typical of the original condition of uncivilized men; but this explanation is not satisfactory, and the cosmogonic Cyclopes at least must be regarded as personifications of certain powers manifested in nature, which is sufficiently indicated by their inames. [L. S.] CYCNUS (K;uios). 1. A son of Apollo by Thyria or Hyria, the daughter of Amphinomus. lHe was a handsome hunter, living in the district between Pleuron and Calydon, and although beloved by many, repulsed all his lovers, and only one, Cycnus, persevered in his love. Cycnus at last imposed upon him three labours, viz. to kill a lion without weapons, to catch alive some monstrous vultures which devoured men, and with his own hand to lead a bull to the altar of Zeus. Phyllius accomplished these tasks, but as, in accordance: with a request of Heracles, he refused giving to Phyllius a bull which he had received as a prize, Cycnus was exasperated at the refusal, and leaped into lake Canope, which was henceforth called after him the Cycnean lake. His mother Thyria followed him, and both were metamorphosed by Apollo into swans. (Antonin. Lib. 12.) Ovid (Met. vii. 371, &c.), who relates the same story, makes the Cycnean lake arise from Hyria melting away in tears at the death of her son. 2. A son of Poseidon by Calyce (Calycia), Harpale, or Scamandrodice. (Ilygin. Fab. 157; Schol. ad Pind. 01. ii. 147; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 233.) He was born in secret, and was exposed on the
Page 910 910 CYDAS. sea-coast, where he was found by shepherds, who seeing a swan descending upon him, called him Cycnus. When he had grown up to manhood, he became king of Colonae in Troas, and married Procleia, the daughter of Laomedon or of Clytius (Paus. x. 14. ~ 2), by whom he became the father of Tenes and Hemithea. Dictys Cretensis (ii. 13) mentions different children. After the death of Procleia, he married Philonome, a daughter of Craugasus, who fell in love with Tenes, her stepson, and not being listened to by him calumniated him, so that Cycnus in his anger threw his son together with Hemithea in a chest into the sea. According to others Cycnus himself leaped into the sea. (Virg. Aen. ii. 21.) Afterwards, when Cycnus learned the truth respecting his wife's conduct, he killed Philonome and went to his son, who had landed in the island of Tenedos, and had become king there. According to some traditions, Tenes did not allow his father to land, but cut off the anchor. (Conon, Narral. 28; Paus. x. 14. ~ 2.) In the war of the Greeks against Troy, both Cycnus and Tenes assisted the Trojans, but both were slain by Achilles. As Cycnus could not be wounded by iron, Achilles strangled him with the thong of his helmet, or by striking him with a stone. (Comp. Diod. v. 83; Strab. xiii. p. 604; Schol. ad T/eocrit. xvi. 49; Diet. Cret. ii. 12, &c.; Ov. Met. xii. 144.) Ovid adds, that the body of Cycnus disappeared and was changed into a swan, when Achilles came to take away his armour. 3. A son of Ares and Pelopia, challenged Heracles to single combat at Itone, and was killed in the contest. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 7; Hesiod. Scut. Here. 345, where Cycnus is a son-in-law of Ceyx, to whom Heracles is going.) 4. A son of Ares and Pyrene, was likewise killed by Heracles in single combat. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 11; Schol. ad Pind. 01. xi. 19.) At his death he was changed by his father Ares into a swan. (Eustath. ad Hoen. p. 254.) The last two personages are often confounded with each other, on account of the resemblance existing between the stories about them. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. ii. 147, ad Aristoph. Ran. 963; Hygin. Fab. 31; Athen. ix. p. 393.) 5. A son of Sthenelus, king of the Ligurians, and a friend and relation of Phaiton. He was the father of Cinyras and Cupauo. While he was lamenting the fate of Phaeton on the banks of the Eridanus, he was metamorphosed by Apollo into a swan, and placed among the stars. (Ov. Met. ii. 366, &c.; Paus. i. 30. ~ 3; Serv. ad Aen. x. 189.) A sixth personage of the name of Cycnus is mentioned by Hyginus. (Fab. 97.) [L. S.] CYDAS (Kilsas), appears to have been a common name at Gortyna in Crete. It is written in various ways in MSS., but Cydas seems to be the most correct form. (See Drakenborch, ad Liv. xxxiii. 3, xliv. 13.) 1. The commander of 500 of the Cretan Gortynii, joined Quinctius Flamininus in Thessaly in B. c. 197. (Liv. xxxiii. 3.) This Cydas may be the same as the Cydas, the son of Antitalces, who was cosmus or supreme magistrate at Gortyna, when a Roman embassy visited the island about B. c. 184, and composed the differences which existed between the inhabitants of Gortyna and Cnossus. (Polyb. xxxiii. 15.) 2. A Cretan, the friend of Eumenes, who attempted to negotiate a peace between Eumenes CYLLENIUS. and Antiochus in B. c. 168 (Liv. xliv. 13, 24), may perhaps be the same as No. 1. 3. A native of Gortyna in Crete, a man of the most abandoned character, was appointed by Antony in B. c. 44 as one of the judices at Rome. (Cic. Phil. v. 5, viii. 9.) CY'DIAS (Kuvias). 1. An Athenian orator, a contemporary of Demosthenes, of whom Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 6. ~ 24) mentions an oration?repl rs 2adov /cXrpovxias, which Ruhnken refers to the Athenian colony which was sent to Samos in B. c. 352 (Dionys. Deinarch. p. 118), so that the oration of Cydias would have been delivered in that year. (Ruhnken, Hist. Orit. Oral. Graec. p. Ixxiv.) 2. One of the early Greek poets whom Plutarch (de Fac. in Orb. Lun. p. 931, e.) classes together with Mimnermus and Archilochus. Whether he is the same as the author of a song which was very popular at Athens in the time of Aristophanes, who however is called by the Scholiast (ad Nub. 966) Cydides of Iermione, is uncertain. (Plat. Chiarm. p. 155, d.; Schneidewin, Delectus Po't. Iadnb. et Melic. Graec. p. 375, &c.; Bergk, PoZt. Lyr. Graeci, p. 837.) [L. S.] CY'DIAS, a celebrated painter from the island of Cythnus, B. c. 364, whose picture of the Argonauts was exhibited in a porticus by Agrippa at Rome. (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 526.; Plin. H.N. xxxv. 40. ~ 26; Dion Cass. liii. 27; Urlichs, Beschr. der Stadt. Rom. iii. 3. p. 114.) [L. U.] CYDIPPE. [ACONTIUS.] CYDIPPUS (Kt&i7rros) of Mantineia, is mentioned by Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. i. p. 132) among those who had written on inventions (repl Esdppj.drTWV); but nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] CYDON (Kdlawv), the founder of the town of Cydonia in Crete. According to a tradition of Tegea, he was a son of Tegeates or of Hermes by Acacallis, the daughter of Minos, whereas others described him as a son of Apollo by Acacallis. (Paus. viii. 53. ~ 2; Steph. Byz. s. v. KvBwvcia; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1491.) [L. S.] CYDO'NIA (Kviwvia), a surname of Athena, under which she had a temple at Phrixa in Elis, which was said to have been built by Clymenus of Cydonia. (Paus. vi. 21. ~ 5.) [L. S.] CYDO'NIUS DEME'TRIUS. [DEMETRIUS.] CY'LLARUS (Ku'AAapos), a beautiful centaur, who was married to Hylonome, and was killed at the wedding feast of Peirithous. (Ov. Met. xii. 393, &c.) The horse of Castor was likewise called Cyllarus. (Virg. Georg. iii. 90; Val. Flacc. i. 426; Suidas, s. v.) [L. S.] CYLLEN (KvXA^eP), a son of Elatus, from whom mount Cyllene in Arcadia was believed to have received its name. (Paus. viii. 4. ~ 3.) [L. S.] CYLLE'NE (KvxAAsr?), a nymph, who became the mother of Lycaon by Pelasgus. (Apollod. iii. 8. ~ 1.) According to others, she was the wife of Lycaon. (Dionys. Hal. A. R. i. 13.) [L. S.] CYLLE'NIUS (KvuAXvios), a surname of Hermes, which he derived from mount Cyllene in Arcadia, where he had a temple (Paus. viii. 17. ~ 1), or from the circumstance of Maia having given birth to him on that mountain. (Virg. Aen. viii. 139, &c.) [L. S.] CYLLE'NIUS (KvXX4vios), the author of two epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 282; Jacobs, ii. p. 257), of whom nothing more is known. Hi-s name is spelt differently in
Page 911 CYNAEGEIRUS. the MSS. of the Anthology, KahhvALov, KvAXlviov, KvAAhlviov, KvXhviYov le'rtivov. (Jacobs, Anth. Grace. vol. xiii. p. 878.) [P. S.] CYLON (KdAwnv), an Athenian of noble family and commanding presence, won the prize for the double course (6iavAos) at the Olympic games, in B. c. 640, and married the daughter of Theagenes, tyrant of Megara. Excited apparently and encouraged by these advantages, and especially by his powerful alliance, he conceived the design of making himself tyrant of Athens, and having consulted the Delphic oracle on the subject, was enjoined to seize the Acropolis at the principal festival of Zeus. Imagining that this must refer, not to the Athenian ALdoea (see Diet. of Ant. p. 333), but to the Olympic games, at which he had so distinguished himself, he made the attempt during the celebration of the latter, and gained possession of the citadel with his partizans, who were very numerous. Here, however, they were closely besieged, the operations against them being conducted, according to Thucydides, by the nine archons; according to Herodotus, by the Prytanes of the Naucrari. (See Diet. ofAAnt. p. 633; Arnold's Tlicyidides, vol. i. Append. iii. p. 664.) At length, pressed by famine, they were driven to take refuge at the altar of Athena, whence they were induced to withdraw by the archon Megacles, the Alcmaeonid, on a promise that their lives should be spared. But their enemies put them to death as soon as they had them in their power, some of them being murdered even at the altar of the Eumenides. Plutarch relates besides that the suppliants, by way of keeping themselves under the protection of Athena, fastened a line to her statue and held it as they passed from her shrine. When they had reached the temple of the Eumenides the line broke, and Megacles and his colleagues seized on the accident as a proof that the goddess had rejected their supplication, and that they might therefore be massacred in full accordance with religion. Thucydides and the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Eq. 443) tell us, that Cylon himself escaped with his brother before the surrender of his adherents. According to Suidas, he was dragged from the altar of the Eumenides, where he had taken refuge, and was murdered. Herodotus also implies that he was slain with the rest. His party is said by Plutarch to have recovered their strength after his death, and to have continued the struggle with the Alcmaeonidae up to the time of Solon. The date of Cylon's attempt is uncertain. Corsini gives, as a conjecture, B. c. 612; while Clinton, also conjecturally, assigns it to 620. (Herod. v. 71; Thucyd. i. 126; Suid. s.v. Kv\d(vEiov dyos; Plut. Sol. 12; Paus. i. 28, 40, vii. 25.) [E. E.] CYNA. [CYNANE.] CYNAEGEI'RUS (Kvvaleyspos), son of Euphorion and brother of the poet Aeschylus, distinguished himself by his valour at the battle of Marathon, B. c. 490. According to Herodotus, when the Persians had fled and were endeavouring to escape by sea, Cynaegeirus seized one of their ships to keep it back, but fell with his right hand cut off. The story lost nothing by transmission. The next version related that Cynaegeirus, on the loss of his right hand, grasped the enemy's vessel with his left; and at length we arrive at the acme of the ludicrous in the account of Justin. Here the hero, having successively lost both his CYNOSURA. 911 hands, hangs on by his teeth, and even in his mu.tilated state fights desperately with the last mentioned weapons, "like a rabid wild beast!" (Herod. vi. 114; Suid. s. v. Kvvaiyseipos; Just. ii. 9; Val. Max. iii. 2. ~ 22; comp. Sueton. Jul. 68.) [E. E.] CYNAETHUS. [CINAETHUS.] C.YNA'NE, CYNA, or CYNNA (Kvva'Py, Kv'va, Kvvva), was half-sister to Alexander the Great, and daughter of Philip by Audata, an Illyrian woman. Her father gave her in marriage to her cousin Amyntas, by whose death she was left a widow in B. c. 336. [AMYNTAS, No. 3.] In the following year Alexander promised her hand, as a reward for his services, to Langarus, king of the Agrianians, but the intended bridegroom was carried off by sickness. Cynane continued unmarried, and employed herself in the education of her daughter, Adea or Eurydice, whom she is said to have trained, after the manner of her own education, to martial exercises. When Arrhidaeus was chosen king, B. c. 323, Cynane determined to marry Eurydice to him, and crossed over to Asia accordingly. Her influence was probably great, and her project alarmed Perdiccas and Antipater, the former of whom sent her brother Alcetas to meet her on her way and put her to death. Alcetas did so in defiance of the feelings of his troops, and Cynane met her doom with an undaunted spirit. In B. c. 317, Cassander, after defeating Olympias, buried Cynane with Eurydice and Arrhidaeus at Aegae, tile royal burying-place. (Arr. Anab. i. 5, ap. Phot. p. 70, ed. Bekk.; Satyr. op. A then. xiii p. 557, c.; Diod. xix. 52; Polyaen. viii. 60; Perizon. ad Ael. V. H. xiii. 36.) [E. E.] CYNISCA (Kvvio-Ka), daughter of Archidamus IT. king of Sparta, so named after her grandfather Zeuxidamus, who was also called Cyniscus. (Herod. vi. 71.) She was the first woman who kept horses for the games, and the first who gained an Olympian victory. (Paus. iii. 8. ~ 1.) Pausanias mentions an epigram by an unknown author in her honour, which is perhaps the same as the inscription he speaks of (vi. 1. ~ 2) in his account of her monument at Olympia. This was a group of sculpture representing Cynisca with a chariot, charioteer, and horses,-the work of Apellas. [APELLAS.] There were also figures of her horses in brass in the temple of Olympian Zeus (Paus. v. 12. ~ 3), and at Sparta she had near the gymnasium, called the Platanistas, an heroum. (iii. 15. ~ 1.) [A. H. C.] CYNO. [CvRus.] CYNOBELLINUS, one of the kings of Britain in the reign of Claudius, the capital of whose kingdom was Camalodunum. (Colchester or Maldon.) He was the father of Caractacus, Togodumnus, and Adminius. (Dion Cass. lx. 20, 21; Suet. Cal. 44; Oros. vii. 5.) CYNORTES or CYNORTAS (Kvv6prT7s), a son of Amyclas by Diomede, and brother of Hyacinthus. After the death of his brother Argalus, he became king of Sparta and father of Oebalus or of Perieres. His tomb was shewn at Sparta not far from the Scias. (Paus. iii. 1. ~ 3, 13. ~ 1; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3; Schol. ad Etzrip. Orest. 447.) [L. S.] CYNOSU'RA (Kvvooovpd), an Idaean nymph and one of the nurses of Zeus, who placed her among the stars. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 2; Arat. Phaen, 35; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. i. 246.) [L. S.]
Page 912 912 CYPRIANUS. CY'NT111A and CY'NTHIUS (KyvOla and Ki6,01os), surnames respectively of Artemis and Apollo, which they derived from mount Cynthus in the island of Delos, their birthplace. (Callim. Hyvmn. in Del. 10; Hor. Carm. i. 21. 2, iii. 28. 12; Lucan, i. 218.) [L. S.] CYNULCUS. [CARNEIUS.] CYNUS (Kiaos), a son of Opus, and father of Ilodoedocus and Larymna, from whom Cynus in Locris derived its name. (Paus. ix. 23. ~ 4; Eustath. ad Hoen. p. 277.) [L. S.] CYNU'RUS (Kvdvovpos), a son of Perseus, who is said to have led colonists from Argos into Cynuria, a valley between Argolis and Laconia. (Paus. iii. 2. ~ 3.) [L. S.] CYPARISSUS (Kur'dp'o--os), a youth of Cea, a son of Telephus, was beloved by Apollo and Zephyrus or Silvanus. When he had inadvertently killed his favourite stag, he was seized with immoderate grief, and metamorphosed into a cypress. (Ov. Met. x. 120, &c.; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 64, 680, Eclog. x. 26, Georg. i. 20.) Another Cyparissus is mentioned by Eustathius. (Ad Horn. II. ii. 519.) [L. S.] CY'PRIA, CYPRIS, CYPRIGENEIA, or CYPRO'GENES (Kvrrp'a, Kvr-pis, Kvrrpyiveia, Kur-po'yivss), surnames of Aphrodite, who was born in the island of Cyprus, which was also one of the principal seats of her worship. (Ho0m. II. v. 458; Pind. 01. i. 120, xi. 125, Pyth. iv. 383; Tibull. iii. 3. 34; IHor. Carm. i. 3. 1.) [L. S.] CYPRIA'NUS, THA'SCIUS. This celebrated prelate was a native of Africa, born, although the exact year cannot be ascertained, about the beginning of the third century. We are not acquainted with the particulars of his life as long as he remained a Gentile; but it is evident from his writings that he must have been educated with no common care. St. Jerome and Lactantius assure us, that he practised the art of oratory, and taught rhetoric with distinguished success, and by this or some other honourable occupation he realised considerable wealth. About the year A. D. 246, he was persuaded to embrace Christianity by the exhortations of Caecilius, an aged presbyter of the church at Carthage, and, assuming the name of the spiritual patron by whom he had been set free from the bondage of Paganism, was henceforward styled THAscIus CAECILIUS CYPRIANUS. At the same period he sold all that he had, and distributed the price among the poor. The popularity acquired by this liberality, combined probably with the reputation he had previously enjoyed, and the pride naturally felt in so distinguished a proselyte, secured his rapid elevation. In A. D. 247 he was raised to the rank of a presbyter, and in the course of the following year the bishopric of Carthage was forced upon his reluctant acceptance by a large majority of the African clergy, not without strenuous opposition, however, from a small party headed by Novatus [NovATUS] and Felicissimnus, whose obstinate resistance and contumacy subsequently gave rise to much disorder and violence. When the persecution of Decius burst forth (A. D. 250), Cyprian, being one of the first marked out as a victim, fled from the storm, in obedience, as he tells us (Epist. xiv.), to an intimation from heaven that thus he might best discharge his duty, and remained in retirement until after Easter of the following year. (A. D. 251.) During the whole of this period he kept up an active correspondence CYPRIANUS. with hiis clergy concerning various matters of discipline, much of his attention being occupied, as the violence of the persecution began to abate, by the fierce controversies which arose with regard to the readmission of the Lapsi or apostates, who, according to the form and degree of their guilt, were designated Sacrtiicati, or Thurificati, or Libellatici, and were seeking, now that the danger had passed away, the restoration of their ecclesiastical privileges. Cyprian, although not perfectly consistent throughout in his instructions, always manifested a disposition to follow a moderate course; and while on the one hand he utterly rejected the extreme doctrine of Novatianus, who maintained that the church had no power again to admit the renegades to her communion, so he was equally opposed to the laxity of those who were willing to receive them at once, before they had given evidence of their contrition by lengthened penitence, and finally decided that full forgiveness should not be extended to any of the offenders until God should have granted peace to his servants. Novatus and Felicissimus, taking advantage of these disputes, endeavoured to gain over to their faction many of the impatient and discontented Lapsi. Novatus actually appointed Felicissimus his deacon without the permission or knowledge of his diocesan, who in his turn caused Felicissimus to be excommunicated; while the latter, far from submitting to the sentence, associated with himself five seditious presbyters, who breaking off in open schism, elected Fortunatus, one of their own number, bishop, and ventured to despatch an epistle to Cornelius, bishop of Rome, announcing their choice. This cabal, however, soon fell to pieces; Cornelius refused to listen to their representations, their supporters gradually dropped off, and their great bond of union was rudely snapped asunder by the defection of their great champion, Novatus, who, upon his visit to Rome at the commencement of A. D. 251, not only ceased to plead the cause of the Lapsi, but espoused to the full extent the views of Novatianus. Scarcely were these troubles happily allayed, and Cyprian once more securely seated in his chair, when fresh disturbances arose in consequence of the acrimonious contest between Cornelius and Novatianus [CORNELIUS; NOVATIANUS] for the see of Rome, the former finding a warm supporter in the bishop of Carthage, by whose exertions his authority was acknowledged throughout nearly the whole of Africa. In the month of June, A. D. 252, began what is commonly termed the persecution of Gallus, but which in reality originated in an unauthorized popular movement excited by the refusal of the Christians to join in the prayers and sacrifices offered up on account of the deadly pestilence which was devastating the various provinces of the Roman empire. On this occasion, as formerly, the mob of Carthage loudly demanded that Cyprian should be thrown to the lions; but the danger does not appear to have been imminent, and while in Italy Cornelius was banished to Civita Vecchia, where he died on the 14th of September, and his successor Lucius suffered martyrdom a few months afterwards (5th March, 253), Africa remained comparatively undisturbed, and the political confusion consequent upon the assumption of the purple by Aemilianus restored to the church external tranquillity, which continued uninterrupted for nearly four years. But in proportion as there was repose from without, so
Page 913 CY PRIANUS. discord waxed hot within. The never ending discussions with regard to the Lapsi were vexatiously and bitterly revived under a thousand embarrassing forms; next arose a dispute with regard to the age at which infants might receive baptism; and lastly the important controversy concerning the rebaptizing of those who had been admitted to the rite by heretics and schismatics, which first arose in Asia, now began to call forth a storm of angry feeling in all the provinces of the West. In this case, Cyprian was no longer the advocate of moderate opinions. He steadfastly and sternly maintained that the unity of the visible church was essential to Christianity; that no Christianity could exist beyond the pale of that church; that no sacrament was efficacious if administered by those who had violated this principle by disobedience to episcopal authority; and that consequently the baptism performed by heretics and schismatics was in itself null and void-doctrines confirmed by the acts of a numerous council held at Carthage in the autumn of A. D. 255, and unhesitatingly repudiated by Stephen, at that time bishop of Rome. The tempest thus aroused was stilled for awhile by the unlooked-for persecution of Valerian, hitherto considered the friend and protector of the Christian cause. Cyprian being at once pointed out by his high character and conspicuous station, was banished by Paternus the proconsul to the maritime city of Curubis, whither he proceeded in September, A. D. 257, attended by his friend and constant companion, the deacon Pontius, to whom he communicated that he had received a revelation of approaching martyrdom. After having lived in this agreeable residence for eleven months, treated with the greatest indulgence and surrounded by every comfort, he was recalled by the new governor, Galerius Maximus, and returned to his villa in the neighbourhood of the city, from whence he was soon summoned to appear before the proconsul at Utica. Conscious of his approaching fate, he withdrew for a time into concealment, in consequence, say his enemies, of his courage having failed him, or, according to his own declaration, because he considered it more becoming to die in the midst of his own people than in the diocese of another prelate. It is certain that, upon the return of Maximus, Cyprian reappeared, resisted all the entreaties of his friends to seek safety in flight, made a bold and firm profession of his faith in the pranetorium before the magistrate, and was beheaded in a spacious plain without the walls in the presence of a vast multitude of his sorrowing followers, who were freely permitted to remove the corpse and to pay the last honours to his memory with mingled demonstrations of grief and triumph. While Cyprian possessed an amount of learning, eloquence, and earnestness, which gained for him the admiration and respectful love of those among whom le laboured, his zeal was tempered with moderation and charity to an extent of which we find but few examples among the ecclesiastics of that age and country, and was combined with an amount of prudence and knowledge of human nature which enabled him to restrain and guide the fiery spirits by whom he was surrounded, and to maintain unshaken to the close of his life that influence, stretching far beyond the limits of his own diocese, which he had established almost at the outset of his career. His correspondence pre CYPRIANUS. 913 sefits us with a very lively picture both of the man and of the times; and while we sometimes remark and regret a certain want of candour and decision, and a disinclination to enunciate boldly any great principles save such as were likely to flatter the prejudices of his clergy, we at the same time feel grateful in being relieved from the headstrong violence, the overbearing spiritual pride, and the arrogant impiety which disgrace the works of so many early controversialists. His character, indeed, and opinions were evidently, in no small degree, formed by the events of his own life. The clemency uniformly exhibited towards the Lapsi was such as might have been expected from a good man who must have been conscious that lie had himself, on one occasion at least, considered it more expedient to avoid than to invite persecution, while the extreme views which he advocated with regard to the powers of the church were not surprising in a prelate whose authority had been so long and so fiercely assailed by a body of factious schismatics. On one point only is his conduct open to painful suspicion. He more than once alleged that he had received communications and directions direct from heaven, precisely too with reference to those transactions of his life which appeared most calculated to excite distrust or censure. Those who are not disposed to believe that such revelations were really vouchsafed, cannot fail to observe that the tone and temper of Cyprian's mind were so far removed from fanaticism, that it is impossible to imagine that he could have been deceived by the vain visions of a heated imagination. In his style, which is avowedly formed upon the model of Tertullian, he exhibits much of the masculine vigour and power of his master, while he skilfully avoids his harshness and extravagance both of thought and diction. The fruits of his early training and practice as a rhetorician are manifested in the lucid arrangement of his matter, and in the copious, flowing, and sonorous periods in which he gives expression to his ideas; but we may here and there justly complain, that loose reasoning and hollow declanmation are substituted for the precise logic and pregnant terseness which we demand from a great polemical divine. The following is a list of Cyprian's works:1. De Gratia Dei liber, addressed in the form of a letter to his friend Donatus, who appears to have followed in early life the same profession with himself, and to have been converted at the same time. This work was probably composed in A. D. 246, very soon after the admission of its author into the church. It depicts in glowing colours the happy condition of those who, enlightened by the grace of God, have turned aside from Paganism to Christianity; dwells upon the mercy and beneficence by which this change is effected, and upon the importance of the baptismal rite; and draws a striking parallel between the purity and holiness of the true faith as contrasted with the grossness and vice of the vulgar belief. Although frequently placed among the Epistles of Cyprian, it deserves to be considered in the light of a formal treatise. 2. De Idolorumn Vanitate liber, written in A. D,. 247, the year in which he was ordained a presbyter, is imitated from the early Christian Apologies, especially that of Tertullian. Three points are chiefly insisted upon. 1. The folly of raising 3N
Page 914 914 CYPRIAN US. earthly kings, that is, mere mortal men, to the rank of divinities, the impotence of such imaginary powers, and the emptiness of the science of augury. 2. The Unity of God. 3. The Advent of Christ, and his Consubstantiality with the Father. This tract is expressly ascribed to Cyprian by Jerome in his Epist. ad Mlagnum Orat. 3. Testimoniorum adversus Judaeos libri tres. A collection of remarkable texts from Scripture, divided into three books, and illustrated by remarks and applications. Those in the first are quoted for the purpose of proving that the Jews, by their disobedience, had, in accordance with prophecy, forfeited the protection and promises of God; those in the second demonstrate that the Christians had taken their place, and that Jesus was the Messiah foretold in the Old Testament; those in the third exhibit within a short compass the great moral and religious obligations of the Christian life. The precise date at which this compilation was arranged is unknown, but it probably belongs to the early part of Cyprian's career. It is quoted by Jerome (Dial. I. adv. Pelag.) and by Augustin. (Contra duas Ep.ist. Pelag. iv. 8, 10.) 4. De Disciplina et IHlbitu Virginumn liber, "written in A. D. 248, the year in which he was raised to the episcopate, in imitation of the dissertations of Tertullian, " De Virginibus velandis," "D De Habitu Mulierum," &c., the object being to enforce upon those holy maidens who had made a vow of celibacy the necessity of simplicity in their dress and manner of life. He commences with an encomium on virginity, insists upon the propriety of abstaining from all sumptuous apparel and vain ornaments, from paint, from frequenting baths, marriages, or public spectacles, and concludes with a general exhortation to avoid all luxurious indulgencies. This book is referred to by Jerome (Epist. ad Demetriad. et Eustoch.) and by Augustin (de Doctrina Christi, iv. 21). 5. De Unitate Ecclesiae Catholicae liber, written and despatched to Rome in A. D. 252, at a period when both Italy and Africa were distracted by the pretensions of Novatianus, with the view of bringing back to the bosom of the church those who had wandered from her pale or were wavering in their allegiance, by pointing out the danger and sin of schism, and by demonstrating the necessity of a visible union among all true Christians. This remarkable treatise is of the utmost importance to the student of ecclesiastical history, since here we first find the doctrine of Catholicism and of the typical character of St. Peter developed in that form which was afterwards assumed by the bishops of Rome as the basis of Papal supremacy. It is quoted by Augustin (c. Crescon. ii. 33; see also Cyprian. Epist. 51). 6. De Lapsis liber, written and despatched to Rome in the month of November, A. D. 252. It may be considered as a sort of supplement to the preceding work, explaining and defending the justice and consistency of that temperate policy which was adopted both by Cornelius and Cyprian with regard to the readmission of fallen brethren into the communion of the church. The tract is quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. vi. 33), by Augustin (de Adult. Conj. i. 25), and by Pontius (Vit. Cyprian). See also Cyprian, Epist. 51. 7. De Oratione Dominica liber, written about A. D. 252, in imitation of Tertullian, " De Ora CYPRIANUS. tione," contains a lengthened commentary on each of the petitions in the Lord's Prayer, accompanied by remarks upon prayer in general, and upon the frame of mind which best befits those who thus approach the throne of God. This work is highly extolled by Hilarius in his commentary on St. Matthew, by Augustin in many places (e. g. de Don. persev. 2), by Cassiodorus (Divin. Instit. 19), and by Pontius in his life of Cyprian, while among moderns, Barth pronounces it one of the noblest productions of ancient Christian Latinity. (Advers. Iviii.) 8. De Mortalitate liber, written in A. D. 252, during the prevalence of the terrible pestilence which for the space of five years ravaged the most populous provinces of the Roman empire, for the purpose of pointing out how little death ought to be an object of dread to the Christian, since to him it was the gate of immortality, the beginning of eternal bliss. It is mentioned by Augustin (Adv Julian. ii.), and elsewhere. 9. Ad Demetrianum liber, also written in A. D. 252. Demetrianus, proconsul of Africa, catching up the popular cry, had ascribed the famine and plague under which the world was at this time labouring to the impiety of the Christians, who refused to render homage to the deities. Cyprian here replies, that the Gentiles themselves were much more the cause of these disasters, by neglecting the worship of the only true God and cruelly persecuting his followers. It is quoted by Lactantius (Divin. Instit. v. 1, 4), by Jerome (Adv. Mag.), and by Pontius. (Vit. Cyprian.) 10. De Exhortatione Martyrii, a letter addressed to Fortunatus in A. D. 252, during the persecution of Gallus, on the reasonableness, the duty, and the reward of martyrdom, in imitation of a treatise on the same subject by Tertullian. This piece has been by some persons erroneously attributed to Hilarius, but is now generally acknowledged as the undoubted production of Cyprian. 11. De Opere et Eleemosynis liber, on the duty of almsgiving, written according to some critics towards the close of A. D. 254, while others suppose that it belongs to the preceding year, and believe it to be connected with an epistle (lxii.) addressed by Cyprian to some Numidian bishops who had solicited pecuniary assistance to enable them to redeem from captivity several of the brethren who had been carried off and were kept in slavery by the Moors. It is named under the above title by Augustin (Contra duas ep. Pelag. iv. 4), and by Jerome (Ad Pamnmach.), as a discourse " De Misericordia." 12. De Bono Patientiae liber, written about A. D. 256, in imitation of the work of Tertullian on the same subject. It is quoted by Augustin (Contra duas ep. Pelag. iv. 9) and by Pontius. (Vit. Cyprian.) 13. De Zelo et Livore, written in A. D. 256, at the period when the controversy between Cyprian and Stephen, bishop of Rome, on the rebaptizing of heretics, was at its height, exhorting Christians carefully to avoid envy and malice, and to cherish feelings of charity and love towards each other. It is quoted by Augustin (de Baptism. Parv. 4), by Jerome (In ep. ad Gal. c. 5), and by Pontius. (Vit, Cgprian.) 14. Epistolae. In addition to the above we possess a series of eighty-one official letters, extending over the whole public life of Cyprian, in
Page 915 CYPRIANUS. eluding a few addressed to himself or to his clergy. This collection is of inestimable value, not only on account of the light which it throws on the life, character, and opinions of the prelate himself, but from the lively picture which it presents of the state of ecclesiastical affairs, and of a multitude of circumstances of the greatest importance in iistorical and antiquarian researches. Our limits preclude us from attempting to give any analysis of these documents; but we may remark, that the topics principally considered bear upon the questions, general and local, which we have noticed above as agitating the Christian community at this epoch, namely, the treatment of the Lapsi, the schism of Novatus and Felicissimus, the schism of Novatianus, the baptism of infants, the rebaptising of heretics, to which we may add a remarkable discussion on a subject which has been revived in our own day, the necessity of employing wine in the sacrament of the Eucharist, in which Cyprian strongly denounces the tenets of the Aquarii or Encratites (Epist. 63), and employs many expressions which have been constantly appealed to by those opposed to the practice of the Romish church which denies the cup to the laity. In most editions of Cyprian the tract De Gratia Dei, together with the fragment of a letter from Donatus prefixed to it, are set down as the first two epistles, by which arrangement the number is swelled to eighty-three. Three more were printed by Baluze, which, however, are now admitted to be spurious. The following works are admitted as authentic by many editors, although they do not rest on such satisfactory evidence as the foregoing;1. De Spectaculis liber. 2. De Laude Mlartyrii ad lMoysen et llMaCXimums et ceteros Confessores. The following works, although frequently found bearing the name of Cyprian, and many of them, probably, belonging to the same age, are now reected by all:1. Ad Novatianumn Haereticum, quod Lapsis Spoes Venicae non sit deneganda, ascribed by Erasmus to Cornelius. 2. De Discipliona et bono Pudicitlae., ascribed in like manner by Erasmus to Cornelius. 3. De Aleatoribus. 4. De Montibus Sina et Sion contra Juidaeos. 5. Oratio pro ilMartyribusOratio in Die Passionis snae et Confessio S. Cypriani, assigned by many to Cyprian of Antioch. 6. De Rebaptismate. 7. De Crdinalibus OlCristi Operibus, now recognized as the work of Arnold, abbot of Bona Vallis. 8. De SingIlareitate Clericorum. 9. In Symbolum Apostolicumn Eopositio. The workl of Rufinus. 10. Adversuos Judaeos qzui Christum insecuti sunt. 11. De Revelatione Capitis B. Jo. Baptisae: in this work mention is made of the Frankish king Pepin. 12. De Duzplici Martprio, in which mention is made of the Turks! 13. D De Duodecim Abusionibus Saeculi. 14. Dispositio Coenae..15. De Pascha Computus, attributed to Cyprian by Paulus Diaconus, and found in the Cottonian MS. 16. Three poems, the author or authors of which are unknown, have been ascribed to Cyprian-Genesis, Sodomoa, Ad Senatorem. The first seems to be the same with that assigned by Gennadius to Salvianus, bishop of Marseilles. The editions of Cyprian are very numerous. The editio princeps was printed at Rome from a Parisian MS., under the inspection of Andrew, bishop of Aleria, by Swcynheym and Panuartz, CYPSELUS. 915 1471, fol. The first edition in which any attempt was made to exhibit a pure text, and to separate the genuine from the spurious works, was that of Erasmus, whose labours are above all praise. It appeared at Basle, from the press of Frobon, in 1520, fol. The two best editions are-1. That printed at Oxford, 1682, fol., and edited by John Fell, bishop of Oxford, to which are subjoined the Annales Cyprianici of John Pearson, bishop of Chester; reprinted at Bremen, 1690, fol., with the addition of the Dissertationes Cyprianicae of Dodwell, which had previously appeared in a separate form, Oxon. 1684, 4to. 2. That commenced by Baluze, and completed by a monk of the fraternity of St. Maur, who is hence styled ilaranus, Paris, fol. 1726. These two editions taken together contain everything that the student can possibly desire. As ancient authorities we have a biography of Cyprian still extant drawn up by his confidential friend the deacon Pontius [PoNTIus], together with the proconsular acts relating to his martyrdom. Among modern lives we may specify those by Le Clerc, Bibtiothelque Universelle, vol. xii. p. 208 -378; by Tillemont, Mimoires Ecclesiastiques, vol. iv. pp. 76-459; and by Maranus, prefixed to the edition of Baluze. No publication on this subject contains such an amount of accurate investigation with regard not only to the prelate himself, but also to the whole complicated ecclesiastical history of the times, as the Annales Cyprianici of Pearson, an abstract of which has been compiled by Schoenomann, and will be found in his Bibl. Patroomo. Lot. vol. i. pp. 80-100 (c. iii. ~ 3), and a vast mass of valuable matter is contained in the Dissertsationes Cyprianicae of Dodwell. Compare also Fabric. Bibl. Med. et inf. Lat. i. p. 444; Funccius, de L. L. veg. senect. c. x. ~ 19; Schrbck, Kirchengescht. i. p. 210, and iv. p. 246, &c.; Lumper, Histor. Theolog. orit. pars xi. p. 58, &c.; Walch, Bibliotheca Patristica, ed. Danz; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. 1 6; Milman, Histosr of Christianity, ii. p. 246; Rettberg, Thosc. Cidcil. lyprian dargestellt nach seineom Lebeno und Wirken, Gitting. 1831; Poole, Life and Times of Cpprian, Oxford, 1840. [W. R.] CY'PSELUS (KhFcexos), a son of Aepytus, father of Mcrope and father-in-law of Crosphontes, was king of Basilis on the Alpheius in Arcadia. (Paus. iv. 3. ~ 3, viii. 5. Q~ 4, 8, 29. 4.) [L. S.] CY'PSELUS, of Corinth, was, according to Herodotus (v. 92), a son of Aeetion, who traced hIis descent to Caeneus, the comnpanion of Peirithous. Pa.usanias(ii. 4. ~ 4, v. 2. ~ 4, 17. ~ 2, and c. 18) describes Cypselus as a descendant of Melas, who was a native of Gonusa near Sicyon, and accompanied the Dorians against Corinth. The mother of Cypselus belonged to the house of the Bacchiadae, that is, to the Doric nobility of Corinth. According to the tradition followed by Herodotus, she married Aeition, because, being ugly, she met with no one among the Bacchiadae who would have her as his wife. Her marriage remained for some time without issue, and when Aeetion consulted the oracle of Delphi about it, a son was promised to him, who should prove formidable to the ruling party at Corinth. When the Bacchiadae were informed of this oracle, which at the same time threw light upon a previous mysterious oracle, they resolved for their own security to murder the child3 N 2
Page 916 916 CYRIADES. of Ae'tion. But the persons who were sent out for this purpose were moved by the smiles of the infant, and spared his life. Afterwards, however, they made a second attempt, but they now could not find the child, for his mother had concealed him in a chest (icvuEAv), from which he derived his name, Cypselus. When he had grown up to manhood, he came forward as the champion of the demos against the nobles, and with the help of the people he expelled the Bacchiadae, and then established himself as tyrant. (Aristot. Polit. v. 8, &c.) The cruelties which he is charged with at the beginning of his reign were the result of the vehement opposition on the part of the Bacchiadae, for afterwards his government was peaceful and popular, and Cypselus felt so safe among the Corinthians that he could even dispense with a body-guard. (Aristot. Polit. v. 9; Polyaen. v. 31.) Like most other Greek tyrants, Cypselus was very fond of splendour and magnificence, and he appears to have accumulated great wealth. He dedicated at Delphi the chapel of the Corinthians with a bronze palm-tree (Plut. Conv. Sept. Sap. 21, Symp. Quaest. viii. 4); and at Olympia he erected a golden statue of Zeus, towards which the wealthy Corinthians were obliged to pay an extraordinary tax for the space often years. (Strab. viii. pp. 353, 378; comp. Pseud. Aristot. Oecon. ii. 2; Suid. and Phot. s. v. K eoos.) Cypselus ruled at Corinth for a period of thirty years, the beginning of which is placed by some in B. c. 658, and by others in 655. He was succeeded in the tyranny at Corinth by his son Periander. The celebrated chest of Cypselus, consisting of cedar wood, ivory, and gold, and richly adorned with figures in relief, of which Pausanias (v. 17, &c.) has preserved a description, is said to have been acquired by one of the ancestors of Cypselus, who kept in it his most costly treasures. It afterwards remained in the possession of his descendants, and it was in this chest that young Cypselus was saved from the persecutions of the Bacchiadae. His grateful descendants dedicated it in the temple of Hera at Olympia, where it was seen by Pausanias about the end of the second century after Christ. (Comp. Miller, Archaeol. d. Kunst. ~ 57. 2, &c.; Thiersch, Epod,. p. 166, &c.) [L. S.] CYRE'NE (Kvpsv-i), a daughter of Hypseus or Peneius by Chlidanope, a granddaughter of Peneins and Creusa, was beloved by Apollo, who carried her from mount Pelion to Libya, where Cyrene derived its name from her. She became by Apollo the mother of Aristaeus. (Pind. Pytik. ix. 5. &c.; Apollon. Rhod. i. 500, &c.; Diod. iv. 81; Serv. ad Aen. iv. 42, 317; Hygin. Fab. 161.) It is a mere mistake that Justin (xiii. 7) calls Anthocus, Nomius, and Argaeus sons of Cyrene. (Comp. ARISTAEUS.) There are two other mythical personages of the name of Cyrene. (Hygin. Fab. 14; Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 8.) [L. S.] CYRI'ADES stands first in the list of the thirty tyrants enumerated by Trebellius Pollio [AUREOLvUS], from whose brief, indistinct, and apparently inaccurate narrative we gather that, after having robbed his father, whose old age he had embittered by dissipation and vice, he fled to the Persians, stimulated Sapor to invade the Roman provinces, and, having assumed the purple. together with the title of Augustus, was slain by his own followers after a short career of cruelty and crime. Gibbon thinks fit to assume that these CYRILLUS. events took place after the defeat and capture of Valerianus (A. D. 260); but our only authority expressly asserts, that the death of the usurper happened while the emperor was upon his march to the East (A. D. 258 or 259); and by that statement we nust, in the absence of all other evidence, be content to abide. The medals published by Goltzius and Mediobarbus are rejected by numismatologists as unquestionably spurious. (Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyr. i.) [W. R.] CYRILLUS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, who wrote shortly after the compilations of Justinian were formed. From the scholiast on the Basilica (vii. p. 89) it may be inferred, that he translated into Greek the Digest at length (ro 7rAdvos, Reiz, ad Theoph. p. 1246,. 17). He also composed a commentary on the Digest, which is cited by the name 'IVS-a word which does not mean an alphabetical register, or index in the modern sense. (Bas. ii. pp. 190, 192.) Some have thought that, as '[e( means a summary abridgment of the contents of the titles, so 7rAdros means an extended commentary or paraphrase; while Hugo (R. R. G. p. 1077) mentions a suggestion made to him, that,rAdvos and tYIst are used synonomously, the latter word being interpreted in the Glossae Nomzicae by ep/usvela. Cyrillus is designated, along with Stephanus (who also wrote an Index), by the name 'IvstIKucEV's. (Bas. iii. p. 415.) On the authority of Ant. Augustinus, Suarez (Notit. Basil. ~ 19) cites Matt. Blastares (in Praef. SIytag.) to shew that Cyrillus interpreted the Digest Ira'' i-rtroiujv; but, in the edition of Blastares published by Bp. Beveridge (Synodicon, ii.), the name of Cyrillus does not occur in the context referred to. Cyrillus also commented upon the Code. (Bas. iii. pp. 60, 61.) Sometimes he is quoted by the scholiasts on the Basilica, and sometimes his opinions are embodied in the text. (Bas. v. pp. 44, 82, 431, Bas. iv. p. 410.) He does not appear to have commented upon the Novells; and Reiz (ad Theoph. pp. 1235, 1245) has observed, that both Cyrillus and Stephanus must have written before A. D. 535, when the 115th Novell was promulgated. In Bas. v. 225 is a quotation from Cyrillus stating the law de Inoqicioso Testamento as it existed before it was altered by the 115th Novell, which an eminent jurist could scarcely have overlooked or been ignorant of. C. E. Zachariae seems to think that there were two jurists named Cyrillus: one, who was among the preceptors of the jurists that flourished in the time of Justinian; another, who was among the jurists that flourished in the period immediately after the compilation of the Corpus Juris. (Hist. J. G. R. ~ 14, 1, a., ib. ~ 14, 5, c.) Zachariae indeed does not expressly say that there were two, but, unless he thinks so, his mode of statement is calculated to mislead. The early Cyrillus is referred to (if Zachariae properly expresses his meaning) in Bas. i. pp. 583, 646 (ed. Heimbach), in both of which passages he is designated by the honourable title Heros. In the passage, p. 646, Heros Patricius, who was a contemporary of Justinian, seems (as quoted by the Scholiast) to call Cyrillus " the general schoolmaster of the world;" but the meaning is ambiguous, and the high-flown compliments to Cyrillus may be the Scholiast's own. It is the later Cyrillus (if Zachariae expresses what he intends) who, in Bas. i. p. 789 (ed. Heimbach), cites Stephanus, his contemporary
Page 917 CYRILLUS. and brother-commentator. We do not agree with Zachariae in this hypothesis of two Cyrilli; and it is to be observed, that in Bas. i. p. 646 (ed. Heimbach) the supposed earlier Cyrillus of Zachariae is treated as the author of a commentary on the title de Pactis.) In Bas. iii. pp. 50, 51 (ed. Fabrot.), Cyrillus is represented as quoting a constitution of Alexius Comnenus (A. D. 10813-1118), and, in Bas. v. p. 431 and vii. p. 89, mention is made of the edition of Cyrillus, which is supposed by Assemani and Pohl to mean his edition of the Basilica. Hence Assemani (Bibl. Jur. Orient. ii. 20, p. 404) comes to the conclusion, that Cyrillus was posterior to Alexius; and Pohl (ad Snares. Notit. Basil. p. 69, n. or) thinks, that there were two jurists of the name, one of whom was posterior to Alexius. In the passages of early jurists which are appended as notes to the text of the Basilica, interpolations and alterations were often made, in order to accommodate them to a later state of the law; and the apparent anachronisms thus produced occasion considerable difficulty in the legal biography of the lower empire. (Heimbach, de Basil. Orig. p. 31.) The fragments of Graeco-Roman jurists appended by way of commentary to the 8th book of the Basilica were first published by Ruhnken from a manuscript at Leyden in the 3rd and 5th volumes of Meermann's Thesaurus. Among them are frequent extracts from Cyrillus. In the Glossae Nomicae, of which Labbe made a collection that was published after his death (Paris, 1679, London, 1817), are Glossaries which have been commonly attributed to Philoxenus and Cyrillus. Reiz (ad Theoph. p. 1246) thinks it not improbable that these Glossaries were either edited by Philoxenus and Cyrillus, or extracted by others from their interpretations, but that they certainly have been interpolated and altered by later hands. Haubold (Inst. Jar. Rom. priv. p. 159, n. k.) sees no sufficient reason for attributing to Cyrillus the Glossary that passes under his name. [J. T. G.] CYRILLUS (KVpt?\os), ST., was a native of ALEXANDRIA, and nephew of Theophilus, bishop of the same place. The year of his birth is not known. After having been a presbyter of the church at Alexandria, he succeeded to the episcopal chair on the death of Theophilus, A. D. 412. To this office he was no sooner elevated than he gave full scope to those dispositions and desires that guided him through an unquiet life. Unbounded ambition and vindictiveness, jealousy of opponents, illdirected cunning, apparent zeal for the truth, and an arrogant desire to lord it over the churches, constituted the character of this vehement patriarch. His restless and turbulent spirit, bent on selfaggrandisement, presents an unfavourable portrait to the impartial historian. Immediately after his elevation, he entered with vigour on the duties supposed to devolve on the prelate of so important a city. He banished from it the Jews, who are said to have been attempting violence towards the Christians, threw down their synagogue and plundered it, quarrelled with Orestes, and set himself to oppose heretics and heathens on every side. According to Socrates, he also shut up the churches of the Novatians, took away all their sacred vessels and ornaments, and deprived Theopemptus, their bishop, of all he had. (Histor. Eccles. vii. 7.) But his efforts were chiefly directed against Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople; and the greater CYRILLUS. 917 part of his life was passed amid agititinig scenes, resulting from this persevering opposition. In consequence of an epistle written by Cyril to the Egyptian monks which had been carried to Constantinople, Nestorius and his friends were naturally offended. When Cyril understood how much Nestorius had been hurt by this letter, he wrote to him in justification of his conduct, and in explanation of his faith, to which Nestorius replied in a calm and dignified tone. Cyril's answer repeats the admonitions of his first letter, expounds anew his doctrine of the union of natures in Christ, and defends it against the consequences deduced in his opponent's letter. Nestorius was afterwards induced by Lampon, a presbyter of the Alexandrian church, to write a short letter to Cyril breathing the true Christian spirit. In the mean time the Alexandrine prelate was endeavouring to lessen the influence of his opponent by statements addressed to the emperor, and also to the princesses Pulcheria, Arcadia, and Marinia; but Theodosius was not disposed to look upon him with a friendly eye because of such epistles; for he feared that the prelate aimed at exciting disagreement and discord in the imperial household. Cyril also wrote to Celestine, bishop of Rome, informing him of the heresy of Nestorius, and asking his co-operation against it. The Roman bishop had previously received some account of the controversy from Nestorius; though, from ignorance of Greek, he had not been able to read the letters and discourses of the Constantinopolitan prelate. In consequence of Cyril's statement, Celestine held a council at Rome, and passed a decree, that Nestorius should be deposed in ten days unless he recanted. The execution of this decree was entrusted to Cyril. The Roman prelate also sent several letters through Cyril, one of which, a circular letter to the Eastern patriarchs and bishops, Cyril forwarded with additional letters from himself. This circular was afterwards sent by John of Antioch to Nestorius. Soon after (A. D. 430), he assembled a synod at Alexandria, and set forth the truth in opposition to Nestorius's tenets in twelve heads or anathemas, A letter was also drawn up addressed to Nestorius, another to the officers and members of the church at Constantinople, inciting them to oppose their patriarch, and a third to the monks. With these anathemas he sent four bishops as legates to Nestorius, requiring of him to subscribe them if he wished to remain in the communion of the Catholic church and retain his see. Celestine's letter, which he had kept back till now, was also despatched. But Nestorius refused to retract, and answered the anathemas by twelve anti-anathemas. In consequence of these mutual excommunications and recriminatory letters, the emperor Theodosius the Second was induced to summon a general council at Ephesus, commonly reckoned the third oecumenical council, which was held A. D. 431. To this council Cyril and many bishops subservient to his views repaired. The pious Isidore in vain remonstrated with the fiery Alexandrine prelate. Nestorius was accompanied by two imperial ministers of state, one of whom had the command of soldiers to protect the council. Cyril presided, and urged on the business with impatient haste. Nestorius and the imperial commissioners requested that the proceedings might be delayed till the arrival of John of Antioch and the other
Page 918 918 CYRILLUS. eastern bishops, and likewise of the Italian and Sicilian members; but no delay was allowed. Nestorius was condemned as a heretic. On the 27th of June, five days after the commencementof the council, John of Antioch, Theodoret, and the other eastern bishops, arrived. Uniting themselves with a considerable part of the council who were opposed to Cyril's proceedings, theyheld a separate synod, over which John presided, and deposed both Cyril and Memnon his associate. Both, however, were soon after restored by the emperor, while Nestorius was compelled to return to his cloister at Antioch. The emperor, though at first opposed to Cyril, was afterwards wrought upon by various representations, and by the intrigues of the monks, many of whom were bribed by the Alexandrian prelate. Such policy procured many friends at court, while Nestorius having also fallen under the displeasure of Pulcheria, the emperor's sister, was abandoned, and obliged to retire from the city into exile. Having triumphed over his enemy at Ephesus, Cyril returned to Egypt. But the deposition of Nestorius had separated the eastern from the western churches, particularly those in Egypt. In A. D. 432, Cyril and the eastern bishops were exhorted by the emperor to enter into terms of peace. In pursuance of such a proposal, Paul of Emesa, in the name of the Orientals, brought an exposition of the faith to Alexandria, sufficiently catholic to be subscribed by Cyril. He returned with another from Cyril, to be subscribed by the Easterns. This procured peace for a little while. But the spirit of the Alexandrian bishop could not easily rest; and soon after the disputes were renewed, particularly between him and Theodoret. In such broils he continued to be involved till his death, A. D. 444. According to Cave, Cyril possessed piety and indomitable zeal for the Catholic faith. But if we may judge of his piety by his conduct, he is scarcely entitled to this character. His learning was considerable according to the standard of the times in which he lived. He had a certain kind of acuteness and ingenuity which frequently bordered on the mystical; but in philosophical comprehension and in metaphysical acumen he was very defective. Theodoret brings various accusations against him, which represent him in an unamiable and even an unorthodox light. He charges him with holding that there was but one nature in Christ; but this seems to be only a consequence derived from his doctrine, just as Cyril deduced from Nestorius's writings a denial of the divine nature in Christ. Theodoret, however, brings another accusation against him which cannot easily be set aside, viz. his having caused Hypatia, a noble Alexandrian lady addicted to the study of philosophy, to be torn to pieces by the populace. Cave, who is partial to Cyril, does not deny the fact, though he thinks it incredible and inconsistent with Cyril's character to assert that lie sanctioned such a proceeding. (Suidas, s. v. 'Traria.) As an interpreter of Scripture, Cyril belongs to the allegorising school, and therefore his exegetical works are of no value. In a literary view also, his writings are almost worthless. They develop the characteristic tendency of the Egyptian mind, its proneness to mysticism rather than to clear and accurate conceptions in regard to points requiring to be distinguished. His style is thus characterised by Photius (Cod. 49): d H Ahdyos avr-> ore-rontj CYRILLUS. bevir seial elslj 18tova'av 1Smav E Egeiaas'Tolr s KCa oSov AeA/vo\vml cal 7To pi4rpov virEpopcura Trui?0rYs. In his work against Julian, it is more florid than usual, though never rising to beauty or elegance. It is generally marked by considerable obscurity and ruggedness. Cyril's extant works are the following:Glaphyra (i. e. polished or highly-wrought commentaries) on the Pentateuch. This work appeared at Paris in Latin, 1605; and was afterwards published in Greek and Latin by A. Schott, Antwerp, 1618. Concerning adoration and worship in spirit and in truth, in 17 books. Commentaries on Isaiah, in 5 books. A Commentary on the twelve minor Prophets. This was separately published in Greek and Latin at Ingolstadt, 1605. A Commentary on John, in 10 books. A treatise (thesaurus) concerning the holy and consubstantial Trinity. Seven dialogues concerning the holy and consubstantial Trinity. To these a compendium of the seventh dialogue is subjoined, or a summary of the arguments adduced in it. Two dialogues, one concerning the incarnation of the only-begotten, the other proving that Christ is one and the Lord. These dialogues, when taken with the preceding, make the eighth and ninth. Scholia on the incarnation of the only-begotten. Far the greater part of the Greek text is wanting. They exist entire only in the Latin version of Mercator. Another brief tract on the same subject. A treatise concerning the right faith, addressed to the emperor Theodosius. It begins with the third chapter. Thirty paschal homilies. These were published separately at Antwerp in 1618. Fourteen homilies on various topics. The last exists only in Latin. Sixty-one epistles. The fourth is only in Latin. Some in this collection were written by others, by Nestorius, Acacius, John of Antioch, Celestine, bishop of Rome, &c., &c. Five books against Nestorius, published in Greek and Latin at Rome, in 1608. An explanation of the twelve chapters or anathemas. An apology for the twelve chapters, in opposition to the eastern bishops. An apology for the same against Theodoret. An apology addressed to the emperor Theodosius, written about the close of A. D. 431. Ten books against Julian, written A. D. 433. A treatise against the Anthropomorphites. A treatise upon the Trinity. Of his lost works mention is made by Liberatus of " Three books against excerpts of Diodorus and Theodorus." Fragments of this work are found in the Acts of Synods. (5 Collat. 5.) Gennadius says, that he wrote a treatise concerning the termination of the Synagogue, and concerning the faith against heretics. Ephrem of Antioch speaks of a treatise on impassibility and another upon suffering. Eustratius of Constantinople cites a fragment from Cyril's oration against those who say that we should not offer up petitions for such as have slept in the faith. Nineteen homilies on Jeremiah were edited in Greek and Latin by Cor
Page 919 CYRILLUS. derius, at Antwerp, 1648, 8vo., under the name of Cyril; but it has been ascertained that they belong to Origan, with the exception of the last, which was written by Clement of Alexandria. A liturgy inscribed to Cyril, translated from Arabic into Latin by Victor Scialac, was published at Augsburg, 1604, 4to. Cyril's works were published in Latin by George of Trebizond at Basel in 1546, 4 volumes; by Gentianus Hervetus at Paris, 1573, 1605, 2 vols. They were published in Greek and Latin by Aubert, six volumes, Paris, 1638, fol. This is the best edition. (Socrates, Histor. Eccles. vii. 17, 13, 15; Fabric. Biblioth. Grace. vol. viii.; Pagi in Baronius's Annal. an. 412; Basnage, Annal. 412, n. 12; Du Pin, Bibliotheque des Auteurs Eccles. vol. iv.; Tillemont, J/Iý?moires, vol. xiv.; Cave, Histor. Literar. vol. i., Oxford, 1740; Lardner, Works, vol. iii., quarto edition, London, 1815; Walch, Historie der Ketzereien, vol. v., and Historie der Kircltensammlunlg, p. 275, &c.; Schrdck, Kirc/hengeschichte, vol. xviii.; Neander, Allgem. Kircklengeschichte, vol. ii. part 3; Murdock's Mosheim, vol. i.; Gieseler, Text Book of Eccles. Hist., translated by Cunningham, vol. i.; Guerike, Handbuch der Kirchengescdicelte, fPifte A /aye, vol. i. Specimens of Cyril's method of interpretation are given in Davidson's Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 145, &c.) [S. D.] CYRILLUS (KvpitAos), ST., bishop of JERUSALEM, was probably born at Jerusalem, A. D. 315. He was ordained deacon by Macarius in the church of his native place, about 334 or 335; and, by Maximus, who succeeded Macarius, he was elected presbyter, 345. When Maximus died, he was chosen to fill the episcopal chair, 351, in the reigni of Constantius. It was about the commencement of his episcopate, on the 7th of May, 351, about 9 o'clock, a. m., that a great luminous cross, exceeding in brightness the splendour of the sun, appeared for several hours over mount Golgotha, aind extended as far as the mount of Olives. His letter to Constantius, which is preserved, gives a full account of this phenomenon. Soon after, he became involved in disputes with Acacius, the Arian bishop of Caesareia, which embittered the greater part of his subsequent life. The controversy between them arose about the rights of their respective sees; but mutual recriminations concerning the faith soon followed. Acacius accused Cyril of affirming, that the Son was like the Father in regard to essence, or that he was consubstantial with Him. During two successive years Cyril was summoned by his opponent to appear before a proper tribunal, but did not obey the call. Exasperated no doubt by this steadfast disregard of his authority, the Caesarean bishop hastily got together a council, which deposed Cyril in 358. The charge against him was, that he had exposed to sale the treasures of the church, and in a time of famine applied the proceeds to the use of the poor. Among these treasures was specified a sacred garment woven with golden threads and presented by Constantine the Great, which afterwards came into the possession of an actress. The excommunicated prelate, however, appealed to a larger council; and Constantius himself assented to the justice of the appeal. After his deposition, he went to Antioch, in which city he found the church without a pastor, and thence to Tarsus. There he lived on terms of intimacy with Sylvanus the bishop, and frequently preached in his church to the CYRILLUS. 919 people, who were delighted with his discourses. The larger council to which he appealed was held at Seleuceia, consisting of more than 160 bishops. Before it Acacius was summoned by Cyril to appear, but he refused. The latter was restored by the council. But his persevering adversary inflamed the mind of the emperor against him, and in conformity with the wish of Acacius a synod was summoned at Constantinople; Cyril was again deposed and sent into banishment in 360. At this council former charges were raked up against him, and new ones added by Acacius. On the death of Constantius, Cyril was recalled from exile, and restored a second time to his episcopate in 362. In the year 363, when attempts were made by Julian to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, he is said to have predicted, from a comparison of the prophecies in Daniel and the New Testament, that the enterprise would be defeated. Under Jovian and in the beginning of Valens's reign, he lived in the quiet possession of his office. On the death of Acacius, he appointed Philumenus over the church at Caesareia; but the Eutychians deposed the newly chosen bishop, and substituted one Cyril in his place. The bishop of Jerusalem, however, deposed him who had been elevated by the Eutychian party, and set over the Caesarean church Gelasius, his sister's son. Soon after, by order of Valens, Cyril was banished a third time from Jerusalem, in 367. On the emperor's death, he returned to his native place, and reassumed the functions of his office the third time, 378. Under Theodosius he continued in the undisturbed possession of the episcopal chair till his death. He seems, however, to have incurred the displeasure of his own church, rent and disfigured as it was with schisms, heresies, and moral corruption. Perplexed and uneasy, he asked assistance from the council of Antioch. (379.) Accordingly, Gregory of Nyssa was deputed by the council to go to Jerusalem and to pacify the church in that place. But the peace-maker departed without accomplishing the object of his mission. Cyril was present at the second general council held at Constantinople in 381, in which he was honoured with a high eulogium. It is supposed that he attended the council of Constantinople in 383. His death took place in 386. His works consist of eighteen lectures to catechumens (KaT-X7'(res (Pcwn-oriUevw), and five to the newly-baptized (pva-raywyco-cal I caTy-re( s rpos TroVs veopwrito'rovs). These were delivered about the year 347, in his youth, as Jerome says, and when he was still presbyter. The first eighteen are chiefly doctrinal, consisting of an exposition of the articles in the creed of the church; while the last five respect the rights of baptism, chrism, and the Lord's supper. These treatises have very great value in the eyes of the theologian, inasmuch as they present a more complete system of theology and a more minute description of the rites of the church at that early period than are to be found in any other writer of the same age. In their style and language there is nothing florid or oratorical; the composition is plain, didactic, and inelegant. The authenticity of these catecheses has been questioned by some, especially by Oudinus (de Script. Eccl. Ant. vol. i. p. 459, et seq.), yet no good ground has been adduced for entertaining such doubts. It has been thought, with reason, that Cyril was once a Semi-Arian, and
Page 920 920 CYRNUS. that after the Nicene creed had been generally adopted, he approved of and embraced its dogmas. Epiphanius speaks in express terms of his SemiArianism, and even Touttee acknowledges the fact. His coldness towards the Nicenians and his intimacy with the Ensebians, give colour to this opinion. But he was by no means disposed to carry out doctrines beyond the written word, or to wander into the regions of speculation. His published writings attest his orthodoxy and firm belief in the Nicene creed. Among his works are also preserved a homily on the case of the paralytic man (John v. 1-16), and a letter to the emperor Constantius, giving an account of the luminous cross which appeared at Jerusalem, 351. His writings were published in Latin at Paris, 1589, and his Catecheses in Greek at the same place, 1564, 8vo.; in Greek and Latin at Cologne, 1564. Prevotius edited them all in Greek and Latin at Paris in 1608, 4to.; and afterwards Dion Petavius at Paris, 1622, fol. They were reprinted from Prevotius's edition, at Paris in 1631, fol., along with the works of Synesins of Cyrene. A much better edition than any of the preceding was that of Thomas Milles, in Greek and Latin, Oxford, 1703, fol. The best is that of the Benedictine monk, A. A. Touttee, Paris, 1720, fol. The preface contains a very elaborate dissertation on the life and writings of Cyril. (See Touttee's preface; Cave's Historia Literaria, vol. i. pp. 211, 212, Oxford, 1740; Schrick, Kirchenyeschichte, vol. xii. p. 343, &c.; Theodoret, Hlistor. Ecclesiast. libb. ii. and v.; Tillemont, Eccles. lMem. vol. viii.; Guerike, HIandbuch der Kirchengesc/liclde, vol. i. pp. 344, 345, note 3, fiinfte Auflage; Murdock's Mosieim, vol. i. p. 241, note 16.) [S. D.] CYRILLUS (Kv'iAAos), of SCYTHOPOLIs, a Palestine monk, belonging to the sixth century. In the sixteenth year of his age he made a profession of the monastic life in his native place. Prompted by a desire to see sacred places, he visited Jerusalem, and, by the advice of his mother, put himself under the care of John the Silentiary, by whom he was sent to the famous monastery of Laura. Leontius, prefect of the monastery, received him into the order of the monks. The time of his birth and death is alike unknown. About A. D. 557, he wrote the life of St. John the Silentiary. This is still extant, having been published in Greek and Latin by Henschenius and Papebrochius in the Acta Sanctorum, 13th of May. He also wrote the life of Euthymius the abbot, who died 472, which is extant, but in an interpolated form by Simeon Metaphrastes. It was published by Cotelerius in Greek and Latin in his MAonumenta Ecclesiae Graecae, vol. ii., Paris, 1681, 4to. It is also in the Acta Sanctorum, January 20. In addition to these, he wrote the life of St. Sabas, the ancient Latin version of which, before it was corrupted by Simeon, was published by Bollandus in the Acta Sanctorum belonging to the 20th of January. It is given in Greek and Latin in Cotelerius's Mlonumenta, vol. iii. p. 220. (Cave, Histor. Literar. vol. i. p. 529.) [S. D.] CYRNUS (Kvpvos), two mythical personages, from the one of whom the island of Cyrnus or Cyrne (Corsica) derived its name (Serv. ad Vily. Lclog. ix. 30; Herod. i. 167), and the other was regarded as the founder of Cyrnus, a town in Caria. (Diod. v. 60.) [L. S.] CYRUS. CYRRHESTES. [ANDRONICUS CYRRHESTES.] CYRSILUS (Kvpeh\os). 1. An Athenian, who, on the approach of Xerxes, when the Athenians had resolved to quit their city, advised his countrymen to remain and submit to the foreign invader. For this cowardly advice, Cyrsilus, together with his wife and children, was stoned to death by the Athenians. (Dem. de Coron. p. 296; Cic. de Off iii. 11.) 2. Of Pharsalus, is mentioned by Strabo (xi. p. 530) as one of the companions of Alexander the Great in his Asiatic expeditions, who afterwards wrote an account of the exploits of Alexander. Nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] CYRUS TIE ELDER (Kvpos d Irahalm s or o irporepos), the founder of the Persian empire. The life of this prince is one of the most important portions of ancient history, both on account of the magnitude of the empire which he founded, and because it forms the epoch at which sacred and profane history become connected: but it is also one of the most difficult, not only from the almost total want of contemporary historians, but also from the fables and romances with which it was overlaid in ancient times, and from the perverseness of modern writers, of the stamp of Rollin and Hales, who have followed the guidance, not of the laws of historical evidence, but of their own notions of the right interpretation of Scripture. Herodotus, within a century after the time of Cyrus, found his history embellished by those of the Persians who wished to make it more imposing (o0 [3ovAhýveot oi -6voV T'd 7rpl Kgpov), and had to make his choice between four different stories, out of which he professes to have selected the account given by those who wished to tell the truth (vdv ievra AEyetY hAyov, i. 95). Nevertheless his narrative is evidently founded to some extent on fabulous tales. The authorities of Ctesias, even the royal archives, were doubtless corrupted in a similar manner, besides the accumulation of errors during another half century. Xenophon does not pretend, what some modern writers have pretended for him, that his Cyropjaedeia is anything more than an historical romance. In such a work it is always impossible to separate the framework of true history from the fiction: and even if we could do this, we should have gained but little. Much reliance is placed on the sources of information which Xenophon possessed in the camp of the younger Cyrus. No idea can be more fallacious; for what sort of stories would be current there, except the fables which Herodotus censures, but which would readily and alone pass for true in the camp of a prince who doubtless delighted to hear nothing but what was good of the great ancestor whose name he bore, and whose fame he aspired to emulate? And even if Xenophon was aware of the falsity of these tales, he was justified, as a writer of fiction, in using them for his purpose. Xenophon is set up against Herodotus. The comparative value of their authority, in point of time, character, and means of information, is a question which, by itself, could never have been decided by a sober-minded man, except in favour of Herodotus. But it is thought that the account of Xenophon is more consistent with Scripture than that of Herodotus. This is a hasty assumption, and in truth the scriptural allusions to the time of Cyrus are so brief, that they can only be interpreted by the help of other authorities. In
Page 921 CYRUS. CYRUS. 921 the accounts of the modern Persian writers it is impossible to separate the truth from the falsehood. The account of Herodotus is as follows: In the year B. C. 594, Astyages succeeded his father, Cyaxares, as king of Media. He had a daughter whom he named Mandane. In consequence of a dream, which seemed to portend that her offspring should be master of Asia, he married her to a Persian named Cambyses, of a good house, but of a quiet temper. A second dream led him to send for his daughter, when she was pregnant; and upon her giving birth to a son, Astyages committed it to Harpagus, his most confidential attendant, with orders to kill it. Harpagus, moved with pity, and fearing the revenge of Mandane, instead of killing the child himself, gave it to a herdsman of Astyages named Mitradates, who was to expose it, and to satisfy Harpagus of its death. But while the herdsman was in attendance on Astyages, his wife had brought forth a still-born child, which they substituted for the child of Mandane, who was reared as the son of the herdsman, but was not yet called Cyrus. The name he bore seems from a passage of Strabo (xv. p. 729) to have been Agradates, 'A-ypa8ear-rs. When he was ten years old, his true parentage was discovered by the following incident. In the sports of his village, the.boys chose him for their king, and he ordered them all exactly as was done by the Median king. One of the boys, the son of a noble Median named Artembares, disobeyed his commands, and Cyrus caused him to be severely scourged. Artembares complained to Astyages, who sent for Cyrus, in whose person and courage he discovered his daughter's son. The herdsman and Harpagus, being summoned before the king, told him the truth. Astyages forgave the herdsman, but revenged himself on Harpagus by serving up to him at a banquet the flesh of his own son, with other circumstances of the most refined cruelty. As to his grandson, by the advice of the Magians, who assured him that his dreams were fulfilled by the boy's having been a king in sport, and that he had nothing more to fear from him, he sent him back to his parents in Persia. When Cyrus grew up towards manhood, and shewed himself the most courageous and amiable of his fellows, Harpagus, who had concealed a truly oriental desire of revenge under the mask of most profound submission to his master's will, sent presents to Cyrus, and ingratiated himself with him. Among the Medians it was easy for Harpagus to form a party in favour of Cyrus, for the' tyranny of Astyages had made him odious. Having organized his conspiracy, Harpagus sent a letter secretly to Cyrus, inciting him to take revenge upon Astyages, and promising that the Medes should desert to him. Cyrus called together the Persians, and having, by an ingenious practical lesson, excited them to revolt from the Median supremacy, lie was chosen as their leader. Upon hearing of this, Astyages summoned Cyrus, who replied that he would come to him sooner than Astyages himself would wish. Astyages armed the Medes, but was so infatuated (SeoeAa~7js iecv) as to give the command to Harpagus, " forgetting," says Herodotus, " how he had treated him.' 1In the battle which ensued, some of tlhe Medes deserted to Cyrus, and the main body of the army fled of their own accord. Astyages, having impaled the Magians who had deceived him, armed the youths and old men who were left in the city, led them out to fight the Persians, and was defeated and taken prisoner, after a reign of 35 years, in B. c. 559. The Medes accepted Cyrus for their king, and thus the supremacy which they had held passed to the Persians. Cyrus treated Astyages well, and kept him with him till his death. The date of the accession of Cyrus is fixed by the unanimous consent of the ancient chronologers. (African. ap. Euseb. Praep. Evan. x. 10; Clinton, Fast. fHell. ii. s. a. 559.) It was probably at this time that Cyrus received that name, which is a Persian word (Kohr), signifying the Sun. In the interval during which we hear nothing certain of Cyrus, he was doubtless employed in consolidating his newly-acquired empire. Indeed there are some notices (though not in Herodotus) from which we may infer that a few of the cities of Media refused to submit to him, and that lie only reduced them to obedience after a long and obstinate resistance- (Xen. Anab. iii. 4. ~ 7.) The gradual consolidation and extension of the Persian empire during this period is also stated incidentally by Herodotus in introducing his account of the conquest of Lydia, which is the next event recorded in the life of Cyrus. It took place in 546 B. c. [CROESUS.] The Ionian and Aeolian colonies of Asia Minor now sent ambassadors to Cyrus, offering to submit to him on the same terms as they had obtained from Croesus. But Cyrus, who had in vain invited the lonians to revolt from Croesus at the beginning of the war, gave them to understand, by a significant fable, that they must prepare for the worst. With the Milesians alone he made an alliance on the terms they offered. The other Ionian states fortified their cities, assembled at the Panionium, and, with the Aeolians, sent to Sparta for assistance. The Lacedaemsonians refused to assist them, but sent Cyrus a message threatening him with their displeasure if he should meddle with the Greek cities. Having sent back a contemptuous answer to this message, Cyrus returned to the Median capital, Ecbatana, taking Croesus with him, and committing the government of Sardis to a Persian, named Tabalus. He himself was eager to attempt the conquest of Babylon, the Bactrian nation, the Sacae, and the Egyptians. IHe had no sooner left Asia Minor than a revolt of the states which had lately formed the Lydian empire was raised by Pactyes, a Persian; but, after a long and obstinate resistance, the whole of Asia Minor was reduced by Harpagus. [HARPAGUs; PACTYES.] In the mean time, Cyrus was engaged in subduing the nations of Upper Asia, and particularly Assyria, which since the destruction of Ninus had Babylon for its capital. Its king was Labynetus, the Belshazzar of Daniel. [LABYNETUS.] Cyrus marched against Babylon at the head of a large army, and in great state. He carried with him a most abundant supply of provisions for his table; and for his drink the water of tha Choaspes, which flows by Susa, was carried in silver vessels. He passed the river Gyndes, a tributary of the Tigris, by diverting its water into a great number of rills, and arrived before Babylon in the second spring from the commencement of his expedition. Having defeated in battle the wlhole forces of thle Da
Page 922 922 CYRUS. bylonians, he laid siege to the city, and after a long time he took it by diverting the course of the Euphrates, which flowed through the midst of it, so that his soldiers entered Babylon by the bed of the river. So entirely unprepared were the Babylonians for this mode of attack, that they were engaged in revelry (,i EvTra0eipoa), and had left the gates which opened upon the river unguarded. This was in B. c. 538. After Cyrus had subdued the Assyrians, he undertook the subjugation of the Massagetae, a people dwelling beyond the Araxes. Cyrus offered to marry Tomyris, the widowed queen of this people; but she refused the offer, saying that he wooed not her, but the kingdom of the Massagetae. The details of the war which followed may be read in Herodotus. It ended in the death of Cyrus in battle. Tomyris caused his corpse to be found among the slain, and having cut off the head, threw it into a bag filled with human blood, that he might satiate himself (she said) with blood. According to Herodotus, Cyrus had reigned 29 years. Other writers say 30. He was killed in B. c. 529. (Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. sub anno.) The account of Ctesias differs considerably in some points from that of Herodotus. According to him, there \\as no relationship between Cyrus and Astyages. At the conquest of Media by Cyrus, Astyages fled to Ecbatana, and was there concealed by his daughter Amytis, and her husband, Spitamas, whom, with their children, Cyrus would have put to the torture, had not Astyages discovered himself. When he did so, he was put in fetters by Oebaras, but soon afterwards Cyrus himself set him free, honoured him as a father, and married his daughter Amytis, having put her husband to death for telling a falsehood. [AsTYAGES.] Ctesias also says, that Cyrus made war upon the Bactrians, who voluntarily submitted to aim, when they heard of his reconciliation with Astyages and Amytis. He mentions a war with the Sacae, in which Cyrus was taken prisoner and ransomed. He gives a somewhat different account of the Lydian war. (Ctesias, Pers. c. 5; CRoEsus.) Cyrus met with his death, according to Ctesias, by a wound received in battle with a nation called the Derbices, who were assisted by the Indians. Strabo also mentions the expedition against the Sacae, and says, that Cyrus was at first defeated but afterwards victorious. He also says, that Cyrus made an expedition into India, from which country he escaped with difficulty. The chief points of difference between Xenophon and Herodotus are the following: Xenophon represents Cyrus as brought up at his grandfather's court, as serving in the Median army under his uncle Cyaxares, the son and successor of Astyages, of whom Herodotus and Ctesias know nothing; as making war upon Babylon simply as the general of Cyaxares, who remained at home during the latter part of the Assyrian war, and permitted Cyrus to assume without opposition the power and state of an independent sovereign at Babylon; as marrying the daughter of Cyaxares; and at length dying quietly in his bed, after a sage and Socratic discourse to his children and friends. The Lydian war of Cyrus is represented by Xenophon as a sort of episode in the Assyrian war, occasioned by the help which Croesus had given to the Assyrians in the first campaign of Cyrus against them. Diodorus agrees for the most part with Hero CYRUS. dotus; but he says, that Cyrus was taken prisoner by the Scythian queen (evidently meaning Tomyris), and that she crucified or impaled him. Other variations, not worth specifying, are given by the chronographers and compilers. To form a complete and consistent life of Cyrus out of these statements is obviously impossible; but the leading events of his public life are made out with tolerable certainty, namely, the dethronement of Astyages, the conquest of the Lydian and Assyrian empires, his schemes to become master of all Asia and of Egypt, and his death in a battle with one of the Asiatic tribes which he wished to subdue. His acquisition of the Median empire was rather a revolution than a conquest. Herodotus expressly states, that Cyrus had a large party among the Medes before his rebellion, and that, after the defeat of Astyages, the nation voluntarily received him as their king. This was very natural, for besides the harshness of the government of Astyages, Cyrus was the next heir to the throne, the Medes were effeminate, and the Persians were hardy. The kingdom remained, as before, the united kingdom of " the Modes and Persians," with the difference, that the supremacy was transferred from the former to the latter; and then in process of time it came to be generally called the Persian empire, though the kings and their people were still, even down to the time of Alexander, often spoken of as Medes. If Cyrus had quietly succeeded to the throne, in virtue of his being the grandson of the Median king Astyages, it seems difficult to account for this change. The mere fact of Cyrus's father being a Persian is hardly enough to explain it. With regard to the order of Cyrus's conquests in Asia, there seems much confusion. It is clear that there was a struggle for supremacy between Cyrus and the king of Babylon, the latter having become master of Mesopotamia and Syria by the conquests of Nebuchadnezzar. It was in fact a struggle between the Zend tribes, which formed the Medo-Persian empire, and the Semitic tribes under the king of Babylon, for the supremacy of Asia. We can scarcely determine whether Cyrus conquered Lydia before making any attack on Babylon, and perhaps in this matter Xenophon may have preserved something like the true succession of events. That Croesus was in alliance with Babylon is stated also by Herodotus, who however, makes Croesus entirely the aggressor in the Lydian war. No clear account can be given of his campaigns in Central Asia, but the object of them was evidently to subdue the whole of Asia as far as the Indus. With respect to the main points of difference between Herodotus and the Cyropaedeia, besides what has been said above of the historical value of Xenophon's book, if it could be viewed as a history at all, its real design is the great thing to be kept in view; and that design is stated by Xenophon himself with sufficient clearness. He wished to shew that the government of men is not so difficult as is commonly supposed, provided that the ruler be wise; and to illustrate this he holds forth the example of Cyrus, whom he endows with all virtue, courage, and wisdom, and whose conduct is meant for a practical illustration and his discourses for an exposition of the maxims of the Socratic philosophy, so far as Xenophon was capable of
Page 923 CYRUS. understanding it. Of course it would not have done to have represented this beau ideal of a philosophic king as the dethroner of his own grandfather, as the true Asiatic despot and conqueror, and as the victim of his own ambitious schemes. It seems incredible that any one should rise from the perusal of the Cyropaedeia without the firm conviction that it is a romance, and, moreover, that its author never meant it to be taken for anything else; and still more incredible is it that any one should have recognized in the picture of Xenophon the verisimilitude of an Asiatic conqueror in the sixth century before Christ. That Cyrus was a great man, is proved by the empire hle established; that he was a good man, according to the virtues of his age anid country, we need not doubt; but if we would seek further for his likeness, we must assuredly look rather at Genghis Khan or Timour than at the Cyrus of Xenophon. It has, however, been supposed, that the statement of Xenophon about Cyaxares II. is confirmed by Scripture; for that Dareius the Mede, who, according to Daniel, reigns after the taking of Babylon (for two years, according to the chronologers) and before the first year of Cyrus, can be no other (this is the utmost that can be asserted) thans Cyaxares II. This matter seems susceptible of a better explanation than it has yet received. 1. Xenophon's Cyaxares is the son of Astyages; Dareius the Mede is thle son of Ahasuerus. Now, it is almost beyond a doubt that Ahasuerus is the Hebrew form of the Persian name or title which the Greeks called Xerxes, and Cyaxares seems to be simply the form of the same word used in the Median dialect. Cyaxares, the son of Phraortes, is called Ahasuerus in Tobit xiv. 15. It is granted that this argument is not decisive, but, so far as it goes, it is against the identification. 2. After the taking of Babylon, Dareius the Mede receives the kingdom, and exercises all the functions of royalty, with great power and splendour, evidently at Babylon. But in Xenophon it is Cyrus who does this, and Cyaxares never comes near Babylon at all after its capture, but remains in Media, totally eclipsed and alenost superseded by Cyrus. There are other arguments which seem to shew clearly that, whoever Dareius the Mede may have been (a poisnt difficult enough to decide), he was not the Cyaxares of Xenophon. The matter cannot be further discussed here; but the result of a most careful examination of it is, that in some important points the statements of Xenophon cannot be reconciled with those of Daniel; and that a much more probable explanation is, that Dareius was a noble Median, who held the sovereignty as the viceroy of Cyrus, until the latter found it convenient to fix his court at Babylon; and there are some indications on which a conjecture might be founded that this viceroy was Astyages. It is quite natural that the year in which Cyrus began to reign in person at Babylon should be reckoned (as it is by the Hebrew writers) the first year of his reign over the whole empire. This view is confirmed by the fact, that in the prophecies of the destruction of Babylon it is Cyrus, and not any Median king, that is spoken of. Regarding this difficulty, then, as capable of being explained, it remains that Xenophon's statement about Cyaxares II. is entirely unsupported. Xenophon seems to have introduced Cvyaxares simply as a foIil to set off tlhe virtues of Cyruns. CYRUS. 923 In the' passage of Aeschylus, which is sometimes quoted as confirming Xenophon [ASTYAGES], tlhe two kings before Cyrus are clearly Phraortes and Cyaxares, or Cyaxares and Astyages. At all events, no room is left for Cyaxares II. The most natural explanation seems to be, that Phraortes, in whose reign the Persians were subjected to the Medes, and who was therefore the first king of the united Medes and Persians, is meant in tlhe line Mi6jos -yap nP o' rpcwros?'yEejPjv OrrparoTv. The next line admirably describes Cyaxares, who took Ninus, and consolidated the empire. "AAAos 5' eKeivov srais Trd' fpyoPv ivvae. If so, Astyages is omitted, probably because Ihe did not complete his reign, but was dethroned by Cyrus, who is thus reckoned the third MedoPersian king, Tpiroes 8' i7r' aurov Kvpos. For the d7r' aveov surely refers to the person who is called srpWros. On the other hand, the account which Herodotus gives of the transference of the Median empire to the Persians is in substance confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, Isocrates, Anaxinienes, Dinon, Ctesias, Amyntas, Strabo, Cephalion, Justin, Plutarch, Polyaenus, and even by Xenophon himself in the Anabasis, as above quoted. (See Clinton, i. pp. 262, 263.) Much light would be thrown on the subject if the date of Cyrus's birth could be fixt; but this is impossible. Dinon says, that lie was seventy at his death; but this is improbable for various reasons, and Herodotus evidently considered him much younger. None but the sacred writers mention the edict of Cyrus for the return of the Jews. A motive for that step may be perhaps found in what Herodotus says about his designs on Egypt. The very remarkable prophecy relating to the destruction of Babylon and the restoration of the Jews by Cyrus is in Isaiah xliv. xlv., besides other important passages in Isaiah and Jeremiah, which predict the fall of Babylon without mentioning thle name of Cyrus, and the corresponding history is in the books of Daniel, Ezra, and 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23. The language of the proclamation of Cyrus, as recorded both in Ezra i. 2 and Chron. xxxvi. 22, seems to countenance the idea that he was acquainted, as he might easily be through Daniel, with the prophecy of Isaiah. "The Lord God of heaven.. hath charged me to build him an houses at Jerusalem, which is in Judah" (compare Isaiahl xliv. 28, xlv. 13); but beyond this one point there is nothing to sustain the notion of Hales and others, that Cyrus was more than an unconscious instrument in accomplishing the designs of Providence, The contrary is intimated in Isaiah xlv. 5. In the East Cyrus was long regarded as the greatest hero of antiquity, and hence the fables by which his history is obscured. The Persians remembered him as a father (Herod. iii. 89, 160), and his fame passed, through the Greeks, to the Europeans, and the classical writers abound with allusions to him. His sepulchre at Pasargadae was visited by Alexaneder the Great. (Arrian, vi. 29; Plut. Alex. 69.) Pasargadae is said to have been built on the spot where Cyrus placed his camp when lie defeated Astyages, and in its immediate neighbourhood the city of Persepolis grew up. The tomb of Cyrus has perished, but his name is found on monuments at Murghab, north of Persepolis, which place, indeed, some antiquarians takeo
Page 924 924 CYRUS. for Pasargadae. (Herodotus, lib. i.; Ctesias, ed. Lion; Xenophon, Cyropaedei; Diodorus; Justin; Strabo; and other ancient authors; Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. ii. supplements; Heeren, Ideen (AsiaticResearches); Schlosser, Univ. Geschich. d. alt. Welt; HIckh, Vet. Med. et Pers. VlMo in.) [P. S.] CYRUS, THE YOUNGER, the second of the four sons of Dareius Nothus, king of Persia, and of Parysatis, was appointed by his father commander (.tdpavos or orTpa-TsYOs) of the maritime parts of Asia Minor, and satrap of Lydia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia. (a. c. 407.) He carried with him a large sum of money to aid the Lacedaemonians in the Peloponnesian war, and by the address of Lysander he was induced to help them even more than his father had commissioned him to do. The bluntness of Callicratidas caused him to withdraw his aid, but on the return of Lysander to the command it was renewed with the greatest liberality. [CALLICRATIDAS; LYSANDER; TISSAPHERNES.] There is no doubt that Cyrus was already meditating the attempt to succeed his father on the throne of Persia, and that he sought through Lysander to provide for aid from Sparta. Cyrus, indeed, betrayed his ambitious spirit, by putting to death two Persians of the blood royal, for not observing in his presence a usage which was only due to the king. It was probably for this reason, and not only on account of his own ill health, that Dareius summoned Cyrus to his presence. (B. c. 405.) Before leaving Sardis, Cyrus sent for Lysander and assigned to him his revenues for the prosecution of the war. He then went to his father, attended by a body of 500 Greek mercenaries, and taking with him Tissaphernes, nominally as a mark of honour, but really for fear of what he might do in his absence. He arrived in Media just in time to witness his father's death and the accession of his elder brother, Artaxerxes Mnemon (B. c. 404), though his mother, Parysatis, whose favourite son Cyrus was, had endeavoured to persuade Dareius to appoint him as his successor, on the ground that he had been born after, but his brother Artaxerxes before, the accession of Dareius. This attempt, of course, excited the jealousy of Artaxerxes, which was further enflamed by information from Tissaphernes, that Cyrus was plotting against his life. Artaxerxes, therefore, arrested his brother and condemned him to death; but, on the intercession of Parysatis, he spared his life and sent him back to his satrapy. Cyrus now gave himself up to the design of dethroning his brother. By his affability and by presents, he endeavoured to corrupt those of the Persians who past between the court of Artaxerxes and his own; but he relied chiefly on a force of Greek mercenaries, which he raised on thle pretext that he was in danger from the hostility of Tissaphernes. When his preparations were complete, he commenced his expedition against Babylon, giving out, however, even to his own soldiers, that he was only marching against the robbers of Pisidia. When the Greeks learnt his real purpose, they found that they were too far committed to him to draw back. He set out from Sardis in the spring of B. c. 401, and, having marched through Phrygia and Cilicia, entered Syria through the celebrated passes near Issus, crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus, and marched down the river to the plain of Cunaxa, 500 stadia from Babylon. Artaxerxes had been informed by Tissaphernes of his designs, and was prepared to CYRUS. meet him. The numbers of the two armies are variously stated. Artaxerxes had from 400,000 to a million of men; Cyrus had about 100,000 Asiatics and 13,000 Greeks. The battle was at first altogether in favour of Cyrus. His Greek troops on the right routed the Asiatics who were opposed to them; and he himself pressed forward in the centre against his brother, and had even wounded him, when he was killed by one of the king's body-guard. Artaxerxes caused his head and right hand to be struck off, and sought to have it believed that Cyrus had fallen by his hand. Parysatis took a cruel revenge on the suspected slayers and mutilators of her son. The details of the expedition of Cyrus and of the events which followed his death may be read in Xenophon's Anabasis. This attempt of an ambitious young prince to usurp his brother's throne led ultimately to the greatest results, for by it the path into the centre of the Persian empire was laid open to the Greeks, and the way was prepared for the conquests of Alexander. The character of Cyrus is drawn by Xenophon in the brightest colours. It is enough to say that his ambition was gilded by all those brilliant qualities which win men's hearts. (Xenophon, Hellen. i. 4, 5, ii. 1, iii. 1, Anab. i., Cyrop. viii. 8. ~ 3, Oecon. iv. 16, 18, 21; Ctesias, Persica, i. 44, 49, Fr. li., lii., liii., liv., Ivii., ed. Lion; ap. Phot. p. 42, b. 10, 43, b. 10, 44, a. 14, ed. Bekker; Isocr. Pasnath. 39; Plut. Lys. 4, 9; Artax. 3, 6, 13-17; Diod. xiii. 70, 104, xiv. 6, 11, 12, 19, 20, 22.) [P. S.] CYRUS, a rhetorician, of uncertain age, is the author of a work nep ALap)opas 7rdarew in the Aldine collection of the Greek orators, reprinted, more correctly, in Walz's Greek Orators, viii. p. 386,. &c. Fabricius suspects that the anonymous work entitled ITpoGkrjjaTa'ra 'Pyropuc I els 7'o'ELS was written by the same person. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vi. pp. 102, 128; Walz, 1. c.; Westermann, Geschichte der Griech. Beredtsamkeit, ~ 104.) [P. S.] CYRUS(Kupos), the name of several physicians. 1. Cyrus (called also in some editions Syrus), a native of Alexandria, who lived in the fifth century after Christ. He was first a physician and philosopher, and afterwards became a monk. He is said to have been an eloquent man, and to have written against Nestorius. (S. Gennadius, de Illustr. Vir. c. 81.) 2. A physician at Edessa, one of whose medicines is quoted by Aetius (ii. 2. 91, p. 292), and who attained the dignity of Archiater. He must have lived between the second and fifth centuries after Christ, as the office of Archiater was first conferred on Andromachus, the physician of Nero. (Dict. of Ant. s.s. v.Archiater.) 3. A physician, probably of Lampsacus, son of Apollonius, who obtained the dignity of Archiater. He is mentioned in a Greek inscription found at Lampsacus, as having, besides many other acts of liberality, presented to the senate one thousand Attic drachmae, i. e. (reckoning the drachma to be worth nine pence three farthings) forty pounds, twelve shillings, and six pence. (Spon, Miscellan. Erudit. Antiquit. p. 142, quoted by Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. xiii. p. 134, ed. vet.) 4. A physician at Rome in the first century B. c., mentioned in a Latin inscription as having been the physician of Livia, the wife of Drusaus
Page 925 CYRUS. Caesar, who afterwards married the emperor Augustus. (Spon, quoted by Fabric. 1. c.) 5. Cyrus, St., was a native of Alexandria, where he practised medicine gratuitously and with great reputation. Hie was a Christian, and took every opportunity of endeavouring to convert his patients from paganism. During the persecution of Diocletian he fled to Arabia, where he was said to heal diseases not so much by his medicines as by miraculous powers. He was put to death with many tortures by the command of the prefect Syrianus, in company with several other martyrs, A. D. 300; and his remains were carried to Rome, and there buried. His memory is celebrated on the thirty-first of January both by the Romish and Greek churches. (Acia Sanctor.; Menolog. Graecor.; Bzovius, "omencl. Sanctor. Professione Medicor.; C. B. Carpzovius, De -Medicis ab Eccles. pro Sancsis habilis.) [W. A. G.] CYRUS, an architect, who lived at Rome at the time of Cicero, and died on the same day with Clodius, B. C. 52. (Cic. ad Fam. vii. 14, ad Att. ii. 3, ad Qu. Fr. ii. 21, pro Milon. 17.) [L. U.] CYRUS, Christians. 1. An Egyptian, belonging to the fifth century, afterwards bishop of Smyrna, according to the testimony of Theophanes. His poetical talents procured him the favour of the empress Eudocia. Under Theodosius the Younger he filled the office of governor of the praetorium, and exarch of the city of Constantinople. When Eudocia withdrew to Jerusalem, A. D. 445, he fell under the emperor's displeasure. This led to his retirement from civil offices and his joining the clerical order. It is the express testimony of Theophanes that, by order of Theodosius, he was made bishop of Smyrna. After he was elevated to the episcopal dignity, he is said to have delivered a discourse to the people on Christmas day, in which he betrayed gross ignorance of divine things. He lived till the time of the emperor Leo. Suidas says, that on his retirement from civil authority he became Erioi'cosros "-rcv lepwcv Ev Korvaet(y ris lpvyias; but whether this means bishop of Cotyaeia in Phrygia is uncertain. It is not known whether he wrote anything. (Cave, Histor.Literar. vol. i.; Suidas, s. v.) 2. An Egyptian bishop belonging to the seventh century. He was first bishop of Phasis A. D. 620, and afterwards patriarch of Alexandria, A. D. 630 -640. It was owing to the favour of Heraclius, the emperor, that he was appointed over the latter place. In 633 he attempted to make peace between the Theodosians or Severians and the Catholics, and for that purpose held a synod at Alexandria, in which he proposed a Libellus Satisfactionis in nine chapters. This treatise was to be subscribed by the Theodosians, and then they were to be admitted into the bosom of the church. But the seventh chapter favoured the Monotholite heresy, and led to much disputation. In 638, Heraclius published an Ecthesis or formula of faith CYZICUS. 925 drawn up by Sergius, in which he clearly stated that there was but one will in Christ. This was subscribed by Cyrus, a circumstance that served to confirm its truth in the eyes of many. Cyrus died A. D. 640. Besides the Libellus Satisfactionis, he wrote three letters to Sergius, patriarch of Constantinople, which are still extant. Both are printed in the Concilia, vol. vi. (Cave, Hlistor. Literar. vol. i.; Murdock's Mosheim, vol. i.; Guerike's Handbuch, vol. i.; Gieseler's Text-book, by Cunningham, vol. i.) [S. D.] CYRUS, THEODORUS PRODROMUS. [THEODORUS.] CYTHE'RA, CYTHEREIA, CYTHE'RIAS (KuvOp'a, KvOIpeia, KvO-ipids), different forms of a surname of Aphrodite, derived from the town of Cythera in Crete, or from the island of Cythera, where the goddess was said to have first landed, and where she had a celebrated temple. (Hom. Od. viii. 288; Herod. i. 105; Paus. iii. 23. ~ 1; Anacr. v. 9; Horat. Carm. i. 4. 5.) [L. S.] CYTHE'RIS, a celebrated courtezan of the time of Cicero, Antony, and Gallus. She was originally the freedwoman and mistress of Volumnius Eutrapelus, and subsequently she became connected in the same capacity with Antony, and with Gallus the poet, to whom, however, she did not remain faithful. Gallus mentioned her in his poems under the name of Lycoris, by which name she is spoken of also by the Scholiast Cruquius on Horace. (Sat. i. 2. 55, 10. 77; comp. Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. x. 1; Cic. Phil. ii. 24, ad Att. x. 10, 16, ad Fam. ix. 26; Plut. Ant. 9; Plin. H. N. viii. 16.) [L. S.] CYTHE'RIUS PHILO'XENUS. [PHILOXENUS.] CYTHE'RIUS PTOLEMAEUS. [PTOLEMAEUS.] CYTISSO'RUS (Kvr(f'oewpos), a son of Phrixus and Chalciope or lophossa. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 1; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1123, 1149.) [L. S.] CY'ZICUS (Ksimcos), a son of Aeneus and Aenete, the daughter of Eusorus. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 948; Val. Flacc. iii. 3.) According to others, he was himself a son of Eusorus, and others again make him a son of Apollo by Stilbe. (Hygin. Fab. 16; Conon, Narrat. 41; Schol. ad Apollon. Rliod. 1. c.) He was king of the Doliones at Cyzicus on the Propontis. In compliance with an oracle he received the Argonauts kindly, when they landed in his dominion. When, after their departure, they were cast back upon the shore by a storm and landed again at night-time, they were mistaken by the Doliones for a hostile people, and a struggle ensued, in which Cyzicus was slain by Heracles or Jason. On the next morning the mistake was discovered, and the Argonauts mourned for three days with the Doliones over the death of their king, and celebrated funeral games in his honour. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 18; Conon, Narrat. 41, who gives a different account.) [L. S.]
Page 926 926 DACTYLI. D. DABAR, the son of Massugrada, of the family of Masinissa, but whose father was the son of a concubine, was an intimate friend of Bocchus, the king of Mauretania, by whom he was sent to Sulla to negotiate the peace which ended in the surrender of Jugurtha. Dabar was afterwards present at the interview between Bocchus and Sulla. (Sall. Jug 108, 109.) DA'CTYLI (AdcruXAor), the Dactyls of mount Ida in Phrygia, fiabulous beings to whom the discovery of iron and the art of working it by means of fire was ascribed. Their name Dactyls, that is, Fingers, is accounted for in various ways; by their number being five or ten, or by the fact of their serving Rhea just as the fingers serve the hand, or by the story of their having lived at the foot (ri watcriVOois) of mount Ida. (Pollux, ii. 4; Strab. x. p. 473; Diod. v. 64.) Most of our authorities describe Phrygia as the original seat of the Dactyls. (Diol. xvii. 7; Schol. ad Apollon. lRhod. i. 1126; Strab. 1. c.) There they were connected with the worship of Rhea. They are sometiues confounded or identified with the Curetes, Corybantes, Cabeiri, and Telchines; or they are described as the fathers of the Cabeiri and Corybantes. (Strab. x. p. 466; Schol. ad Arat. 33; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iv. 153.) This confusion with the Cabeiri also accounts for Samothrace being in some accounts described as their residence (Diod. v. 64; comp. Arnob. adv. Gent. iii. 41); and Diodorus states, on the authority of Cretan historians, 'that the Dactyls had been occupied in incantations and other magic pursuits; that thereby they excited great wonder in Samothrace, and that Orpheus was their disciple in these things. Their connexion or identification with the Curetes even led to their being regarded as the same as the Roman Penates. (Arnob. iii. 40.) According to a tradition in Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. i. p. 362) the Dactyls did not discover the iron in the Phrygian Ida, but in the island of Cyprus; and others again transfer them to mount Ida in Crete, although the ancient traditions of the latter island scarcely contain any traces of early working in metal there. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 1129; Plin. H. N. vii. 57.) Their number appears to have originally been three: Celmis (the smelter), Damnameneus (the hammer), and Acmon (the anvil). (Schol. ad Apollon. 1. c.). To these others were subsequently added, such as Scythes, the Phrygian, who invented the smelting of iron (Clem. Alex. Siromn. i. p. 362), Heracles (Strab. 1. c.), and Delas. (Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. p. 475.) Apollonius Rhodius mentions the hero Titias and Cyllenus as the principal Dactyls, and a local tradition of Elis mentioned, besides Heracles, Paconius, Epimedes, Jasius, and Idas or Acesidas as Dactyls; but these seem to have been beings altogether different from the Idaean Dactyls, for to judge from their names, they must have been healing divinities. (Paus. v. 7. ~ 4, 14. ~ 5, 8. ~ 1, vi. 21. ~ 5; Strab. viii. p. 355.) Their number is also stated to have been five, ten (five male and five female ones), fifty-two, or even one hundred. The tradition which assigns to them the Cretan Ida as their habitation, describes them as the earliest inhabitants of Crete, and as having gone thither with Mygdon (or DAEDALUS. Minos) from Phrygia, and as having discovered the iron in mount Berecynthus. (Diod. v. 64; Cic. de _Nat. Deor. iii. 16.) With regard to the real nature of the Dactyls, they seem to be no more than the mythical representatives of the discoverers of iron and of the art of smelting metals with the aid of fire, for the importance of this art is sufficiently great for the ancients to ascribe its invention to supernatural beings. The original notion of the Dactyls was afterwards extended, and they are said to have discovered various other things which are useful or pleasing to man; thus they are reported to have introduced music from Phrygia into Greece, to have invented rhythm, especially the dactylic rhythm. (Plut. de Msus. 5; Diomedes, p. 474, ed. Putsch; Clem. Alex. Stronm. i. p. 360.) They were in general looked upon as mysterious sorcerers, and are therefore also described as the inventors of the Ephesian incantation formulae; and persons when suddenly frightened used to pronounce the names of the Dactyls as words of magic power. (Plut. de Fac. in Orb. Lun. 30; compare Lobeck, de Idaeis Dac/ylis; Welcker, Die Aeschyl. Trib. p. 168, &c.) [L. S.] DADIS, a writer on agriculture, mentioned by Varro. (R. R. i. i. ~ 9.) DAE'DALUS (AaiasaAos). 1. A mythical personage, under whose name the Greek writers personified the earliest development of the arts of sculpture and architecture, especially among tlhe Athenians and Cretans. Though he is represented as living in the early heroic period, the age of Minos and of Theseus, he is not mentioned by Homer, except in one doubt, ful passage. (See below.) The ancient writers generally represent Daedalus as an Athenian, of the royal race of the Erechtheidae (Paus. vii. 4. ~ 5; Plut. Thes. 18.) Others called him a Cretan, on account of the long time he lived in Crete. (Auson. Idyll. 12; Eustatli. ad Iomn. II. xviii. 592; Paus. viii. 53. ~ 3.) According to Diodorus, who gives the fullest account of him (iv. 76-79), he was the son of Metion, the son of Eupalamus, the son of Erechtheus. (Comp. Plato, Ion. p. 553; Paus. vii. 4. ~ 5.) Others make him the son of Eupalamus, or of Palamaon. (Paus. ix. 3. 2; IHygin. Fab. 39, corrected by 274; Suid. s. v. li/plKos iepov; Serv. ad Virg. Aen. vi. 14.) His mother is called Alcippe (Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 9), or Iphinoie, (Pherecyd. ap. Schol. Soph. Oed. Col. 463), or Phrasimede. (Schol. adPlat. Rej. p. 529.) He devoted himself to sculpture, and made great improvements in the art. He instructed his sister's son, Calos, Talus, or Perdix, who soon came to surpass him in skill and ingenuity, and Daedalus killed him through envy. [PERDIX.] Being condemned to death by the Areiopagus for this murder, he went to Crete, where the fame of his skill obtained for him the friendship of Minos. He made the well-known wooden cow for Pasiphaei; and when Pasiphae gave birth to the Minotaur, Daedalus constructed the labyrinth, at Cnossus, in which the monster was kept. (Apollod. 1. c.; Ovid. Met. viii.: the labyrinth is a fiction, based upon the Egyptian labyrinth, from which Diodorus says that that of Daedalus was copied (i. 97): there is no proof that such a building ever existed in Crete. (H;3ckh, Creta, i. p. 56.) For his part in this affair, Daedalus was imprisoned by Minos; but Pasiphae released him, and, as Minoa
Page 927 DAEDALUS. DAEDALUS. 927 had seized all the ships on the coast of Crete, Daedalus procured wings for himself and his son Icarus (or made them of wood), and fastened them on with wax. Daedalus himself flew safe over the Aegean, but, as Icarus flew too near the sun, the wax by which his wings were fastened on was melted, and he dropped down and was drowned in that part of the Aegean which was called after him the Icarian sea. According to a more prosaic version of the story, Pasiphae furnished Daedalus with a ship, in which he fled to an island of the Aegean, where Icarus was drowned in a hasty attempt to land. According to both accounts, Daedalus fled to Sicily, where he was protected by Cocalus, the king of the Sicani, and where he executed many great works of art. When Minos heard where Daedalus had taken refuge, he sailed with a great fleet to Sicily, where he was treacherously murdered by Cocalus or his daughters. (Hygin. Fab. 40, 44.) Daedalus afterwards left Sicily, to join Iolails, son of Iphicles, in his newly founded colony in Sardinia, and there also he executed many great works, which were still called AaidXALa in the time of Diodorus (iv. 30), who no doubt refers to the Aruraghs, which were also attributed to Iolails. (Pseud.-Aristot. de oirab. Auscult. 100.) Another account was, that he fled from Sicily, in consequence of the pursuit of Minos, and went with Aristaeus to Sardinia. (Paus. x. 17. ~ 3.) Of the stories which connect him with Egypt, the most important are the statements of Diodorus (i. 91), that he executed works there, that he copied his labyrinth from that in Egypt, that the style (pvuods) of his statues was the same as that of the ancient Egyptian statues, and that Daedalus himself was worshipped in Egypt as a god. The later Greek writers explained these myths after their usual absurd plan. Thus, according to Lucian, Daedalus was a great master of astrology, and taught the science to his son, who, soaring above plain truths into transcendental mysteries, lost his reason, and was drowned in the abyss of difficulties. The fable of Pasiphae is also explained by making her a pupil of Daedalus in astrology, and the bull is the constellation Taurus. Palaephatus explains the wings of Daedalus as meaning the invention of sails. (Comp. Pans. ix. 11. ~ 3.) If these fables are to be explained at all, the only rational interpretation is, that they were poetical inventions, setting forth the great improvement which took place, in the mechanical as well as in the fine arts, at the age of which Daedalus is a personification, and also the supposed geographical course by which the fine arts were first introduced into Greece. When, therefore, we are told of works of art which were referred to Daedalus, the meaning is, that such works were executed at the period when art began to be developed. The exact character of the Daedalian epoch of art will be best understood from the statements of the ancient writers respecting his works. The following is a list of the works of sculpture and architecture which were ascribed to him: In Crete, the cow of Pasiphae and the labyrinth. In Sicily, near Megaris, the Colymbethra, or reservoir, from which a great river, named Alabon, flowed into the sea; near Agrigentum, an impregnable city upon a rock, in which was the royal palace and treasury of Cocalus; in the territory of Selinus a cave, in which the vapour arising from a subterranean fire was received in such a manner, as to form a pleasant vapour bath. He also enlarged the summit of mount Eryx by a wall, so as to make a firm foundation for the temple of Aphrodite. For this same temple he made a honeycomb of gold which could scarcely be distinguished from a real honeycomb. Diodorus adds, that he was said to have executed many more works of art in Sicily, which had perished through the lapse of time. (Diod. 1. c.) Several other works of art were attributed to Daedalus, in Greece, Italy, Libya, and the islands of the Mediterranean. Temples of Apollo at Capua and Cumae were ascribed to him. (Sil. Ital. xii. 102; Virg. Aen. vi. 14.) In the islands called Electridae, in the Adriatic, there were said to be two statues, the one of tin and the other of brass, which Daedalus made to commemorate his arrival at those islands during his flight from Minos. They were the images of himself and of his son Icarus. (Pseud.-Aristot. de Mirab. Auscult. 81; I Steph. Byz. s.v.'HAhecrpiSat vyaro.) At Monogissa in Caria there was a statue of Artemis ascribed to him. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) In Egypt he was said to be the architect of a most beautiful propylaeum to the temple of Hephaestus at Memphis, for which he was rewarded by the erection of a statue of himself and made by himself, in that temple. (Diod. i. 97.) Scylax mentions an altar on the coast of Libya, which was sculptured with lions and dolphins by Daedalus. (Periplus, p. 53, ed. Hudson.) The temple of Artemis Britomartis, in Crete, was ascribed to Daedalus. (Solinus, 11.) There is a passage in which Pausanias mentions all the wooden statues which he believed to be the genuine works of Daedalus (ix. 40. ~ 2), namely, two in Boeotia, a Hercules at Thebes, respecting which there was a curious legend (Pans. ix. 11. ~~ 2, 3; Apollod. ii. 6. ~ 3), and a Trophonius at Lebadeia: in Crete, an Artemis Britomartis at Olus, and an Athena at Cnossus (the Xopds of Ariadne is spoken of below): at Delos, a small terminal wooden statue of Aphrodite, which was said to have been made by Daedalus for Ariadne, who carried it to Delos when she fled with Theseus. Pausanias adds, that these were all the works of Daedalus which remained at his time, for that the statue set up by the Argives in the Heraeum and that which Antiphemus had removed from the Sicanian city, Omphace, to Gelos, had perished through time. (Comp. viii. 46. ~ 2.) Elsewhere Pausanias mentions, as works ascribed to Daedalus, a folding seat (i'(ppos diAailas) in the temple of Athena Polias at Athens (i. 27. 1), a wooden statue of Hercules at Corinth (ii. 4. ~ 5), and another on the confines of Messenia and Arcadia (viii. 35. ~ 2). The inventions and improvements attributed to Daedalus are both artistic and mechanical. He was the reputed inventor of carpentry and its chief tools, the saw, the axe, the plumb-line, the auger or gimlet, and glue. (Hesych. s. v. 'IdKapos; Plin. H. N. vii. 56; Varro, ap. Charis. p. 106, ed. Putsch.) He was said to have been taught the art of carpentry by Minerva. (Hygin. Fab. 39.) Others attribute the invention of the saw to Perdix or Talus, the nephew of Daedalus. [PERDIX.] In naval architecture, the invention of the mast and yards is ascribed to Daedalus, that of the sails to Icarus. (Plin. 1. c.) In statuary, the improvements attributed to Daedalus were the opening of the
Page 928 928 DAEDALUS. eyes and of the feet, which had been formerly closed (crui4rosa, acKE'AX (rvo-CefcqKoda, the figures of Daedalus were called utafesicOdra), and the extending of the hands, which had been formerly placed down close to the sides (KaOeueyat m Kal Tals rhAEvpeaic KEKOhX\7eFijeat, Diod. 1. c.; Suid. s. v. Auaia'Aovu roiuaera). In consequence of these improvements, the ancient writers speak of the statues of Daedalus as being distinguished by an expression of life and even of divine inspiration. (Paus. ii. 4. ~ 5; Plato, passim, and particularly lMen. p. 97, ed. Steph.; Aristot. Polit. i. 4: the last two passages seem to refer to automata, which we know to have been called Daedalian images: Aristotle mentions a wooden figure of Aphrodite, which was moved by quicksilver within it, as a work ascribed to Daedalus, de A nicm. i. 3. ~ 9: see further, Junius, Catal. Art. p. 64.) The difficult passage in Plato (Hipp. Maj. iii. 281, d.) is rightly explained by Thiersch, as being only comparative, and as meant not in disparagement of Daedalus, but in praise of the artists of Plato's time. The material in which the statues of Daedalus were made, was wood. The only exception worth noticing is ir. the passage of Pausanias (ix. 40. 8 2),raod pTe&roVos f5 N[KvwaCoIoLs] Kcal o0 r-s 'Apideaays Xopos, ou Kal "Ocr-lpos Ev 'IAciat pce'apiv VeroiraaTo, C edretpy/auoeEsvor ie r il Aec-KOd hAiov. (Comp. vii. 4. ~ 5.) The passage of Homer is in the description of the shield of Achilles (II. xviii. 590-593): 'Ev,y %opov rofictXAAe repIucAVTros 'Afeuyuvjses, T& YiceAov olv lrol r ' ei KW c cK o E~pELly AaiSaxos jrTc7eve cKaAreAoiccu co 'ApidpYsp. Now thile mention of a group of dancers as a work of Daedalus,-the material,, white stone,-the circumstance of the poet's representing Hephaestus as copying the work of a mortal artist,-and the absence of any other mention of Daedalus in Homer,-all this is, at the least, very suspicious. It cannot be explained by taking yopbv to mean a sort of dance which Daedalus invented (4oKcr-aser), for we never hear of Daedalus in connexion with dancing (Bottiger, Andeutungen, 46), and a sufficient number of examples can be produced from Homer of doaceiv meaning to make or emanmufacture. Usnless the passage be an interpolation, the best explanation is, that yoepv means simply a place fobr dancing; and, further, it is not improbable that aol8aXos may be nothing more than an epithet of Hephaestus, who is the great artist in Homer, and that the whole mythological fable in which Daedalus was personified had its origin in the misunderstanding of this very passage. At all events, the group seen by Pausanias at Cnossus, if it really was a group of sculpture, must have been the work of an artist later than the Daedalian period,, or at the very end of it. From these statements of the ancient writers it is not difficult to form some idea of the period inl the history of art which the name of Daedalus represents. The name itself, like the others which are associated with it, such as Eupalamus, implies skill. The earliest works of art, which were attributed to the gods, were called ealahaa. Passing from mythology to history, we find sculpture taking its rise in idolatry; but the earliest idols were nothing more than blocks of wood or stone, which were worshipped under the name of some gods. (Paus. DAEDALUS. vii. 22. ~ 3.) The next effort was to express the attributes of each particular divinity, which was at first done only by forming an image of the head, probably in order to denote purely intellectual attributes: hence the origin of terminal busts, and the reason for their remaining in use long after the art of sculpturing the whole figure had attained to the highest perfection. But there were some deities for the expression of whose attributes the bust was not sufficient, but the whole human figure was required. In the earliest attempts to execute such figures, wood would.naturally be selected as the material, on account of the ease of working it. They were ornamented with real drapery and bright colours. It was to such works especially, that the name SailaXha was applied, as we are informed by Pausanias (ix. 3. ~ 2), who adds, that they were so called before Daedalus was born at Athens. The accuracy and the expression of such imnages was restricted not only by the limited skill of the artist, but also, as we see so strikingly in Egyptian sculpture, by the religious laws which bound him to certain forms. The period represented by the name of Daedalus was that in which such forms were first broken through, and the attempt was made to give a natural and lifelike expression to statues, accompanied, as such a development of any branch of art always is, by a great improvement in the mechanics of art. The period when this development of art took place, and the degree of foreign influence implied in the fables about Daedalus, are very difficult questions, and cannot be discussed within the limits of this article. The ancient traditions certainly point to Egypt as the source of Grecian art. (See especially Diod. i. 97.) But, without hazarding an opinion on this point, we may refer to the Egyptian and Etruscan and earliest Greek antiquities, as giving some vague idea of what is meant by the Daedalian style of sculpture. The remains called Cyclopean give a similar notion of the Daedalian architecture. The Daedalian style of art continued to prevail and improve down to the beginning of the fifth century B. c., and the artists of that long period were called Daedalids, and claimed an actual descent from Daedalus, according to the well-known custom by which art was hereditary in certain families. This genealogy was carried down as late as the time of Socrates, who claimed to be a Daedalid. The most important of the Daedalids, besides his son Icarus, and his nephew Talus or Perdix, were Scyllis and Dipoenus, whom some made the sons of Daedalus (Paus. ii. 15. ~ 1), Endoeus of Athens (Paus. i. 26. ~ 5), Learchus of Rhegium (Paus. iii. 17. ~ 6), and Onatas of Aegina. (Paus. v. 25. ~ 7.) All these, however, lived long after the period in which Daedalus is placed. Besides Icarus, Daedalus was said to have had a son, Japyx, who founded lapygae. (Strab. vi. p. 279; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 379.) A Srjjos of the Athenian KEv\C) KeKpo'rls bore the name of AuiSaXitae. (Meurs. de Att. Pop. s. v.) Feasts called AmcsaAeta were kept in different parts of Greece. 2. Of Sicyon, a statuary in bronze, the son and disciple of Patrocles, who is mentioned by Pliny among the artists of the 95th Olympiad. Daedalus erected a trophy for the Eleians in the Altis after a victory over the Lacedaemonians in the war whichl lasted B. c. 401-399. Besides this trophy, Daedalus made several statues of athletes, and
Page 929 DAIPHANTITS. some other works. (Paus. vi. 2. ~ 4; 3. ~~ 2, 3; 6. ~ 1, x. 9. ~ 3; Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 15.) 3. A statuary, born in Bithynia, whose statue of Zeus Stratius at Nicomedia was greatly admired. (Arrian, ap. Eusstath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 796.) Hence he probably lived from the time of Alexander the Great downwards. (Thiersch, Epoch. p. 49.) [P. S.] DAEIRA (Adetpa or AaL2a), that is, "the knowing," a divinity connected with the Eleusinian mysteries. According to Pausanias (i. 38. ~ 7) she was a daughter of Oceanus, and became by Hermes the mother of Eleusis; but others called her a sister of Styx; while a third account represents her as identical with Aphrodite, Dometer, Hera, or Persephone. (Apollon. Rhod. iii. 847; Eustath, ad )Iom. p. 648.) [L. S.] DAES (Adva), of Colonae, apparently an historian, who wrote on the history of his native place. (Strab. xiii. p. 612.) [L. S.] DAETONDAS (AaiWri'vL-), a statuary of Sicyon, made a statue of the Eleian athlete Theotimus at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 17. ~ 3.) Since Moschion, the father of Theotimus, accompanied Alexander the Great into Asia, Daetondas probably flourished from n. c. 320 downwards. [P. S.] "DAI'MACHUS or DEI'MACHUS (Aa'utaXos or AvrsiaXos), of Plataeae, a Greek historian, whose age is determined by the fact, that he was sent as ambassador to Allitrochades, the son of Androcottus or Sandrocottus, king of India (Strab. ii. p. 70), and Androcottus reigned at the time when Seleucus was laying the foundation of the subsequent greatness of his empire, about B. c. 312. (Justin. xv. 4.) This fact at once shews the impossibility of what Casaubon (ad Diog. Laert. i. 1) endeavoured to prove, that the historian Ephorus had stolen whole passages from Daimachus's work, since Ephorus lived and wrote before Da'imachus. The latter wrote a work on India, which consisted of at least two books. He had probably acquired or at least increased his knowledge of those eastern countries during his embassy; but Strabo nevertheless places him at the head of those who had circulated false and fabulous accounts about India. (Comp. Athen. ix. p. 394; Harpocrat. s. v. Ey7v0l;c7; Schol. ad Apollon. RBhod. i. 558.) We have also mention of a very extensive work on sieges (ro0XiopTic'rd aVroopUvripaaTa) by one Daimachus, who is probably the same as the author of the Indica. If the reading in Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. AaEacesrauc') is correct, the work on sieges consisted of at least 35 (AE) books. (Comp. Eustath. ad 11Hon. 1. ii. 581.) The work on India is lost, but the one on sieges may possibly be still concealed somewhere, for Magins (in Gruter's FI;a Artimn, p. 1330) states, that he saw a MS. of it. It may be that our Da'machus is the same as the one quoted by Plutarch (Comparat. Solon. cam Publ. 4) as an authority on the military exploits of Solon. In another passage of Plutarch (Lysand. 12) one La'imachus (according to the common reading) is mentioned as the author of a work Wrepi egdeaTs, and modern critics have changed the name Laimachus into Daimachus, and consider him to be the same as the historian. In like manner it has been proposed in Diogenes Laertius (i. 30) to read Aadtaos 6d harairs instead of Aai6aXos 6 HTarwvucos, but these are only conjectural emendations. [L. S.] DAIPHANTUS (AtSapaCvro), a Theban, who DAMAGETUS. 929 was slain at the battle of Mantineia, B. c. 362. It is said that Epaminondas, after he had received his mortal wound, asked successively for Dalphantus and Iolaidas, and, when he heard of their death, advised his countrymen to make peace. (Plut. Apophthi. Epam. 24; Ael. V. I. xii. 3.) [E. E.] DAIPPUS or DAHIPPUS (Ad'raros), a statuary who made statues of athletes (Paus. vi. 12. ~ 3, 16. ~ 4), and a statue which Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 28) calls Perixyomenon, for which Brotier would read srapaxhvodevoy. He is mentioned in two other passages of Pliny (1. c. 19, 19. ~ 7), where all the MSS. give Laippus, through a confusion between A and A. From these two passages it appears that he was a son of Lysippus, and that he flourished in the 120th Olympiad. (B. c. 300, and onwards.) [P. S.] DA'LION, a writer on geography and botany, who is quoted by Pliny. (IH. N. vi. 35, xx. 73.) He is mentioned among the foreign authors made use of by Pliny, and must have lived in or before the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.] DALMATIUS. [DELMATIUS.] DAMAGE'TUS (Aaadsv-ros). 1. King of Talysus in Rhodes (contemporary with Ardys, king of Lydia, and Phraortes, king of Media), married, in obedience to the Delphic oracle, the daughter of Aristomenes of Messene, and from this marriage sprung the family of the Diagoridae, who were celebrated for their victories at Olympia. [ARISTOMENES.] The following is their genealogy. Aristomenes. daughter T Damagetus (Diagoras.) Doricus. Damagetus. I I I Damagetus. Acusilalis. Dorieus. Diagoras. Callipateira. Eucles. Pherenice. Peisodorus. In this pedigree the name of the first Diagoras is inserted by Clavier and Clinton, to supply one generation, which seems to be wanting in Pausanias. 2. Of the second Damagetus nothing is known but his name. 3. The third Damagetus was victor in the pancratium on the same day on which his brother Acusilaiis was victor in boxing. [DIAGO.AS.] (Pind. 01. 7, and Schol; Paus. iv. 24. ~ 1, vi. 7. ~~ 1, 2; Aelian, V. H. x. 1; Cic. Tusc. i. 46; Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. pp. 254, 255.) [P. S.] DAMAGE'TUS (Aaepdt ros), the author of thirteen epigrams in the Greek Anthology, fiom the contents of some of which his time is fixed at the end of the third century u. c. He was included in the Garland of Meleager. It is not known whether he is the same person as the Demagetus who is cited by Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. 'AiK'rl). The name is also given by the Scholiast to Apollonius Rhodius (i. 224) in the form Denmgetus. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 38, iii. 331 3so
Page 930 930 DAMASCENUS. Jacobs, Anthol. Graec. ii. 39, xiii. 879, 880; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. iv. p. 470.) [P. S.] DAMA'GORAS (Aauayodpas), a Rhodian admiral in the war against Mithridates. After an engagement with the king's fleet, the Rhodians missed one trireme, and not knowing whether it had been taken by the enemy, they sent out Damagoras with six quick-sailing vessels to search for it. Mithridates attacked him with twenty-five ships, and Damagoras retreated, till about sunset the king's fleet withdrew. Damagoras then sailed forth again, sunk two of the king's ships, and drove two others upon the coast of Lycia, and in the night returned to Rhodes. (Appian, Mithrid. 25.) [L. S.] DA'MALIS (Aa,uaAss), the wife of the Athenian general, Chares. She accompanied her husband, and while he was. stationed with his fleet near Byzantium, she died. She is said to have been buried in a neighbouring place, of the name of Damalis, and to have been honoured with a monument of the shape of a cow. According to a mythical tradition, Io on her wandering landed at Damalis, and the Chalcedonians erected a bronze cow on the spot. (Symeon Mag. de Constant. Porp.iyr. p. 729, ed. Bonn; comp. Polyb. v. 43.) [L.S.] DAMARATUS. [DEMARATUS.] DAMA'RETE. [DEsuMARETE.] DAMASCE'NUS, JOANNES ('lIWvees Araeeaoe'reds), a voluminous ecclesiastical writer, who flourished during the first half of the eighth century after Christ, in the reigns of Leo Isauricus and Constantine VII. He was a native of Damascus, whence he derived his surname, and belonged to a family of high rank. His oratorical powers procured him the surname of Chrysorrhoas, but he was also stigmatized by his enemies with various derogatory nicknames, such as Sarabaita, Mansur, and Arclas. He devoted himself to the service of the church, and after having obtained the dignity of presbyter, he entered the monastery of St. Saba at Jerusalem, where he spent the remainder of his life, devoting himself to literary pursuits, especially the study of theology. IHe seems to have died, at the earliest, about A. D. 756, and his tomb was shewn near St. Saba down to a very late period. He is regarded as a saint both by the Greek and Latin churches; the former celebrates his memory on the 29th of November and the 4th of December, and the latter on the 6th of May. His life, which is still extant, was written by Joannes, patriarch of Jerusalem; but little confidence can be placed in it, as the facts are there mixed up with the most incredible stories. [t is printed in Surius's Lives of the Saints, under the 6th of May. All the writers who mention Joannes Damascenus agree in asserting, that he surpassed all his contemporaries as a philosopher and by the extensive range of his knowledge. This reputation is sufficiently supported by the great number of his works which have come down to us, though he was extremely deficient in critical judgment, which is most apparent in the stories which he relates in confirmation of the doctrines he propounds. He was a strong opponent of those who insisted upon removing all images from the Christian churches, and upon abolishing prayers for the dead. We pass over the several collections of his works, as well as the separate editions of single treatises, and only refer our readers to the best edition of DAMASCENUS. his works, which was prepared and edited by Michael le Quien, Paris, 1712, in 2 vols. fol., though it is far from containing all the works that are still extant under his name, and are buried in MS. in the various libraries of Europe. It contains the following works: 1. Keqd/atn (piAooo(pitd, or the main points of philosophy and dialectics. 2. Iepl alpoeewv, on heresies and their origin. 3. 'EKOLs depigdsr s r iS Ooidiov 7ri'oTEWS, an accurate exposition of the orthodox faith, 4. TIpos TroVd S taGc Xouvas 'rdCs dylas diedoos, a treatise against those who opposed the use of images in churches. 5. AiL@eG os reppl dpeoo rrpovoý/jaeros, that is, a confession of faith. 6. To/os, i. e. a work against the Jacobites and Monophysites or Eutychians. 7. Karc Mav"iXa[wv Btahoyos, a discourse against the Manicheans. 8. AtidAoyos:apacqsvoD ical Xpiorrtavo, a dialogue between a Saracen and a Christian. 9. Tept Spaicdurwv,, a fragment on dragons. 10. HIIEpl dyTis rp'idos, on the holy trinity. 11. iept rov T rpiroayov /evou, on the hymn entitled Trisagium. 12. Hfpl 7prv cdyiwv ur7rrved', on fasts.3.1. Iepw TiV deCTr rjS irovmpas reCp.S dEawYv, on the eight spirits of wickedness. 14. E'eo-aywy-y ioyp/dTrw oTrotxerl ins, elementary instruction in the Christian dogmas. 15. nepi vvue0rovu qeVrews, a treatise directed against the Acephalians. 16. rlepi r-v &, rcr. Xppiraog, 8Ao sEArtdCwr O al eva Epyeiwd ical Aihorcv Qrvouctv il8twuaT5d, on the twofold will and action of Christ, and on the other physical properties. 17. "Eros dud'KptcrarTov icVard bSeo'Tryos alp/erews "Tru NeT7opmavry, against the heresies of the Nestorians. 18. A number of fragments on various subjects. 19. Hiaa-Xdaov, or a paschal canon. "20. A fragment of a letter on the nature of man. 21. A treatise on those who had died in the faith of Christ, and on the manner in which their souls may be benefited by masses and alms. 22. A letter on confession. 23. Aoyos cinroeasTrIcOsc repi 'rwv dyiy Kal etrwrv elKOs ivwV, an oration on the veneration due to sacred images. 24. An epistle on the same subject, addressed to Theophilus. 25. nIep riev d'pwe, on the feast of unleavened bread. 26. An epistle addressed to Zacharias, bishop of the Doari. 27. An exposition of the Christian faith: it is only in Latin, and a translation from an Arabic MS. 28. Some poems in iambics on sacred subjects. 29. An abridgment of the interpretation of the letters of St. Paul by Joannes Chrysostomus. 30. 'Iepd a rapdc7X-Aa, sacred parallels, consisting of passages of Scripture compared with the doctrines of the early fathers. 31. A number of homilies. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ix. pp. 682-744; Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 482, &c., ed. London, 1688.) [L. S.] DAMASCE'NUS, NICOLAI'S (NuchAaos Aapoaaoc-Isyos), a famous Greek polyhistor, who lived in the time of IIerod the Great and the emperor Augustus, with both of whom he was connected by intimate friendship. He was, as his name indicates, a native of Damascus, and the son of Antipater and Stratonice. His parents were distinguished no less for their personal character than for their wealth, and his father, who was a highly esteemed orator, was not only invested with the highest magistracies in his native place, but was employed on various embassies. Nicolaus and his brother Ptolemaeus were instructed from their childhood in everything that was good and useful. Nicolaus in particular shewed great talents, and
Page 931 DAMASCENUS. even before he attained the age of puberty, he obtained the reputation of being the most accomplished among the youths of his age; and at that early age he composed tragedies and comedies, which met with general applause. But he soon abandoned these poetical pursuits, and devoted himself to rhetoric, music, mathematics, and the philosophy of Aristotle. Herod carried on his philosophical studies in common with Nicolaus, and the amicable relation between the two men was strengthened by these common pursuits. In B. c. 14, he prevailed upon Herod to interfere with Agrippa on behalf of the citizens of Ilium, who were to be severely punished for having been apparently wanting in attention to Agrippa's wife, Julia, the daughter of Augustus. It was about the same time that he used his influence with Herod to prevail upon Agrippa to put an end to the annoyances to which the Jews in lonia were constantly exposed. In a conversation with Herod Nicolaus once directed his attention to the advantages which a prince might derive from history; and the king, who was struck by the truth of the observation, entreated Nicolaus to write a history. Nicolaus complied with the request, and compiled a most voluminous work on universal history, the accomplishment of which, in his opinion, surpassed even the hardest among the labours of Heracles. In B. c. 13, when Herod went to Rome to pay Augustus a visit, he took Nicolaus with him, and both travelled in the same vessel. On that occasion, Nicolaus made Augustus a present of the finest fruit of the palm-tree, which Augustus henceforth called Nicolai, a name by which that fruit was known down to the middle ages. Some writers speak of cakes (7rXaacoevres) which Nicolaus presented to Augustus, but this is evidently a mistake. (Suid. s.v. NuniAaos; Athen. xiv. p.652; Plut. Sympos. viii. 4; Isidor. Orig. xvii. 7; Plin. II. N. xiii. 4.) When Herod, by his success against some Arab chiefs, had drawn upon himself the enmity of Augustus, and the latter declined to receive any ambassadors, Herod, who knew the influence which Nicolaus possessed with the emperor, sent him to negotiate. Nicolaus, by very skilful management, succeeded in turning the anger of Augustus against the Arabs, and in restoring the friendship between Augustus and Herod. When Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Herod, were suspected of plotting against their father, Nicolaus endeavoured to induce the king not to proceed to extremities against his sons, but in vain: the two sons were put to death, and Nicolaus afterwards degraded himself by defending and justifying this cruel act of his royal friend. On the death of Herod, Archelaus succeeded to the throne, chiefly through the exertions of Nicolaus. We have no account of what became of Nicolaus after this event, and how long he survived it. Plutarch (I. c.) describes Nicolaus as possessing a tall and slender figure, with a red face. In private life, as well as in intercourse with others, he was a man of the most amiable disposition: he was modest, just, and liberal in a high degree; and although he disgraced himself by his flattery and partiality towards Herod, he neglected the great and powerful at Rome so much, that he is censured for having preferred the society of plebeians to that of the nobles. The information which we have here given is derived partly from a life of DAMASCENUS. 931 Nicolaus, written by himself, of which a considerable portion is still extant, from Suidas, and from Josephus. (Antiq. Jud. xvi. 15, 16, 17, xvii. 7, 11.) The writings of Nicolaus were partly poetical, partly historical, and partly philosophical. With regard to his tragedies, we know only the title of one, called wareavis or:woordvvvs (Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 976), but no fragments are extant. A considerable fragment of one of his comedies, which consists of 44 lines, and gives us a favourable opinion of his poetical talent, is preserved in Stobaeus. The most important, however, among his works were those of an historical nature. 1. The first is his autobiography, which we have already mentioned. 2. A universal history, which consisted of 144 books. (Athen. vi. p. 249.) Suidas states, that it contained only 80 books, but the 124th is quoted by Josephus. (Antiq. Jud. xii. 3.) The title loq-opia ica0oA/c ", under which this work is mentioned by Suidas, does not occur elsewhere. As far as we can judge from the fragments still extant, it treated chiefly of the history of the Asiatic nations; but whether the 'Ascrevpiuacal loeropiat of which Photius (Bibl. Cod. 189) speaks is the same as the universal history, or only a portion of it, or whether it was a separate work, cannot be determined with any certainty. The universal history was composed at the request of Herod, and seems to have been a hurried compilation, in which Nicolaus, without exercising any criticism, incorporated whatever he found related by earlier historians. 3. A life of Augustus. This work is lost, like the rest, with the exception of excerpta which were made from it by the command of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus. These excerpta shew that the author was not much concerned about accuracy, and that the biography was more of a eulogy than of a history. Some writers have been of opinion, that this biography formed a part of the universal history; but there seems to be no ground for this hypothesis. 4. A life of Herod. There is no express testimony for a separate work of this name, but the way in which Josephus speaks of the manner in which Nicolaus treated Herod, and defended his cruelties, or passed them over in silence, if he could not defend them, scarcely admits of a doubt as to the existence of a separate work on the life of Herod. 5. 'HROv irapaocev o'vvaycywy, that is, a collection of singular customs among the various nations of the earth. It was dedicated to Herod (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 189), and Stobaeus has preserved many passages from it. Valesius and others think that these passages did not originally belong to a separate work, but were extracted from the universal history. Of his philosophical works, which consisted partly of independent treatises and partly of paraphrases of Aristotle's works, no fragments are extant, except a few statements in Simplicius" commentaries on Aristotle. The extant fragments of Nicolaus were first edited in a Latin version by N. Cragius, Geneva, 1593, 4to. The Greek originals with a Latin translation were first edited by IH. Valesius in his "Excerpta Polybii, Diodori," &c., Paris, 1634, 4to. The best and most complete edition, with Latin translations by Valesius and H. Grotius, is that of J. C. Orelli, Leipzig, 1804, 8vo. It also contains a good dissertation on the life and writings of Nicolaus by the Abbe Sevin, which originally appeared in the MJmoires de l'Acad. des Inscript. vi. p. 486, &c. In 1811, Orelli published a supplement to his edition, which 30 2
Page 932 932 DAMASCIUS. contains notes and emendations by A. Coray, Creuzer, Schweighiiuser, and others. [L. S.] DAMA'SCIUS (Aanado-Ktos), the Syrian (6 2sipos), of Damascus, whence he derived his name, the last of the renowned teachers of the Neo-Platonic philosophy at Athens, was born towards the end of the fifth century of the Christian era. His national Syrian name is unknown. He repaired at an early period to Alexandria, where he first studied rhetoric under the rhetorician Theon, and mathematics and philosophy under Ammonius, the son of Hermeas [see p. 146, a.], and Isidorus. From Alexandria Damascius went to Athens, where Neo-Platonism existed in its setting glory under Marinus and Zenodotus, the successors of the celebrated Proclus. He became a disciple of both, and afterwards their successor (whence his surname of 'd dSoFoXos), and he was the last who taught in the cathedra of Platonic philosophy at Athens; for in the year 529 the emperor Justinian closed the heathen schools of philosophy at Athens, and most of the philosophers, and among them Damascius, emigrated to king 'Chosroes of Persia. At a later time (533), however, Damascius appears to have returned to the West, since Chosroes had stipulated in a treaty of peace that the religion and philosophy of the heathen votaries of the Platonic philosophy should be tolerated by the Byzantine emperor. (Brucker, Hist. PhilosopJh. ii. p. 345; Agathias, Scholast. ii. p. 49, &c., p. 67, &c.) We have no further particulars of the life of Damascius; we only know that he did not, after his return, found any school either at Athens or at any other place, and that thus the heathen philosophy ended with its external existence. But the Neo-Platonic ideas from the school of Proclus were preserved in the Christian church down to the later times of the middle ages. Only one of Damascius's numerous writings has yet been printed, namely, "Doubts and Solutions of the first Principles, ('Airopiai Kcal Avoeis irep rTCv rpwr'wv dpXcsv), which was published (but not complete) by J. Kopp, Francof. 1828. 8vo. In this treatise Damascius inquires, as the title intimates, respecting the first principle of all things, which he finds to be an unfathomable and unspeakable divine depth, being all in one, but undivided. The struggles which he makes in this treatise to force into words that which is not susceptible of expression, have been blamed by many of the modern philosophers as barren subtilty and tedious tautology, but received the just admiration of others. This work is, moreover, of no small importance for the history of philosophy, in consequence of the great number of notices which it contains concerning the elder philosophers. The rest of Damascius's writings are for the most part commentaries on works of Aristotle and Plato. of these the most important are: 1. 'Aeopia Ksca AoJE els EIr 'TO HAdrwvos TIapseVirmv in a manuscript at Venice. 2. A continuation and completion of Proclus's commentary on Plato's Parmenides, printed in Cousin's edition of the works of Proclus, Paris, 1827, 8vo., vol. vi. p. 255, &c. We have references to some commentaries of Damascius on Plato's Timaeus, Alcibiades, and other dialogues, which seem to be lost. 3. Of the commentaries of Damascius on Aristotle's works we only know of the commentary on Aristotle's treatise" de Coelo," of which perhaps a fragment DAMASIPPUS. is extant in the treatise wErpl rov -yevvr-ov, published by Iriarte (Cbtal.. Ma188. Bi'. lIrdrid, i. p. 130) under the name of Damascius. Such a commentary of Damascius as extant in manuscript (7rapesKfoAi, in Aristot. lib. i. de Coelo) is also mentioned by Labbeus (Bib!. Nov. MSS. pp. 112, 169). The writings of Damascius mrepi Kmvrjases, mrepl ordiro, and -rep Xpdvo'ov, cited by Simplicius in his commentary on Aristotle's Physica (fol. 189, b., 153, a., 183, b.), are perhaps only parts of his commentaries on the Aristotelian writings. Fabricius (Bibl. Grace. vol. ii. p. 294) attributes to him the composition of an epitome of the first four and the eighth book of Aristotle's Physica. 4. But of much greater importance is Damascius's biography of his preceptor Isidorus ('Ieri3cpov s'los, perhaps a part of the psoA<ro<pos la-ropia attributed to Dnmascius by Suidas, i. p. 506), of which Photius (Cod. 242, comp. 181) has preserved a considerable fragment, and gives at the same time some important information respecting the life and studies of Damascius. This biography appears to have been reckoned by the ancients the most important of the works of Damascius. 5. AdyoL TIapd'oSoi, in 4 books, of which Photius (Cod. 130) also gives an account and specifies the respective titles of the books. (Comp. Westermann, Rerum l Jirabil. Scriptores, Proleg. p. xxix.) Photius praises the succinct, clear, and pleasing style of this work; though, as a Christian, he in other respects vehemently attacks the heathen philosopher and the tendency of his writings. 6. Besides all these writings, there is lastly a fragment of a commentary on Hippocrates's "Aphorisms" in a manuscript at Munich, which is ascribed to this philosopher. (See below.) There is also an epigram in the Greek Anthology (iii. 179, ed. Jacobs, comp. Jacobs, Comnmenst. in Antthol. xiii. p. 880) likewise ascribed to him. For further particulars, see Kopp's Preface to his edition of Damascius, irepi rp'rWev dpyXmv, and Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. pp. 79, 83, 230. Among the disciples of Damascius the most important are Simplicius, the celebrated commentator on Aristotle, and Eulamius. [A. S.] DAMA'SCIUS (Aa.6oi-/cos), the author of a short Greek commentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, first published by F. R. Dietz in his &Shtolia in H ippocr. et Gal., Regim, Pruss. 1834, 8vo. This Damascius is perhaps the same as the celebrated Neo-Platonic philosopher mentioned above; but the matter is quite uncertain. [W. A. G.] DAMASIPPUS (Aad.a'orswros), a Macedonian, who after having assassinated the members of the synedrium of Phacus, a Macedonian town, fled with his wife and children from his country. When Ptolemy Physcon came to Greece and raised an army of mercenaries, Damasippus also engaged in his service, and accompanied him to Crete and Libya. (Polyb. xxxi. 25.) [L. S.] DAMASIPPUS, L. JU'NIUS BRUTUS. [BRUTUS, No. 19.] DAMASIPPUS, LICFNIUS. 1. LICINILS DAMASIPPUS, a Roman senator of the party of Pompey, who was with king Juba in B. c. 49. During Caesar's African war, in B. c. 47, we again meet him among the enemies of Caesar. Damasippus and some others of his party endeavoured with a few ships to reach the coast of Spain, but they were thrown back by a storm to Hippo, where the fleet of P. Sitius was stationed. The
Page 933 DAMASTES. ships of the Pompeians were taken and sunk, and Damasippus perished with the rest. (Caes. de B. C. ii. 44; Hirt. de Bell. Afr. 96.) 2. LicINIUs DAMASIPPUS, a contemporary of Cicero, who speaks (ad Fam. vii. 23) of him as a lover of statues. In other passages, Cicero, in B. C. 45, speaks of his intention of buying a garden from Damasippus. (Ad Att. xii. 29, 33.) He appears to have been a connoisseur and dealer in ancient statues, and to have purchased and laid out gardens for the purpose of selling them again. He is in all probability the same person as the Damasippus who is ridiculed by Horace. (Sat. ii. 3. 16, 64.) It appears from Horace that he had become a bankrupt in his trade as a dealer in statues, in consequence of which he intended to put an end to himself; but he was prevented by the Stoic Stertinius, and then turned Stoic himself, or at least affected to be one by his long beard. The 1)amasippus mentioned by Juvenal (Sat. viii. 147, 151, 167) is undoubtedly a fictitious name, under which the satirist ridiculed some noble lover of horses. [L. S.] DAMASTES (Aaiao-Tq7s), of Sigcum, a Greek historian, and a contemporary of Herodotus and Hellanicus of Lesbos, with tle latter of whom he is often mentioned. Suidas even calls him a disciple of Hellanicus, while Porphyry (ap. Euseb. Pracp. Evang. ix. p. 468) states, that Hellanicus borrowed from Damastes and Herodotus several statements concerning the manners and customs of foreign nations. This latter statement has led some critics to assume, that Porphyry alludes to a later Hellanicus of Miletus; but there is no reason for such a supposition, and the simpler solution is, that the work of Damastes was published before that of Hellanicus, or what is more likely, that Porphyry made a.lunder. According to Suidas (comp. Eudoc. p. 127), Damastes wrote,-1. A History of Greece (7repi rTVE ie "Eh*AAdciS yevopVcI).2 2. On the ancestors of those who had taken part in the war against Troy, and 3. A catalogue of nations and towns (iOvrKu aKdAo-yos Kal s T7roA ), which is probably the same work as the one quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. týrepsCpeot) under the simple title of 7repl eOvc5v. Besides these, a 7rEphrAovu also is mentioned as the work of Damastes by Agathemerus (i. p. 2, ed. Hudson), who states, that Damastes copied from Hecataeus. All these works are lost, with the exception of a few insignificant fragments, Eratosthenes made great use of them, for which he is censured by Strabo (i. p. 47, xiii. p. 583, xiv. p. 684), who set little value upon the opinions of Damastes, and charges him with ignorance and credulity. From Dionysius of Halicarnassus (A. R. i. 72) we learn that Damastes spoke of the foundation of Rome. (Comp. Val. Max. viii. 13, Ext. 6; Plut. Camill. 19; Dionys. Hal. Jud. de Th/Icyd. p. 818; Plin. H1. N. Elench. libb. iv. v. vi. vii. and vii. 48; Avienus Ruf. de Ora Marit.; Sturz. Fragm. Hellanici, p. 14, &c.; Ukert, Untersuchlung. iber die Geographie des IHecataeus und Damastes, Weimar, 1814, p. 26.) Another person of this name is Damastes, the brother of Democritus the philosopher. (Suid. s. v. At7Jd6ipi-ros; Diog. Laert. ix. 39.) -[L. S.] DA'MASUS (Aaiaoos), of Tralles in Cilicia, is mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 649) among the celebrated orators of Tralles. He is surnamed Scombrus (ZKcogpos), and is in all probability the same DAMASUS. 933 as the Dames Scombros mentioned by Seneca (Controv. ii. 14), and may possibly be the same as the rhetorician who is also spoken of by Seneca (Suas. 1; comp. Schott, ad Controv. ii. 14) under the name of Damaseticus. But nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] DA'MASUS, whose father's name was Antonius, by extraction a Spaniard, must have been born near the beginning of the fourth century (Hieron. de Viris Illusir. c. 103), and upon the death of Liberius, in A. D. 366, was chosen bishop of Rome. His election, however, was strenuously opposed by a party who supported the claims of a certain Ursicinus or Ursinus: a fierce strife arose between the followers of the rival factions; the praefect Juventius, unable to appease or withstand their violence, was compelled to fly, and upwards of a hundred and thirty dead bodies were found in the basilica of Sicininus, which had been the chief scene of the struggle. Damasus prevailed; his pretensions were favoured by the emperor, and his antagonists were banished; but having been permitted to return within a year, fresh disturbances broke forth which, although promptly suppressed, were renewed from time to time, to the great scandal of the church, until peace was at length restored by the exertions of the praefect Praetextatus, not without fresh bloodshed. While these angry passions were still raging, Damasus was impeached of impurity before a public council, and was honourably acquitted, while his calumniators, the deacons Concordius and Calistus, were deprived of their sacred office. During the remainder of his career, until his death in A. D. 384, he was occupied in waging war against the remnants of the Arians in the West and in the East, in denouncing the heresy of Apollinaris in the Roman councils of A. D. 377 and 382, in advocating the cause of Paulinus against Meletius, and in erecting two basilicae. He is celebrated in the history of sacred music from having ordained that the psalms should be regularly chaunted in all places of public worship by day and by night, concluding in each case with the doxology; but his chief claim to the gratitude of posterity rests upon the circumstance, that, at his instigation, St. Jerome, with whom he maintained a most steady and cordial friendship, was first-induced to undertake the great task of producing a new translation of the Bible. To Damasus was addressed the famous and most important edict of Valentinian (Cod. Theodos. 16. tit. 2. s. 20), by which, in combination with some subsequent enactments, ecclesiastics were strictly prohibited from receiving the testamentary bequests of their spiritual children,-a regulation rendered imperative by the shameless avarice displayed by too many of the clergy of that period and the disreputable arts by which they had notoriously abused their influence over female penitents. Damasus himself, who was obliged to give publicity to the decree, had not escaped the imputation of these heredipetal propensities; for his insinuating and persuasive eloquence gained for him among his enemies the nickname of Auriscalpius (eartickler) matronarum. At the same time, while the outward pomp and luxury of the church were for a while checked, her real power was vastly increased by the law of Valentinian (367) afterwards enforced and extended by Gratian (378), in virtue of which the clergy were relieved from
Page 934 934 DAMASUS. the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate, and rendered amenable to their own courts alone. The extant works of Damasus are: I. Seven epistles written between the years 372-384, addressed to the bishops of Illyria, to Paulinus, to Acholius and other bishops of Macedonia, and to St. Jerome, together with an Epistola Synodica against Apollinaris and Timotheus. These refer, for the most part, to the controversies then agitating the religious world, and are not without value as materials for ecclesiastical history. The second, to Paulinus, consists of two parts, which in some editions are arranged separately, so as to make the whole number amount to eight. In addition to the above, which are entire, we have several fragments of letters, and it is known that many have perished. See the " Epistolae Pontificom Romanorum," by Constant, Paris, 1721. II. Upwards of forty short poems in various measures and styles, religious, descriptive, lyrical, and panegyrical, including several epitaphs. None of these, notwithstanding the testimony of St. Jerome (1. c.), dictated probably by partial friendship, are remarkable for any felicity either in thought or in expression. The rules of classical prosody are freely disregarded; we observe a propensity to indulge in jingling cadences, thus leading the way to the rhyming versification of the monks, and here and there some specimens of acrostic dexterity. These pieces were published separately in several of the early editions of the Christian poets; by A. M. Merenda, Rom. fol. 1754; and a selection comprising his "Sanctorum Elogia" is included in the " Opera Veterum Poetarum Latinorum " by Maittaire, 2 vols. fol. Lond. 1713. Among the lost works of this author are to be reckoned several epistles; a tract de Virginitate, in which prose and poetry were combined; summaries in hexameter verse of certain books of the Old and New Testament (Hieron. Epist. ad Eustock. de Custod. Virgin.), and Acta Martyrum Romanorum Petri Exorcistae et Marcellini (Eginhart. ap. Suriumn, de probatis sanctt. Histor. vol. iii. p. 561). Several Decreta; a book entitled Liber de Vitis Pontificume Romanorum; and all the epistles not named above are deemed spurious. The earliest edition of the collected works is that prepared by Sarrazanius and published by Ubaldinus under the patronage of cardinal Francesco Barberini, Rom. 4to. 1638. They are contained also in the Bibliothec. Mlax. Patrum. vol. iv. p. 543, and vol. xxvii. p. 81, and appear in their most correct form in the Bibliotheca, Patrum of Galland, vol. vi. p. 321. (For the life and character of Damasus, see the testimonies and biographies collected in the edition of Sarrazanius; Hieron. de Viris. Ill. c. 103, Chronic. p. 186, ad Nepot.; Ambros. adv. Symmach. ii.; A ugustin. Serm. 49; Suidas, s. v. Acdfaros; Ainm. Marc. xxvii. 3, a very remarkable passage. The petition of two presbyters opposed to Damasus is preserved in the first volume of the works of P. Sirmond.-Nic. Antonius, Bibliothec. Vet. Hispan. ii. 6; Bayerus, Damasus et Laurentius HIispanis asserti et vindicati, Rom. 1756; Gerbert de Cantu et Music. sacra, i. pp. 44, 60, 91, 242; Fabric. Bibl. Med. et Infim. Lat. ii. p. 4; Funccius, do Veget. L. L. Senect. cap. iii. ~ lx., &c.; Tillemont, Mimoires Ecclesiast. vol. viii. p. 386, &c.; Schrick, Kirchengeschiclte, viii. p. 122, &c.; Surius, de probatis sanctL. Ilist. viii. p. 428.) [W. R.] DAMIO.DA'MEAS (Aayeas) or DE'MEAS. 1. A statuary of Croton, who made a bronze statue of his fellow-citizen, Milo, which Milo carried on his shoulders into the Altis. This fixes the artist's date at about B.C. 530. (Paus. vi. 14. ~ 2.) 2. Also called Damias, a statuary, born at Cleitor, a city in Arcadia, was the disciple of Polycleitus, and was associated with other artists in the execution of the great votive offering which the Lacedaemonians made at Delphi after the victory of Aegospotami. (B. c. 405.) Dameas cast the statues of Athena, Poseidon, and Lysander. (Paus. x. 9. ~ 4; Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19; Thiersch. Epochen. p. 276.) [P. S.] DAMIA. [AUXESIA.] DAMIA'NUS (Aalt.cors), of Ephesus, a celebrated rhetorician and contemporary of Philostratus, who visited him at Ephesus, and who has preserved a few particulars respecting his life. In his youth Damianus was a pupil of Adrianus and Aelius Aristeides, whom he afterwards followed as his models. He appears to have taught rhetoric in his native place, and his reputation as a rhetorician and sophist was so great, that even when he had arrived at an advanced age and had given up rhetoric, many persons flocked to Ephesus to have an opportunity of conversing with him. He belonged to a very illustrious family, and was possessed of great wealth, of which he made generous use, for he not only instructed gratis such young men as were unable to remunerate him, but he erected or restored at his own expense several useful and public institutions and buildings. He died at the age of seventy, and was buried in one of the suburbs of Ephesus. It is not known whether he ever published any scientific treatise on rhetoric or any orations or declamations. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 23; Suid. s. v. Aautvavs; Eudocia, p. 130.) [L. S.] DAMIA'NUS (LaPtavis), a celebrated saint and martyr, who was a physician by profession and lived in the third and fourth centuries after Christ. He is said to have been the brother of St. Cosmas, with whose name and life his own is commonly associated, and whose joint history appears to have been as follows. They were born in Arabia: their father's name is not known, their mother's was Theodora, and both are said to have been Christians. After receiving an excellent education, they chose the medical profession, as being that in which they thought they could most benefit their fellow men; and accordingly they constantly practised it gratuitously, thus earning for themselves the title of 'Avdp-yvpoi, by which they are constantly distinguished. They were at last put to death with the most cruel tortures, in company with several other Christians, during the persecution by Diocletian, A. D. 303 -311. Justinian, in the sixth century, built a church in their honour at Constantinople, and another in Pamphylia, in consequence of his having been (as he supposed) cured of a dangerous illness through their intercession. [CosMsAs.] [W. A.G.] DAMIA'NUS HELIODO'RUS. [HELIODORUS.] DA'MIO, a freedman and servant of P. Clodius, who in B. c. 58 prevented Pompey from leaving his house and from assisting Cicero. (Ascon. in Milon. p. 47, ed. Orelli.) It is uncertain whether he is the same as Vettius Damio, into whose house Cicero fled from the persecutions of the Clodian party. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 3.) [L. S.]
Page 935 DAMO. DA'MION or DAMON, a physician mentioned among the foreign authors used by Pliny in his Natural History, who must therefore have lived in or before the first century after Christ. (Plin. II. N. xx. 40, xxiv. 120, Index to book vii.) He is also quoted by Plinius Valerianus. (De Re Mlled. iii. 20.) [W. A. G.] DAMIPPUS (Adcarnros). 1. A Lacedaemonian, who lived at the court of Hieronymus of Syracuse. When the young and undecided king, on his accession, was beset on all sides by men who advised him to give up his connexion with the Romans and form an alliance with Carthage against them, Damippus was one of the few in the king's council who advised him to uphold the alliance with Rome. A short time afterwards he was sent by the Syracusans to king Philip of Macedonia, but was made prisoner by the Roman fleet under Marcellus. Epicydes was anxious to ransom him, and as Marcellus himself wanted to form connexions with the Aetolians, the allies of the Lacedaemonians, he restored Damippus to freedom. (Polyb. vii. 5; Liv. xxv. 23.) 2. A Pythagorean philosopher, to whom some MSS. attribute the fragment iWepI 7rporvoies Kcal dyaOfSs rvTXas, which is preserved in Stobaeus, and is more commonly ascribed to Criton of Aegae. (Gale, Oomsc. MIythol. p. 698.) [L. S.] DAMIS (Adaps, Aduts). 1. A Messenian, who was one of the competitors for the throne of Messenia on the death of Euphais, when Aristodemus was elected, about B. c. 729. On the death of Aristodemus (about B. c. 723), Damis was chosen general with supreme power, but without the title of king. He failed, however, to restore the fallen fortunes of his country, and on his death, which took place soon after, Messenia submitted to the Lacedaemonians. (Paus. iv. 10, 13.) 2. An Athenian, son of Icesias, was sent by his countrymen to intercede with the Romans on behalf of the Actolians, B. c. 189, and is said to have been very instrumental, through his eloquence, in obtaining peace for the latter. (Polyb. xxii. 14.) He is called Leon by Livy (xxxviii. 10; cornp. xxxv. 50.) 3. An Epicurean, introduced several times by Lucian as an irreligious and profligate man. He appears to be the same who is spoken of (Dial. Mort. 27) as a wealthy Corinthian, and who is said to have been poisoned by his own son. Harles however supposes, that the Damis in question may have been a fictitious character. (Ad Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. p. 602, and the passages of Lucian there referred to.) 4. An Assyrian, who lived at Nineveh, where he became acquainted with Apollonius Tyanaeus [see p. 242, b.], whom he accompanied in his travels. Of these he wrote an account, in which he included also the discourses and prophecies of his master. This work seems to have been the basis of the life of Apollonius by Philostratus. The style of it shewed traces of the author's country and of his education among barbarians. (Suid. s. v. Adauis; Voss. de Hist. Graece. p. 250, ed. Westermann, and the authorities there referred to.) [E. E.] DAMO (Aaayco), a daughter of Pythagoras and Theano, who is mentioned by lamblichus (Fit. Pythqag. c. 28), but chiefly known to us from an epistle of Lysis, a Pythagorean, to one Hippasus or Hipparchus, quoted by Diogenes Laertius (viii. DAMOCRITUS. 935 42). In this we read that Pythagoras entrusted his writings to the care of Damno, and strictly forbad her to give them to any one. This command she strictly observed, although she was in extreme poverty, and received many requests to sell them; '" for," he adds, " she thought her father's precepts more precious than gold: and this she did although a woman." But the genuineness of this last ungallant appendage is denied by Menage. (Historia Mlzierim Philosophiarum, c. 94.) The above command of Pythagoras was delivered to her in writing, and this document she gave when dying to her daughter Bistalia. [G. E. L. C.] DAMO'CHARIS (Aa/Auxapts), a grammarian of Cos, the disciple of Agathias, lived at the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth centuries after Christ. He is the author of four epigrams in the Greek Anthology. In an epigram by Paulus Silentiarius (81), he is called ypaegLari^crs liepp) Pdoats. There is another epigramn (dose-r. 359) on a certain Damocharis who repaired the damage which Smyrna had suffered from an earthquake. It is not known whether this is the grammarian, about whose time, however, many earthquakes are known to have happened. (Brunck, Anal. iii. 69; Jacobs, Anth. Gracec. iv. 39; xiii. 881; Fabric. Bzbl. Gracec. iv. 470.) [P. S.] DAMOCLES (AapsoicXs), a Syracusan, one of the companions and flatterers of thle elder Dionysius, of whom a well-known anecdote is related by Cicero. Damocles having extolled the great felicity of Dionysius on account of his wealth and power, the tyrant invited him to try what his happiness really was, and placed him at a magnificent banquet, surrounded by every kind of luxury and enjoyment, in the midst of which Damocles saw a naked sword suspended over his head by a single horse-hair-a sight which. quickly dispelled all his visions of happiness. (Cic. Tusc. v. 21.) The same story is also alluded to by Horace. (Oarm. iii. 1. 17.) [E. H. B.] DAMO'CRATES or DEMO'CRATES (AacoKcp&rr]s or A'ipoipd'r'qs), SERVI'LIUS, a Greek physician at Rome about the beginning or middle of the first century after Christ, who may perhaps have received the praenomen " Servilius " from his having become a client of the Servilia gens. Galen calls him dpiaoos ia-po'.s (De Ther. ad Pis. c. 12. vol. xiv. p. 260), and Pliny says (H. N. xxv. 49), he was " e primis medentium," and relates (H. TV. xxiv. 28) his cure of Considia, the daughter of M. Servilius. He wrote several pharmaceutical works in Greek iambic verse, of which there only remain the titles and some extracts preserved by Galen. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos. v. 5, vii. 2, viii. 10, x. 2, vol. xii. p. 890, vol. xiii. pp. 40, 220, 350; De Compos. Medicami. sec. Gen, i. 19, v. 10, vi. 12, 17, vii. 8, 10, 16, vol. xiii. pp. 455, 821, 915, 940, 988, 996, 1047; De Antid. i. 15, ii. 2, &c. 15, vol. xiv. pp. 90, 115, &c. 191.) These have been collected together and published by C. F. Harles, Bonn, 1833, 4to. Gr. and Lat., with notes and prolegomena. It is believed that only the first part (consisting of thirty-five pages) has yet appeared, of which there is a review by Hermann in the Leip. Lit. Zeit. 1834, N. 33. (C. G. Kuhn, Additami. ad Elaench. Medicor. Vet. cc J. A. Fabricio in " Bibl. Gr." eahiit./ fascic. v.; Choulant, candb. dcr BUiicilrkunde fir die A cltere Medici.) [W. A. G.] DAMO'CRITUS (Aasicpseros). 1. Of Calydon
Page 936 936 DAMON. in Aetolia, was strategus of the Aetolians in B. c. 200, and in the discussions as to whether an alliance should be formed with the Romans, Damocritus, who was believed to have been bribed by the MVacedonian king, opposed the party inclined to negotiate with Rome. The year after this he was among the ambassadors of the various Greek states that went to Rome. In B. C. 193 he was sent by the Aetolians to Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, whom he urged on to make war against the Romans. The year after, when T. Quinctius Flamininus went himself to Aetolia, to make a last attempt to win them over, Damocritus not only opposed him along with the majority of his countrymen, but insulted him by saying that he would soon settle all disputes on the banks of the Tiber. But things turned out differently from what he expected: in B. c. 191 the Aetolians were defeated at Heracleia, near mount Oeta, and Damocritus fell into the hands of the Romans. He and the other leaders of the Aetolians were escorted to Rome by two cohorts, and he was imprisoned in the Lautumiae. A few days before the celebration of the triumph, which he was intended to adorn, he escaped from his prison by night, but finding that he could not escape the guards who pursued him, he threw himself upon his own sword and thus put an end to his life. (Liv. xxxi. 32, xxxv. 12, 33, xxxvi. 24, xxxvii. 3, 46; Polyb. xvii. 10, xxii. 14; Appian, de Reb. Syr. 21; Brandstciter, Die Gesch, des Aetol. Landes, -c., p. 408, &c.) 2. An Achaean and a friend of Diaeus, whom he assisted as much as he could in hurrying his countrymen into the fatal war with Rome, which ended in the destruction of Corinth. (Polyb. xl. 4.) Respecting a third Damocritus, see DEMOcrITUS in fin. [L. S.] DAMO'CRITUS (AaAo'Kcpuos), a Greek historian of uncertain date, who, according to Suidas (s..) wrote two works, one on the drawing up of armies, and the other on the Jews, of whom he related that they worshipped the head of an ass, and that every seventh year they sacrificed to their god some foreigner who had fallen into their hands. Eudocia (p. 128) further attributes to him AlOio7rKIc)v lt eopiavcc a dhAAa, but nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] DAMO'CRITUS or DEMO'CRITUS (Aato'Icpios, AUlopI'ros). 1. A statuary, born at Sicyon, was a pupil of Pison, the pupil of Amphion, the pupil of Ptolichus, the pupil of Critias of Athens. He probably flourished, therefore, about the 100th Olympiad. (B. c. 380.) There was at Olympia a statue by him of Hippus (or Hippon), an Eleian, who was victor in boxing among the boys. (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 2.) Pliny mentions a Democritus, who made statues of philosophers. (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 28.) 2. A chaser of the silver goblets which were called Rhodian. (Ath. xi. p. 500, b.) [P. S.] DAMO'GERON (Aa1uo-yipc), a Greek writer on agriculture, concerning whom nothing at all is known, although fifteen extracts from his work are still extant in the Geoponicca. [L. S.] DAMON (Adauco). 1. An Athenian, who joined his countryman Philogenes in supplying siips to the Phocians and leading them into Asia at the time of the Ionian migration. These were the settlers by whom Phocaea was founded. (Paus. vii. 2, 3; comp. Herod. i. 146; Strab. xiv. p. 633.) "2. A Pythagorean, and f'riend o.f Pythias or DAMOPHYLE. Phintias, who was a member of the same sect. When the latter was condemned to die for a plot against Dionysius I. of Syracuse, he asked leave of the tyrant to depart for the purpose of arranging his domestic affairs, promising to find a friend who would be pledge for his appearance at the time appointed for his punishment. To the surprise of Dionysius, Damon unhesitatingly offered himself to be put to death instead of his friend, should he fail to return. Phintias arrived just in time to redeem Damon, and Dionysius was so struck with this instance of firm friendship on both sides, that he pardoned the criminal, and entreated to be admitted as a third into their bond of brotherhood. (Diod. x. Fragm. 3; laumblich. Vit. Pyth. 33; Cic. de Off. iii. 10, Tusc. Qsuuest. v. 22; Val. Max. iv. 7, Ext. 1.) 3. A youth of Chaeroneia and a descendant of the seer Peripoltas, by whose name he was also called. Having been insulted with a degrading proposal by a Romana officer who was wintering at Chaeroneia, he engaged in his cause a body of his companions, assassinated the Roman, and fled with his adherents from the city. The Chaeroneans, alarmed for the consequences, condemned him to death; but Damon continuing to defy them successfully, and to ravage their lands, the council decoyed him back by fair promises, and had himn murdered. It was said, that in the vapour-bathl where he was killed strange sights were long seen and strange sounds heard. (Plut. Cim. 1.) [E. E.] DAMON (Adcw). 1. Of Athens, a celebrated musician and sophist. He was a pupil of Lamprus and Agathocles, and the teacher of Pericles, with whom he lived on the most intimate terms. Socrates also, who esteemed him very highly, is said to have profited by his instructions. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 33; Plut. Pericl. 4; Diog. LaGrt. ii. 19.) Damon was no ordinary man. His penetration and acumen are particularly extolled by Plato in his work on the Republic, and he had cultivated his intellectual powers by constant intercourse with the most distinguished men of his time, such as Prodicus and others. His influence in political affairs was very great. In his old age he was banished from Athens, probably on account of the part he had taken in politics. Damon maintained, that simplicity was the highest law of music, and that it had a very intimate connexion with morality and the development of man's nature. (Plat. Laches, p. 197, d., Alcibiad. p. 118, de Rep. iv. p. 424, c., iii. p. 400; Plut. Aristid. 1; compare Groen van Prinsteres, Prosopographia Platonica; pp. 186-188.) 2. A writer of proverbs, generally called Demon. [DEMON.] [A. S.] DAMON (Adco). 1. Of Cyrene, a Greek author of uncertain date, who wrote a work on the philosophers (7rspl TCrv,iAoAooor('h, Diog. Laeirt. i. 40). 2. Of Byzantium, wrote a work on his native place, from which an extract is quoted by Aelian. ( V. H. iii. 14; comp. Athen. x. p. 442.) Pliny (I. N. vii. 2) speaks of a Damon who seems to have written on Aethiopia. [L. S.] DAMO'PHYLE (Aapuo mvA), a lyric poetess of Pamphylia, was the pupil and companion of Sappho (about 611 B. c.). Like Sappho, she instructed other dsamsels. She composed erotic poems and hymns. 'The hymns which were sung to Artemis at i'Perga were said to have been corm
Page 937 DAMOSTRATUS. DANAIDES. 937 posed by her after the manner of the Aeolians and Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 471, ed. Harles, xiii. p. 138, Pamphylians. (Philost. Vit. Apollon. i. 30.) [P. S.] old. edit.; DEMOSTRATUS.) [P. S.] DAMO'PIIILUSorDEMO'PHILUS, apainter DAMO'TELES (AaetorEA?). 1. A Spartan, and modeller (plastes) who, with Gorgasus, embel- through whose treachery, according to one account, lished the temple of Ceres by the Circus Maximus Cleomenes was defeated by Antigonus at the bat. at Rome with works of art in both departments, tle of Sellasia, B. c. 222. (Phylarch. ap. Plut. to which was affixed an inscription in Greek Cleom. 28; comp. Polyb. ii. 65, &c.) Damoteles verses, intimating that the works on the right is said in Plutarch to have had the office of comwere by Damophilus, those on the left by Gorgasus. mander of the Crypteia (see Dict. of Ant. s. v.), (Plin. xxxv. 12. s. 45.) This temple was that which would qualify him for the service of reconof Ceres, Liber, and Libera, which was vowed by noitring assigned to him by Cleomenes before the the dictator A. Postumius, in his battle with the engagement. Latins, B. c. 496, and was dedicated by Sp. Cassius 2. An Aetolian, was one of the ambassadors Viscellinus in B. c. 493. (Dionys. vi. 17, 94; Tac. whom his countrymen, by the advice of the AtheAnn. ii. 49.) See )EMO'PHILUS. [P. S.] nians, sent to Rome in B. c. 190 to negotiate with DAMO'PHILUS (AaiuotA os), a philosopher the senate for peace. He returned in the ensuing and sophist, was brought up by Julian, who was year without having accomplished his object. M. consul under the emperor Marcus. His writings Fulvius, the consul, having crossed over from Italy were very numerous; the following were found in against them, the Aetolians once more despatched the libraries by Saidas: 1. tAtGoXAos, the first Damoteles to Rome; but, having ascertained on book of which was upon books worth having (W'rpl his arrival at Leucas that Fulvius was on his way aioicrTrrwv tAtiwv), and was addressed to Lollius through Epeirus to besiege Ambracia, he thought Maximus; 2. On the Lives of the Ancients (reptI the embassy hopeless, and returned to Aetolia. 3icwv dpx-aiwv); and very many others. (Suid. We hear of him again among those who came to s. v.; Voss. Hlist. Graec. pp. 269, 270, ed. Wes- Fulvius at Ambracia to sue for peace, which was termann.) [P. S.] granted by the consul and afterwards ratified by DA'MOPHON (Aao<pdv), a sculptor of Mes- the senate. [DAMIS, No. 2.] (Polyb. xxi. 3, xxii. sene, was the only Messenian artist of any note. 8, 9, 12, 13; Liv. xxxviii. 8.) [E. E.] (Paus. iv. 31. ~ 8.) His time is doubtful. Heyne DAMO'XENUS (AauJdvos) was an Athenian and Winckelmann place him a little later than comic poet of the new comedy, and perhaps partly Phidias; Quatremere de Quincy from B. c. 340 to of the middle. Two of his plays, entitled 21VrpoB. c. 300. Sillig (Catal. Art. s. v. Demophou) ar- coc and 'Earvdv arvOpv, are mentioned by Athegues, from the fact that he adorned Messene and naeus, who quotes a long passage from the former, Megalopolis with his chief works, that he lived and a few lines from the latter. Elsewhere he about the time when Messene was restored and calls him, less correctly, Demoxenus. The longer Megalopolis was built. (B. c. 372-370.) Pausa- fragment was first published, with a Latin version, nias mentions the following works of Damophon: by Hugo Grotius, in his Excerpta ex Tragoediis et At Aegius in Achaia, a statue of Lucina, of wood, Comoediis Graecis, Par. 1626, 4to. (Ath. i. except the face, hands, and toes, which were of p. 15, b., iii. p. 101, f., xi. p. 469, a.; Suid. s. v.; Pentelic marble, and were, no doubt, the only Eudoc. p. 131; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. parts uncovered: also, statues of Hygeia and As- i. p. 4 84, &c., iv. p. 529, &c., p. 843, &c.) [P. S.] clepius in the shrine of Eileithyia and Asclepius, DANAE (Aavcmi). See AcaISmus. We may bearing the artist's name in an iambic line on the add here the story which we meet with at a later base: at Messene, a statue of the Mother of the time in Italy, and according to which Danae went Gods, in Parian marble, one of Artemis Laphria, to Italy, built the town of Ardea, and married and several marble statues in the temple of Ascle- Pilumnus, by whom she became the mother of pius: at Megalopolis, wooden statues of Hermes Daunus, the ancestor of Turnus. (Virg. Aen. vii. and Aphrodite, with faces, hands, and toes of mar- 372, 409, with Servius's note.) [L. S.] ble, and a great monolith group of Despoena (i. e. DANA'IDES (eava&eis), the fifty daughters of Cora) and Demeter, seated on a throne, which is Danaiis, whose names are given by Apollodorus fully described by Pausanias. He also repaired (ii. 1. ~ 5) and Hyginus (Fab. 170), though they Phidias's colossal statue of Zeus at Olympia, the are not the same in both lists. They were beivory plates of which had become loose. (Paus. iv. trothed to the fifty sons of Aegyptus, but were 31. ~~ 5, 6, 8, viii. 31. ~~ 3, 5, 37. ~ 2.) [P.S.] compelled by their father to promise him to kill DAMOSTRA'TIA (Aapoo-rpara), a courtezan their husbands, in the first night, with the swords of the emperor Commodus, who subsequently be- which he gave them. They fulfilled their promise, came the wife of Cleander, the favourite of the em- and cut off the heads of their husbands with the experor. (Dion Cass. lxxii. 12; CLEANDER.) [L. S.] ception of Hypermnestra alone, who was married to DAMO'STRATUS (Aador-Tparos), a person Lynceus, and who spared his life. (Pind.Nem. x. 7.) whose name appears in the title of an epigram in According to some accounts, Amymone and Berbyce the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. ii. 259; also did not kill their husbands. (Schol. ad find. Jacobs, Anth. Graec. ii. 235), Aa/xoOr-pdTov dvd- Pyth. ix. 200; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 805.) Om ca l rds viLaeats, but whether he was the author Hypermnestra was punished by her father with imof the epigram, or the person who dedicated the prisonment, but was afterwards restored to her statue to the nymphs, on which the epigram was husband Lynceus. TheDanaides buried the corpses inscribed, does not appear. Reiske supposed that of their victims, and were purified from their crime he might be the same person as Demostratus, a by Hermes and Athena at the command of Zeus. Roman senator, who wrote a poem on fishing Dana'is afterwards found it difficult to obtain hus(dievrucad), which is often quoted by the ancient bands for his daughters, and he invited men to writers, and who lived in the first century after public contests, in which his daughters were given Christ. (Jacobs, Amnth. Gracec. xiii. 881; Fabric, as prizes to the victors (Pind. Rlih. ix. 117.)
Page 938 938 DANAUS. Pindar mentions only forty-eight Danai'des as having obtained husbands in this manner, for Hypermnestra and Amymone are not included, since the former was already married to Lynceus and the latter to Poseidon. Pausanias (vii. 1. ~ 3. Comp. iii. 12. ~ 2; Herod. ii. 98) mentions, that Automate and Scaea were married to Architeles and Archander, the sons of Achaeus. According to the Scholiast on Euripides (Iecub. 886), the Danai'des were killed by Lynceus together with their father. Notwithstanding their purification mentioned in the earlier writers, later poets relate that the Danaides were punished for their crime in Hades by being compelled everlastingly to pour water into a vessel full of holes. (Ov. Met. iv. 462, Heroid. xiv.; HIorat. Carm. iii. 11. 25; Tibull. i. 3. 79; Hygin. Fab. 168; Serv. ad Aen. x. 497.) Strabo (viii.p. 371) and others relate, that Danabis or the Danai'des provided Argos with water, and for this reason four of the latter were worshipped at Argos as divinities; and this may possibly be the foundation of the story about the punishminent of the Danai'des. Ovid calls them by the name of the Belides, from their grandfather, Belus; and Herodotus (ii. 171), following the tales of the Egyptians, says, that they brought the mysteries of Demeter Thesmophoros from Egypt to Peloponnesus, and that the Polasgian women there learned the mysteries from them. [L. S.] DANAUS (davaos), a son of Belus and Anchinoe, and a grandson of Poseidon and Libya. He was brother of Aegyptus, and father of fifty daughters, and the mythical ancestor of the Danai. (Apollod. ii. 1, ~ 4, &c.) According to the common story he was a native of Chemnis, in the Thebais in Upper Egypt, and migrated from thence into Greece. (Herod. ii. 91.) Belus had given. Danails Libya, while Aegyptus had obtained Arabia. Danalis had reason to think that the sons of his brother were plotting against him, and fear or the advice of an oracle (Eustath. ad HoIn. p. 37), induced him to build a large ship and to embarkl with his daughters. On his flight he first landed at Rhodes, where he set up an image of Athena Lindia. According to the story in Herodotus, a temple of Athena was built at Lindus by the daughters of Danaids, and according to Strabo (xiv. p. 654) Tlepolemus built the towns of Lindus, ialysus and Cameirus, and called them thus after the names of three Daiiaides. From Rhodes Danalls and his daughters sailed to Peloponnesus, and landed at a place near Lerna, which was afterwards called from this event Apobathmi. (Paus. ii. 38. ~ 4.) At Argos a dispute arose between Danaiis and Gelanor about the government, and after many discussions the people deferred the decision of the question to the next day. At its dawn a wolf rushed among the cattle and killed one of the oxen. This occurrence was to the Argives an event which seemed to announce to them in what manner the dispute should terminate, and Dainais was accordingly made king of Argos. Out of gratitude he now built a sanctuary of Apollo Lycius, who, as he believed, had sent the wolf. (Paus. ii. 19. ~ 3. Comp. Serv. ad Aen. iv. 377, who relates a different story.) Danalis also erected two wooden statues of Zeus and Artemis, and dedicated his shield in the sanctuary of Hera. (Pans. ii. 19. ~ 6; iygin. Feb. 170.) He is further said to have built the acropolis of Argos and to have provided the place with water by cdig DAPHNAEUS. ging wells. (Strab. i. p. 23, viii. p. 371; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 461.) The sons of Aegyptus in the mean time had followed their uncle to Argos; they assured him of their peaceful sentiments and sued for the hands of his daughters. Danails still mistrusted them and remembered the cause of his flight from his country; however he gave them his daughters and distributed them among his nephews by lot. But all the brides, with the exception of Hypermnestra murdered their husbands by the command of their father. [DANAIDES.] In aftertimes the Argives were. called Danai. Whether Danahis died a natural death, or whether he was killed by Lynceus, his son-in-law, is a point on which the various traditions are not agreed, but he is said to have been buried at Argos, and his tomb in the agora of Argos was shewn there as late as the time of Pausanias. (ii. 20. ~ 4; Strab. viii. p. 371.) Statues of Danaus, Hypermnestra and Lynceus were seen at Delphi by Pausanias. (x. 10. ~ 2.) [L. S.] DA'PHITAS or DA'PHIDAS (Aaibras or Aa ieas), a grammarian and epigrammatist of Telmessus, of whom Suidas says, that he wrote against Homer, accusing him of falsehood in saying that the Athenians went to the Trojan war. He was a reviler of all men, and did not spare even the gods. He put a trick upon the Delphian oracle, as he thought, by inquiring whether he should find his horse. The answer was, that he should find it soon. Upon this, he declared that he had never had a horse, much less lost one. But the oracle proved to be true, for on his return home he was seized by Attalus, the king of Pergamus, and thrown headlong from a rock, the name of which was briros, ihorse. (Suid. s. v. Aaoiuras; comp. Cic. de Fat. 3; Val. Max. i. 8, ext. ~ 8.) Strabo, in speaking of Magnesia, mentions a mountain over against it, named Thorax, on which it was said that Daphitas was crucified for reviling the kings in two verses, which he preserves. He also mentions the oracle, but, of course, as playing upon the word OcEpa( instead of 'lIrros (xiv. p. 647). The distich preserved by Strabo is also included in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. iii. p. 330; Jacobs, ii. p. 39.) [P. S.] DAPHNAEA and DAPHNAEUS (Aagvata and Aamvaios), surnames of Artemis and Apollo respectively, derived from badlv, ma laurel, which was sacred to Apollo. In the case of Artemis it is uncertain why she bore that surname, and it was perhaps merely an allusion to her statue being made of laurel-wood (Paus. iii. 24. ~ 6; Strab. xvi. p. 750; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. i. 16; Eutrop. vi. 11; Justin. xv. 4.) [L. S.] DAPHNAEUS (AavYamos), a Syracusan, one of the leaders of the popular party in that city after the death of Diodles. He was appointed to command the troops sent by the Syracusans, together with their Sicilian and Italian allies, to the relief of Agrigentum, when it was besieged by the Carthaginians, B. c. 406. He at first defeated the force despatched by Himilco to oppose his advance, but was unable to avert the fall of Agrigentum, and consequently shared in the unpopularity caused by that event, and was deposed, together with the other generals, on the motion of Dionysius. As soon as the latter had established himself in the supreme command, he summoned an assembly of the people, and procured the execution of Daphnaeus together with his late colleague, Demarchus
Page 939 DAPHNIS. According to Aristotle, the great wealth of Daphnaeus had made him an object of jealousy with the lower populace. (Diod. xiii. 86, 87, 92, 96; Arist. Pol. v. 5.) [E. H. B.] DAPHNE (Aacdiv), a fair maiden who is mixed up with various traditions about Apollo. According to Pausanias (x. 5. ~ 3) she was an Oreas and an ancient priestess of the Delphic oracle to which she had been appointed by Ge. Diodorus (iv. 66) describes her as the daughter of Teiresias, who is better known by the name of Manto. She was made prisoner in the war of the Epigoni and given as a present to Apollo. A third Daphne is called a daughter of the rivergod Ladon in Arcadia by Ge (Paus. viii. 20. ~ 1; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 6; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. i. 16), or of the river-god Peneius in Thessaly (Ov. Met. i. 452; Hygin. Fab. 203), or lastly of Amyclas. (Parthen. Erot. 15.) She was extremely beautiful and was loved and pursued by Apollo. When on the point of being overtaken by him, she prayed to her mother, Ge, who opened the earth and received her, and in order to console Apollo she created the ever-green laurel-tree (o84aV), of the boughs of which Apollo made himself a wreath. Another story relates that Leucippus, the son of Oenomails, king-of Pisa, was in love with Daphne and approached her in the disguise of a maiden and thus hunted with her. But Apollo's jealousy caused his discovery during the bath, and he was killed by the nymphs. (Paus. viii. 20. ~ 2; Parthen. 1. c.) According to Ovid (Met. i. 452, &c.) Daphne in her flight from Apollo was metamorphosed herself into a laurel-tree. [L. S.] DAPHNIS (Aapvis), a Sicilian hero, to whom the invention of bucolic poetry is ascribed. He is called a son of Hermes by a nymph (Diod. iv. 84), or merely the beloved of Hermes. (Aelian, V. 1I. x. 18.) Ovid (Met. iv. 275) calls him an Idaean shepherd; but it does not follow from this, that Ovid connected him with either the Phrygian or the Cretan Ida, since Ida signifies any woody mountain. (Etym. Magn. s. v.) His story runs as follows: The nymph, his mother, exposed him when an infant in a charming valley in a laurel grove, from which he received his name of Daphnis, and for which he is also called the favourite of Apollo. (Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. x. 26.) He was brought up by nymphs or shepherds, and he himself became a shepherd, avoiding the bustling crowds of men, and tending his flocks on mount Aetna winter and summer. A Naiad (her name is different in different writers, Echenais, Xenea, Nomia, or Lyce,-Parthen. Erot. 29; Schol. ad Theocrit. i. 65, vii. 73; Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. viii. 68; Phylarg. ad Virg. Eclog. v. 20) fell in love with him, and made him promise never to form a connexion with any other maiden, adding the threat that he should become blind if he violated his vow. For a time the handsome Daphnis resisted all the numerous temptations to which he was exposed, but at last he forgot himself, having been made intoxicated by a princess. The Naiad accordingly punished him with blindness, or, as others relate, changed him into a stone. Previous to this time he had composed bucolic poetry, and with it delighted Artemis during the chase. According to others, Stesichorus made the fate of Daphnis the theme of his bucolic poetry, which was the earliest of its kind. After having become blind, hlie invoked his father to help him. The DARDANUS. 939 god. accordingly raised him up to heaven, and caused a well to gush forth on the spot where this happened. The well bore the name of Daphnis, and at it the Sicilians offered an annual sacrifice. (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. v. 20.) Phylargyrius, on the same passage, states, that Daphnis tried to console himself in his blindness by songs and playing on the flute, but that he did not live long after; and the Scholiast on Theocritus (viii. 93) relates, that Daphnis, while wandering about in his blindness, fell from a steep rock. Somewhat different accounts are contained in Servius (ad Virg. Eclog. viii. 68) and in various parts of the Idyls of Theocritus. [L. S.] DAPHNIS, a Greek orator, of whom a fragment in a Latin version is preserved in Rutilius Lupus (de Fig. Sent. 15), and whose name Pithoeus wrongly altered into Daphnidius. No particulars are known about him. (Ruhnken, ad Rutil. Lup. p. 52, and Hist. Crit. Orat. Graec. p. 93.) [L. S.] DAPHNIS, an architect of Miletus, who, in conjunction with Paeonius, built a temple to Apollo at Miletus, of the Ionic order. (Vitruv. vii. Praef. 16.) He lived later than CHERSIPHRON, since Paeonius was said to have finished the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, which was begun by Chersiphron. (Vitruv. 1. c.) [P. S.] DAPHNO'PATES, THEODO'RUS (~eolWpos AaepoiTrdoT-s), an ecclesiastical writer, who lived about the middle of the tenth century after Christ. He is called a patrician and sometimes magister, and was invested with the office of primus a secretis at the court of Constantinople. He seems to have written a history of Byzantium (Joan. Scylitzes, Praef.; Cedren. Hist. p. 2), but no distinct traces of it are left. Of his many theological writings two only are printed, viz. 1. An oration upon the transfer of the hand of John the Baptist from Antioch to Constantinople, which took place in A. D. 956. The year after, when the anniversary of this event was celebrated, Theodorus delivered his oration upon it. A Latin translation of it is printed in the Acta Sanctorum under the 29th of August. The Greek original, of which MSS. are extant in several libraries, has not yet been published. 2. Apanthismata, that is, extracts from various works of St. Chrysostom, in thirty-three chapters. They are printed in the editions of the works of St. Chrysostom, vol. vii. p. 669, ed. Savillius, and vol. vi. p. 663, ed. Ducaeus. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. x. p. 385, &c.; Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p. 316, ed. London, 1698.) [L. S.] DAPHNUS (Adrpvos), a physician of Ephesus, who is introduced by Athenaeus in his Deipnosophistae (i. p. 1) as a contemporary of Galen in the second century after Christ. [W. A. G.] DAPYX (Ada7rv), the chief of a tribe of the Getae. When Crassus was in Thrace, B. c. 29, Roles, another chief of the Getae, was at war with Dapyx, and called in the assistance of Crassus. Dapyx was defeated, and obliged to take refuge in a stronghold, where he was besieged. A Greek, who was in the place, betrayed it to Crassus, and as soon as the Getae perceived the treachery, they killed one another, that they might not fall into the hands of the Romans. Dapyx too ended his life on that day. (Dion Cass. li. 26.) [L. S.] DA'RDANUS (Adp'avos), a son of Zeus and Electra, the daughter of Atlas. He was the brother of Jasus, Jasius, Jason, or Jasion, Aetion and Harmonia, and his native place in the various tra
Page 940 940 DARDAN US. ditions is Arcadia, Crete, Troas, or Italy. (Serv. ad Virg. Aen. iii. 167.) Dardanus is the mythical ancestor of the Trojans, and through them of the Romans. It is necessary to distinguish between the earlier Greek legends and the later ones which we meet with in the poetry of Italy. According to the former, he was married to Chryse,the daughter of Palas, in Arcadia, who bore him two sons, Idaeus and Deimnas. These sons ruled for a time over the kingdom of Atlas in Arcadia, but then they separated on account of a great flood, and the calamities resulting from it. Deimas remained in Arcadia, while Idaeus emigrated with his father, Dardanus. They first arrived in Samothrace, which was henceforth called Dardania, and after having established a colony there, they went to Phrygia. Here Dardanus received a tract of land from king Teucrus, on which he built the town of Dardanus. At his marriage with Chryse, she had brought him as a dowry the palladia and sacra of the great gods, whose worship she had learned, and which worship Dardanus introduced into Samothrace, though without making the people acquainted with the names of the gods. Servius (ad Aen. viii. 285) states, that he also instituted the Salii in Samothrace. When he went to Phrygia he took the images of the gods with him; and when, after forming the plan of founding a town, he consulted the oracle, he was told, among other things, that the town should remain invincible as long as the sacred dowry of his wife should be preserved in the country under the protection of Athena. After the death of Dardanus those palladia (others mention only one palladium) were carried to Troy by his descendants. When Chryse died, Dardanus married Bateia, the daughter of Teucrus, or Arisbe of Crete, by whom he became the father of Erichthonius and Idaea. (Hom. II. xx. 215, &c.; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 1, &c., 15. ~ 3; Dionys. i. 61, &c.; Lycophr. 1302; Eustath. ad II. p. 1204; Conon. Narr. 21; Strab. vii. p. 331; Pans. vii. 4. ~ 3, 19. ~ 3; Dioed. iv. 49; Serv. ad Aen. i. 32.) According to the Italian traditions, Dardanus was the son of Corythus, an Etruscan prince of Corythus (Cortona), or of Zeus by the wife of Corythus. (Serv. ad Aen. ix. 10, vii. 207.) In a battle with the Aborigines, Dardanus lost his helmet (KOpes); and although he was already beaten, he led his troops to a fresh attack, in order to recover his helmet. He gained the victory, and called the place where this happened Corythus. He afterwards emigrated with his brother Jasius from Etruria. Dardanus went to Phrygia, where he founded the Dardanian kingdom, and Jasius went to Samothrace, after they had previously divided the Penates between themselves. (Serv. ad Aen. iii. 15, 167, 170, vii. 207, 210.) There are four other mythical personages of the name of Dardanus. (Hom. II. xx. 459; Eustath. ad 11. pp. 380, 1697; Paus. viii. 24. ~ 2.) [L. S.] DA'RDANUS (Adpeavoy). 1. A Stoic philosopher and contemporary of Antiochus of Ascalon (about B. c. 110), who was at the head of the Stoic school at Athens together with Mnesarchus. (Cic. Acad. ii. 22; Zumpt, Ueber den Bestand der Philos. Schulen in Athen, p. 80,) 2. A Greek sophist, a native of Assyria, is mentioned by Philostratus (Vit. Soph. ii. 4) as the teacher of Antiochus of Aegae, according to which he must have lived in the second century after Arist. [L. S.] DAREIUS. DA'RDANUS (Aadpeavos), the fourth in descent from Aesculapius, the son of Sostratus I., and the father of Crisamis I., who lived probably in the eleventh century B. c. (Jo. Tzetzes, Chil. vii. Hist. 155, in Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. xii. p. 680, ed. vet.) [W. A. G.] DAREIUS or DARI'US (Aape7rs, Aapeiatos, Ctes., Heb. "0, i. e. Daryavesh), the name of 7T:several kings of Persia. Like such names in general, it is no doubt a significant title. Herodotus (vi. 98) says that it means 4pte[is; but the meaning of this Greek word is doubtful. Some take it to be a form fabricated by Herodotus himself, for petias or pTp-c'r/p, from the root Epy (do), meaning the person who achieves great things; but it is more probably derived from ilpyw (9restrain), in the sense of the riler. In modern Persian Dara or Darab means lord, which approaches very near to the form seen in the Persepolitan inscription, Dareush or Daryushi (where the s/h is no doubt an adjective termination), as well as to the Hebrew form. Precisely the same result is obtained from a passage of Strabo (xvi. p. 785), who mentions, among the changes which names suffer in passing from one language to another, that AapeZos is a corruption of Aapecsincs, or, as Salmasius has corrected it, of Aaptavers, that is Daryav. This view also explains the form Aaperaios used by Ctesias. The introduction of the y sound after the r in these forms is explained by Grotefend. Some writers have fancied that Herodotus, in saying that Aapelos means EpSeis7s, and that Sipýqs' means dpaios, was influenced in the choice of his words by their resemblance to the names; and they add, as if it were a matter of course, the simple fact, which contradicts their notion, that the order of correspondence must be inverted. (Bkhr, Annot. ad loc.) The matter is fully discussed in Grotefend's Beilage zu HIeeren's Ideen (Asiatic Researches, vol. ii. Append. ii.) 1. DAREIUS I., the eldest son of Hystaspes (Gustasp), was one of the seven Persian chiefs who destroyed the usurper SMERDIs, after whose death Dareius obtained the throne. He was a member of the royal family of the Achaemenidae (Herod. i. 209), in a branch collateral to that of Cyrus. The meaning of the genealogy given by Xerxes (Herod. vii. 11) seems to be this: Achaemenes. Te/spes. Cambyses. Ariaramnes. Cyrus. Arsames. ___ Iystaspes. II Cambyses. Smcrdis. Atossa Dareius. Xerxes. When Cyrus undertook his expedition against the Massagetae, Dareius, who was then about twenty years old, was left in Persis, of which country his father Hystaspes was satrap. The night after the passage of the Araxes, Cyrus dreamt that he saw Dareius with wings on his shoulders, the one of which overshadowed Asia and the other Europe.
Page 941 DAREIUS. DAREIUS. 941 Inferring that Dareius had formed a conspiracy against him, Cyrus sent back Hystaspes into Persis to watch his son. (Herod. i. 209,210.) Dareius attended Cambyses to Egypt as one of his bodyguard. (Herod. iii. 139; SYLOSON.) After the detection of the imposture of the Magian, Dareius went to Susa just at the time when the conspiracy against the usurper was formed, and he was associated with the six other conspirators, who, by his advice, resolved to act without delay. [SMERDIS.] The discussions among the Persian chiefs, which ensued upon the death of the Magian, ended in favour of the monarchical form of government, which was advocated by Dareius, and Dareius himself was chosen to the kingdom by a sign, which had been agreed on by the conspirators, and which Dareius, with the aid of his groom Oebares, contrived to obtain for himself, B. c. 521. This account, instead of being a fiction, is quite in accordance with the spirit of the Persian religion. (Heeren's Asiatic Researches, ii. p. 350; comp. Tac. Germ. 10.) The usurpation of Smerdis seems to have been an attempt on the part of the Medes to regain their supremacy. The conspirators against him were noble Persians, and in all probability the chiefs of Persian tribes. Their discussion about the form of government to be adopted is evidently related by Herodotus according to Greek rather than Oriental notions. The proposition to share the supreme power among themselves seems to be what Herodotus means by an aristocracy, and this scheme may be traced in the privileges for which the conspirators afterwards stipulated with Dareius, but it is very difficult to conceive in what sense a democracy could have been proposed. At all events, the accession of Dareius confirmed both the supremacy of the Persians, and the monarchical form of government. The other conspirators stipulated for free admission to the king at all times, with one exception, and for the selection of his wives from their families. A dispute soon arose respecting the exercise of the former privilege between the royal servants and Intaphernes, one of the seven; and Dareius, thinking, from the conduct of Intaphernes, that a conspiracy had been formed against himself, put him to death with all his male relations except two. (Herod. iii. 118, 119.) He henceforth enjoyed undisputed possession of his throne; but we find the seven employed in distant governments and expeditions. It was in the reign of Dareius that the consolidation of the Persian empire was effected, so far at least as it ever was; for in truth it never possessed a sure principle of cohesion. Cyrus and Cambyses had been engaged in continual wars, and their conquests had added to the Persian empire tlhe whole of Asia (up to India and Scythia), except Arabia. (lerod. iii. 88.) After strengthening himself by alliances with the royal house, from which he took three wives, namely, the two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone, and Parmys, the daughter of Cyrus's son Smerdis, and with the chief of the seven, Otanes, whose daughter Phaedime he married, and after erecting a monument to celebrate his acquisition of the kingdom, he began to set in order the affairs of his vast empire, which he divided into twenty satrapies, assigning to each its amount of tribute. Persis proper was exempted from all taxes, except those which it had formerly been used to pay. From the attention which he paid to his revenues, and from his love of money, Dareius was called by the Persians icaTr-Aos. (iii. 89, 117.) A detailed account of his satrapies and revenues is given by Herodotus. (iii. 90, &c.) His ordinary residence was at Susa, which he greatly improved. (Aelian, N. A. i. 59; Plin. H. N. vi. 27. s. 31.) The seven months of the reign of Smerdis had produced much confusion throughout the whole empire. His remission of all taxes for three years, if it be true, must have caused Dareius some trouble in reimposing them. It cannot be doubted that the governors of the provinces would seize the opportunity to assume a sort of independence. We have an example in the conduct of Oroetas, the governor of Sardis, who, in addition to his cruel and treacherous murder of Polycrates and other acts of tyranny, put to death a noble Persian, Mitrobates, the governor of Dascylium in Bithynia, with his son, and killed a royal messenger whom Dareius sent to rebuke him. Dareius was prevented from marching against Oroetas in person, on account of his recent accession to the throne and the power of the offender; but one of his courtiers, named Bagaeus, effected the death of Oroetas by gaining over his body-guard of 1000 Persians. In consequence of this event the Greek physician Democedes fell into the hands of Dareius, and cured him of a sprained ankle, and was established at his court-a most important event in the history of the world, for Democedes used his influence with Atossa to persuade Dareius to attack Greece. [DEMIOCEDES.] Dareius sent him, with fifteen noble Persians, to examine the coasts of Greece, of which they made a sort of map. Democedes escaped from his companions, who, after a great variety of adventures, got back safe to Dareius. (Herod. iii. 135-138.) The great struggle between the despotism of Asia and the freedom of Europe was now beginning. The successive rulers of Western Asia had long desired to extend their dominion across the Aegean into Greece; but both Croesus and Cyrus had been prevented from making the attempt, tile former by the growth of the Persian power, the latter by his wars in Central Asia. Dareius, who already, as seen in the dream of Cyrus, overshadowed Asia with one wing, now began to spread the other over Europe. He attacked Samos under the pretext of restoring SYLOSON, but his further designs in that quarter were interrupted by the revolt of the Babylonians, who had profited by the period of confusion which followed the death of Cambyses to make every preparation for rebellion. After a siege of twenty months, Babylon was taken by a stratagem of ZOPYRUS, and was severely punished for its revolt, probably about B. c. 516. The reduction of Babylon was soon followed by Darcius's invasion of Scythia (about B. c. 513, or 508 according to Wesseling and Clinton). The cause of this expedition is very obscure. Herodotus (iv. 1, 83) attributes it to the desire of Dareius to take vengeance on the Scythians for their invasion of Media in the time of CYAXARES,-far too remote a cause, though very probably used as a pretext. Ctesias says, that on the occasion of a predatory incursion into Scythia by the satrap of Cappadocia, the Scythian king had sent a letter of defiance to Dareius, and that this provoked him to the war. The only rational motives which can
Page 942 942 DAREIUS. now be assigned are the desire of curbing tribes which had been, and might be again, dangerous to the empire, especially during the projected invasion of Greece; and perhaps too of laying open the way to Greece by the conquest of Thrace. The details of the expedition also are difficult to trace. Dareius crossed the Thracian Bosporus by a bridge of boats, the work of MANDROCLES, a Samian engineer, and commemorated his passage by setting up two pillars, on which the names of the tribes composing his army were recorded in Greek and Assyrian letters. Thence he marched through Thrace to the delta of the Danube, where he found a bridge of boats already formed by his fleet, which had been sent round in the mean time to the mouth of the river. This bridge he would have broken up after the passage of his army; but by the advice of Coes, the commander of the forces of Mytilene, he left it guarded by the Greeks, many of whom served in his fleet, under their tyrants, with orders to break it up if he did not return within sixty days. The sixty days elapsed, and MILTIADES, the tyrant of the Thracian Chersonese, endeavoured to prevail on his fellow officers to take Dareins at his word, and thus to cut off his retreat; but HISTIAEUS, the tyrant of Miletus, pointed out the probability that, if so serious a blow were inflicted on the Persian power, they, the tyrants, who were protected by Persia, must fall. The bridge was therefore preserved, but a feint was made of destroying it, in order to deceive the Scythians, who were thus rendered less active in the pursuit of Dareius. The king was now in full retreat, his expedition having entirely failed, through the impossibility of bringing the Scythians to an engagement. If we are to believe Herodotus, he had penetrated far into the interior of Russia, and yet he had not been much distressed for provisions; and he recrossed the Danube with so large an army, that he detached a force of eighty thousand men for the conquest of Thrace, under Megabazus, who subdued that country and Paeonia, and received the symbols of submission, earth and water, from Amyntas, the king of Macedonia. Dareius re-entered Asia by the Hellespont, which he crossed at Sestos, and staid for some time at Sardis, whence he sent Otanes to reduce those maritime cities on the north coast of the Aegean, Iellespont, and Bosporus, which still remained independent. The most important conquest of Otanes, were Byzantium, Chalcedon, and the islands of Imbrus and Lemnos. [OTANES.] Dareius himself then returned to Susa, leaving Artaphernes governor of Sardis. These operations were succeeded by a period of profound peace (about B. c. 505-501). The events which interrupted it, though insignificant in themselves, brought on the struggle in which the Athenians first, and then the other Greeks, repulsed the whole power of Persia. These events belong to the history of Greece, and to the biographies of other men. [ARISTAGORAS; HIsTIAEUS; HIFPIAS; MARDONIUS; MILTIADES; ARTAPHERNES, &c.; Thirlwall's list. of Greece, ii. c. 14.) It is a debated question whether Dareius was accidentally involved in his war with Greece by the course of events, or whether he simply took advantage of the opportunity to carry out a long cherished design. Herodotus took the latter view, which seems to be borne out fully by the invasion of Scythia, the reduction of Thrace, and DAREIUS. some minor circumstances. The period of peace which preceded the war was, no doubt, simply a matter of necessity, after the wars of the early part of the reign, and especially after the Scythian disaster. Even Thirlwall, who takes the other view (p. 191), attributes elsewhere an aggressive policy to Dareius (p. 199). So great, however, was Dareius's ignorance of the strength of the free states of Greece, that the force sent to subdue them was quite inconsiderable when compared with the army which marched to the invasion of Scythia. The battle of Marathon convinced him of his error, but still left him the idea that Greece must be easily crushed by a greater armament. He therefore called out the whole force of his empire; but, after three years of preparation, his attention was called off by the rebellion of Egypt, and the dispute between his sons for the succession [ARIABIGNES; XERXES]; and the decision of this dispute was very soon followed by his death, n. c. 485, after a reign of 36 years, according to Herodotus (conp. Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 313), or 31, according to Ctesias. There are two other events in the reign of Dareius which deserve notice: namely, the expedition against Libya, at the time of the Scythian expedition (Herod. iv. 145-205), and the voyage of Scylax of Caryanda down the Indus, which led to the discovery and subjugation of certain Indian tribes, whose position is uncertain (iv. 44). Diodorus (i. 33, 58, 95) mentions some particulars of his relations to Egypt, from which it appears that he devoted much attention to public works and legislative reforms in that as well as in the other parts of his empire. The children of Dareius were, by the daughter of Gobryas, whom he had married before he came to the throne, Artabazanes and two others; by Atossa, Xerxes, Hystaspes, Achaemenes, and Masistes; by Artystone, Arsames and Gobryas; by Parmys, Ariomardas; and by Phrataguna, the daughter of his brother Artanes, Abrocome and Hyperanthe. Diodorus mentions a daughter, Mandane. The inscriptions at Persepolis in which his name appears are fully described by Grotefend (Beilage) and H ickh. (Vet. Med. et Pers. 1Mronum.) Hbckh shews that the sepulchre which Dareius caused to be constructed for himself is one of those in the hill called Rachmed. (Herod. iii. 70-160, iv.-vi., vii. 1-4; Ctes. Pers. 14 -19, ed. Lion; Died. ii. 5, x. 17, xi. 2, 57, 74; Justin, i. 10, ii. 3, 5, 9, 10, vii. 3. For his relations to the Jews, see Ezra, iv. 5, v. 1; Hagg. i. 1; ii. 1; Zech. i. 1; Joseph. Ant. xi. 3. ~ 1.) 2. DAREIUS II., was named Ocnus ( aZXos) before his accession, and was then surnamed NOTHUS (NdOos), from his being one of the seventeen bastard sons of Artaxerxes I. Longimanus, who made him satrap of Hyrcania, and gave him in marriage his sister Parysatis, the daughter of Xerxes I. When SOGDIANUS, another bastard son of Artaxerxes, had murdered the king, Xerxes II., he called Ochus to his court. Ochus promised to go, but delayed till he had collected a large army, and then he declared war against Sogdianus. Arbarius, the commander of the royal cavalry, Arxames, the satrap of Egypt, and Artoxares, the satrap of Armenia, deserted to him, and placed the diadem upon his head, according to Ctesias, against his will, a. c. 424-423. Sogdianus gave himiself up to Ochus, and was put to death. Ochus now
Page 943 DAREIUS. assumed the name of Dareius. IHe was completely under the power of three eunuchs, Artoxares, Artibarxanes, and Atholis, and of his wife, Parysatis, by whom, before his accession, he had two children, a daughter Amistris, and a son Arsaces, who succeeded him by the name of Artaxerxes (II. Mnemon). After his accession, Parysatis bore him a son, Cyrus [CYRUS THE YOUNGERt], and a daughter, Artosta. He had other children, all of whom died early, except his fourth son, Oxendras. (Ctes. 49, ed. Lion.) Plutarch, quoting Ctesias for his authority, calls the four sons of Dareius and Parysatis, Arsicas (afterwards Artaxerxes), Cyrus, Ostanes, and Oxathres. (Artax. I.) The weakness of Dareius's government was soon shewn by repeated insurrections. First his brother Arsites revolted, with Artyphius, the son of Megabyzus. Their Greek mercenaries, in whom their strengh consisted, were bought off by the royal general Artasyras, and they themselves were taken prisoners by treachery, and, at the instigation of Parysatis, they were put to death by fire. The rebellion of Pisuthnes had precisely a similar result. (B. c. 414.) [TISSAPHERNES.] A plot of Artoxares, the chief eunuch, was crushed in the bud; but a more formidable and lasting danger soon shewed itself in the rebellion of Egypt under Amyrtaeus, who in B. c. 414 expelled the Persians from Egypt, and reigned there six years, and at whose death (a c. 408) Dareins was obliged to recognise his son Pausiris as his successor; for at the same time the Medes revolted: they were, however, soon subdued. Dareins died in the year 405-404 B. c., and was succeeded by his eldest son Artaxerxes II. The length of his reign is differently stated: it was really 19 years. Respecting his relations to Greece, see Cvrus, LYSANDER, TISSAPHERNES. (Ctes. Pers. 44-56; Diod. xii. 71, xiii. 36, 70, 108; Xen. Hell. i. 2. ~ 19, ii. 1. ~ 8, Anab. i. 1. ~ 1; Nehem. xii. 22.) 3. DAREIUS III., named CODOnMANNUS before his accession, was the son of Arsames, the son of Ostanes, a brother of Artaxerxes II. His mother Sisygambis was the daughter of Artaxerxes. In a war against the Cadusii he killed a powerful warrior in single combat, and was rewarded by the king, Artaxerxes Ochus, with the satrapy of Armenia. He was raised to the throne by Bagoas, after the murder of Arses (B. c. 336), in which some accused him of a share; but this accusation is inconsistent with the universal testimony borne to the mildness and excellence of his character, by which he was as much distinguished as by his personal beauty. He rid himself of Bagoas, whom he punished for all his crimes by compelling him to drink poison. Codomannus had not, however, the qualities nor the power to oppose the impetuous career of the Macedonian king. [ALmEXANDER III.] The Persian empire ended with his death, in B. c. 330. (Diod. xvii. 5, &c.; Justin, x. 3, and the writers of the history of Alexander.) [P. S ] DAREIUS (Aape7os), the eldest son of Xerxes I., was put to death by his brother Artaxerxes, to whom Artabanus and Spamitres accused him of the murder of Xerxes, which they had themselves committed. (B. c. 465.) The story is told, with some unimportant variations, by the following writers. (Ctes. Pers. 29, ed. Lion; Diod. xi. 69; Justin. iii. 1.) [P. S.] DAREIUS (Aape7os), the eldest son of Artaxerxes II. Mnemnon, was designated as succes DARES. 943 sor to the crown, and permitted to wear the upright tiara, by his father, towards the close of his life, in order to settle a dispute respecting the succession which had arisen between Dareius and his younger brother Ochus. Dareius was then fifty years old. It was customary on such occasions for the king to make his successor-elect a present of anything he chose to ask. Dareius asked for Aspasia, a favourite concubine of his father's. Artaxerxes left the matter to the lady's choice, and she preferred Dareius, at which the king was so enraged, that he broke the solemn promise, and devoted Aspasia to the service of Artemis. The resentment of Dareius against his father, and his jealousy of his brother were inflamed by Tiribazus, who had received a somewhat similar injury from Artaxerxes; and the prince formed a conspiracy, with several of his bastard brothers, against his father's life, which was detected, and Dareius was put to death. (Plut. Artax. 26-29; Justin, x. 1, 2.) [P. S.] DARES (Adpus), was, according to the Iliad (v. 9), a priest of Hephaestus at Troy. There existed in antiquity an Iliad or an account of the destruction of Troy, which was believed to be more ancient than the Homeric poems, and in fact to be the work of Dares, the priest of Hephaestus. (Ptolemn. hIephaest. 1; Eustath. ad lHom. Od. xi. 521.) Both these writers state, on the authority of Antipater of Acanthus, that Dares advised Hector not to kill Patroclus, and Eustathius adds, that Dares, after deserting to the Greeks, was killed by Odysseus, which event must have taken place after the fall of Troy, since Dares could not otherwise have written an account of the destruction of the city. In the time of Aelian ( V. 1. xi. 2; comp. Isidor. Oriy, i. 41) the Iliad of Dares, which he calls puvyae 'IAuis, was still known to exist; he too mentions the belief that it was more ancient than Homer, and Isidorus states that it was written on palm-leaves. But no part or fragment of this ancient Iliad has come down to us, and it is therefore not easy to form a definite opinion upon the question. It is, however, of some interest to us, on account of a Latin work on the destruction oe Troy, which has been handed down to us, and pretends to be a Latin translation of the ancient work of Dares. It bears the title "Daretis Phrygii de Excidio Trojae Historia." It is written in prose, consists of 44 chapters, and is preceded by a letter purporting to be addressed by Corn. Nepos to Sallustius Crispus. The writer states, that during his residence at Athens he there met witll a MS. of the ancient Iliad of Dares, written by the author himself, and that on perusing it, he was so much delighted, that he forthwith translated it into Latin. This letter, however, is a manifest forgery. No ancient writer mentions such a work of Corn. Nepos, and the language of the treatise is full of barbarisms, such as no person of education at the time of Nepos could have been guilty of. The name of Corn. Nepos does not occur in connexion with this alleged translation previous to the 14th century. These circumstances have led some critics to believe, that the Latin work bearing the name of Dares is an abridgment of the Latin epic of Josephus Iscanus (Joseph of Exeter, who lived in the 12th century), and there are indeed several expressions in the two works which would seem to favour the opinion, that the author of the one borrowed from the other; but
Page 944 944 DATAMES. the differences and discrepancies in the statements of the two works are so great, that they alone are sufficient to overthrow the hypothesis. Dederich, the last editor, is inclined to think that the author of our work was a real Roman of the 5th, 6th, or 7th century. The work itself is evidently the production of a person of little education and of bad taste: it seems to consist of a number of extracts made from several writers, and put together without any judgment; there is scarcely anything in the work that is striking or novel. But, notwithstanding all this, the work was very popular in the 15th and 16th centuries, like everything else referring to the war of Troy. Hence several editions and translations were made of it. It was then and is still usually printed together with the work of Dictys Cretensis. The first edition appeared at Cologne, in 1470; the first in which care was bestowed upon the text, is that of J. Mercerus. (Paris, 1618, and Amsterdam, 1631, 12mo.) The subsequent editions give the text of Mercerus, such as those of Anne Dacier (Paris, 1680, and Amsterdam, 1702, 4to.), U. Obrecht (Strassb. 1691, 8vo.), and others. The best and most recent edition is that of A. Dederich (Bonn, 1837, 8vo.), who has appended it to his edition of Dictys, and premised an interesting dissertation upon Dares and the work bearing his name. [L.S.] DA'SIUS. 1. Of Brundusium, was commander of the garrison at Clastidium in B. c. 218, and being bribed by Hannibal, he surrendered the place to him, whereby the Carthaginians, who were encamped on the Trebia, obtained plentiful stores of provisions. (Liv. xxi. 48.) 2. Of Salapia. He and Blattius were the leading men at Salapia, and he favoured Hannibal, while Blattius advocated the interests of Rome, at least as much as he could do in secret. But as Blattius could effect nothing without Dasius, he at length endeavoured to persuade him to espouse the part of the Romans. But Dasius, unwilling to support his rival, informed Hannibal of the schemes of Blattius. Both were then summoned by Hannibal. Blattius, when he appeared before the Carthaginian general, accused Dasius of treachery; and -Hanniibal, who had not much confidence in either of them, dismissed them both. However, Blattius carried out his design, and Salapia with its Punic garrison was surrendered to the Romans. Dasius was killed in the massacre which ensued. This happened in B. c. 210. (Liv. xxvi. 38; Appian, Annib. 45, &c.) [L. S.] DA'SIUS, ALTINIUS, of Arpi. When P. Sempronius and Q. Fabius, in B. c. 213, had taken up their positions in Lucania and Apulia against Hannibal, Dasius went at night time into the camp of Fabius, and offered to deliver up Arpi into his hands, if the consul would give him an appropriate reward. Fabius consulted with his other officers, and, as Dasius had on a former occasion betrayed the Romans, as ihe now proposed to betray Hannibal, it was resolved that for the present he should be kept in custody till the end of the war. In the mean time, his absence had created considerable uneasiness at Arpi, and a report of his treachery reached Hannibal, who is said' to have availed himself of the opportunity to confiscate the property of the traitor, and also to order his mother and her children to be buried alive. (Liv. xxiv. 45.) [L. S.] DI)A'TAMES (A7Cdfns), a Carian by birth, the DATIS. son of Camissares by a Scythian mother. His father being satrap of Cilicia under Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), and high in the favour of that monarch, Datames became one of the king's bodyguard; and having in this capacity distinguished himself in the war against the Cadusii, was appointed to succeed his father (who had fallen in that war) in the government of his province. Here he distinguished himself both by his military abilities and his zeal in the service of the king; and reduced to subjection two satraps who liad revolted from Artaxerxes, Thyus, governor of Paphlagonia, and Aspis of Cataonia He was in consequence entrusted by the Persian king with the chief command of a force designed for the recovery of Egypt; but the machinations of his enemies at the Persian court, and the risks to which he was in consequence exposed, induced him to change his plan, and throw off his allegiance to the king. He withdrew with the troops under his command into Cappadocia, and made common cause with the other satraps who had revolted from Persia. Artabazus, one of the generals that remained faithful to the king, advanced against him from Pisidia, but was entirely defeated. The great reputation that Datames had acquired induced Artaxerxes to direct his utmost exertions to effect his subjection, but Autophradates, who was sent against him with a large army, was obliged to retreat with heavy loss. Datames, however, though constantly victorious against open foes, ultimately fell a victim to treachery, and, after evading numerous plots that had been formed against his life, was assassinated at a conference by Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes, who had gained his confidence by assuming the appearance of hostility to the king. (Corn. Nep. Datcones; Diod. xv. 91; Polyaen. vii. 21, 29. ~ 1.) Datames appears to have obtained the highest reputation in his day for courage and ibility in war, which caused his fame to extend even among the Greeks, though he did not come into personal collision with them. Cornelius Nepos (to whose biographical sketch we owe the only connected narrative of his life) calls him the bravest and most able of all barbarian generals, except I-amilcar and Hannibal; but there is much confusion in thle accounts transmitted to us, and it is difficult to assign the anecdotes of him recorded by Polyaonus to their proper place in his history. TIhe chrenology of the events related by Nepos is also very obscure; but according to that author and Diodorus it would appear tihat Datames must have died before Artaxerxes, probably B. c. 362. Clinton is, however, of opinion that a much longer interval elapsed between his revolt and his death (Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. p. 422, not.) [E. H. B.] DATAPHERNES (Aoaveaqpeps), a Persian in the confidence of Bessus, and one of those wlio betrayed him to Alexander, B. c. 329. LHe joined. Spitamenes, satrap of Sogdiana, in his revolt, and, when their cause became desperate, took refuge among the Dahae, who, on hearing of the death of Spitamenes, delivered him up in chains to Alexander. (Arr. Anab. iii. 29, 30, iv. 1, &c.; Diod. xvii. 83; Curt. vii. 5, 6, &c., viii. 3; Freinsh. ad loc.) [E. E.] DATIS (Adris), a Mede, who, together wuith Artaphernes, had the command of thie forces which were sent by Dareius Hystaspis against cEretri and Athens, and which were finally defeated at
Page 945 DAURISES. Marathon in a. c. 490. (Herod. vi. 94, &c.) [ARTAPHERNES, No. 2.] When the armament was on its way to Greece through the Aegean sea, the Delians fled in alarm from their island to Tenos; but Datis re-assured them, professing that his own feelings, as well as the commands of the king, would lead him to spare and respect the birthplace of "the two gods." The obvious explanation of this conduct, as arising from a notion of the correspondence of Apollo and Artemis with the sun and moon, is rejected by Muller in favour of a far less probable hypothesis. (Herod. vi. 97; Miiller, Dor. ii. 5. ~ 6, 6. ~ 10; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. ii. p. 231; Spanheim, ad Callim. Hlymn. in Del. 255.) The religious reverence of Datis is further illustrated by the anecdote of his restoring the statue of Apollo which some Phoenicians in his army had stolen from Delium in Boeotia. (Herod. vi. 118; Paus. x. 28; Suid. s.. A ins.) His two sons, Armamithres and Tithaeus, commanded the cavalry of Xerxes in his expedition against Greece. (Herod. vii. 88.) He admired the Greek language, and tried hard to speak it; failing in which, he thereby at any rate unwittingly enriched it with a new word-Aa-noyo's. (Suid. 1. c.; Arist. Pax, 289; Schol. ad loc.) [E. E.] DATIS (Ac-rLs) is mentioned by the Ravenna Scholiast on Aristophanes (Ran. 86) as one of the four sons of Carcinus the elder [see p. 612], though other authorities speak only of three. That there were four is also distinctly stated by the comic poet Pherecrates. (Ap. Sclol. ad A rist. Vesp. 1509.) By the Scholiast on the Peace (289), Datis is again mentioned as a tragic poet, and the Scholiast on the Wasps (1502) tells us that only one, viz. Xenocles, was a poet, while the other three were choral dancers. From these considerations, Meineke has conjectured with much probability that Datis was only a nickname for Xenocles, expressive of imputed barbarism of style, 6artlefs. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Cosm. Graec. p. 513, &c., where in p. 515, Philocles occurs twice erroneously for Xenocles.) [E. E.] DAUNUS (AavoS or Aasios). 1. A son of Lycaon in Arcadia, and brother of lapyx and Peucetius. These three brothers, in conjunction with Illyrians and Messapians, landed on the eastern coast of Italy, expelled the Ausonians, took possession of the country, and divided it into three parts, Daunia, Peucetia, and Messapia. The three tribes together bore the common name lapygians. (Anton. Lib. 31.) 2. A son of Pilumnus and Danaea, was married to Venilia. He was the father of at least the most ancient among the ancestors of Turnus. (Virg. Aen. ix. 4, and Serv. on ix. 148.) 3. A king of Apulia. He had been obliged to flee from Illyria, his native land, into Apulia, and gave his name to a portion of his new country. (Daunia.) He is said to have hospitably received Diomedes, and to have given him his daughter Euippe in marriage. (Fest. s. v.; Plin. H. N. iii. 11; comp. DIOMEDES.) [L. S.] DAU'RISES (Aavpiars), the son-in-law of Dareius Hystaspis, was one of the Persian conmmanders who were employed in suppressing the Ionian revolt. (B. c. 499.) After the defeat of the Ionian army at Ephesus, Daurises marched against the cities on the Hellespont, and took Dardanus, Abydus, Percote, Lampsacus, and Paesus, each in one day. IHe then marched against the Carians, DECEBALUS. 9.15 who had just joined in the Ionian revolt, and defeated them in two battles; but shortly afterwards Daurises fell into an ambush, and was killed, with a great number of the Persians. (Herod. v. 116 -121.) [P. S.] DAVID, of Nerken, a learned Armenian philosopher and a commentator on Plato and Aristotle, was a relation of the Armenian historian, Moses of Chorene, and lived at the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century after Christ. He studied at Athens under Syrianus, the preceptor of Proclus, and was one of those later philosophers who made it their chief aim to harmonize the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy. Of the life and writings of David much important information is given by C. Fr. Neumann, Miemoire sur la Vie et les Ouvrages de David, Paris, 1829; comp. Berlin. Jaltrb. fiir wissensch. Kritik. 1829, p. 797, &c. David wrote several philosophical works in the Armenian and Greek languages, and translated some of the writings of Aristotle into the Armenian. His commentaries on the Categories of Aristotle and likewise on the Isagoge of Porphyry, which are still extant, are not without some merit, and are principally of importance for the information which they contain respecting the history of literature. (Stahr, Aristotelia, vol. i. pp. 206, 207, ii. pp. 63, 68, 69, 197.) Whether he was alive when the philosophers were exiled from Athens by the emperor Justinian, and returned into Asia in consequence of their expulsion, is uncertain. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iii. pp. 209, 485, v. p. 738.) His commentaries were translated into Arabic and Hebrew, and manuscripts of such translations are still extant. (Buhle's Aristot. vol. i. p. 298; Neumann in the Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. i.) There is another commentator on Aristotle, of the same name, but a different person, namely, David the Jew. (Jourdain, Recherclies sur l'Age et l'Origine des Traductions Latines d'Arist. Paris, 1819, pp. 196, 197.) [A. S.] DAZA MAXIMINUS. [MAxIMINUS.] DECATE'PHORUS (AsEanipopos), that is, the god to whom the tenth part of the booty is dedicated, was a surname of Apollo at MVegara. Pausanias (i. 42. ~ 5) remarks, that the statues of Apollo Pythius and Decatephorus at Megara resembled Egyptian sculptures. [L. S.] DECE'BALUS (Ae/cLE'ahos), was probably a title of honour among the Dacians equivalent to chief or king, since we find that it was borne by more than one of their rulers (Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyrann. c. 10), and that the individual best known to history as the Decebalus of Dion Cassius is named Diarpaneus by Orosius, and Dorphaneus by Jornandes. This personage was for a long series of years, under Domitian and Trajan, one of the most enterprising and formidable among the enemies of Rome. Having displayed great courage in the field and extraordinary ability in every department of the military art, he was raised to the throne by the reigning sovereign, Douras, who abdicated in his favour. The new monarch quickly crossed the Danube, attacked and drove in the Roman outposts, defeated and slew Appius Sabinus, governor of Moesia, and, spreading devastation far and wide throughout the province, gained possession of many important towns and fortresses. Upon receiving intelligence of therf calamities, Domitian hastened (A.D. 86) with all 3P
Page 946 946' DECEBXLUS. DECTIA GENS. the troops he could collect to Illyria, and, reject- the restitution of all plunder, but the cession of a ing the pacific though insulting overtures of De- large extent of territory. Trajan then returned cebalus, committed the chief command to Cor- to Rome, celebrated a triumph, and assumed the nelius Fuscus at that time praefect of the praeto- title of Dacicus. The war having been, however, rium, an officer whose knowledge of war was de- soon renewed (A. D. 104), he resolved upon the rived from studies prosecuted within the halls of a permanent occupation of the regions beyond the marble palace amid the luxuries of a licentious Danube, threw a bridge of stone across the river court. The imperial general having passed the about six miles below the rapid, now known as the frontier on a bridge of boats at the head of a Iron Gates, and being thus enabled to maintain numerous army, perished after a most disastrous his communications with ease and certainty, succampaign, and the legions were compelled to-re- ceeded, after encountering a desperate resistance, in treat with the loss of many prisoners, an eagle, subjugating the whole district, and reducing it to and the whole of their baggage and artillery. the form of a province. (A.D. 105.) Decebalus, This failure again called forth Domitian from the having seen his palace captured and his country city, but although he repaired to Moesia for the enslaved, perished by his own hands, that he ostensible purpose of assuming the direction of might not fall alive into those of the invaaffairs, he carefully abstained from exposing his ders. His head was sent to Rome, and his treaperson to the dangers of a military life, and moving sures, which had been ingeniously concealed from town to town, abandoned himself to his foul beneath the bed of the river Sargetia, (now the appetites, while his officers sustained fresh dis- Istrig, a tributary of the Marosch,) which flowed honour and defeat. Occasional glimpses of success, beneath the walls of his mansion, were discovered however, appear from time to time to have checked and added to the spoil. the victorious career of the barbarians, and espe- (Dion Cass. 1xvii. 6, and note of Reimarus, 7, cial mention is made of the exploits of a certain 10, 1xviii. 6-15; Tacit. Agric. 41; Juven. iv. Julianus, who, in an engagement near Tapae, de- and Schol.; Martial. v. 3, vi. 76; Plin. Epist. stroyed great numbers of the foe, and threatened viii. 4, 9, x. 16; Sueton. Domit. 6; Eutrop. vii. even the royal residence, while Vezinas, who held 15; Euseb. Chron.; Zonar. xi. 21; Oros. vii. 10; the second place in the Dacian kingdom, escaped Jornand. R. G. 13, Petr. Patric. Excerp. leg. p. with difficulty by casting himself among the slain, 23, ed. 1648; Engel, Comment. de Trajan. exped. and feigning death until the danger was past. At ad Danub. Vindobon. 1794, p. 136; Mannert, length Domitian, harassed by an unprofitable and Res. Traj. Imp. ad Danub. gest., 1793; Franke, protracted struggle, and alarmed by the losses sus- Geschichte Trajans, 1837. [W. R.] tained in his contest with the Quadi and Mar- MAGN. DECE'NTIUS, the brother or cousin comanni, was constrained to solicit a peace which of Magnentius, by whom, after the death of Conlie had more than once refused to grant. Dece- stans, he was created Caesar, A. D. 351, and raised balus despatched his brother, Diegis or Degis by to the consulship the following year. During the name, to conclude a treaty, by whom some pri- war in Gaul against the Alemanni, Decentius was soners and captured arms were restored, and a defeated by Chnodomarius, the leader of the barregal diadem received in return. But the most barians, and upon this, or some previous occasion, important and disgraceful portion of the compact the Treviri, rising in rebellion, closed their gates was for a time carefully concealed. Notwith- and refused to admit him into their city. Upon standing his pompous pretensions to victory and receiving intelligence of the death of Magnentius, the mockery of a triumph, the emperor had to whose aid he was hastening, and finding that been compelled to purchase the forbearance of his foes surrounded him on every side so as to leave antagonist by a heavy ransom, had engaged to no hope of escape, he strangled himself at Sens on furnish him with a large body of artificers skilled the 18th of August, A. D. 353. The medals which in fabricating all instruments for the arts of peace assign to this prince the title of Augustus are or war, and, worst of all, had submitted to an deemed spurious by the best authorities. His unheard of degradation by consenting to pay an name appears upon genuine coins under the form annual tribute. These occurrences are believed MAG. or MAGN. DECENTIUS, leaving it doubtful to have happened between the years A.D. 86-90, whether we ought to interpret the contraction by but both the order and the details of the different Magnus or Magnentius. events are presented in a most confused and per- Decentius is called the brotlher of Magnentius by plexing form by ancient authorities. Victor, de Caes. 42, by Eutropius, x. 7, and by Trajan soon after his accession determined to Zonaras, xiii. 8, 9; ithe kinsman (consangzineum,wipe out the stain contracted by his predecessor, -yevel uvva7wroiEPovY ) by Victor, Epit. 42, and by and at once refused to fulfil the conditions of the Zosimus, ii. 45, 54. See also Amm. Marc. xv. 6. league. Quitting the city in his fourth consulship ~ 4, xvi. 12. ~ 5; Fast. Idat. [W. R.] (A.D. 101), he led an army in person against the Dacians, whom he defeated near Tapae, the scene V rI I of their former misfortune, after an obstinate struggle, in which both parties suffered severely. Pressing onwards, a second victory was gained by Lusius Quietus, commander of the Moorish cavalry, many strongholds were stormed, the spoils and l i trophies taken from Fuscus were recovered, and the capital, Sarmazegetusa (Zepuee6yce60oera), was invested. Decebalus having in vain attempted to DE'CIA GENS, plebeian, but of high antitemporize, was at length compelled to repair to the quity, became illustrious in Roman history by two presence of the prince, and to submit to the terms members of it sacrificing themselves for the preimposed by the conqueror, who demanded not oilly servation of their country. The only cognomens
Page 947 DECIMIUS. that occur in this gens are Mus and SUBULo: for those who are mentioned without a surname see DECIUS. DECIA'NUS, APPULEIUS. 1. C. APPuLEIUS DECIANUS was tribune of the people in B. c. 90. In that year he brought a charge against L. Valerius Flaccus, the nature of which is unknown. He also brought an accusation against L. Furius, one of the tribunes of the year previous, who opposed the recall of Metellus Numidicus. It seems to have been on this occasion that he lamented before the public assembly the fate of L. Appuleius Saturninus and Servilius Glaucia, and endeavoured to create disturbances to avenge their death. In consequence of these proceedings he himself was condemned, and went into exile to Pontus, where lie engaged in the service of Mithridates. (Cic. pro Rabir. perd. 9, pro Flacc. 32; Schol. Bobiens. p. 230, ed. Orelli; Val. Max. viii. 1. ~ 2; Appian, B. C. i. 33.) 2. C. APPULEIUS DECIANUS, a son of No. 1, lived as negotiator in Asia Minor, at Pergamus, and at Apollonis. He was repeatedly charged with having committed acts of injustice and violence towards the inhabitants of Apollonis, for he appears to have been a person of a very avaricious and insolent character, and in the end he was condemned by the praetor Flaccus, the son of the L. Valerius Flaccus, who had been accused by Decianus, the father. In B. c. 59, Decianus took vengeance upon Flaccus by supporting the charge which D. Laelius brought against him. (Cic. pro Flace. 29-33; Schol. Bobiens. pp. 228, 230, 242, ed. Orelli.) [L. S.] DECIA'NUS, C. PLAU'TIUS, was consul in B. c. 329 with L. Aemilius Mamercinus. It was his province during his consulship to continue the war against Privernum, while his colleague was engaged in raising another army to meet the Gauls, who were reported to be marching southward. But this report proved to be unfounded, and all the Roman forces were now directed against Privernum. The town was taken, its walls were pulled down, and a strong garrison was left on the spot. On his return Decianus celebrated a triumph. During the discussions in the senate as to what punishment was to be inflicted upon the Privernatans, Decianus humanely endeavoured to alleviate their fate. According to the Fasti, C. Plautius Decianus was consul also in the year following; but Livy mentions in his stead P. Plautius Proculus. In B. c. 312, C. Plautius Decianus was censor with Appius Claudius, and after holding the office eighteen months, he laid it down, in accordance with the lex Aemilia, while Appius Claudius, refusing obedience to the law, remained censor alone. (Liv. viii. 20, 22, ix. 29, 33; Val. Max. vi. 2. ~ 1; Frontin. de Aquaed. i. 5; Diodor. xx. 36.) [L. S.] DECIA'NUS CATUS. [CATus.] DECI'DIUS SAXA. [SAxA.] DECI'MIUS. The Decimii appear to have been originally a Samnite family of Bovianum, at least the first of the name belonged to that place, and the others who occur in history were probably his descendants, who after obtaining the Roman franchise settled at Rome. The only cognomen among the Decimii is FLAVUS. The following list contains those who are mentioned without a cognomen. 1. NUMERIUS DECIMIUS, of Bovianum in Samnium, is called the most illustrious person in all DECIUS. 947 Samnium, both by his noble descent and his wealth. In B. c. 217 he joined the Roman army against Hannibal with 8000 foot and 500 horse, at the command of the dictator Q. Fabius Maximus. With these forces Decimius appeared in the rear of Hannibal, and thus decided a battle which was taking a very unfavourable turn for Minucius, the magister equitum. Two castella were taken on that day, and 6000 Carthaginians were slain, but the Romans too lost 5000 men. (Liv. xxii. 24.) 2. C. DECIMIUS, was sent in B. c. 171 as ambassador to Crete to request the Cretans to send auxiliaries for the war against Perseus of Macedonia. In 169 he was praetor peregrinus, and in the year following he was sent with two others as ambassador to Antiochus and Ptolemy, to bring about a reconciliation between the two kings, and to declare that, whichever of them should continue hostilities, should cease to be treated as the friend and ally of Rome. On that occasion Decimius and his colleagues visited the island of Rhodes at the request of the Rhodians themselves, and on his return to Rome his report was in favour of the Rhodians, in as much as he endeavoured to throw the guilt of their hostility towards Rome upon some individuals only, while he tried to exculpate the body of the people. (Liv. xlii. 35, xliii. 11, 15, xliv. 19, xlv. 10.) 3. M. DECIMIUs, was sent with Tib. Claudius Nero as ambassador to Crete and Rhodes in B. c. 172, just before the outbreak of the war with Perseus, for the purpose of discovering whether they had been tempted by Perseus, and of trying to renew their friendship with Rome. (Liv. xlii. 19.) 4. L. DECIMIUS, was sent in B. c. 171 as ambassador to the Illyrian king Genthius, to try to win him over to the side of the Romans during the war against Perseus. But he returned to Rome without having effected anything, and was suspected of having accepted bribes from the king. (Liv. xlii. 37, 45.) 5. C. DECIMIUS, a person wno had held the office of quaestor (quaestorius), and belonged to the party of Pompey. In B. c. 47 he was in the island of Cercina to take care of the provisions for the Pompeians, but on the arrival of Sallust, the historian, who was then a general of Caesar, Decimius immediately quitted the island, and fled in a small vessel. (Caes. Bell. Afr. 34.) He seems to be the same as the C. Decimius who was a friend of Atticus. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 16.) [L. S.] DE'CIUS. 1. M. DECIUS, one of the deputies sent to the senate by the plebeians during their secession to the sacred mount in B. c. 495. (Dionys. vi. 88.) 2. M. DECIUS, tribune of the people in B. c. 311, when he carried a plebiscitum, that the people should appoint duumviri navales to restore and equip the Roman fleet. (Liv. ix. 30.) 3. P. DECIUs, one of the legates who in B. c. 168 brought to Rome the news of the defeat of the Illyrians, and of the capture of their king Genthius. (Liv. xlv. 3.) 4. P. DECIUs, according to Cicero (de Orat. ii. 31) and Aurelius Victor (de Vir. Ill. 72), whereas Livy (Epit. 61) calls him Q. Decius, was tribune of the people in B. c. 120. L. Opimius, who had been consul the year before, was brought to trial by the tribune Decius for having caused the murder of C. Gracchus, and for having thrown citizens 3p2
Page 948 948 DECIUS. into prison without a judicial verdict. The enemies of Decius asserted that he had been induced by "bribes to bring forward this accusation. Four years later, B. c. 115, Decius was praetor urbanus, and in that year he gave great offence to M. Aemilius Scaurus, who was then consul, by keeping his seat when the consul passed by him. The haughty Scaurus turned round and ordered him to rise, but when Decius refused, Scaurus tore his gown and broke the chair of Decius to pieces; at the same time he commanded that no one should receive justice at the hands of the refractory praetor. It is not improbable that the hostile feeling between the two men may have arisen from the fact that Scaurus had induced Opimius to take up arms against C. Gracchus, to whose party Decius evidently belonged. Cicero speaks of Decius as an orator who emulated M. Fulvius Flaccus, the fiiend of C. Gracchus, and remarks that he was as turbulent in his speeches as he was in life. It is probably this Decius who is alluded to in a fragment of the poet Lucilius, which is preserved by Cicero. (De Orat. ii. 62, comp. ii. 30, 31, Brut. 28, Part. orat. 30..) 5. P. DECIUS, a colleague of M. Antony in the septemviratus. Cicero says of him, with a one irony, that he endeavoured to follow the example of his great ancestors (the Decii), by sacrificing himself to his debts, that is, by joining Antony, through whose influence he hoped to get rid of his debts. He accompanied Antony in the war of Mautina, but was taken prisoner there. Afterwards, however, when Octavian wished for a reconciliation with Antony, he allowed Decius to return to his friend. '(Cic. Phil. xi. 6, xiii. 13; Appian, B. C. iii. 80.) 6. DECIUS, is mentioned by Appian (B. C. iv. 27) among those who were proscribed after the formation of the triumvirate of Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus. Decius and Cilo, on hearing that their names were on the list, took to flight, but as they were hurrying out of one of the gates of Rome, they were recognized by the centurions and put to death. [L. S.] DE'CIUS JUBE'LLIUS, a Campanian, and commander of the Campanian legion which the Romans stationed at Rhegium in n. c. 281 for the protection of the place. Decius and his troops, envious of the happiness which the inhabitants of Rhegium enjoyed, and remembering the impunity with which the Mamertines had carried out their disgraceful scheme, formed a most diabolical plan. During the celebration of a festival, while all the citizens were feasting in public, Decius and his soldiers attacked them; the men were massacred and driven into exile, while the. soldiers took the women to themselves. Decius put himself at the head of the city, acted as tyrannus perfectly independent of Rome, and formed connexions with the Mamertines in Sicily. He at first had endeavoured to palliate his crime by asserting that the Rhegines intended to betray the Roman garrison to Pyrrhus. During the war with Pyrrhus the Romans had no time to look after and punish the miscreants at Rhegium, and Decius for some years enjoyed the fruits of his crime unmolested. During that period he was seized by a disease of the eyes, and not venturing to trust a Rhegine physician, he sent for one to Messana. This physician was himself a native of lRhegium, a fact which few persons knew, and he now took the opportunity to avenge on DECIUS. Decius the wrongs he had inflicted upon Rhegiuni. He gave him something which he was to apply to * his eyes, and which, however painful it might be, i he was to continue till the physician should return from Messana. The order was obeyed, but the pain became at last quite unbearable, and Decius in the end found that he was quite Sblind. After the death of Pyrrhus, in 3. c. 271, SFabricius was sent out against Rhegium; he bet sieged the place, and took it. All the survivors of [ the Campanian legion that fell into his hands, upwards of three hundred men, were sent to Rome, where they were scourged and beheaded in the L forum. The citizens of Rhegium who were yet alive were restored to their native place. Decius put an end to himself in his prison at Rome. (Appian, Samnit. Excerpt. ix. 1-3; Diodor. Fragm. lib. xxii.; Liv. Epit. 12, 15; Polyb. i. 7; Val. Max. vii. 7. ~ 15.) [L. S.] DE'CIUS, Roman emperor, A.D. 249-251, whose full name was C. MESSIUS QUINTUS TRAJANUS DECIUS, was born about the close of the second century at Bubalia, a village in Lower Pannonia, being the first of a long series of monarchs who traced their origin to an Illyrian stock. We are altogether unacquainted with his early career, but lie appears to have been entrusted with an important military command upon the Danube in A.D. 245, and four years afterwards was earnestly solicited by Philippus to undertake the task of restoring subordination in the army of Moesia, which had been disorganized by the revolt of Marinus. [PHILIPPUS; MARINUS.] Decius accepted this appointment with great reluctance, and many misgivings as to the result. On his appearance, the troops deeming their guilt beyond forgiveness, offered the envoy the choice of death or of the throne. With the sword pointed to his heart he accepted the latter alternative, was proclaimed Augustus, and forced by the rebels to march upon Italy, having previously, according to Zonaras, written to assure his sovereign that his faith was still unbroken, and that he would resign the purple, as soon as he could escape from the thraldom of the legions. Philippus, not trusting these professions, hastened to meet his rival in the field, encountered him in the vicinity of Verona, was defeated, and slain. This event took place towards the end of A.D. 249. The short reign of the new prince, extending to about thirty months, was chiefly occupied in warring against the Goths, who now, for the first time, appeared as a formidable foe on the northeastern frontier, and having crossed the Danube, under Cniva their chief, were ravaging the Thracian provinces. The details of their invasion are to found in Jornandes, Zosimus, and the fragments of Dexippus, but these accounts appear so contradictory, that it is impossible, in the absence of an impartial historian, to explain or reconcile their statements. It would seem that the barbarians, in the first instance, repulsed Decius near Philippopolis, and were thus enabled to take that important city, but having lost their best troops during these operations, and finding themselves surrounded by the Romans who were now advancing from different points, they offered to purchase an unmolested retreat by the surrender of their prisoners and plunder. These overtures being rejected, the Goths turned to bay, and gave
Page 949 DECIUS. ba ttle near Abricium late in the year A.D. 251. After a deadly struggle, their desperate valour, aided by the incautious confidence of the Romans, prevailed. The son of the emperor was slain by an arrow, while Decius himself, with his best troops, became entangled in a marsh, and' were cut to pieces or engulfed. Some proceedings in the civil administration of this epoch, which at first sight would be considered as wholly without connexion with each other, but which were in reality intended to promote the accomplishment of the same object, deserve special attention. The increasing weakness of the state was every day becoming more painfully apparent, and the universal corruption of public morality was justly regarded as a deepseated canker which must be eradicated, before any powerful effort could be made for restoring healthful vigour to the body politic. Two remedies suggested themselves, and were immediately called into action. It was determined to revive the censorship and to persecute the Christians. It was hoped that, by the first, order and decency might be revived in the ihabits of social life; it was imagined that, by the second, the national religion might be restored to its ancient purity, and that Rome might regain the favour of her gods. The death of Decius prevented the new censor, Valerian, the same who afterwards becaime emperor, from exerting an authority which could scarcely have produced any beneficial change; but the eager hate of Pagan zealots was more prompt in taking advantage of the imperial edict, and made much havoc in the church. Rome, Antioch, and Jerusalem, lamented the martyrdom of their bishops Fabianus, Babylas, and Alexander;. Origen was subjected to cruel tortures, while Alexandria was the scene of a bloody massacre. In Africa, vast numbers, falling away from the truth, disowned their belief, and after the danger was past, the readmission of these renegades, comprehended under the general appellation of Lapsi, gave rise to various bitter controversies, which distracted for a long period the ecclesiastical councils of the west. [CYPRIANUS.] Of the general character of Decius it is impossible to speak with certainty, for our authorities are scanty, and the shortness of his public career afforded little opportunity for its development. Victor pronounces a warm panegyric, declaring that his disposition was most amiable, that he was highly accomplished, mild and affable in his civil relations, and a gallant warrior in the field. Zosimus and the Christian historians, writing under the influence of strong feeling, have severally represented him as a model of justice, valour, liberality, and all kingly virtues, or as a monster of iniquity and savage cruelty, while even, in modern times, the tone adopted by Tillemont on the one hand, and by Gibbon on the other, can DEICOON. 949 scarcely be pronounced fair or dispassionate, the language of the latter especially being such as to mislead the unlearned reader both as to the nature and extent of our information, and to induce him to conclude that we posses materials for pronouncing a judgment which do not in reality exist. (Victor, de Caes. 29; Epit. 29; Eutrop. ix. 4; Trebell. Pollio Valerian. c. 1; Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vi. 39, &c; Zosim. i. 21-23; Zonar. xii. 19, 20; Jornandes, R. G. c. 16, &c. For the family of Decius, see HERENNIA ETRUSCILLA, HERENNIUS ETRUSCUS, HOSTILIANUS.) [W. R.] DE'CIUS, a Roiman statuary, by whom there was an admired colossal head in the Capitol. He perhaps lived in the first century B. c., but his date is very doubtful. [CHARES.] [P. S.] DECRIA'NUS, a sophist of Patrae, who is mentioned with great praise by Lucian. (Asin. 2.) Nothing more is known of him. [P. S.] DECRIA'NUS, an architect and mechanician in the time of Hadrian, who employed him to move the colossus of Nero, which stood in front of the golden house. The work was effected by the aid of twenty-four elephants. (Spartian, Had. 19, where different critics read Decrianus, Detrianus, Dentrianus, Dextrianus, and Demetrianus.) [P. S.] DE'CRIUS, commanded a stronghold in Africa during the insurrection of Tacfarinas in A. D. 20. Hle was a brave and skilful soldier, and led his men out to an open battle, as he did not like the inactivity of a besieged. I-I e had only a few soldiers, and they were not of the best kind; but although he was seriously wounded, he continued to fight like a lion, until he fell. (Tac. Ann. iii. 20.) [L. S.] DE'CTADES (AscTrdaSLs), is mentioned by Parthenius (Erot. 13) as an author from whom he relates the story about Harpalyce. We may thus infer that he wrote on mythical subjects. [L. S.] DE'CTION (ser1criwv), a Greek grammarian, who wrote a commentary on Lycophron's Cassandra, which is referred to in the Etymologicumn Magnum (s. v. fijrtos; comp. Valckenaer, Eurip. Hippolyt. p. 291.) [L. S.] DE'CULA, M. TU'LLIUS, was consul in B. c. 81, with Cornelius Dolabella, during the dictatorship of Sulla; but the consuls of that year were only nominal, as Sulla had all the power in his hands. (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 14; Gellius, xv. 28; Appian, B. C. i. 100.) [L. S.] DEIANEIRA (Arivc'erpa). 1. A daughter of Althaea by Oeneus, Dionysus, or Dexamenus (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 31, 33), and a sister of Meleager. When Meleager died, his sisters lamented his death at his grave; Artemis in her anger touched them with her staff, and changed them into birds, with the exception of Dei'aneira and Gorge, who were allowed, by the solicitation of Dionysus, to retain their human forms. (Antonin. Lib. 2.) Subsequently Achelous and Heracles, who both loved Delaneira, fought for the possession of her. She became the wife of Heracles, and afterwards unwittingly caused his death, whereupon she hung herself. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 5, 6. ~ 7; Diod. iv. 34, "&c.; comp. ACHELOUS HERACLES; DEXAMENUS.) 2. One of the daughters of Nereus and Doris, (Apollod. i. 2. ~ 7.) [L. S.] DEICOON (ArmKcdwv'). 1. A son of Heracles by Megara, was killed by his own father during his ravings. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8; Schol. ad IlHom. Od. ix. 268.)
Page 950 950 DEIMAS. "2. A Trojan hero, son of Pegasus, was a friend of Aeneas, and slain by Agamemnon. (Hom. II. v. 534.) [L. S.] DEIDAMEIA (A&i't4sa,6e). 1. A daughter of Bellerophontes and wife of Evander, by whom she became the mother of Sarpedon. (Diod. v. 79.) Homer (II. vi. 197) calls her Laodameia. 2. A daughter of Lycomedes in the island of Scyrus. When Achilles was concealed there in maiden's attire, Deidameia became by him the mother of Pyrrhus or Neoptolemus, and, according to others, of Oneirus also. (Apollod. iii. 13. ~ 7; Ptolem. Heph. 3.) 3. The wife of Peirithous, who is commonly called Hippodameia. (Plut. Thes. 30; comp. HIPPODAMEIA.) [L. S.] DEIDAMEIA (A-isuera). 1. Daughter of Aeacides, king of Epeirus, and sister of Pyrrhus. While yet a girl she was betrothed by her father to Alexander, the son of Roxana, and having accompanied that prince and Olympias into Macedonia, was besieged in Pydna together with them. (Plut. Pyrrh. 4; Diod. xix. 35; Justin, xiv. 6.) After the death of Alexander and Roxana, she was married to Demetrius Poliorcetes, at the time when the latter was endeavouring to establish his power in Greece, and thus became a bond of union between him and Pyrrhus. (Plut. Demetr. 25, Pyrrh. 4.) When Demetrius proceeded to Asia to support his father against the confederate kings, he left Deidameia at Athens; but after his defeat at Ipsus, the Athenians sent her away to Megara, though still treating her with regal honours. She soon after repaired to Cilicia to join Demetrius, who had just given his daughter Stratonice in marriage to Seleucus, but had not been there long when she fell ill and died, B. c. 300. (Plut. Demetr. 30, 32.) She left one son by Demetrius, named Alexander, who is said by Plutarch to have spent his life in Egypt, probably in an honourable captivity. (Plut Demetr. 53.) 2. Daughter of Pyrrhus II., king of Epeirus, after the death of her father and the murder of her uncle Ptolemy, was the last surviving representative of the royal race of the Aeacidae. She threw herself into Ambracia, but was induced by the offer of an honourable capitulation to surrender. The Epeirots, however, determining to secure their liberty by extirpating the whole royal family, resolved to put her to death; she fled for refuge to the temple of Artemis, but was murdered in the sanctuary itself. (Polyaen. viii. 52; Justin, xxviii. 3, by whom she is erroneously called Laudamia; Paus. iv. 35. ~ 3.) The date of this event cannot be accurately fixed, but it occurred during the reign of Demetrius II. in Macedonia (B. c. 239 -229), and probably in the early part of it. Schorn (Gesch. Griechenl. p. 86) supposes Deidameia to be a daughter of the elder Pyrrhus, not the younger, but this is certainly a mistake. [E. H. B.] DEIMA (AEsiua), the personification of fear. She was represented in the form of a fearful woman, on the tomb of Medeia's children at Corinth. (Paus. ii. 3. ~ 6.) [L. S.] DEIMACHUS (A'iaxosY), four mythical personages. (Apollod. i. 9. ~ 9, 7. ~ 3; Apollon. Rhod. ii. 955, &c.; Plut. Quaest. Gr. 41.) [L. S.] DEIMAS (Aeuas), a son of Dardanus and Chryse, who when his family ahd a part of the Arcadian population emigrated, remained behind in Arcadia. (Dion. Hal. i. 61.) [L. S.] DEINARCHUS. DEINARCHUS (AdvapXos). 1. The Ias6 and at the same time the least important among the ten Attic orators, was born at Corinth about B. c. 361. (Dionys. Deinarch. 4.) His father's name was Sostratus, or, according to Suidas (s. v. AEivapxos), Socrates. Though a native of Corinth, he lived at Athens from his early youth. Public oratory there reached its height about this time, and Deinarchus devoted himself to the study of it with great zeal under the guidance of Theophrastus, though he also profited much by his intercourse with Demetrius Phalereus. (Dionys. 1. c. 2; Phlt. Vit. X Orat. p. 850; Phot. Bibl. p. 496, ed. Bekker; Suidas, I. c.) As he was a foreigner, and did not possess the Athenian franchise, he was not allowed to come forward himself as an orator on the great questions which then divided public opinion at Athens, and he was therefore obliged to content himself with writing orations for others. He appears to have commenced this career in his twenty-sixth year, about B. c. 336, and as about that time the great Attic orators died away one after another, Deinarchus soon acquired considerable reputation and great wealth. He belonged to the friends of Phocion and the Macedonian party, and took a very active part in the disputes as to whether Harpalus, who had openly deserted the cause of Alexander the Great, should be tolerated at Athens or not. The time of his greatest activity is from B. c. 317 to B. c. 307, during which time Demetrius Phalereus conducted the administration of Athens. But when in a. c. 307 Demetrius Poliorcetes advanced against Athens, and Demetrius Phalereus was obliged to take to flight, Deinarchus, who was suspected on account of his equivocal political conduct, and who was anxious to save his riches, fled to Chalcis in Euboea. It was not till fifteen years after, B. c. 292, that, owing to the exertions of his friend Theophrastus, he obtained permission to return to Athens, where he spent the last years of his life, and died at an advanced age. The last event of his life of which we have any record, is a law-suit which he instituted against his faithless friend, Proxenus, who had robbed him of his property. But in what manner the suit ended, is unknown. The principal source of information respecting the life of Deinarchus is the treatise of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, from which is derived the greater part of what is preserved in Plutarch (Vit. X Orat. p. 850), Photius (Bibl. p. 496, ed. Bekk), Suidas (1. c. ), and others. The number of orations which Deinarchus wrote is uncertain, for Demetrius of Magnesia (ap. Dionys. 1. c. 1; comp. Suidas and Eudoc. p. 130) ascribed to him one hundred and sixty, while Plutarch and Photius speak only of sixty-four genuine orations; and Dionysius is of opinion, that among the eighty-seven which were ascribed to him in his time, only sixty were genuine productions of Deinarchus. Of all these orations three only have come down to us entire, and all three refer to the question about Harpalus. One is directed against Philocles, the second against Demosthenes, and the third against Aristogeiton. It is, however, not improbable that the speech against Theocrines, which is usually printed among those of Demosthenes, is likewise a work of Deinarchus. (See pp. 1333 and 1336 of that oration; Dionys. Hal. 1. c. 10; Liban. A;gium.; H-arpocrat. s.v. dypaciou and @eoaKpivfrs; Apostol. Proverb. xix. 49.) The
Page 951 DEINARCHUS. titles and fragments of the orations which are lost, are collected as far as can be by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. ii. p. 864, &c.), and more complete by Westermann. (Gesch. der griech. Beredtsamk. p. 311, &c.) The ancients, such as Dionysius who gives an accurate account of the oratory of Deinarchus, and especially Hermogenes (de Form. Orat. ii. 11), speak in terms of high praise of his orations; but there were others also who thought less favourably of him; some grammarians would not even allow him a place in the canon of the ten Attic orators (Bibl. Coislin, p. 597), and Dionysius mentions, that he was treated with indifference by Callimachus and the grammarians of Pergamus. However, some of the most eminent grammarians, such as Didymus of Alexandria and Heron of Athens, did not disdain to write commentaries upon him. (Harpocrat. s. v. paprvuAiov; Suid. s. v. "Hpwv.) The orations still extant enable us to form an independent opinion upon the merits of Deinarchus; and we find that Dionysius's judgment is, on the whole, quite correct. Deinarchus was a man of no originality of mind, and it is difficult to say whether he had any oratorical talent or not. His want of genius led him to imitate others, such as Lysias, Hyperides, and more especially Demosthenes; but he was unable to come up to his great model in any point, and was therefore nicknamed Aip.Iooa-Ocev s 6 dypoucos or d KpiOwvos. Even Hermogenes, his greatest admirer, does not deny that his style had a certain roughness, whence his orations were thought to resemble those of Aristogeiton. Although it cannot be denied that Deinarchus is the best among the many imitators of Demosthenes, he is far inferior to him in power and energy, in the choice of his expressions, in invention, clearness, and the arrangement of his subjects. The orations of Deinarchus are contained in the various collections of the Attic orators by Aldus (1513), Stephanus (1575), Gruter (1619), Reiske, Ducas, Bekker, and Baiter and Sauppe. The best separate edition is that of C. E. A. Schmidt (Leipzig, 1826, 8vo.), with a selection of the notes of his predecessors, and some of his own. There is also a useful commentary on Deinarchus by C. Wurm, " Commentarius in Dinarchi Orationes tres," Norimbergae, 1828, 8vo. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ii. p. 862, &c.; Westermann, Gesch. der griech. Beredisamk. ~ 73.) 2. Of Corinth, a contemporary of the orator, with whom lie has frequently been confounded. He was likewise a friend of Phocion, and when the latter was dragged to Athens for execution, Deinarchus too was put to death by the command of Polysperchon. (Plut. Phoc. 33.) As this person is not mentioned elsewhere, the name Deinarchus in Plutarch may be a mistake. 3. There were three authors of the name of Deinarchus, concerning whom we know little beyond what is stated by Demetrius of Magnesia (Dionys. Deinarch. 1), viz. that one was a poet of Delos, who lived previous to the time of the orator, and wrote poems on Bacchic subjects (comp. Euseb. Chron. Dccxx.; Cyrill. e. Julian. x. p. 341); the second, a Cretan, made a collection of Cretan legends; and the third wrote a work upon Homer. Whether any of these is the same as the one who, according to Nemesius (de Natur. MHom. 4), taught, with Aristoxenus, that the human soul was nothing but a harmony, is uncertain. [L. S.] DEINOCRATES. 951 DEFINIAS (Aewivas). 1. One of a club of wits at Athens (yeAw'rorolro), called " the Sixty," of which the orator Callimedon also was a member. The date therefore may be placed about B. c. 325. (Athen. xiv. p. 614, e.) He is perhaps the same whom Demosthenes mentions as a skilful orator. (c. Lept. p. 501.) 2. An author of uncertain date, who wrote an historical work on Argolis. It is referred to by the following writers:-Plut. Arat. 29; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 791, ad Eur. Orest. 859, ad Soph. Electr. 281, ad Tleocr. xiv. 48, ad Pind. 01. vii. 49, Istlmn. iv. 104. See also Meineke, Hist. Orit. Com. Graec. p. 385. It is doubtful whether this Deinias should be identified with the author of a work on the history of inventions mentioned by Athenaeus (xi. p. 471, b.; see Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 150). [E. E.] DEI'NIAS, is mentioned by Pliny among the most ancient painters of monochromes. (xxxv. 8. s. 34.) [P. S.] DEINO'CHARES. [DEINOCRATES.] DEINO'CRATES (Aevo0pdcr's ). 1. A Syracusan, was originally a friend of Agathocles, who on that account spared his life in the massacre at Syracuse by which he established himself in the tyranny, B. c. 317. Afterwards, however, in B. c. 312, we find Deinocrates commanding the Syracusan exiles in the war in which the Carthaginians supported them against Agathocles. The latter, when he fled from Africa and returned to Sicily at the end of B. c. 307, found Deinocrates at the head of so formidable an army, that he offered to abdicate the tyranny and restore the exiles, stipulating only for the possession of two fortresses with the territory around them. But the ambition of Deinocrates, who preferred his present power to the condition of a private citizen in Syracuse, led him to reject the offer. Agathocles, however, defeated him in a battle, and he then submitted. Hie was received into favour by the tyrant, who gave him the command of a portion of his forces, and retained him in his confidence to the end. (Diod. xix. 8, 104, xx. 77, 79, 89, 90.) 2. A Messenian, went to Rome in B. c. 183, to justify the revolt of Messene from the Achaeans. On his arrival, his hopes were raised by finding that Flamininus, who was a personal friend of his and an enemy to Philopoemen, the Achaean leader, was about to pass into Greece on an embassy to Prusias and Seleucus. Flamininus promised him his services, and, when he had reached Naupactus, sent to Philopoemen and the other magistrates, desiring them to call an assembly of the Achaeans. Philopoemen, however, was aware that Flamininus had not come with any instructions on the subject from the senate, and he therefore answered, that he would comply with his request if he would first state the points on which he wished to confer with the assembly. This he did not venture to do, and the hopes of Deinocrates accordingly fell to the ground. Shortly after this, Philopoemen was taken prisoner by the Messenians, and Deinocrates was prominent among those who caused him to be put to death. In the ensuing year the authors of the revolt were obliged to yield to the wishes of the Messenian people for peace, and Lycortas, the Achaean general, having been admitted into the city, commanded the execution of Deinocrates and the chiefs of his party; but Deinocrates anticipated the sentence by suicide. His qualifications as a
Page 952 952 DEINOMACHUS. statesman were, according to Polybius, of the most superficial character. In political foresight, for instance, he was utterly deficient. (Polyb. xxiv. 5, 12; Liv. xxxix. 49; Plut. Philop. 18-21, Flam. 20; Paus. iv. 29.) [E. E.] DEINO'CRATES (AewoKpacivis), a most distinguished Macedonian architect in the time of Alexander the Great. RHe wis the architect of the new temple of Artemis at Ephesus, which was built after the destruction of the former temple by Herostratus. [CHERSIPHRON.] He was employed by Alexander, whom he accompanied into Egypt, in the building of Alexandria. Deinocrates laid out the ground and erected several of the principal buildings. Besides the works which he actually erected, he formed a design for cutting mount Athos into a statue of Alexander, to whom he presented his plan upon his accession to the throne; but the king forbad the execution of the project. The right hand of the figure was to have held a city, and in the left there would have been a basin, in which the water of all the mountain streams was to pour, and thence into the sea. Another curious work which he did not live to finish, is mentioned undei ARSINOE [pp. 366, 367]: this fixes the time of the architect's death. The so-called monument of Hephaestion by Deinocrates was only a funeral pile (n-vpa, Diod. xvii. 115), though a very magnificent one. It formed a pyramid, risingn in successive terraces, all adorned with great magnificence. (Plin. v. 10, s. 11, vii. 37, s. 38, xxxiv. 14, s. 42; Vitruv. i. 1. ~ 4, ii. praef.; Strab. xiv. pp. 640, 641; Val. Max. i. 4, ext. 1; Amm. Marc. xxii. 16; Solin. 35, 43; Plut. Alex. 72, de Alex. Virt. ii. ~ 2; Lucian, pro Inmac. 9, de consorib. Hist. 12; Tzetz. Chil. viii. 199, xi. 367.) There is immense confusion among these writers about the architect's name. Pliny calls him Dinochares, or, according to some of the MSS., Tymochares or Timocrates; Strabo has XeipoicpdrTJs; Plutarch, 'rao-1Kcpa-rs!; and, among other variations, Eustathius (ad Homn. II.,. 229) calls him Diocles of Rhegium. [P. S.] DEINO'LOCHUS (AePo'Aoxos), a comic poet of Syracuse or Agrigentum, was, according to some, the son, according to others, the disciple, of Epicharmus. He lived about B. c. 488, and wrote fourteen plays in the Doric dialect, about which we only know, from a few titles, that some of them were on mythological subjects. (Suid. s. v.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 436; Grysar, de Doriens. Cosm. i. p. 81.) [P. S.] DEINO'MACHIA (AELsvogadX), daughter of Megacles, the head of the Alcmaeonidae, granddaughter of Cleisthenes, and mother of Alcibiades. (Plut. Ale. 1; Athen. v. p. 219, c.; Ael. V. H. ii. 1; see also ALCIBIADES, p. 99, a., and the passages there referred to.) [E. E.] DEINO'MACIHUS (Ae4vc'aXos), a philosopher, who agreed with Calliphon in considering the chief good to consist in the union of virtue with bodily pleasure, which Cicero calls a joining of the man with the beast. The doctrine is thus further explained by Clement of Alexandria.- Pleasure and virtue are both of them ends to man; but pleasure is so from the first, while virtue only becomes so after experience. (Cic. de Fin. v. 8, de COf iii. 33, Tusc. Quaest. v. 30; Clem. Alex. Strom. ii. 21.) The Deinomachus, whom Lucian introduces in the Philopseudes, is of course a different person, and possibly a fictitious character. [E. E.j DEINOSTRATUS. DEINO'MENES (Aeivomevfps). 1. Father of Gelon, Hiero, and Thrasybulus, succesively tyrants of Syracuse. (Herod. vii. 145; Pind. Pyth. i. 154, ii. 34.) 2. One of the guards of Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, in the plot against whose life he joined. When Hieronymus had marched into Leontini, and had arrived opposite the house where the murderers were posted, Deinomenes, who was close behind him, stopped under pretence of extricating his foot from a knot which confined it, and thus checked the advance of the multitude, and separated the king from his guards. The assassins then rushed on Hieronymus and slew him. (B. c. 215.) His attendants turned their weapons against Deinomenes, but he escaped with a few wounds, and was soon after elected by the Syracusans one of their generals. (Liv. xxiv. 7, 23.) [E. E.] DEINO'MENES (AemYogEais), a statuary, whose statues of lo, the daughter of Inachus, and Callisto, the daughter of Lycaon, stood in the Acropolis at Athens in the time of Pausanias. (Paus. i. 25. ~ 1.) Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19) mentions him among the artists who flourished in the 95th Olympiad, B. c. 400, and adds, that he made statues of Protesila'is and Pythodemus the wrestler. (Ib. ~ 15.) Tatian mentions a statue by him of Besantis, queen of the Paeonians. (Oralt. ad Graec. 53, p. 116, ed. Worth.) His name appears on a base, the statue belonging to which is lost. (Bfickh, Corp. Inscrip, i. No. 470.) [P. S.] DEINON (Aelvcow), one of the chief men of Rhodes, who, when the war broke out between Perseus and the Romans (B. C. 171), vainly endeavoured to induce his countrymen to pay no regard to the letter which C. Lucretius had sent to ask for ships, and which Deinon pretended was a forgery of their enemy Eumenes, king of Pergamus, designed to involve them in a ruinous war. But, though he failed on this occasion, he still kept up a strong opposition to the Roman party. In B. c. 167, after the defeat of Perseus, the Rhodians delivered him up to the Romans by way of propitiating them. Polybius calls him a bold and covetous adventurer, and censures him for what he considers an unmanly clinging to life after the ruin of his fortunes. (Polyb. xxvii. 6, 11, xxviii. 2, xxix. 5, xxx. 6-8; Liv. xliv. 23, 29, xlv. 22.) [E. E.] DEINON or DINON (A~hvwM, Aivwv), father of Cleitarchus, the historian of Alexander's expedition. He wrote a history of Persia, to which C. Nepos (Con. 5) refers as the most trustworthy authority on the subject. He had, however, a large fund of credulity, if we may trust Pliny. (H. N. x. 49.) He is quoted also in the following passages:-Plut. Alex. 36, Artax. 1, 6, 9, 10, 13, 19, 22, Them. 27; Athen. ii. p. 67, b., iv. p. 146, c., xi. p. 503, f., xiii. pp. 556, b., 560, f., 609, a., xiv. pp. 633, d., 652, b.; Cic. de Div. i. 23; Ael. H. A. xvii. 10, V. H. vii. i.; Diog. Labrt. i. 8, ix. 50, in which two passages we also find the erroneous reading Aiwv. [E. E.] DEINO'STRATUS (AsEvo'irparos),a geometer. HIe is stated by Proclus to have been the brother of Menaechmus, and a contemporary and follower of Plato. (Conm. in End. c. iv.) The two brothers, according to Proclus, made the whole of geometry more perfect (reAewrcipav) than before. Pappus (lib. iv. prop. 25) has handed down the curve which is called the quadratrix of Deinostratio for squaring the circle, which Nicomedes and
Page 953 DEIOCEOCES. IOCES 953 others afterwards used. This curve is made by within two or three years; and, moreover, the the intersection of a revolving radius of a circle date of the capture of Sardis is disputed, some with a line moving perpendicular to the first posi- bringing it as low as B. c. 542. tion of that radius, both moving uniformly, and A difficulty still remains. Herodotus mentions so that. the extremity of the moving perpendicular an interregnum, and it seems from his language descends from the circumference to the centre to have been not a short one, between the revolt while the revolving radius describes a right angle. of the Medes and the accession of De'oces; and he [A. DE M.] is supposed to give the sum total of the Median DE'IOCES (A t/i's4s), the founder of the Me- rule as 156 years. With reference to the former dian empire, according to Herodotus, who states point, it may be supposed that the 53 years assignthat, after the Assyrians had held the empire of ed to De'oces include the interregnum, a supposiUpper Asia 520 years, various nations revolted tion extremely probable from the length of the pefrom them, and first of all the Medes. Soon after riod, especially as the character which Deioces had this, Deioces, the son of Phraortes, a wise man gained before his accession makes it most unlikely among the Medes, desiring the tyranny, became that he was a very young man; and, on the other an arbitrator for his own village; and the fame of hand, the Scriptural chronology forbids our carryhis justice attracted to him suitors from all quar- ing up the revolt of the Medes higher than B. c. ters, till at last the Modes chose him for their 712 at the very utmost. As to the supposed peking. He immediately assumed great royal state, riod of 156 years, the truth is, that Herodotus and made the Medes provide him with a body- says nothing about such a period. He says (i. guard and build him a fortress. He then built 130), that the Medes had ruled over Asia above the city of Agbatana (Echatana), in the centre of the river Halys 128 years, 7rdpes ý 'oo- o v 'KcuOat which-he resided, hidden from the public view IpXov, which does not mean, that the 28 years of and transacting all business through messengers, the Scythian rule are to be added to the 128 years, in order, says Herodotus,' to prevent the plots but that they are to be deducted from it. The which his former equals might have been drawn question then arises, from what period are the 128 into by jealousy. The few who were admitted to years to be dated? The most probable solution his presence were required to observe the strictest seems to be that of Kalinsky and Clinton, who decorum. His administration of justice was very supposed that the date to which the 128 years severe, and he kept a body of spies and informers would lead us back, namely (56--+128=) 68 .c., throughout the whole country. After a reign of was that of the accession of Deioces, and that the thirty-five years, during which he ruled the six 22 years which remain out of the 53 ascribed to tribes of the Medes without attempting any foreign him by Herodotus (B. c. 7-1--68-) formed the conquest, Deioces died, and was succeeded by his period of the interregnum. son, Phraortes. (Herod. i. 95-102.) The account of Ctesias, which is preserved by There are considerable difficulties in settling the Diodorus, is altogether different from that of Herochronology of the Median empire. Herodotus dotus. After relating the revolt of Arbaces [ARgives the reigns as follows: BACES], he gives the following series of Median Deioces... 53 years. (i. 102.) reigns (ii. 32-34): Phraortes... 22,, (ibid.) 1. Arbaces.. 28 years. Cyaxares... 40,, (i. 106.)* 2. Mandauces... 50,, Astyages... 35,, (i. 130.) 3. Sosarmus... 30,, 4. Artycas.... 50,, Total, 150 5. Arbianes.... 22 Now, since the accession of Cyrus was in B. c. 6. Artaeus.... 40,, 560-559, the accession of DeYoces would fall in B. c. 7. Artynes.. 22,, 710-709, which is confirmed by Diodorus (ii. 32), 8. Astibaras... 40 who says that, "according to Herodotus, Cyaxares 9. Aspadas, whom he identifies [meaning Deioces] was chosen king in the second with Astyages.. [35]*,, year of the 17th Olympiad." (B. c. 711-710.) It also agrees with what may be inferred from Scripture, 317 and is expressly stated by Josephus (Ant. x. 2), This would place the revolt of the Medes in B. c. that the Medes revolted after the destruction of (559+317=) 876. the army of Sennacherib, and the death of that Now this account disagrees with that of Heroking. (B. c. 711.) Moreover, the Lydian dynasty dotus in all the names, and in the events ascribed of the Mermnadae is computed by Herodotus to to each reign, except the last; but the two lists have lasted 170 years, down to the taking of Sardis agree in the numbers assigned to the last three in n. c. 546. It therefore began in B. c. 716. reigns. Now, it may be inferred, with great probability, In the list of Eusebius, the fifth king, Arbianes, from the statements of Herodotus, that the Hera- is omitted, and then follow Deioces, Phraortes, cleidae, who preceded the Mermnadae in Lydia, Cyaxares, Asdahages (Astyages), as in Herodotus, were Assyrian governors. If so, here is another but with different numbers, whence Clinton conreason for believing that the great Assyrian empire jectures that the 22 years assigned to Arbianes was broken up in consequence of the destruction were really those of the interregnum before Deloces. of its army under Sennacherib. The small differ- No successful attempt has yet been made to reconence by which the last date (B. c. 716) exceeds cile Herodotus, Ctesias, and Eusebius. Diodorus what it ought to be according to this view, might supposed the interregnum of Herodotus to extend be expected from the difficulty of fixing these dates over several ages, and Eusebins adopts the same "* Including the 28 years of the Scythian rule, This number, which is omitted by Diodorus, cri, reoeo.:ctiOam rpay. is supplied from Herodotus.
Page 954 )54 DEIOTARUS. idea in his tables, when he reckons a long period without kings between Arbaces and Deioces. (Compare SARDANAPALUS, and Clinton, F. II. i* App. c. 3.) [P. S.] DEI'OCHUS (A'ntoXos), of Proconnesus, is mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Jud. de Thucyd. 2, 5) as one of the earliest Greek historians, who lived previous to the time of Herodotus. He is probably the same person as the Deiochus whom Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. Adcasicos)) calls a native of Cyzicus, and who wrote a work on Cyzicus (rsepi KVuiKco), which is frequently referred to by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, who, however, calls him by his proper name only once (on i. 139), and in all the other passages refers to him under the name of Ai1AoXos, or Adoxos. (Schol. ad Apollon. i. 961, 966, 976, 987, 989, 1037, 1062, 1063, 1065, ii. 85, 106.) [L. S.] DEION (Aitwv). 1. A son of Aeolus and Enarete, was king in Phocis and husband of Diomede, by whom he became the father of Asteropeia, Aenetus, Actor, Phylacus, and Cephalus. (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3, 9. ~ 4.) After the death of his brother, Salmoneus, he took his daughter Tyro into his house, and gave her in marriage to Cretheus. His name occurs also in the form Deloneus. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1685.) 2. A son of Heracles and Megara, and brother of Deicoon. (Apollod. ii. 7. ~ 8.) [L. S.] DEIO'NE (Afi'vn ), that is, the daughter of Deo or Demeter, is used as a name for Persephone. (Callimach. Fragm. 48.) It occurs also as a proper name of the mother of Miletus. (Ov. Met. ix. 442.) [L. S.] DEIONEUS (Aqoi'oesds). 1. Father of Dia, the wife of Ixion. When he violently extorted from his son-in-law the bridal gifts, Ixion invited him to his house, and caused him to be thrown into a pit filled with fire, in which he perished. (Pind. Pyth. ii. 39.) 2. A son of Eurytus of Oechalia, whom Theseus married to Perigune, the daughter of Sinnis. (Plut. Thes. 8.) [L. S.] DEYOPE (AOt-F7rs), a daughter of Triptolemus and mother'of Edmolpus, or, according to others, of Triptolemus. (Paus. i. 14. ~ 2; Schol. ad Soph. Oed. Col. 1108; Aristot. Mirab. 143, 291.) [L.S.] DEIOPE'A, a fair Lydian nymph, who belonged to the suite of Hera, and whom she promised as a reward to Aeolus if he would assist her in destroying the fleet of Aeneas. (Virg. Aen. i. 72.) [L. S.] DEIOPI'TES (Aar'orm-vs), a son of Priam, who was slain by Odysseus. (Hom. II. xi. 420; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5.) [L. S.] DEIO'TARUS (Aio'orapo). 1. Tetrarch of Galatia. He is said by Plutarch to have been a very old man in B. C. 54, when Crassus, passing through Galatia on his Parthian expedition, rallied him on his building a new city at his time of life. He must therefore have attained to mature manhood in B. c. 95, the year of the birth of Cato of Utica, whose father's friend he was, and who, we know, was left an orphan at a very early age. (Plut. Crass. 17, Cat. Min. 12,15; Pseudo-Appian, Parth. p. 136; comp. CATO, p. 647, a.) Deiotarus adhered firmly to the Romans in their wars in Asia, and in B. C. 74 defeated in Phrygia the generals of Mithridates. For his services he was honoured by the senate with the title of king, and, probably in B. c. 63, the year of the death of Mithridates, had Gadelonitis and Armenia Minor DEIOTARUS. added to his dominions. Appian, apparently by an oversight, says that Pompey made him tetrarch of Galatia. He succeeded, indeed, doubtless by Roman favour, in encroaching on the rights of the other tetrarchs of that district, and obtaining nearly the whole of it for himself. (Strab, xii. pp. 547, 567; Casaub. ad loc.; Plut. Pomp. 38; Appian, Bell. Mithr. 114; Cic. pro Deiot. 13, Phil. xi. 12, de Har. Resp. 13; Hirt. Bell. Alex. 67.) In B. c. 51, when Cicero was encamped at Cybistra on the borders of Cappadocia, for the protection of Cappadocia and Cilicia against the Parthians, Deiotarns offered to join him with all his forces, and was indeed on his way to do so, when Cicero sent to inform him that events had rendered his assistance unnecessary. (Cic. Phil. xi. 13, ad Fam. viii. 10, xv. 1, 2, 4.) In the civil war, Deiotarus attached himself to the cause of Pompey, together with whom he effected his escape, in a ship after the battle of Pharsalia in B. c. 48. (Plut. Pomp. 73; Appian, Bell. Civ. ii. 71; Caes. Bell. Civ. iii. 4; Cic. de Div. ii. 37, pro Deiot. 3, 4; Lucan. Phars. v. 55, viii. 209.) In B. c. 47 he applied to Domitius Calvinus, Caesar's legate in Asia, for aid against Pharnaces, who had taken possession of Armenia Minor, and who in the campaign which followed defeated the Roman and Galatian forces near Nicopolis. (Hirt. Bell. Alex. 34-41, 65-77; Appian, Bell. Civ. ii. 91; Plut. Caes. 50; Dion Cass. xlii. 45-48; Sueton. Jul. 35; Cic. ad Fam. xv. 15, pro Deiot. 5.) When Caesar, in the same year, came into Asia from Egypt, Deiotarus received him with submission, and endeavotued to excuse the aid he had given to Pompey. According to Hirtius (Bell. Alex. 67, 78), Caesar left him his title of king, but gave his tetrarchy to Mithridates of Pergamus. Cicero tells us (de Div. i. 15, comp. Phil. ii. 37), that he was deprived both of his tetrarchy and kingdom, not however of his regal title (pro Deiot. 13), and fined. Dion Cassius says (xli. 63), that Caesar did indeed bestow on Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, a portion of the kingdom of Deiotarus, but that he gave the latter a part of what he took away from Pharnaces, and so in fact enlarged his territory; but this seems inconsistent with the whole tenour of what we find in Cicero. In the autumn of the same year, the cause of Deiotarus was unsuccessfully pleaded by Brutus before Caesar at Nicaea in Bithynia. (Cic. Brit. 5, ad A tt. xiv. 1.) In B. c. 45, he was defended by Cicero before Caesar, in the house of the latter at Rome, in the speech (pro Rege Deiotaro) still extant. From this it appears that his grandson, Castor, had accused him of a design against Caesar's life when he received him in Galatia, and also of an intention of sending troops to the aid of Caecilius Bassus. [See p. 472.] Strabo, however, speaks of Castor as the son-in-law of Deiotarus, and says that the old king put him to death together with his wife, Deiotarus's own daughter; and Suidas tells us that he did so because Castor had accused him to Caesar. Vossius conjectures that the Castor mentioned by Cicero was son to the one whom Strabo and Suidas speak of, and that Deiotarus put the latter to death because he had instigated the younger Castor to accuse him. (Strab. xii. p. 568; Suid. s. v. Kdarwp; Caes. Bell. Civ. iii. 4; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 12; Voss. de Hist. Graec. p. 203, ed. Westermann; comp. the language of Cicero, pro Deiot. 10, 11.) At this time Blesamius and Hieras,
Page 955 DEIPIEIOBUS. D)EIPYLE. F 955 emissaries of Deiotarus, were at Rome to look after also slew Ascalaphus, and while he was tearing his interests (Cic. pro Deiot. 14, 15); and they the helmet from his enemy's head, he was wounded were still there in the following year, B. c. 44, by Meriones, and led out of the tumult by his when Hieras, after the murder of Caesar, appears brother, Polites. (xiii. 517, &c.) When Athena to have obtained from Antony, through Fulvia, wanted to deceive Hector in his fight with Achilles, the restitution of his master's dominions for 10,000 she assumed the appearance of Deiphobus. (xxii. sestertia (88,5411. 13s. 4d.). Deiotarus, however, 227.) He accompanied Helena to the wooden horse had seized by force on the territory in question as in which the Achaeans were concealed. (Od. soon as lie heard ofCaesar's death. (Cic. Phil. ii. iv. 276.) Later traditions describe him as the 37, ad Alt. xiv. 12, 19, xvi. 3.) In B. c. 42, he conqueror of Achilles, and as having married Hejoined the party of Brutus and Cassius at the re- lena after the death of Paris, for he had loved her, quest of the former, and after Cassius had vainly it is said, before, and had therefore prevented her endeavoured to attach him to them. (Dion Cass. being restored to the Greeks. (Hygin. Fab. 110; xlvii. 24.) He was succeeded by Deiotarus II. Dictys. Cret. i. 10, iv. 22; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 166; (No. 2), his only surviving son, all the rest of his Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 168; Schol. ad Hom. II. xxiv. children having been put to death by him, accord- 251; Eurip. Troad. 960.) It was for this reason ing to Plutarch, in order that his kingdom in the that, on the fall of Troy all the hatred of the hands of his successor might not be shorn of its Achaeans was let loose against him, and Odysseus power. (Plint. de Stoic. 11epugn. 32.) This ac- and Menelaus rushed to his house, which was count, if true, warns us to make a large deduction among the first that were consumed by the flames. from the praises lavished on him by Cicero. He (Hom. Od. viii. 517; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 310.) He appears to have had a full share of superstition, himself was killed by Helena (Hygin. Fab. 240); and to have been in the habit of paying much according to other traditions, he fell in battle attention to auguries. (Cic. de. Div. i. 15, ii. 36, against Palamedes (Dares Phryg. 26); or he was 37.) slain and fearfully mangled by Menelaus (Diet. Cret. v. 12; Quint. Smyrn. xiii. 354, &c.; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 894.) In this fearful condition he was ' found in the lower world by Aeneas, who erected a monument to him on cape Rhoeteum. (Virg. Aen. vi. 493, &c.) His body, which remained unburied, was believed to lhave been changed into At oj a plant used against hypochondriasis. Pausanias (v. 22. ~ 2) saw a statue of him at Olympia, a work of Lycius, which the inhabitants of Apollonia had dedicated there. 2. Son and successor of the above. Already, 2. A son of Hippolytus at Amyclae, who purihowever, before his father's death, he had received fled Heracles after the murder of Iphitus. (Apolfrom the Roman senate the title of king, to which lod. ii. 6. ~ 2; Diod. iv. 31.) [L. S.] some grant of territory was apparently attached. DEIPHONTES (Ar7dipvrOsT), a son of AntiWith this Deiotarus, Cicero tells us that his son machus, and husband of Hyrnetho, the daughter of and his nephew remained, while himself and his Temenus the Hleracleide, by whom he became the brother Quintus were occupied with their campaign father of Antimenes, Xanthippus, Argeius, and in Cilicia, B. c. 51. (Cic. ad Alt. v. 17, 18, Phil. Orsobia. When Temenus, in the division of Peloxi. 12.) In the war between Antony and Octavius ponnesus, had obtained Argos as his share, he behe took part with the former, but went over from stowed all his affections upon Hyrnetho and her him to the enemy in the battle of Actium, B. c. 31. husband, for which he was murdered by his sons, He was succeeded in his kingdom by AMYNTAS, who thought themselves neglected. But after the No. 6. Cicero speaks of him, as well as of his death of Temenus, the army declared Dei'phontes father, in very high terms. (Plut. Ant. 61, 63; and Hyrnetho his rightful successors. (Apolled. ii. comp. Dion Cass. 1. 13, li. 2; Strab. xii. p. 567; 8. ~ 5.) According to Pausanias (ii. 19. ~ 1), the Cic. Phil. xi. 13.) sons of Temenus formed indeed a conspiracy against 3. Son of the younger Castor, and great grand- their father and Deiphontes; but after Temenus's son of Deiotarus I. He was the last king of Paph- death it was not Deiphontes that succeeded him, lagonia, and was surnamed niXdEAq)os. (Strab. xii, but Ceisus. Deiphontes, on the other hand, is p. 562; Clinton. F. II. iii. pp. 545, 546.) [E. E.] said to have lived at Epidaurus, whither he went DEI'PHOBE (AnYsP '9d), a daughter of the seer with the army which was attached to him, and Glaucus. (Virg. Aen. vi. 36; comp. SIBYLLA.) [L.S.] from whence he expelled the Ionian king, PityDEI'PHOBUS (At'i)poos). 1. A son of Priam reus. (Pans. ii. 26. ~ 2.) His brothers-in-law, and Hecabe, was next to Hector the bravest among however, who grudged him the possession of their the Trojans. When Paris, yet unrecognized, came sister Hyrnetho, went to Epidaurus, and tried to to his brothers, and conquered them all in the con- persuade her to leave her husband; and when this test for his favourite bull, Deiphobus drew his attempt failed, they carried her off by force. Dei'sword against him, and Paris fled to the altar of phontes pursued them, and after having killed one Zeus Herceius. (Hygin. Fab. 91.) Deiphobus and of them, Cerynes, he wrestled with the other, who his brothers, Helenus and Asius, led the third held his sister in his arms. In this struggle, H yrhost of the Trojans against the camp of the Achae- netho was killed by her own brother, who then ans (Hom. II. xii. 94), and when Asius had fallen, escaped. Deipphontes carried her body back to Deiphobus advanced against Idomeneus, but, in- Epidaurus, and there erected a sanctuary to her. stead of killing him, he slew Hypsenor. (xiii. 410.) (Paus. ii. 28. ~ 3.) [L. S.] When hereupon Idomeneus challenged him, he DEI'PYLE (Af'crvn'A), a daughter of Adrastus called Aeneas to his assistance. (xiii. 462.) He j and Amphithea. She vwas the wife of Tydeus, by
Page 956 956 DELMATIUS. whom she became the mother of Diomedes. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 5, 9. ~ 13.) Servius (ad Aen. i. 101) and Hyginus (Fab. 69) call her Deiphile. [L. S.] DEI'PYLUS (AltnrvAos), three mythical beings concerning whom nothing of interest is related. (Hom. II. v. 325; Hygin. Fab. 15, 109.) [L. S.] DE'LIUS and DE'LIA (A),Xtos and A-qXic or Ai^t'ds), surnames of Apollo and Artemis respectively, which are derived from the island of Delos, the birthplace of those two divinities. (Virg. Aen. vi. 12, Eclog. vii. 29; Val. Flace. i. 446; Orph. HIymen. 33. 8.) They are likewise applied, especially in the plural, to other divinities that were worshipped in Delos, viz. Demeter; Aphrodite, and the nymphs. (Aristoph. Thesm. 333; Callim. Hymn. im Dian. 169, Hymn. in Del. 323; Horm. Hymn. in Apoll. Del. 157.) [L. S.] Q. DE'LLIUS, a Roman eques, who seems to have lived as a negotiator in Asia, where in a. c. 44 he joined Dolabella. Afterwards he went over to Cassius and then joined M. Antony, who sent him, in B. c. 41, to Egypt to summon Cleopatra to appear before him at Tarsus in Cilicia. Cleopatra, trusting to the power of her personal charms, obeyed the command and went to Antony. In n. c. 36, Dellius was engaged on some business in Judaea, and on that occasion he is said to have advised Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus and widow of Alexander, to send the portraits of her beautiful children to Antony in order to win the favour of the triumvir. In the same year he accompanied Antony on his expedition against the Parthians. In B. c. 34, when Antony marched into Armenia, Dellius was sent before him to Artavasdes, to lull him into security by treacherous promises. When the war of Actium broke out, B. c. 31, Dellius and Amyntas were sent by Antony from Galatia to Macedonia to collect auxiliaries; but before the fatal battle was fought, Dellius deserted to Octavian. This step was nothing extraordinary in a man of his kind, who had successively belonged to all the parties of the time; but he is said to have been led to this last desertion by his fear of Cleopatra, whom he had offended by ridiculing the meanness she displayed at her entertainments. After this we hear no more of him. Dellius appears to have been a man of some talent; he did at least some service to literature by writing a history of the war against the Parthians, in which he himself had fought under Antony. (Strab. xi. p. 523, with Casaubon's correction.) This work is completely lost, and we cannot even say whether it was written in Latin or in Greek; but we have reason for believing that Plutarch's account of that war (Ant. 37-52) was taken from Dellius, so that probably we possess at least an abridgement of the work. (Plut. Ant. 59.) In the time- of Seneca (Suas. p. 7) there existed some letters of Dellius to Cleopatra of a lascivious nature, which are now likewise lost. Our Q. Dellius is probably the same person as the Dellius to whom Horace addressed the beautiful third ode of the second book. (Comp. Dion Cass. xlix. 39, 1. 13, 23; Vell. Pat. ii. 84; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xv. 2. ~ 6; Plut. Ant. 25; Zonar. x. 29; Senec. de Clement. i. 10.) [L. S.] DELMA'TICUS, a surname of L. Caecilius Metellus, consul in B. c. 119. [METELLUS.] DELMA'TIUS or DALMA'TIUS. 1. Son of Constantius Chlorus and his second wife, Flavia Maximiana Theodora. From his half-brother, DELPHUS. Constantine the Great, he received the title of censor, which had lain dormant since the attempt of Decius to revive it in the person of Valerian, and now appears for the last time among the dignities of Rome. Delmatius was entrusted with the task of investigating the charge brought by the Arians against Athanasius of having murdered Arsenius, bishop of Hypselis [ATHANASIUS, p. 394], and appears to have died before the year A. D. 335. (Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, vol. iv. p. 288.) He was the father of 2. FLAVIUS JULIUS DELMATIUS, who was educated at Narbonne under the care of the rhetorician Exsuperius; distinguished himself by suppressing the rebellion of Calocerus in Cyprus; was appointed consul A. D. 333; two years afterwards was created Caesar by his uncle, whom he is said to have resembled strongly in disposition; upon the division of the empire received-Thrace, Macedonia, together with Achaia, as his portion; and was put to death by the soldiers in A. D. 337, sharing the fate of the brothers, nephews,, and chief ministers of Constantine. It must be observed that there is frequently great difficulty in distinguishing Delmatius the father from Delmatius the son. Many historians believe the former to have been the consul of A. D. 333, and the conqueror of Calocerus, the date of whose revolt is very uncertain. A few coins of the younger in gold, silver, and small brass, are to to be found in all large collections, and on these his name is conjoined with the title of Caesar and Prinpeps Juventutis, the orthography being for the most part DElmatius, although DAlmatius also occasionally appears. (Auson. Prof. 17; Victor, Epit. 41, de Caes. 41, Excerpt. Vales. ~ 35; Theophan. Chronograph. p. 282; Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, vol. iv. pp.. 251, 259, 261, 313, and his note, p. 664, in which he discusses at length the dates connected with the history of Delmatius and Hannibalianus. [W. R.] DELPHI'NIA (AeAhvila), a surname of Artemis at Athens. (Pollux, x. 119.) The masculine form Delphinius is' used as a surname of Apollo, and is derived either from his slaying the dragon Delphine or Delphyne (usually called Python) who guarded the oracle at Pytho, or from his having-shewn the Cretan colonists the way to Delphi, while riding on a dolphin or metamorphosing himself into a dolphin. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 208.) Under this name Apollo had temples at Athens, Cnossus in Crete, Didyma, and Massilia. (Paus. i. 19. ~ 1; Plut. Thes. 14; Strab. iv. p. 179; Miiller, Aeginet. p. 154.) [L. S.] DELPHUS (AEEsq)). 1. A son of Poseidon and Melantho, a daughter of Deucalion, from whom the town of Delphi was believed to have derived its name. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 208; comp. Ov. Met. vi. 120.) 2. A son of Apollo by Celaeno, the daughter of Hyamus, and, according to others, by Thyia, the daughter of Castalius, or by Melaena, the daughter of Cephissus. Tradition pointed to him also as
Page 957 DEMADES. the person from whom Delphi received its name. lie is further said to have had a son, Pythis, who ruled over the country about mount Parnassus, and from whom the oracle received the name of Pytho. (Paus. x. 6. ~~ 2 and 3.) [L. S.] DEMA'DES * (Anludai s), an Athenian statesman and orator, a contemporary of Philip, Alexander the Great, and Antipater. He is said to have been a person of very low origin, and to have at one time even served as a rower. (Quintil. ii. 17. ~ 12; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. ii. 16; Suidas, s. v. Aqdscls.) But by his extraordinary talents, his demagogic artifices, and treachery, he rose to a very prominent position at Athens; he used his influence, however, in such a manner, that Plutarch (Phoc. 1) justly terms him the vaudyiov, that is, the shipwreck or ruin of his country. He belonged to the Macedonian party, and entertained a deadly hatred of Demosthenes, against whom he came forward as early as the time of the war against Olynthus, B. c. 349 (Suidas,. e.), and to whom he continued hostile to the last; for when, on the approach of Antipater and Craterus, Demosthenes and his friends quitted the city, Demades induced the people to pronounce sentence of death upon them. (Pnlt. Demosth. 283; Phot. BiUb. p. 69, ed. Bekker.) In the battle of Chaeroneia he fell into the hands of the Macedonians; and when Philip, during the revelries with which he celebrated his victory, reviewed the prisoners, Demades frankly but politely blamed him for his conduct, and Philip was so well pleased with the flattery implied in the censure, that he not only restored Demades to his liberty, but set free all the Athenian prisoners without ransom, and concluded a treaty of friendship with Athens. (Diod. xvi. 87; Gell. xi. 10; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. i. 13.) The manner in which he was treated by the king on that occasion, and the rich presents he received from him-it is said that he once received the large sum of ten talents-made him an active champion in the cause of Macedonia, to whose interests he literally sold himself. IHe pursued the same course towards Alexander, the son and successor of Philip; and his flattery towards the young king went so far, that the Athenians, unable to bear it, inflicted a heavy fine upon him. (Aelian, V. II. v. 12; Athen. vi. p. 251.) But when Harpalus came to Athens, Demades did not scruple to accept his bribes also. (Deinarch. c. Demosth. ~ 89, c. Aristog. ~ 15.) When Alexander subsequently demanded the surrender of the Athenian orators who had instigated the people against him, Demades was bribed by the friends of Demosthenes with five talents to use his influence to save him and the other patriots. lie accordingly framed a cunning decree, in which the people excused the orators, but promised to surrender them, if they should be found guilty. The decree was passed, and Demades with a few others was sent as ambassador to Alexander, and prevailed upon the king to pardon the Athenians and their orators. (Diod. xvii. 15; Plut. Demosth. 23.) In B. c. 331 Demades had the administration of a part of the public money at Athens, which Blckh (Publb. Econ. of Alhen. p. 169, &c., 2nd edit.) has shewn to have been the theoricon; and when the people demanded of him a sum of money to sup"* The name is a contraction of A EEda'3s. (Etymol. M. p. 210 13, 265. 12, ed. Sylburg; Priscian, ii. 7.) DEMADES. 9t port those who had revolted against Alexander, Demades persuaded them to give up that plan by appealing to their love of pleasure. (Plut. Praecept. Rei Publ. Ger. 25.) By thus supporting the Macedonian cause, and yet receiving large bribes from the opposite party when opportunities offered, he acquired considerable property, which however was squandered by his extravagant and dissolute mode of living. His conduct was so bad, and he so recklessly violated the laws of his country, that he was frequently punished with heavy fines, and once even with atimia. But in B. c. 322, when Antipater marched with his army against Athens, the people, who were alarmed in the highest degree, and had no one to mediate between them and Antipater, recalled their sentence of atimia, and sent Demades, with Phocion and some others, as ambassadors to Antipater, who however refused, perhaps on the instigation of Demades, to grant peace on any other terms than complete submission. (Diod. xviii. 18; Paus. vii. 10. ~ 1.) In B. C. 318, when Antipater was ill in Macedonia, the Athenians, unable to bear the pressure of the Macedonian garrison in Munychia, sent Demades as ambassador to him with a petition to remove the garrison. Antipater was at first inclined to listen to the request; but while Demades was staying with him, Antipater discovered among the papers left by Perdiccas some letters addressed to him by Demades, in which he urged Perdiccas to come to Europe and attack Antipater. The latter at first kept his discovery secret; but when Demades pressed him for an answer respecting the removal of the garrison from Munychia, Antipater, without giving any answer, gave up Demades and his son, Demeas, who had accompanied his father on this embassy, to the executioners, who forthwith put them to death. (Diod. xviii. 48; Arrian, ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 70; Athen. xiii. p. 591.) Plutarch (Phoc. 30) attributes the execution of Demades to Cassander. Demades was a man without character or principle, and was accessible to bribes from whatever quarter they came, ever ready to betray his country and his own party. Even the good he did sprang from the basest motives. The ancients have preserved many features which illustrate his profligate and dissolute mode of life. (Plut. P/hoc. 1, 20, 30, Praec. Rei Publ. Ger. 25; Athen. ii. p. 44; Aelian, V. H. xiii. 12.) He owed his influence in the public affairs of Athens to his natural skill and his brilliant oratorical powers, which were the pure gift of nature, and which he never cultivated according to the rules of art. He always spoke extempore, and with such irresistible force and abundance of wit, that he was a perfect match for Demosthenes himself, and Quintilian does not hesitate to place him by the side of Pericles. (Cic. Orat. 26, Brut. 9; Plut. Demosth. 8, 10, 11, Apophth. p. 181; Quintil. ii. 17. ~ 12, xii. 10. ~ 49.) Both Cicero and Quintilian expressly state, that Demades left no written orations behind him. But from a passage in Tzetzes (C/il. vi. 36), it is clear that the rhetorician, from whom he copied, possessed orations which were attributed to Demades. There is extant a large fragment of an oration bearing the name of Demades (7repl ewElcaerias), which must have been delivered in B. c. 326, and in which he defends his conduct during the period of Alexander's reign. It was found by I. Bekker in no less than six MSS., and is printed
Page 958 958 DEMARATUS. in the collections of the Attic orators, but its genuineness is still doubtful. Suidas attributes to Demades also a history of Delos and of the birth of Leto's children, but this work can scarcely have been the production of our Demades, and we know of no other person of this name to whom it can be ascribed. (Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr. p. 71, &c.; J. G. Hauptmann, Disputatio qua Demad. et illi tributun. fragm. orat. consideratsur, Gera, 1768, 4to., reprinted in Reiske's Oratores, iv. p. 243, &c.; H. Lhardy, Dissertatio de Demade Oratore Atheniensi, Berlin, 1834, 8vo.; Westermanni, Gesch. d. griech. Beredtsamk. ~ 54, notes 11 --16.) [L. S.] DEMAE'NETUS (Auai'veros), a surname of Asclepius, derived from the name of a temple of his on the Alpheius. (Paus. vi. 21. ~ 4.) [L. S.] DEMA'GORAS (Auamyo'pay), of Samos, is mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (A. R. i. 72), together with Agathyllus, as a writer who agreed with Cephalon respecting the date of the foundation of Rome. But whether Demagoras was a poet like Agathyllus or not is uncertain. He is often mentioned by the grammarians. (Bekker, Anecd. p. 377; Bachmann, Anecd. i. p. 68; Eustath. ad II. ix. 558; Eudoc. p. 35; Apostol. Prov. ii. 51; Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 7.) [L. S.] DEMARATA, daughter of Hiero, king of Syracuse, was married to Andranodorus, the guardian of Hieronymus. After the assassination of the latter, she persuaded her husband to seize on the sovereign power; but his heart failed him, and he surrendered the citadel to the opposite party. After the establishment of the republic, she was put to death, together with her niece Harmonia. (Liv. xxiv. 22-25.) [E. H. B.] DEMARA'TUS(Auadparos), 15th Eurypontid, reigned at Sparta from about B. c. 510 to 491. Pausanias speaks of him as sharing with Cleomenes the honour of expelling Hippias (a. c. 510) (Paus. iii. 7 ~ 7), and Plutarch (de Virtut. Mul. p. 245, d.) unites their names in the war against Argos. Under Telesilla, he says " the Argive women beat back Cleomenes (daTrEpoUVaVro) and thrust out Demaratus" ((ewo-av), as if the latter had for a time effected an entrance. " tie had gained," says Herodotus (vi. 70), " very frequent distinction for deeds and for counsels, and had in particular won for his country, alone of all her kings, an Olympian victory in the four-horse chariot-race." His career, however, was cut short by dissensions with his colleague. In the invasion, by which Cleomenes proposed to wreak his vengeance on Athens, Demaratus, who was joint commander, on the arrival of the army at Eleusis, followed the example of the Corinthians, and refused to cooperate any further. The other allies began now to move away, and Cleomenes was forced to follow. (Herodot. v. 75.) Henceforward we may easily imagine that his fury at his indignities, and their general incompatibility of temper, would render the feud between them violentand obstinate. Inn. c. 491 Cleomenes while in Aegina found himself thwarted there, and intrigued against at home, by his adversary, who encouraged the Aeginetans to insult him by refusing to acknowledge the unaccredited authority of a single king. Cleomenes returned, and set the whole of his vehement unscrupulous energy to work to rid himself of Demaratus, calling to his aid Leotychides, next heir to the house of Procles, whom Demaratus had, moreover, made his enemy DEMARATUS. by robbing him of his affianced bride, Percalus, daughter of Cheilon. (Herodot. vi. 61, 65.) The birth of Demaratus had been as follows:King Ariston had twice married without issue. While his second wife was still alive, either in anxiety for an heir or out of mere passion, he sought and by a curious artifice obtained as his third the wife of his friend Agetus, a woman of remarkable beauty. He enticed the husband into an agreement, that each should give the other whatever he asked; and when Agetus had chosen his gift, Ariston demanded in return that he should give him his wife. A son was born. Ariston was sitting in judgment with the ephors when the tidings were brought, and counting the months on his fingers, said in their presence, " It cannot be mine." His doubts, however, appeared no further: he owned the child, and gave it, in allusion to the public prayer that had been made by the Spartans for an heir to his house, the name of Demaratus. (Ibid. vi. 61-64.) The father's expression was now brought up against the son. Leotychides declared him on oath to be wrongfully on the throne; and, in the consequent prosecution, he brought forward the ephors, who had then been sitting with Ariston, to bear evidence of his words. The case was referred to the Delphian oracle, and was by it, through the corrupt interference of Cleomenes, decided for the accuser, who was in consequence raised to the throne. (Ibid. vi. 64-66.) Demaratus, some time after, was sitting as magistrate at the Gymnopaedian games. Leotychides sent his attendant to ask the insulting question, how it felt to be magistrate after being king. Demaratus, stung by the taunt, made a hasty and menacing reply; covered up his face, and withdrew home; sacrificed there, and taking the sacred entrails, sought his mother and conjured her to let him know the truth. She replied by an account which assuredly leaves the modern reader as doubtful as before, but gave him perhaps the conviction which she wished, that his father was either Ariston or the hero Astrabacus; and, in any case, he seems to have made up his mind to regain, by whatever means, his original rank. He went to Elis under pretext of a journey to Delphi, and here perhaps would have intrigued for support, had not the Spartans suspected and sent for him. He then retired to Zacynthus, and on being pursued thither, made his way into Asia to king Dareius. (Ibid. vi. 67-70.) At the court of Persia he was favourably received, and is said, by stating the Spartan usage, to have forwarded the claim of Xerxes to the throne to the exclusion of his brothers born before their father's accession: and on the resolution being taken of invading Greece, to have sent, with what intent or feeling Herodotus would not venture to determine, a message, curiously concealed [CLEOMENES], to his countrymen at Sparta, conveying the intelligence. (Ibid. vii. 3. 239.) Henceforward Demaratus performs in the story of Herodotus with high dramatic effect the part of the unheeded counsellor, who, accompanying the invasion and listened to by Xerxes, saw the weakness of those countless myriads, and ventured to combat the extravagant unthinking confidence of their leader. Thus at Doriscus, after the numbering of the army; thus at Thermopylae, when he explained that it was for battle the Spartans
Page 959 DEMARATUS. were trimming their hair; thus, after the pass was won, when Xerxes owned his wisdom, and he is said to have given the farsighted counsel of occupying Cythera. And thus finally he, says the story, was with Dicaeus in the plain of Thria, when they heard the mystic Eleusinian cry, and saw the cloud of sacred dust pass, as escorting the assistant deities, to the Grecian fleet. (Ibid. vii. 101-105, 209, 234, 235, viii. 65.) Leaving the imagination of Herodotus and his informants responsible for much of this, we may safely believe that Demaratus, like Hippias before, accompanied the expedition in the hope of vengeance and restoration, and, probably enough, with the mixed feelings ascribed to him. Pausanias (iii. 7. ~ 7) states, that his family continued long in Asia; and Xenophon (Hell. iii. 1. ~ 6) mentions Eurysthenes and Procles, his descendants, as lords of Pergamus, Teuthrania, and Halisarna, the district given to their ancestor by the king as the reward of his service in the expedition. The Cyrean army found Procles at Teuthrania. (Xen. Anab. vii. 8. 17.) " To this family also," says Miiller (Dor. bk. i. 9. ~ 8), " belongs Procles, who married the daughter of Aristotle, when the latter was at Atarneus, and had by her two sons, Procles and Demaratus. (Sext. Empir. adv. Mathem. p. 518, ed. Col.") (See below.) Plutarch's anecdote (Tlhem. c. 29), that he once excited the king's anger by asking leave to ride through Sardis with the royal tiara, and was restored to favour by Themistocles, can only be said not to be in contradiction to the chronology. (Clinton, F. HI. ii. p. 208.) [A. H. C.] DEMARA'TUS (Aguydparos), a merchant-noble of Corinth, and one of the Bacchiadae. When the power of his clan had been overthrown by Cypselus. about B. c. 657, he fled from Corinth, and settled at Tarquinii in Etruria, where he had mercantile connexions. According to Strabo, he brought with him a large body of retainers and much treasure, and thereby gained such influence, that he was made ruler of Tarquinii. He is said also to have been accompanied by the painter Cleophantus of Corinth, and by Eucheir and Eugrammus, masters of the plastic arts, and together with these refinements, to have even introduced the knowledge of alphabetical writing into Etruria. He married an Etrurian wife, by whom he had two sons, Aruns and Lucumo, afterwards L. Tarquinius Priscus. (Liv. i. 34; Dionys. iii. 46; Polyb. vi. 2; Strab. v. p. 219, viii. p. 378; Cic. Tusc. Quaest. v. 37; Tac. Ann. xi. 14; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 3, 12; Niebuhr, Rom. IH-ist. i. pp. 351, 366, &c.) For the Greek features pervading the story of the Tarquins, see Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 80. [E. E.] DEMARA'TUS (Aueapadros), a Corinthian, connected by hospitality with the family of Philip of Macedon. It was through the mediation of Demaratus that Alexander returned home from Illyria, where he had taken up his abode in consequence of the quarrel between himself and his father at the marriage of the-latter with Cleopatra, B. c. 337. (Plut. Alex. 9.) [E. E.] DEMARA'TUS (A71pdparos). 1. A son of Pythias, who was Aristotle's daughter by his wife of the same name. He and his brother, Procles, were pupils of Theophrastus. (Diog. Laert. v. 53; Fabric. Bibl. Gra!ec. iii. pp. 485, 504.) He appears to have been named after Demaratus, king of DEMETER. 9)9 Sparta, from whom his father, Procles, was descended. 2. A Corinthian author of uncertain date, who is quoted by Plutarch. (Ages. 15.) He is perhaps the same whose work called rpa-yqISo&ýeEa, on the subjects of Greek tragedy, is referred to by Clement of Alexandria, Stobaeus, and the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius. Plutarch also quotes works of Demaratus on rivers, on Phrygia, and on Arcadia. (Plut. Parall. Mm. 16, de Fluv. ix. ~~ 3, 5; Clem. Alex. Protrept. c. 3; Stob. Floril. xxxix. 32,'33; Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. i. 45, 1289; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. pp. 289, 294; Vossius, de Hist. Graec. p. 425, ed. Westermann.) 3. A Spartan, who is said to have retorted upon the epigram on the subjugation of Greece usually ascribed to Hadrian (Anthol. ii. p. 285) by writing under it a line from a speech of Achilles to Patroclus. (II. xvi. 70.) When inquiry was made as to who had "capped" the imperial epigram, he replied by a parody on Archilochus (Fragsm. ii.): EIIl Fiev evidw'ptcos 'EyvaNtov 7roA6Etoer's', Kc. v. A. The story seems to rest on the authority of a note in the Vatican MS. This does not, however, give the name of Demaratus, which occurs in the version of the anecdote in the Anthology of Planudes. (See Jacobs, ad Anthol. 1. c.) [E. E.] DEMARCHUS (Aitapxos), son of Pidocus, a Syracusan. He was one of the generals sent out to replace Hermocrates and his colleagues in the command of the Syracusan auxiliaries in Greece, when those generals were banished. (Thuc. viii. 85; Xen. Hell. i. 1. ~ 30.) After his return he appears to have taken a leading part in public affairs, and became one of the most powerful opponents of the rising power of Dionysius. He was in consequence put to death at the instigation of the latter, at the same time with Daphnaeus, shortly after Dionysius had been appointed general autocrator. (Diod. xiii. 96.) [E. H. B.] DEMA'RETE (AnpapEr77), daughter of Theron, tyrant of Agrigentum, was wife of Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse. She is said by Diodorus to have exerted her influence with Gelo to grant the Carthaginians peace on moderate terms after their great defeat at Himera, B. c. 480. In returh for this service they sent her a crown of gold of the value of a hundred talents, with the produce of which, or more probably in commemoration of the event, she caused to be struck for the first time the large silver coins, weighing 10 Attic drachms or 50 Sicilian litrae, to which the name of Damaretion was given in her honour. (Diod. xi. 26; Schol. in Pind. 01. ii, 1; Hesych. s.'v. AyIapEinoov; Pollux, ix. 80; Annali dell'Ist. di Corrisp. Archeol. vol. ii. p. 81.) After the death of Gelo she married his brother and successor Polvzelus. (Schol. in Pind. 01. ii. 29.) [E. H. B.] DEMEAS. [DAMEAS.] DEME'TER (A r Tn7p), one of the great divinities of the Greeks. The name Demeter is supposed by some to be the same as -y7 1 rMPp, that is, mother earth, while others consider Deo, which is synonymous with Demeter, as connected with aals and oaivvyti, and as derived from the Cretan word S-qai, barley, so that Demeter would be the mother or giver of barley or of food generally. (Hom. II. v. 500.) These two etymologies, however, do not suggest any difference in the character
Page 960 9(iO DEMETER. of the goddess, but leave it essentially the same. Demeter was the daughter of Cronus and Rhea, and sister of Hestia, Hera, A'Ydes, Poseidon, and Zeus. Like the other children of Cronus she was devoured by her father, but he gave her forth again after taking the emetic which Metis had given him. (Hesiod. Theog. 452, &c.; Apollod. i. 2. ~ 1.) By her brother Zeus, Demeter became the mother of Persephone (Proserpina) and Dionysus (Hesiod. Theog. 912; Diod. iii. 62), and by Poseidon of Despoena and the horse Arion. (Apollod. iii. 6. ~ 8; Paus. viii. 37. ~ 6.) The most prominent part in the mythus of Demeter is the rape of her daughter Persephone by Pluto, and this story not only suggests the main idea embodied in Demeter, but also directs our attention to the principal seats of her worship. Zeus, without the knowledge of Demeter, had promised Persephone to Pluto, and while the unsuspecting maiden was gathering flowers which Zeus had caused to grow in order to tempt her and to favour Pluto's scheme, the earth suddenly opened and she was carried off by A'doneus (Pluto). Her cries of anguish were heard only by Hecate and Helios. Her mother, who heard only the echo of her voice, immediately set out in search of her daughter. The spot where Persephone was believed to have been carried into the lower world is different in the different traditions; the common story places it in Sicily, in the neighbourhood of Enna, on mount Aetna, or between the wells Cyane and Arethusa. (Hygin. Fab. 146, 274; Ov. Met. v. 385, Fast. iv. 422; Diod. v. 3; Cic. in Verr. iv. 48.) This legend, which points to Sicily, though undoubtedly very ancient (Pind. Nean. i. 17), is certainly not the original tradition, since the worship of Demeter was introduced into Sicily by colonists from Megara and Corinth. Other traditions place the rape of Persephone at Erineus on the Cephissus, in the neighbourhood of Eleusis (Orph. Hymn. 17.15), at Colonus in Attica (Schol. ad Soph. Oed. Col. 1590), in an island of the Atlantic near the western coast of Spain (Orph. Argon. 1190), at Hermione in Peloponnesus (Apollod. i. 5. ~ 1; Strab. viii. p. 373), in Crete (Schol. ad Hesiod. Theog. 914), or in the neighbourhood of Pisa. (Paus. vi. 21. ~ 1.) Others again place the event at Pheneus in Arcadia (Conon, Narr. 15), or at Cyzicus (Propert. iii. 21. 4), while the Homeric hymn on Demeter places it in the plain of Nysa in Asia. In the Iliad and Odyssey the rape of Persephone is not expressly mentioned. Demeter wandered about in search of her daughter for nine days, without taking any nectar or ambrosia, and without bathing. On the tenth she met Hecate, who told her that she had heard the cries of Persephone, but did not know who had carried her off. Both then hastened to Helios, who revealed to them that Pluto had been the ravisher, and with the consent of Zeus. Demeter in her anger at this news avoided Olympus, and dwelt upon earth among men, conferring presents and blessings wherever she was kindly received, and severely punishing those who repulsed her or did not receive her gifts with proper reverence. In this manner she came to Celeus at Eleusis. [CELEUS.] As the goddess still continued in her anger, and produced famine on the earth by not allowing the fields to produce any fruit, Zeus, anxious that the race of mortals should not become extinct, sent Iris to induce Demeter to return to DEMETER. Olympus. (Comp. Paus. viii. 42. ~ 2.) But in vain. At length Zeus sent out all the gods of Olympus to conciliate her by entreaties and presents; but she vowed not to return to Olympus, nor to restore the fertility of the earth, till she had seen her daughter again. Zeus accordingly sent Hermes into Erebus to fetch back Persephone. Ai'doneus consented, indeed, to Persephone returning, but gave her a part of a pomegranate to eat, in order that she might not always remain with Demeter. Hermes then took her in Pluto's chariot to Eleusis to her mother, to whom, after a hearty welcome, she related her fate. At Eleusis both were joined by Hecate, who henceforth remained the attendant and companion of Persephone. Zeus now sent Rhea to persuade Demeter to return to Olympus, and also granted that Persephone should spend only a part of the year (i. e. the winter) in subterraneous darkness, and that during the rest of the year she should remain with her mother. (Comp. Ov. Met. v. 565, Fast. iv. 614; Hygin. Fab. 146.) Rhea accordingly descended to the Rharian plain near Eleusis, and conciliated Demeter, who now again allowed the fruits of the fields to grow. But before she parted from Eleusis, she instructed Triptolemus, Diodes, Eumolpus, and Celeus in the mode of her worship and in the mysteries. These are the main features of the mythus about Demeter, as it is contained in the Homeric hymn; in later traditions it is variously modified. Respecting her connexions with Jasion or Jasius, Tantalus, Melissa, Cychreus, Erysichthon, Pandareus, and others, see the different articles. Demeter was the goddess of the earth (Eurip. Bacch. 276), and more especially of the earth as producing fruit, and consequently of agriculture, whence human food or bread is called by Homer (II. xiii. 322) the gift of Demeter. The notion of her being the author of the earth's fertility was extended to that of fertility in general, and she accordingly was looked upon also as the goddess of marriage (Serv. ad Aen. iv. 58), and was worshipped especially by women. Her priestess also initiated young married people into the duties of their new situation. (Plut. de Of. conj. 1.) As the goddess of the earth she was like the other Seol XOodvioi, a subterraneous divinity, who worked in the regions inaccessible to the rays of Helios. As agriculture is the basis of a well-regulated social condition, Demeter is represented also as the friend of peace and as a law-giving goddess. (eowoo' pos, Callim. Hymn. in Cer. 138; Orph. Hymn. 39. 4; Virg. Aen. iv. 58; Honm. II. v. 500; Ov. Met. v. 341; Paus. viii. 15. ~ 1.) The mythus of Demeter and her daughter embodies the idea, that the productive powers of the earth or nature rest or are concealed during the winter season; the goddess (Demeter and Persephone, also called Cora, are here identified) then rules in the depth of the earth mournful, but striving upwards to the allanimating light. Persephone, who has eaten of the pomegranate, is the fructified flower that returns in spring, dwells in the region of light during a portion of the year, and nourishes men and animals with her fruits. Later philosophical writers, and perhaps the mysteries also, referred the disappearance and return of Persephone to the burial of the body of man and the immortality of his soul. Demeter was worshipped in Crete, Delos, Argolis, Attica, the western coast of Asia, Sicily,
Page 961 DEMETER. and Italy, and her worship consisted in a great measure in orgic mysteries. Among the many festivals celebrated in her honour, the Thesmophoria and Eleusinia were the principal ones. (Diet. of Ant. s. vv. CGloica, Haloa, Thesmophoria, Eleusinia, Megalartia Chthonia.) The sacrifices offered to her consisted of pigs, the symbol of fertility, bulls, cows, honey-cakes, and fruits. (Macrob. Sat. i. 12, iii. 11; Diod. v. 4; Paus. ii. 35. ~ 4, viii. 42, in fin.; Ov. Fast. iv. 545.) Her temples were called Megara, and were often built in groves in the neighbourhood of towns. (Paus. i. 39. ~ 4, 40. ~ 5, vii. 26. ~ 4, viii. 54. ~ 5, ix. 25. ~5; Strab. viii. p. 344, ix. p. 435.) Many of her surnames, which are treated of in separate articles, are descriptive of the character of the goddess. She was often represented in works of art, though scarcely one entire statue of her is preserved. Her representations appear to have been brought to ideal perfection by Praxiteles. (Paus. i. 2. ~ 4.) Her image resembled that of Hera, in its maternal character, but had a softer expression, and her eyes were less widely opened. She was represented sometimes in a sitting attitude, sometimes walking, and sometimes riding in a chariot drawn by horses or dragons, but always in full attire. Around her head she wore a garland of corn-ears or a simple ribband, and in her hand she held a sceptre, cornears or a poppy, sometimes also a torch and the mystic basket. (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 4, viii. 31. ~ 1, 42. ~ 4; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19.) She appears most frequently on gems and vases. The Romans received the worship of Demeter, to whom they applied the name of Ceres, from Sicily. (Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 1.) The first temple of Ceres at Rome was vowed by the dictator A. Postumius Albinus, in B. c. 496, for the purpose of averting a famine with which Rome was threatened during a war with the Latins. (Dionys. vi. 17, comp. i. 33; Tacit. Ann. ii. 49.) In introducing this foreign divinity, the Romans acted in their usual manner; they instituted a festival with games in honour of her (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Cerealia), and gave the management of the sacred rites and ceremonies to a Greek priestess, who was usually taken from Naples or Velia, and received the Roman franchise, in order that the sacrifices on behalf of the Roman people might be offered up by a Roman citizen. (Cic. pro Balb. 24; Festus, 5. v. Graeca sacra.) In all other respects Ceres was looked upon very much in the same light as Tellus, whose nature closely resembled that of Ceres. Pigs were sacrificed to both divinities, in the seasons of sowing and in harvest time, and also at the burial of the dead. It is strange to find that the Romans, in adopting the worship of Demeter from the Greeks, did not at the same time adopt the Greek name Demeter. The name Ceres can scarcely be explained from the Latin language. Servius informs us (ad Aen. ii. 325), that Ceres, Pales, and Fortuna were the penates of the Etruscans, and it may be that the Romans applied to Demeter the name of a divinity of a similar nature, whose worship subsequently became extinct, and left no trace except the name Ceres. We remarked above that Demeter and Persephone or Cora were identified in the mythus, and it may be that Ceres is only a different form for Cora or Core. But however this may be, the worship of Ceres soon acquired considerable political importance at Rome. The property of traitors against DEMETRIUS. 961 the republic was often made over to her templo. (Dionys. vi. 89, viii. 79; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 4. s. 9; Liv. ii. 41.) The decrees of the senate were deposited in her temple for the inspection of the tribunes of the people. (Liv. iii. 55, xxxiii. 25.) If we further consider that the aediles had the special superintendence of this temple, it is very probable that Ceres, whose worship was like the plebeians, introduced at Rome from without, had some peculiar relation to the plebeian order. (Miller, Dor. ii. 10. ~ 3; Preller, Demeter and Persephone, ein Cyclus mythol. Untersuch., Hamburg, 1837, 8vo.; Welcker, Zeitschrift fiir die alle Kunst, i. 1, p. 96, &c.; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 621; Hartung, Die Relig. der Rimer, ii. p. 135, &c.) [L. S.] DEMETRIA'N US (Aiu-rpitav's), of Ravenna, the father of the celebrated rhetorician Aspasius, lived in the time of the emperor Alexander Severus, and was no less distinguished as a rhetorician than as a critical mathematician. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 33. ~ 1; Suidas, s. v. 'AoTrdaoo.) [L. S.] DEME'TRIUS (A-uTrpos). 1. Son of Althaemenes, commander of one of the squadrons of Macedonian cavalry under Alexander. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 11, iv. 27, v. 21.) 2. Son of Pythonax, surnamed Pheidon, one of the select band of cavalry, called &Ta-pot, in the service of Alexander. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 12; Plut. Alex. 54.) 3. One of the body-guards of Alexander, was suspected of being engaged in the conspiracy of Philotas, and displaced in consequence. (Arrian, Anab. iii. 27.) 4. A son of Ariarathes V., king of Cappadocia, commanded the forces sent by his father in 154 B. c. to support Attalus in his war against Prusias. (Polyb. xxxiii. 10.) 5. A native of Gadara in Syria, and a freedman of Pompey, who shewed him the greatest favour, and allowed him to accumulate immense riches. After the conquest of Syria, Pompey rebuilt and restored at his request his native town of Gadara, which had been destroyed by the Jews. (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 4. ~ 4, de Bell. Jud. i. 7. ~ 7.) An anecdote related by Plutarch shews the excessive adulation paid him in the East, on account of his well-known influence with Pompey. (Plut. Pomp. 40, Cato Mlin. 13.) [E. H. B.] DEME'TRIUS (Amwtrpios), king of BACTRIA, son of Euthydemus. Polybius mentions (xi. 34), that when Antiochus the Great invaded the territories of Euthydemus, the latter sent his son Demetrius, then quite a youth, to negotiate with the Syrian king; and that Antiochus was so much pleased with the young man's appearance and manners, that he confirmed Euthydemus in his sovereignty, and promised one of his own daughters in marriage to Demetrius. The other notices we possess of this prince are scanty and confused; but it seems certain (notwithstanding the opinion to the contrary advanced by Bayer, Hist. Regni Graecorum Bactriani, p. 83), that Demetrius succeeded his father in the sovereignty of Bactria, where he reigned at least ten years. Strabo particularly mentions him as among those Bactrian kings who made extensive conquests in northern India (Strab. xi. 11. ~ 1), though the limit of his acquisitions cannot be ascertained. Justin, on the contrary, calls him "rex Indorum" (xli. 6), and speaks of him as making war on and besieging Eucratides, 3Q
Page 962 962 DEMETRIUS. king of Bactria. Mionnet (Suppl. vol. viii. p. 473) has suggested that there were two Demetrii, one the son of Euthydemus, the other a king of northern India; but it does not seem necessary to have recourse to this hypothesis. The most probable view of the matter is, that Eucratides revolted from Demetrius, while the latter was engaged in his wars in India, and established his power in Bactria proper, or the provinces north of the Hindoo Koosh, while Demetrius retained the countries south of that barrier. Both princes may thus have ruled contemporaneously for a considerable space of time. (Comp. Wilson's Ariana, pp. 228-231; Lassen, Gesch. der Bactr. Konige, p. 230; Raoul Rochette, Journ. des Savans, for 1835, p. 521.) It is probably to this Demetrius that we are to ascribe the foundation of the city of Demetrias in Arachosia, mentioned by Isidore of Charax (p. 8, ed. Hudson; see Lassen, p. 232). The chronology of his reign, like that of all the Bactrian kings, is extremely uncertain: his accession is placed by M. R. Rochette in B. c. 190 (Journ. des Savans, Oct. 1835, p. 594), by Lassen in 185 (Gesch. der Bactr. Konise, p. 282), and it seems probable that he reigned about 20 or 25 years. (Wilson's Ariana, p. 231.) [E. H. B.] DEME'TRIUS (A-nArpios) I., king of MACEDONIA, surnamed POLIORCETES (loXIopIcTnsjs), or the Besieger, was the son of Antigonus, king of Asia, and Stratonice, the daughter of Corrhaeus. He was distinguished when a young man for his affectionate attachment to his parents, and he and Antigonus continued, throughout the life of the latter, to present a rare example of unanimity. While yet very young, he was married to Phila, the daughter of Antipater and widow of Craterus, a woman of the noblest character, but considerably older than himself, in consequence of which it was not without difficulty that he was persuaded by Antigonus to consent to the match. (Plut. Demnetr. 14.) He accompanied his father in his campaigns against Eumenes, and commanded the select body of cavalry called erapol at the battle in Gabiene (B. c. 317), at which time he was about twenty years old. (Diod. xix. 29.) The following year he commanded the whole right wing of the army of Antigonus in the second battle of Gabiene (Id. xix. 40); and it must be mentioned to his credit, that after the capture of Eumenes, he interceded earnestly with his father to spare his life. (Plut. Eum. 18.) Two years afterwards, he was left by Antigonus in the chief command of Syria, while the latter proceeded to carry on the war in Asia Minor. In the spring of B. c. 312. Ptolemy invaded Syria with a large army; and Demetrius, contrary to the advice of the more experienced generals whom his father had left with him as a council of war, hastened to give him battle at Gaza, but was totally defeated and lost the greater part of his army. This reverse compelled him to abandon Tyre and the whole of Syria, which fell into the hands of Ptolemy, and Demetrius retired into Cilicia, but soon after in part retrieved his disaster, by surprising Cilles (who had been sent against him by Ptolemy) on his march near Myus, and taking him and his whole army prisoners. (Diod. xix. 80-85, 93; Plut. Demetr. '5, 6.) He was now joined by Antigonus, and Ptolemy immediately gave way before them. Demetrius was next employed by his father in an expedition against the Nabathaean Arabs, and in a more important one to recover Babylon, which had been DEMETRIUS. lately occupied by Seleucus. This he accomplished with little difficulty, but did not complete his work, and without waiting to reduce one of the *forts or citadels of Babylon itself, he left a force to continue the siege, and returned to join Antigonus, who almost immediately afterwards concluded peace with the confederates, B. c. 311. (Diod. xix. 96-98, 100; Plut. Desmetr. 7.) This did not last long, and Ptolemy quickly renewed the war, which was however almost confined to maritime operations on the coasts of Cilicia and Cyprus, in which Demetrius, who commanded the fleet of Antigonus, obtained many successes. In 307 he was despatched by his father with a powerful fleet and army to endeavour to wrest Greece from the hands of Cassander and Ptolemy, who held all the principal towns in it, notwithstanding that the freedom of the Greek cities had been expressly guaranteed by the treaty of 311. He first directed his course to Athens, where he was received with enthusiasm by the people as their liberator. Demetrius the Phalerean, who had in fact governed the city for Cassander during the last ten years, was expelled, and the fort at Munychia taken. Megara was also reduced, and its liberty proclaimed; after which Demetrius took up his abode for the winter at Athens, where he was received with the most extravagant flatteries: divine honours being paid him under the title of "the Preserver" (d 2wTc-np), and his name being ranked with those of Dionysus and Demeter among the tutelary deities of Athens. (Plut. Demetr. 8-13; Diod. xx. 45, 46.) It was at this time also that he married Eurydice, the widow of Ophellus of Cyrene, but an Athenian by birth, and a descendant of the great Miltiades. (Plut. Demetr. 14.) From Athens Demetrius was recalled by his father to take the command of the war in Cyprus against Ptolemy. He invaded that island with a powerful fleet and army, defeated Ptolemy's brother, Menelaus, who held possession of the island, and shut him up in Salamis, which he besieged closely both by sea and land. Ptolemy himself advanced with a numerous fleet to the relief of his brother; but Demetrius was prepared for his approach, and a great sea-fight ensued, in which, after an obstinate contest, Demetrius was entirely victorious: Ptolemy lost 120 ships of war, besides transports; and his naval power, which had hitherto been regarded as invincible, was utterly annihilated. (B. c. 306.) Menelaus immediately afterwards surrendered his army and the whole of Cyprus into the hands of Demetrius. It was after this victory that Antigonus for the first time assumed the title of king, which he bestowed also at the same time upon his son,-an example quickly followed by their rival monarchs. (Diod. xx. 47 -53; Plut. Demetr. 15-18; Polyaen. iv. 7. ~ 7; Justin, xv. 2.) Demetrius now for a time gave himself up to luxury and revelry in Cyprus. Among other prisoners that had fallen into his hands in the late victory was the noted courtezan, Lamia, who, though no longer in the prime of her youth, soon obtained the greatest influence over the young king. (Plut. Demetr. 16, 19, 27; Athen. iv. p. 128, xiii. p. 577.) From these enjoyments he was, however, soon compelled to rouse himself, in order to take part with Antigonus in his expedition against Egypt: but the fleet which he commanded suffered severely from storms, and, after meeting
Page 963 DEMETRIUS. with many disasters, both father and son were compelled to retreat. (Diod. xx. 73-76; Plut. Demetr. 19.) In the following year (B. c. 305) Demetrius determined to punish the Rhodians for having refused to support his father and himself against Ptolemy, and proceeded to besiege their city both by sea and land. The siege which followed is rendered one of the most memorable in ancient history, both by the vigorous and able resistance of the besieged, and by the extraordinary efforts made by Demetrius, who displayed on this occasion in their full extent that fertility of resource and ingenuity in devising new methods of attack, which earned for him the surname of Poliorcetes. The gigantic machines with which he assailed the walls, the largest of which was called the Helepolis or city-taker, were objects of admiration in succeeding ages. But all his exertions were unavailing, and after the siege had lasted above a year, he was at length induced to conclude a treaty, by which the Rhodians engaged to support Antigonus and Demetrius in all cases, except against Ptolemy, B. c. 304. (Diod. xx. 81-88, 91-100; Plut. Demetr. 21, 22.) This treaty was brought about by the intervention of envoys from Athens; and thither Demetrius immediately hastened, to relieve the Athenians, who were at this time hard pressed by Cassander. Landing at Aulis, he quickly made himself master of Chalcis, and compelled Cassander not only to raise the siege of Athens, but to evacuate all Greece south of Thermopylae. He now again took up his winter-quarters at Athens, where he was received as before with the most extravagant flatteries, and again gave himself up to the most unbounded licentiousness. With the spring of 303 he hastened to resume the work of the liberation of Greece. Sicyon, Corinth, Argos, and all the smaller towns of Arcadia and Achaia, which were held by garrisons for Ptolemy or Cassander, successively fell into his hands; and it seems prooable that he even extended his expeditions as far as Leucadia and Corcyra. (See Droysen, Geschi, d. Nachfolg. p. 511; Thirlwall's Greece, vii. p. 353.) The liberty of all the separate states was proclaimed; but, at a general assembly held at Corinth, Demetrius received the title of commander-in-chief of all Greece (j'yscwv 7Tjs 'ExAxdh o), the same which had been formerly bestowed upon Philip and Alexander. At Argos, where he made a considerable stay, he married a third wife-Deidameia, sister of Pyrrhus, king of Epeirus-though both Phila and Eurydice were still living. The debaucheries in which he indulged during his stay at Athens, where he again spent the following winter, and even within the sacred precincts of the Parthenon, where he was lodged, were such as to excite general indignation; but nothing could exceed the meanness and servility of the Athenians towards him, which was such as to provoke at once his wonder and contempt. A curious monument of their abject flattery remains to us in the Ithyphallic hymn preserved by Athenaeus (vi. p. 253). All the laws were, at the same time, violated in order to allow him to be initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries. (Plut. Demetr. 23-27; Diod. xx. 100, 102, 103; Polyaen. iv. 7. ~~ 3, 8; Athen. vi. p, 253, xv. p. 697.) The next year (B. c. 302) he was opposed to Cassander in Thessaly, but, though greatly superior in force, effected little beyond the reduction of DEMETRIUS. 963 Pherae. This inactivity came at.a critical time: Cassander had already concluded a league with Lysimachus, who invaded Asia, While Seleucus advanced from the East to co-operate with him. Antigonus was obliged to, summon Demetrius to his support, who concluded a hasty treaty with Cassander, and crossed over into Asia. The following year their combined forces were totally defeated by those of Lysimachus and Seleucus in the great battle of Ipsus, and Antigonus himself slain, B. c. 301. (Diod. xx. 106-113; Plut. Demetr. 28, 29.) Demetrius, to whose impetuosity the loss of the battle would seem to be in great measure owing, fled to Ephesus, and from thence set sail for Athens: but the Athenians, on whose devotion he had confidently reckoned, declined to receive him into their city, though they gave him up his fleet, with which he withdrew to the Isthmus. His fortunes were still by no means hopeless: he was at the head of a powerful fleet, and still master of Cyprus, as well as of Tyre and Sidon; but the jealousies of his enemies soon changed the face of his affairs; and Ptolemy having entered into a closer union with Lysimachus, Seleucus was induced to ask the hand of Stratonice, daughter of Demetrius by his first wife, Phila, By this alliance Demetrius obtained the possession of Cilicia, which he was allowed to wrest from the hands of Pleistarchus, brother of Cassander; but his refusal to cede the important towns of Tyre and Sidon, disturbed the harmony between him and Seleucus, though it did not at the time lead to an open breach. (Plut. Demetr. 30-33.) We know nothing of the negotiations which led to the conclusion of a treaty between Demetrius and Ptolemy almost immediately after the alliance between the former and Seleucus, but the effect of these several treaties was the maintenance of peace for a space of near four years. During this interval Cassander was continually gaining ground in Greece, where Demetrius had lost all his possessions; but in B. c. 297 he determined to reassert his. supremacy there, and appeared with a fleet on the coast of Attica. His efforts were at first unsuccessful; his fleet was wrecked, and he himself badly wounded in an attempt upon Messene. But the death of Cassander gave a new turn to affairs. Demetrius made himself master of Aegina, Salamis, and other points around Athens, and finally of that city itself, after a long blockade which had reduced the inhabitants to the last extremities of famine. (B. c. 295. Concerning the chronology of these events compare Clinton, F. I. ii. p. 178, with Droysen, Gescl. d. Nackfolger, pp. 563-569, and Thirlwall's Greece, viii. p. 5, not.) Lachares, who from a demagogue had made himself tyrant of Athens, escaped to Thebes, and Demetrius had the generosity to spate all the other inhabitants. He, however, retained possession of Munychia and the Peiraeeus, and subsequently fortified and garrisoned the hill of the Museum. (Plut. Demetr. 33, 34; Paus. i. 25. ~ 7, 8.) His arms were next directed against the Spartans, whom he defeated, and laid siege to their city, which seemed on the point of falling into his hands, when he was suddenly called away by the state of affairs in Macedonia. Here the dissensions between Antipater and Alexander, the two sons of Cassander, had led the latter to call in foreign aid to his support; and he sent embassies at once to Demetrius and to Pyrrhus, who had 3 2
Page 964 964 DEMETRIUS. been lately reinstated in his kingdom of Epeirus. Pyrrhus was the nearest at hand, and had already defeated Antipater and established Alexander on the throne of Macedonia, when Demetrius, unwilling to lose such an opportunity of aggrandizement, arrived with his army. He was received with apparent friendliness, but mutual jealousies quickly arose. Demetrius was informed that the young king had formed designs against his life, which he anticipated by causing him to be assassinated at a banquet. He was immediately afterwards acknowledged as king by the Macedonian army, and proceeded at their head to take possession of his new sovereignty, B. c. 294. (Plut. Demetr. 35-37, Pyrrh. 6, 7; Justin. xvi. 1; Paus. i. 10. ~ 1, ix. 7. ~ 3; Euseb. Arm. p. 155.) While Demetrius had by this singular revolution become possessed of a kingdom in Europe, he had lost all his former possessions in Asia: Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy having taken advantage of his absence in Greece to reduce Cilicia, Cyprus, and the cities which he had held on the coasts of Phoenicia and Asia Minor. He, however, concluded a peace with Lysimachus, by which the latter yielded to him the remaining portion of Macedonia, and turned his whole attention to the affairs of Greece. Here the Boeotians had taken up arms, supported by the Spartans under Cleonymus, but were soon defeated, and Thebes taken after a short siege, but treated with mildness by Demetrius. After his return to Macedonia he took advantage of the absence of Lysimachus and his captivity among the Getae to invade Thrace; but though he met with little opposition there, he was recalled by the news of a fresh insurrection in Boeotia. To this he speedily put an end, repulsed Pyrrhus, who had attempted by invading Thessaly to effect a diversion in favour of the Boeotians, and again took Thebes after a siege protracted for nearly a year. (B. c. 290.) He had again the humanity to spare the city, and put to death only thirteen (others say only ten) of the leaders of the revolt. (Plut. Demetr. 39, 40; Diod. xxi. Exc. 10, Exc. Vales. p. 560.) Pyrrhus was now one of the most formidable enemies of Demetrius, and it was against that prince and his allies the Aetolians that he next directed his arms. But while he himself invaded and ravaged Epeirus almost without opposition, Pyrrhus gained a great victory over his lieutenant Pantauchus in Aetolia; and the next year, Demetrius being confined by a severe illness at Pella, Pyrrhus took advantage of the opportunity to overrun a great part of Macedonia, which he, however, lost again as quickly, the moment Demetrius was recovered. (Plut. Demetr. 41, 43, Pyrrh. 7, 10.) It was about this time that Demetrius concluded an alliance with Agathocles, king of Syracuse, whose daughter Lanassa, the wife of Pyrrhus, had previously surrendered to him the important island of Corcyra. (Plut. Pyrrh. 11; Diod. xxi. Exc. 11.) But it was towards the East that the views of Demetrius were mainly directed: he aimed at nothing less than recovering the whole of his father's dominions in Asia, and now hastened to conclude a peace with Pyrrhus, that he might continue his preparations uninterrupted. These were on a most gigantic scale: if we may believe Plutarch, he had assembled not less than 98,000 foot and near 12,000 horse, as well as a fleet of 500 ships, among which were some of 15 and 16 DEMETRIUS. banks of oars. (Plut. Demetr. 43.) But before he was ready to take the field, his adversaries, alarmed at his preparations, determined to forestall him. In the spring of B. c. 287, Ptolemy sent a powerful fleet against Greece, while Pyrrhus (notwithstanding his recent treaty) on the one side and Lysimachus on the other simultaneously invaded Macedonia. But Demetrius's greatest danger was from the disaffection of his own subjects, whom he had completely alienated by his proud and haughty bearing, and his lavish expenditure on his own luxuries. He first marched against Lysimachus, but alarmed at the growing discontent among his troops, he suddenly returned to face Pyrrhus, who had advanced as far as Beraea. This was a most unfortunate step: Pyrrhus was at this time the hero of the Macedonians, who no sooner met him than they all declared in his favour, and Demetrius was obliged to fly from his camp in disguise, and with difficulty made his escape to Cassandreia. (Plut. Demetr. 44, Pyrrh. 11; Justin, xvi. 2.) His affairs now appeared to be hopeless, and even his wife Phila, who had frequently supported and assisted him in his adversities, now poisoned herself in despair. But Demetrius himself was far from desponding; he was still master of Thessaly and some other parts of Greece, though Athens had again shaken off his yoke: he was able to raise a small fleet and army, with which, leaving his son Antigonus to command in Greece, he crossed over to Miletus. Here he was received by Eurydice, wife of Ptolemy, whose daughter Ptolemais had been promised him in marriage as early as B. c. 301, and their'long delayed nuptials were now solemnized. Demetrius at first obtained many successes; but the advance of Agathocles with a powerful army compelled him to retire. He now threw himself boldly into the interior of Asia, having conceived the daring project of establishing himself in the eastern provinces of Seleucus. But his troops refused to follow him. He then passed over into Cilicia, and after various negotiations with Seleucus, and having suffered the greatest losses and privations from famine and disease, he found himself abandoned by his troops and even by his most faithful friends, and had no choice but to surrender himself a prisoner to Seleucus. (e. c. 286.) That king appears to have been at first disposed to treat him with honour, but took alarm at his popularity with the army, and sent him as a prisoner to the Syrian Chersonesus. Here he was confined at one of the royal residences, where he had the liberty of hunting in the adjoining park, and does not seem to have been harshly treated. Seleucus even professed an intention of restoring him to liberty, and indignantly rejected the proposal of Lysimachus to put him to death; but the restless spirit of Demetrius could ill brook confinement, and he gave himself up without restraint to the pleasures of the table, which brought on an illness that proved fatal. Iis death took place in the third year of his imprisonment and the fifty-fifth of his age, B.c. 283. (Plut. Demetr. 45-52; Polyaen. iv. 9; Diod. xxi. Exc. Vales. p.562.) His remains were sent by Seleucus with all due honours to his son Antigonus, who interred them at Demetrias in Thessaly, a city which he had himself founded. (Plut. Demetr. 53.) There can be no doubt that Demetrius was one of the most remarkable characters of his age: in restless activity of mind, fertility of resource, and
Page 965 DEMETRIUS. daring promptitude in the execution of his schemes, he has perhaps never been surpassed; but prosperity always proved fatal to him, and he constantly lost by his luxury and voluptuousness the advantages that he had gained by the vigour and activity which adversity never failed to call forth. His life was in consequence a continued succession of rapid and striking vicissitudes of fortune. It has been seen that he was guilty of some great crimes, though on the whole he can be charged perhaps with fewer than any one of his contemporaries; and he shewed in several instances a degree of humanity and generosity very rarely displayed at that period. His besetting sin was his unbounded licentiousness, a vice in which, says Plutarch, he surpassed all his contemporary monarchs. Besides Lamia and his other mistresses, he was regularly married to four wives, Phila, Eurydice, Deidameia, and Ptolemais, by whom he left four sons. The eldest of these, Antigonus Gonatas, eventually succeeded him on the throne of Macedonia. According to Plutarch, Demetrius was remarkable for his beauty and dignity of countenance, a remark fully borne out by his portrait as it appears upon his coins, one of which is annexed. On this his head is represented with horns, in imitation of Dionysus, the deity whom he particularly sought to emulate. (Plut. Demelr. 2; Eckhel, ii. p. 122.) DEMETRIUS. 965 whom he had by an Illyrian woman, and of whom nothing is known but his name mentioned by Plutarch. (Plut. Demetr. 53.) [E. H. B.] DEME'TRIUS (Asjoorp1os) II., king of MACE. DONIA, was the son of Antigonus Gonatas, and succeeded his father in B. c. 239. According to Justin (xxvi. 2), he had distinguished himself as early as B. c. 266 or 265, by the defeat of Alexander of Epeirus, who had invaded the territories of his father: but this statement is justly rejected by Droysen (Hellenisnmus, ii. p. 214) and Niebuhr (Kleine Schrift. p. 228) on account of his extreme youth, as he could not at this time have been above twelve years old. (See, however, Euseb. Arm. i. p. 160; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. viii. p. 90.) Of the events of his reign, which lasted ten years, B. c. 239-229 (Polyb. ii. 44; Droysen, ii. p. 400, not.), our knowledge is so imperfect, that very opposite opinions have been formed concerning his character and abilities. He followed up the policy of his father Antigonus, by cultivating friendly relations with the tyrants of the different cities in the Peloponnese, in opposition to the Achaean league (Polyb. ii. 44), at the same time that he engaged in war with the Aetolians, which had the effect of throwing them into alliance with the Achaeans. We know nothing of the details of this war, which seems to have arisen for the possession of Acarnania; but though Demetrius appears to have obtained some successes, the Aetolians on the whole gained ground during his reign. He was assisted in it by the Boeotians, and at one time also by Agron, king of Illyria. (Polyb. ii. 2. 46, xx. 5; Schorn, Gesch. Griecdenlands, p. 88; Droysen, ii. p. 440; Thirlwall's Greece, viii. pp. 118-125 ) We learn also that he suffered a great defeat from the Dardanians, a barbarian tribe on the north-western frontier of Macedonia, but it is quite uncertain to what period of his reign we are to refer this event. (Prol. Trogi Pompeii, lib. xxviii.; Liv. xxxi. 28.) It was probably towards Of his children two bore the same name:- the commencement of it that Olympias, the widow 1. Demetrius, surnamed the Handsome (0 of Alexander of Epeirus, in order to secure his icao's), whom he had by Ptolemai's, daughter support, gave him in marriage her daughter Phthia of Ptolemy Soter, and who was consequently (Justin. xxviii. 1), notwithstanding which he apbrother of Antigonus Gonatas. He was first mar- pears to have taken no steps either to prevent or ried to Olympias of Larissa, by whom he had a son avenge the death of Olympias and her two, sons. Antigonus, surnamed Doson, who afterwards suc- Demetrius had previously been married to Stratoceeded to the throne of Macedonia. (Euseb. Arm. nice, daughter of Antiochus Soter, who quitted i. p 161, fol. ed.) After the death of Magas, king him in disgust on his second marriage with Phthia, of Cyrene, his widow, Arsinog, wishing to obtain and retired to Syria. (Justin, 1. c.; Euseb. Arm. support against Ptolemy, sent to Macedonia to i. p. 164; Joseph. c. Apion. i. 22; Niebuhr's offer the hand of her daughter Berenice, and with Kleine Schriften, p. 255.) [E. H. B.] it the kingdom of Cyrene, to Demetrius, who readily embraced the offer, repaired immediately to Cyrene, and established his power there without opposition. How long he continued to hold it we know not; but he is said to have given general offence by his haughty and unpopular manners, and carried on a criminal intercourse with his motherin-law, Arsinoe. This was deeply resented by COIN OF DE METRIUS II the young queen, Berenice, who caused him to be assassinated in her mother's arms. (Justin, xxvi. DEMETRIUS (Anusrptos), a Greek of the 3; Euseb. Arm. i. pp. 157, 158; Niebuhr's Kleine, island of PHAROS in the Adriatic. He was in the Schriften. p. 229; Droysen, Hellenism. ii. p. 292, service of the Illyrians at the time that war first &c.) According to a probable conjecture of Droy- broke out between them and Rome, and held sen's (ii. p. 215), it must have been this Deme- Corcyra for the Illyrian queen Teuta; but treachtrius, and not, as stated by Justin (xxvi. 2), the erously surrendered it to the Roman fleet, and son of Antigonus Gonatas, who defeated Alexander became a guide and active ally to the consuls in of Epeirus when lie invaded Macedonia. all their subsequent operations. (Polyb. ii. 11.) 2. Demetrius, surnamed the Thin (6d AcrTos), His services were rewarded, after the defeat and
Page 966 966 DEMETRIUS. submission of Teuta, with a great part of her dominions, though the Romans seem never to have thoroughly trusted him. (Polyb. 1. c.; Appian, Illyr. c. 8.) He afterwards entered into alliance with Antigonus Doson, king of Macedonia, and assisted him in the war against Cleomenes. (Polyb. ii. 65, iii. 16.) Thinking that he had thus secured the powerful support of Macedonia, and that the Romans were too much occupied with the Gallic wars, and the danger impending from Hannibal, to punish his breach of faith, he ventured on many acts of piratical hostility. The Romans, however, immediately sent the consul L. Aemilius Paullus over to Illyria (B. c. 219), who quickly reduced all his strongholds, took Pharos itself, and obliged Demetrius to fly for refuge to Philip, king of Macedonia. (Polyb. iii. 16, 18, 19; Appian, Illyr. 8; Zonar. viii. 20.) At the court of this prince he spent the remainder of his life, and became his chief adviser. The Romans in vain sent an embassy to the Macedonian king to demand his surrender (Liv. xxii. 33); and it was at his instigation that Philip determined, after the battle of Thrasymene, to conclude an alliance with Hannibal and make war upon the Romans. (Polyb. v, 101, 105, 108; Justin. xxix. 2.) Demetrius was a man of a daring character, but presumptuous and deficient in judgment; and while supporting the cause of Philip in Greece, he was led to engage in a rash attempt to take the fortress of Ithome by a sudden assault, in which he himself perished. (Polyb. iii. 19.) Polybius ascribes most of the violent and unjust proceedings of Philip in Greece to the advice and influence of Demetrius, who appears to have been a man of much ability, but wholly regardless of faith and justice. (Polyb. vii. 11, 13, 14.) [E, H. B,] DEME'TRIUS (A47perpLos), younger son of PHILIP V., king of Macedonia, but his only son by his legitimate wife, the elder brother Perseus being the son of a concubine. (Liv. xxxix. 53.) After the battle of Cynoscephalae, Philip was obliged to give up Demetrius, then very young, to Flamininus as a hostage, and he was subsequently sent to Rome in the same capacity, B. c. 198. (Liv. xxxiii. 13, 30, xxxiv. 52; Polyb. xviii. 22.) Five years afterwards he was honourably restored to his father, Philip having at this time obtained the favour of Rome by his services in the war against Antiochus. (Liv. xxxvi. 35; Polyb. xx. 13; Zonar. ix. 19.) But this did not last long, and Philip finding himself assailed on all sides by the machinations of Rome, and her intrigues among his neighbours, determined to try and avert, or at least delay, the impending storm, by sending Demetrius, who during his residence at Rome had obtained the highest favour, as his ambassador to the senate. The young prince was most favourably received, and returned with the answer, that the Romans were willing to excuse all the past, out of good-will to Demetrius, and from their confidence in his friendly dispositions towards them. (Liv. xxxix. 34, 47; Polyb. xxiii. 14, xxiv. 1-3; Justin. xxxii. 2.) But the favour thus shewn to Demetrius had the effect (as was doubtless the design of the senate) of exciting against him the jealousy of Philip, and in a still higher degree that of Perseus, who suspected his brother, perhaps not without cause, of intending to supplant him on the throne after his father's death, by the assistance of the Romans. Perseus therefore endeavoured to DEMETRIUS. effect his ruin by his intrigues; and having failed in accomplishing this by accusing him falsely of an attempt upon his life, he suborned Didas, one of Philip's generals, to accuse Demetrius of holding treasonable correspondence with the Romans, and of intending to escape to them. A forged letter, pretending to be from Flamininus, appeared to confirm the charge; and Philip was induced to consign him to the custody of Didas, by whom he was secretly put to death, as it was supposed, by his father's order. (Liv. xxxix. 53, xl. 4-15, 20-- 24; Polyb. xxiv. 7, 8; Justin, xxxii. 2; Zonar. ix. 22.) Demetrius was in his 26th year at the time of his death; he is represented by Livy as a very amiable and accomplished young man; but it may well be doubted whether he was altogether so innocent as he appears in that author's eloquent narrative. (See Niebuhr's Lect. on RoTman lHistory, vol. i. p. 272, ed. by Dr. Schmitz. [E. H. B.] DEME'TRIUS POLIORCE'TES. [DEMETRIUS I., iKING OF MACEDONIA.] DEME'TRIUS (4-?r0pwss) I., king of SYRIA, surnamed SOTER (COTj7p), was the son of Seleucus IV. (Philopator) and grandson of Antiochus the Great. While yet a child, he had been sent to Rome by his father as a hostage, and remained there during the whole of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. He there formed an intimacy with the historian Polybius. After the death of Antiochus, being now 23 years old, he demanded of the senate to be set at liberty and allowed to occupy the throne of Syria in preference to his cousin, Antiochus Eupator. His request however having been repeatedly refused by the senate, he fled secretly from Rome, by the advice and with the connivance of Polybius, and landed with a few followers at Tripolis in Phoenicia. The Syrians immediately declared in his favour; and the boy Antiochus with his tutor Lysias were seized by their own guards and put to death. (Polyb. xxxi. 12, 19-23; Appian, Syr. 46, 47; Justin, xxxiv. 3; Liv. Epit. xlvi.; Euseb. Arm. p. 166, fol. edit.; 1 M ace. vii.; Zonar. ix. 25,) As soon as he had established himself in the kingdom, Demetrius immediately sought to conciliate the favour of the Romans by sending them an embassy with valuable presents, and surrendering to them Leptines, who in the preceding reign had assassinated the Roman envoy, Cn. Octavius. Having thus succeeded in procuring his recognition as king, he appears to have thought that he might regulate at his pleasure the affairs of the East, and expelled Heracleides from Babylon, where as satrap he had made himself highly unpopular; for which service Demetrius first obtained from the Babylonians the title of Soter (Polyb. xxxii. 4, 6; Died, Exc. Leg. xxxi.; Appian, Syr. 47.) His measures against the Jews quickly drove them to take up arms again under Judas Maccabaeus, who defeated Nicanor, the general of Demetrius, and concluded an alliance with the Romans, by which they declared the independence of Judaea, and forbade Demetrius to oppress them. (Joseph. Ant. xii. 10; 1 Macc. vii. viii.) He further incurred the enmity of the Romans by expelling Ariarathes from Cappadocia, in order to substitute a creature of his own; the Roman senate espoused the cause of Ariarathes, and immediately restored him. (Polyb. xxxii. 20; Appian, Syr. 47; Liv. Epit. xlvii.; Justin, xxxv. 1.) While Demetrius was thus surrounded on al!
Page 967 DEMETRIUS. sides by enemies, his own subjects at Antioch were completely alienated from him by his luxury and intemperance. In this state of things, Heracleides, whom he had expelled from Babylon, set up against him an impostor of the name of Balas, who took the title of Alexander, and pretended to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes. This competitor appears to have been at first unsuccessful; but, having obtained the powerful protection of Rome, he was supported also with large forces by Attalus, king of Pergamus, Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, and Ptolemy Philometor, as well as by the Jews under Jonathan Maccabaeus. Demetrius met him in a pitched battle, in which he is said to have displayed the utmost personal valour, but was ultimately defeated and slain. (Polyb. xxxiii. 14, 16; Appian, Syr. 67; Diodor. Exc. Vales. xxxiii.; Justin, xxxv. 1; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 2; 1 Mace. x.; Euseb. Arm. p. 166.) Demetrius died in the year B. c. 150, having reigned between eleven and twelve years. (Clinton, F. H. iii. p. 323; Polyb. iii. 5.) He left two sons, Demetrius, surnamed Nicator, and Antiochus, called Sidetes, both of whom subsequently ascended the throne. [E. H. B.] COIN OF DEMETRIUS I. DEME'TRIUS (As&p-rpios) II., king of SYRIA, surnamed NICATOR (NuCdaTwp), was the son of Demetrius Soter. He had been sent by his father for safety to Cnidus, when Alexander Balas invaded Syria, and thus escaped falling into the hands of that usurper. After the death of his father he continued in exile for some years; but the vicious and feeble character of Balas having rendered him generally odious to his subjects, Demetrius determined to attempt the recovery of his kingdom, and assembled a body of mercenaries from Crete, with which he landed in Cilicia, B. c. 148 or 147. Ptolemy Philometor, who was at the time in the southern provinces of Syria with an army, immediately declared in his favour, and agreed to give him his daughter Cleopatra, who had been previously married to the usurper Balas, for his wife. With their combined forces they took possession of Antioch, and Alexander, who had retired to Cilicia, having returned to attack them, was totally defeated at the river Oenoparas. Ptolemy died of the injuries received in the battle, and Balas, having fled for refuge to Abae in Arabia, was murdered by his followers. (Justin. xxxv. 2; Liv. Epit. lii.; Diod. Exc. Photii, xxxii.; Appian, Syr. 67; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4; 1 lMacc. x. xi.) For this victory Demetrius obtained the title of Nicator; and now deeming himself secure both from Egypt and the usurper, he abandoned himself to the grossest vices, and by his excessive cruelties alienated the minds of his subjects, at the same time that he estranged the soldiery by dismissing all his troops except a body of Cretan mercenaries. This con DEMETRIUS. 967 duct emboldened one Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, to set up Antiochus, the infant son of Alexander Balas, as a pretender against him. Tryphon obtained the powerful support of Jonathan Maccabaeus, and succeeded in establishing his power firmly in a great part of Syria, and even in making himself master of Antioch. Demetrius, whether despairing of recovering these provinces, or desirous of collecting larger forces to enable him to do so, retired to Seleucia and Babylon, and from thence was led to engage in an expedition against the Parthians, in which, after various successes, he was defeated by stratagem, his whole army destroyed, and he himself taken prisoner, B. c. 138. (Justin, xxxvi. 1, xxxviii. 9; Liv. Epit. Iii.; Appian, Syr. 67; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 5; 1 Mace. xi. xiv.) According to Appian and Justin it would appear that the revolt of Tryphon did not take place till after the captivity of Demetrius, but the true sequence of events is undoubtedly that given in the book of the Maccabees. He was, however, kindly treated by the Parthian king Mithridates (Arsaces VI.), who though he sent him into Hyrcania, allowed him to live there in regal splendour, and even gave him his daughter Rhodogune in marriage. After the death of Mithridates he made various attempts to escape, but notwithstanding these was still liberally treated by Phraates, the successor of Mithridates. Meanwhile his brother, Antiochus Sidetes, having overthrown the usurper Tryphon and firmly established himself on the throne, engaged in war with Parthia, in consequence of which Phraates brought forward Demetrius, and sent him into Syria to operate a diversion against his brother. This succeeded better than the Parthian king had anticipated, and Antiochus having fallen in battle, Demetrius was able to reestablish himself on the throne of Syria, after a captivity of ten years, and to maintain himself there in spite of Phraates, B. c. 128. (Justin, xxxviii, 9, 10; Euseb. Arm. p. 167; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 8. ~ 4.) He even deemed himself strong enough to engage in an expedition against Egypt, but was compelled to abandon it by the general disaffection both of his soldiers and subjects. Ptolemy Physcon took advantage of this to set up against him the pretender Alexander Zebina, by whom he was defeated and compelled to fly. His wife Cleopatra, who could not forgive him his marriage with Rhodogune in Parthia, refused to afford him refuge at Ptolemais, and he fled to Tyre, where he was assassinated while endeavouring to make his escape by sea, B. c. 125. (Justin, xxxix. 1; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9. ~ 3, Euseb. Arm. p.168; Clinton, F. H. iii. pp. 333-5.) According to Appian (Syr. 68) and Livy (Epit. lx.), he was put to death by his wife Cleopatra. He left two sons, Seleucus, who was assassinated by order of Cleopatra, and Antiochus, surnamed 1~]~aI COIN OF DEMETRIUS II,
Page 968 968 DEMETRIUS. DEMETRIUS. Grypus. Demetrius II. bears on his coins, in Villoison, Proleg. ad Apollon. Lex. p. 27.) 29 addition to the title of Nicator, those of Theos 'EJ-yseo'ts els 'Hailoov. (Suidas.) 3. 'ET-vtoAoPhiladelphus. From the dates on them it appears -yodiEva or 'EsT'uoAoyfa. (Athen. ii. p. 50, iii. p. that some must have been struck during his cap- 64.) 4. rIepI TJs 'AAesav'pcov s8taAicrov. (Athen. tivity, as well as both before and after. This ac- ix. p. 393.) 5. 'ArTTrtKcl yAc A -a, of which a few cords also with the difference in the style of the fragments are still extant. (Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. portrait: those struck previous to his captivity 1568, Ran. 78, 186, 310, 1001, 1021, 1227.) having a youthful and beardless head, while the 6. On the Greek verbs terminating in /tL. (Suidas.) coins subsequent to that event present his portrait 2. Of ALEXANDRIA, a Cynic philosopher, and with a long beard, after the Parthian fashion, a disciple of Theombrotus. (Diog. Laert. v. 95.) (Eckhel, iii. pp. 229-31.) [E. H. B.] 3. Of ALEXANDRIA, a Peripatetic philosopher. DEME'TRIUS (An? -rptos)III., king of SYRIA, (Diog. Lairt. v. 84.) There is a work entitled 7rept surnamed EUCAERUS, was the fourth son of An- ipuvEidas, which has come down to us under the tiochus Grypus, and grandson of Demetrius II. name of Demetrius Phalereus, which however, for During the civil wars that followed the death of various reasons, cannot be his production: writers Antiochus Grypus, Demetrius was set up as of a later age (see e.g. ~~ 76, 231, 246, 308) are king of Damascus or Coele Syria, by the aid of referred to in it, and there are also words and exPtolemy Lathurus, king of Cyprus; and after the pressions which prove it to be a later work. Most death of Antiochus Eusebes, he and his brother critics are therefore inclined to ascribe it to our Philip for a time held the whole of Syria. (Joseph. Demetrius of Alexandria. It is written with Ant. xiii. 13. ~ 4.) His assistance was invoked by considerable taste, and with reference to the the Jews against the tyranny of Alexander Jan- best authors, and is a rich source of information naeus; but though he defeated that prince in a on the main points of oratory. If the work is pitched battle, he did not follow up his victory, the production of our Demetrius, who is known but withdrew to Beroea. War immediately broke to have written on oratory ('reXvua pfITopIKal, out between him and his brother Philip, and Diog. Laert. 1. c.), it must have been written in Straton, the governor of Beroea, who supported the time of the Antonines. It was first printed in Philip, having obtained assistance from the Ara- Aldus's Rhetores Graeci, i. p. 573, &c. Separate bians and Parthians, blockaded Demetrius in his modern editions were made by J. G. Schneider, camp, until he was compelled by famine to sur- Altenburg, 1779, 8vo., and Fr. Goller, Lips. 1837, render at discretion. He was sent as a prisoner to 8vo. The best critical text is that in Walz's RhieMithridates, king of Parthia (Arsaces IX.), who tor. Graec. vol. ix. init., who has prefixed valuable detained him in an honourable captivity till his prolegomena. death. (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 14.) The coins of 4. Of ASPENDUs, a Peripatetic philosopher, and this prince are important as fixing the chronology of a disciple of Apollonius of Soli. (Diog. Laert. v. 83.) his reign; they bear dates from the year 218 to 5. Of BITHYNIA. See below. 224 of the era of the Seleucidae, i. e. B. c. 94-88. 6. Of BYZANTIUM, a Greek historian, was the The surname Eucaerus is not found on these coins, author of two works (Diog. Laert. v. 83), the one some of which bear the titles Theos Philopator and containing an account of the migration of the Gauls Soter; others again Philometor Euergetes Callini- from Europe to Asia, in thirteen books, and the cus. (Eckhel, iii. pp. 245-6.) [E. H. B.] other a history of Ptolemy Philadelphus and AntiSt- ochus Soter, and of their administration of Libya. 0 lAE_ From the contents of these works we may infor, I\ ' /A.L -i2 with some probability, that Demetrius lived either A shortly after dr during the reign of those kings, Sunder whom the migration of the Gauls took place, | in B. c. 279. (Schmidt, de Fontibus Veterum in enarrand. Exped. Gallorum, p. 14, &c.) "7. Of BYZANTIUM, a Peripatetic philosopher COIN OF DEMETRIUS. (Diog. Lart. v. 83), who is probably the same as DEME'TRIUS ( Annrpios), literary. The the Demetrius (Id. ii. 20) beloved and instructed number of ancient authors of this name, as enume- by Crito, and wrote a work which is sometimes rated by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 413, &c.), called 7repl rwonrorCv, and sometimes repi rot?strwv amounts to nearly one hundred, twenty of whom (unless they were different works), the fourth book are recounted by Diogenes Labrtius. We subjoin of which is quoted by Athenaeus (x. p. 452, comp. a list of those who are mentioned by ancient au- xii. p. 548, xiv. p. 633). This is the only work thors, and exclude those who are unknown except mentioned by ancient writers; but, besides some from unpublished MSS. scattered about in various fragments of this, there have been discovered at libraries of Europe. Herculaneum fragments of two other works, viz. 1. Of ADRAMYTTIUM, surnamed IXION, which rsepi n Tv rvývT?vOrvrwv OtainTnav, and TrepI Tars surname is traced to various causes, among which IIoAvaivovu chropias. ( Volum. Herculan. i. p. 106, we may mention, that he was said to have committed &c., ed. Oxford.) It is further not impossible that a robbery in the temple of Hera at Alexandria. this philosopher may be the same as the one who (Suidas, s.v. A/U'prptos; Diog. Laert. v. 84.) He tried to dissuade Cato at Utica from committing was a Greek grammarian of the time of Augustus, suicide. (Plut. Cat. Min. 65.) and lived partly at Pergamus and partly at Alex- 8. Surnamed CALLATIANUS. [CALLATIANUS.] andria, where he belonged to the critical school of 9. CHOMATIANUS. [CHOMATIANUS.] Aristarchus. He is mentioned as the author of 10. CHRYSOLORAS. [CHRYSOLORAS.] the following works: 1. 'Ely',or elsr "Ouirpov, 11. Surnamed CHvTRAS, a Cynic philosopher at which is often referred to. (Suid. 1. c.; Eudoc. p. Alexandria, in the reign of Constantius, who, sus132; Schol. Venet. ad II. i. 424, iii. 18, vi. 437; pecting him guilty of forbidden practices, ordered
Page 969 DEMETRIUS. him to be tortured. The Cynic bore the pain inflicted on him as a true philosopher, and was afterwards set free again. (Ammian. Marc. xix. 12.) He is probably the same as the person mentioned by the emperor Julian (Orat. vii.) by the name of Chytron. (Vales. ad Anzmmian. lMarc. 1. c.) 12. Of CNIDUS, apparently a mythographer, is referred to by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 1165). 13. COMIC POET. See below. 14. Surnamed CYDONIUS, which surname was probably derived from his living at Cydone (Ku8wvsy) in Crete (Cantacuz. iv. 16, 39), for-he was a native either of Thessalonica or of Byzantium. (Volaterran. Commnent. Urb. xv.; Allatius, de Consensu, p. 856.) He flourished during the latter half of the fourteenth century. The emperor Joannes Cantacuzenus was much 'attached to him, and raised him to high offices at his court. When the emperor began to meditate upon embracing the monastic life, Demetrius joined him in his design, and in A. D. 1355 both entered the same monastery. Afterwards Demetrius for a time left his country, and went to Milan, where he devoted himself to the study of Latin and theology. He died in a monastery of Crete, but was still alive in A. D. 1384, when Manuel Palaeologus succeeded to the throne, for we still possess a letter addressed by Demetrius to the emperor on his accession. Demetrius is the author of a considerable number of theological and other works, many of which have not yet been published, and he also translated' several works from the Latin into Greek. The following are the most important among the works which have appeared in print: 1. Two Epistles addressed to Nicephorus Gregoras and Philotheus. They are prefixed to J. Boivin's edition of Nicephorus Gregoras, Paris, 1702, fol. 2. Monodia, that is, lamentations on those who had fallen at Thessalonica during the disturbances of 1343. It is printed in Combefisius's edition of Theophanes, Paris, 1586, fol. p. 385, &c. 3. 1vAG~ovXevTs1KOs, that is, an oration addressed to the Greeks, in which he gives them his advice as to how the danger which threatened them from the Turks might be averted. It is printed in Combefisius's Auctar. Nov. ii. p. 1221, &c. 4. On Callipolis, which Demetrius advised the Greeks not to surrender to sultan Miirat, who made its surrender the condition of peace. Combefisius, Aucter. Nov. ii. p. 1284, &c. 5. rIepi r70o icaTaopovesv oy v v avardv, was first edited by R. Seiler, Basel, 1553, and last and best by Kuinoel, Leipzig, 1786, 8vo. 6. An Epistle to Barlaam, on the procession of the Holy Ghost, is printed in Canisius, Lect..Antiq. vol. vi. p. 4, &c., ed. Ingolstadt, 1604. 7. A work against Gregorius Palama, was first edited by P. Arcudius in his Opuscula Aurea Thieol. Gr. (Rome, 1630, 4to., and reprinted in 1671), which also contain- 8. A work against Max. Planudes. (Wharton, Append. to C ve's Histor. Lit. vol. i. p. 47, &c.; Cave, vol. i. p. 510, ed. Lond. 1688; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 398, &c.) 15. Of CYRENE, surnamed Stamnus ( r2dTeVos), whom Diogenes Lahrtius (v. 84) calls a remarkable man, but of whom nothing further is known. 16. Of CARTHAGE, a rhetorician, who lived previous to the time of Thrasymachus. (Diog. Laert. v. 83.) 17. Metropolitan of CyzIcus, and surnamed SYNCELLUs. He is mentioned by Joannes Scylitza and Georgius Cedrenus in the introductions DEMETRIUS. 961 to their works, from which we may infer, that he lived about the middle of the eleventh century after Christ. He wrote an exposition of the heresy of the Jacobites and Chatzitzarians, which is printed with a Latin translation in Combefisius. (Auctarium Nov. ii. p. 261.) Another work on prohibited marriages is printed in Leunclavius. (Jus Graeco-Rom. iv. p. 392.) Some works of his are still extant in MS. in the libraries of Paris, Rome, and Milan. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 414.) 18. An EPIC poet, of whom, in the time of Diogenes Laertius (v. 85), nothing was extant except three verses on envious persons, which are still preserved. They are quoted by Suidas also (s. v. pQovc) without the author's name. 19. An EPICUREAN philosopher, and a disciple of Protarchus, was a native of Laconia. (Diog. LaUrt. x. 26; Strab. xiv. p. 658; Sext. Empir. Pyrrlion. Hypotl. ~ 137, with the note of Fabric.) 20. Of ERYTHRAE, a Greek poet, whom Diogenes Laertius (v. 85) calls a Tro1(LN0oypi'pos divOpw-cros, and who also wrote historical and rhetorical works. He seems to have been a contemporary of the grammarian Tyrannion, whom he opposed. (Suid. s. v. Tvpavviw6.) 21. Of ERYTHRAE, a Greek grammarian, who obtained the civic franchise in Temnus. (Diog. Labrt. v. 84.) 22. Surnamed rovvY'evoos, is mentioned among the grammarians who wrote on the Homeric poems. (Schol. Venet. ad Homn. II. viii. 233, xiii. 137.) 23. Of ILIUM, wrote a history of Troy, which is referred to by Eustathius (ad Hosm. Od. xi. p. 452) and Eudocia (p. 128). 24. The author of a work on the kings of the JEWS, from which a statement respecting the captivity of the Jews is quoted. (Hieronym. Catal. II. Script. 38; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 146.) 25. Of MAGNESIA, a Greek grammarian, a contemporary of Cicero and Atticus. (Cic. ad Att. viii. 11, iv. 11.) He had, in Cicero's recollection, sent Atticus a work of his on concord, TrepI 6dovoias, which Cicero also was anxious to read. A second work of his, which is often referred to, was 'of an historical and philological nature, and treated of poets and other authors who bore the same name. ( iepi t ico'gvmwv roirrTwv Kical oevyypapewv; Diog. Laert. i. 38, 79, 112, ii. 52, 56, v. 3, 75, 89, vi. 79, 84, 88, vii. 169, 185, viii. 84, ix. 15, 27, 35, x. 13; Plut. Vit. X Oral. pp. 844, b., 847, a., Demosth. 15, 27, 28, 30; Harpocrat. s. v. 'Icroaoe, and niany other passages; Athen.. xiii. p. 611; Dionys. Deinarch. 1.) This important work, to judge from what is quoted from it, contained the lives of the persons treated of, and a critical examination of their merits. 26. Surnamed MoscHus, a Greek grammarian, who is the author of the argumentum to the AL6LKa, which bear the name of Orpheus. It is said, that there are also glosses by him upon the same poem in MS. at Paris. He lived in the 15th century of our aera. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 418.) 27. Of ODESSA, is mentioned as the author of a work on his native city. (Steph. Byz.s. v. 'Olwa-ro'd.) 28. PHALEREUS, the most distinguished among all the literary persons of this name. He was at once an orator, a statesman, a philosopher, and a poet. His surname Phalereus is given him from his birthplace, the Attic demos of Phalerus, where he was born about 01. 108 or 109, a* c. 345. IHe was the son of Phanostratus, a
Page 970 970 DEMETRIUS. man without rank or property (Diog. Laeirt. v. 75; Aelian, V. H. xii. 43); but notwithstanding this, he rose to the highest honours at Athens through his great natural powers and his perseverance. He was educated, together with the poet Menander, in the school of Theophrastus. He began his public career about B. c. 325, at the time of the disputes respecting Harpalus, and soon acquired a great reputation by the talent he displayed in public speaking. He belonged to the party of Phocion; and as he acted completely in the spirit of that statesman, Cassander, after the death of Phocion in B. C. 317, placed Demetrius at the head of the administration of Athens. He filled this office for ten years in such a manner, that the Athenians in their gratitude conferred upon him the most extraordinary distinctions, and no less than 360 statues were erected to him. (Diog. LaUrt. 1. c.; Diod. xix. 78; Corn. Nep. iMiltiad. 6.) Cicero says of his administration, "Atheniensium rem publicam exsanguem jam et jacentem sustentavit." (De Re Publ. ii. 1.) But during the latter period of his administration he seems to have become intoxicated with his extraordinary good fortune, and he abandoned himself to every kind of dissipation. (Athen. vi. p. 272, xii. p. 542; Aelian, V. IH. ix. 9, where the name of Demetrius Poliorcetes is a mistake for Demetrius Phalereus; Polyb. xii. 13.) This conduct called forth a party of malcontents, whose exertions and intrigues were crowned in B. c. 307, on the approach of Demetrius Poliorcetes to Athens, when Demetrius Phalereus was obliged to take to flight. (Plut. Demet. 8; Dionys. Deinarch. 3.) His enemies even contrived to induce the people of Athens to pass sentence of death upon him, in consequence of which his friend Menander nearly fell a victim. All his statues, with the exception of one, were demolished. Demetrius Phalereus first went to Thebes (Plut. Demetr. 9; Diod. xx. 45), and thence to the court of Ptolemy Lagi at Alexandria, with whom he lived for many years on the best terms, and who is even said to have entrusted to him the revision of the laws of his kingdom. (Aelian, V. H. iii. 17.) During his stay at Alexandria, he devoted himself mainly to literary pursuits, ever cherishing the recollection of his own country. (Plut. de Exil. p. 602, f.) The successor of Ptolemy Lagi, however, was hostile towards Demetrius, probably for having advised his father to appoint another of his sons as his successor, and Demetrius was sent into exile to Upper Egypt, where he is said to have died of the bite of a snake. (Diog. Laert. v. 78; Cic. pro Rabir. Post. 9.) His death appears to have taken place soon after the year B. c. 283. Demetrius Phalereus was the last among the Attic orators worthy of the name (Cic. Brut. 8; Quintil. x. 1. ~ 80), and his orations bore evident marks of the decline of oratory, for they did not possess the sublimity which characterizes those of Demosthenes: those of Demetrius were soft, insinuating, and rather effeminate, and his style was graceful, elegant, and blooming (Cic. Brut. 9, 82, de Orat. ii. 23, Orat. 27; Quintil. x. 1. ~ 33); but he maintained withal a happy medium between the sublime grandeur of Demosthenes, and the flourishing declamations of his successors. His numerous writings, the greater part of which he probably composed during his residence in Egypt (Cic. de Fin. v. 9), embraced subjects of the most varied kinds, and the list of them given by DEMETRIUS. Diogenes Laertius (v. 80, &c.) shews that he was a man of the most extensive acquirements. These works, which were partly historical, partly political, partly philosophical, and partly poetical, have all perished. The work on elocution (7repl epipy?veias) which has come down under his name, is probably the work of an Alexandrian sophist of the name of Demetrius. [See above, No. 3.] It is said that A. Mai has discovered in a Vatican palimpsest some genuine fragments of Demetrius Phalereus. For a list of his works see Diogenes Laertius, who has devoted a chapter to him. (v. 5.) His literary merits are not confined to what he wrote, for he was a man of a practical turn of mind, and not a mere scholar of the closet; whatever he learned or knew was applied to the practical business of life, of which the following facts are illustrations. The performance of tragedy had greatly fallen into disuse at that time at Athens, on account of the great expenses involved in it; and in order to afford the people less costly and yet intellectual amusement, he caused the Homeric and other poems to be recited on the stage by rhapsodists. (Athen. xiv. p. 620; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1473.) It is also believed that it was owing to his influence with Ptolemy Lagi that books were collected at Alexandria, and that he thus laid the foundation of the library which was formed under Ptolemy Philadelphus. There is, however, no reason whatever for calling him the first in the series of librarians at Alexandria, any more than there is for the belief that he took part in the Greek translation of the Septuagint. A life of Demetrius Phalereus was written by Asclepiadas (Athen. xiii. p. 567), but it is lost. Among the modern works upon him and his merits, see Bonamy, in the M1imoires de l'Acad. des Inscript. vol. viii. p. 157, &c.; IH. Dohrn, De Vita et Rebus Demetrii Phlalerei, Kiel, 1825, 4to.; Parthey, Das Alexandr. Museum, pp. 35, &c., 38, &c., 71; Ritschl, Die Alexand. Biblioth. p. 15. 29. A PLATONIC philosopher who lived in the reign of Ptolemy Dionysus, about B. c. 85. (Lucian, de Calumn. 16.) He was opposed to the extravagant luxuries of the court of Ptolemy, and was charged with drinking water and not appearing in woman's dress at the Dionysia. Ie was punished by being compelled publicly to drink a quantity of wine and to appear in woman's clothes. He is probably the same as the Demetrius mentioned by M, Aurelius Antoninus (viii. 25), whom Gataker con. founds with Demetrius Phalereus. 30. Surnamed PGTGIL, a Greek grammarian, is mentioned as the author of a work repli taXAKTrou (Etymol. Magn. s. v. jpw'Aw,), and seems also to have written on Homer. (Apollon. Soph. s. v. dsraJo'cevos.) 31. Of SAGALAssUs, the author of a work entitled TlapfOovs ucd. (Lucian, de Hlist. Conscrib. 32.) 32. Of SALAMIs, wrote a work on the island of Cyprus. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Kapararia.) 33. Of SCEPSIS, was a Greek grammarian of the time of Aristarchus and Crates. (Strab. xiii. p. 609.) He was a man of good family and an acute philologer. (Diog. Laert. v. 84.) He was the author of a very extensive work which is very often referred to, and bore the title Tpwco's &idlcoarpos. It consisted of at least twenty-six books. (Strab. xiii. p. 603 and passim; Athen. iii. pp. 80, 91; Steph. Byz. s. v. lAhlvSio.) This work was an historical and geographical commen
Page 971 DEMETRIUS. tary on that part of the second book of the Iliad in which the forces of the Trojans are enumerated. (Comp. Harpocrat. s. vv. 'Aapadrov-to, Svpywwvi1a; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 1123, 1165.) He is sometimes simply called the Scepsian (Strab. ix. pp. 438, 439, x. pp. 456, 472, 473, 489), and sometimes simply Demetrius. (Strab. xii. pp. 551, 552, xiii. pp. 596, 600, 602.) The numerous other passages in which Demetrius of Scepsis is mentioned or quoted, are collected by Westermann on Vossius, De Ilist. Graec. p. 179, &c. 34. Of SMYRNA, a Greek rhetorician of uncertain date. (Diog. Laert. v. 84.) 35. Of SUNIuM, a Cynic philosopher, was educated in the school of the sophist Rhodius, and was an intimate friend of the physician Antiphilus. He is said to have travelled up the Nile for the purpose of seeing the pyramids and the statue of Memnon. (Lucian, Toxar. 27, adv. Indoct. 19.) He appears, however, to have spent some part of his life at Corinth, where he acquired great celebrity as a-teacher of the Cynic philosophy, and was a strong opponent of Apollonius of Tyana. (Philostr. Vit. Apoll. iv. 25.) His life falls in the reigns of Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, and Domitian. IHe was a frank and open-hearted man, who did not scruple to censure even the most powerful when he thought that they deserved it. In consequence of this, he was sent into exile, but he preserved the same noble freedom and independence, notwithstanding his poverty and sufferings; and on one occasion, when the emperor Vespasian during a journey met him, Demetrius did not shew the slightest symptom of respect. Vespasian was indulgent enough to take no other vengeance except by calling him a dog. (Senec. de Benef vii. 1, 8; Suet. Vespas. 13; Dion Cass. lxvi. 13; Tacit. Ann. xvi. 34, Hist. iv. 40; Lucian, de Saltat. 63.) 36. SYNCELLUS. See No. 17. 37. A SYRIAN, a Greek rhetorician, who lectured on rhetoric at Athens. Cicero, during his stay there in B. c. 79, was a very diligent pupil of his. (Cic. Brut. 91.) 38. Of TARSUS, a poet who wrote Satyric dramas. (Diog. Laert. v. 85.) The name TapotiKS, which Diogenes applies to him, is believed by Casaubon (de Satyr. Poes. p. 153, &c. ed. Ramshorn) to refer to a peculiar kind of poetry rather than to the native place of Demetrius. Another Demetrius of Tarsus is introduced as a speaker in Plutarch's work " de Oraculorum Defectu," where he is described as returning home from Britain, but nothing further is known about him. 39. A TRAGIC actor, mentioned by Hesychius (s. v. Amrnipros): he may be the same as the M. Demetrius whom Acron (ad Horat. Sat. i. 10. 18, 79) describes as a " SpataTotroto's, i. e. modulator, histrio, actor fabularum." Horace himself treats him with contempt, and calls him an ape. Weichert (de IHorat. Obtrect. p. 283, &c.) supposes that he was only a person who lived at Rome in the time of Horace and taught the art of scenic declamation; while others consider him to be the Sicilian, Demetrius Megas, who obtained the Roman franchise from J. Caesar through the influence of Dolabella, and who is often mentioned under the name of P. Cornelius. 40. Of TROEZENE, a Greek grammarian, who is referred to by Athenaeus. (i. p. 29, iv. p. 139.) He is probably the same as the one who, accord DEMETRIUS. 971 ing to Diogenes LaUrtius (viii. 74), wrote against the sophists. Besides these, there are some writers of the name of Demetrius who cannot be identified with any of those here mentioned, as neither their native places nor any surnames are mentioned by which they might be recognized. For example, Demetrius the author of " Pamphyliaca." (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 440), Demetrius, the author of "Argolica" (Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 14), and Demetrius the author of a work entitled 7replr 7TV /car-' A'ryvr"Tro. (Athen. xv. p. 680.) In Suidas (s. v. 'Iovasa), where we read of an historian Democritus, we have probably to read Demetrius. [L. S.] DEME'TRIUS (Ammm'rptos), of BITHYNIA, an epigrammatic poet, the author of two distiches on the cow of Myron, in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 65; Jacobs, ii. 64.) It is not known whether he was the same person as the philosopher Demetrius of Bithynia, son of Diphilus, whom Diogenes Laertius mentions (v. 84). Diogenes (v. 85) also mentions an epic poet named Demetrius, three of whose verses he preserves; and also a Demetrius of Tarsus, a satyric poet [see above, No. 38], and another Demetrius, an iambic poet, whom he calls 'rurpdc davpp. The epigrams of Demetrius are very indifferent. [P. S.] DEME'TRIUS ( Amnl^Tpios), an Athenian COMIC POET of the old comedy. (Diog. Laert. v. 85.) The fragments which are ascribed to him contain allusions to events which took place about the 92nd and 94th Olympiads (n. c. 412, 404); but there is another in which mention is made of Seleucus and Agathocles. This would bring the life of the author below the 118th Olympiad, that is, upwards of 100 years later than the periods suggested by the other fragments. The only explanation is that of Clinton and Meineke, who suppose two Demetrii, the one a poet of the old comedy, the other of the new. That the later fragment belongs to the new comedy is evident from its subject as well as from its date. To the elder Demetrius must be assigned the:XueAla or ZucsEAol, which is quoted by Athenaeus (iii. p. 108, f.), Aelian (N. A. xii. 10), Hesychius (s.. 'Eirnpovs), and the Etymologicon Magnum (s. v. "E/lpppoi). Other quotations, without the mention of the play from which they are taken, are made by Athenaeus (ii. p. 56, a.) and Stobaeus (Florileg. ii. 1). The only fragment of the younger Demetrius is that mentioned above, from the 'ApeoTra'yi-rs (Ath. ix. p. 405, e.), which fixes his date, in Clinton's opinion, after 299 B. c. (Clinton, F. H. sub ann.; Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec. i. pp. 264-266, ii. pp. 876-878, iv. pp. 539, 540.) [P. S.] DEME'TRIUS (A-q'-rptos), the name of several ancient physicians, who are often confounded together, and whom it is not always easy to distinguish with certainty. 1. A native of Apamea in Bithynia, who was a follower of Herophilus, and therefore lived probably in the third or second century B. c. He is frequently quoted by Caelius Aurelianus, who has preserved the titles of some of his works, and some extracts from them. In some places he is called "Attaleus" (De M/orb. Acut. iii. 18, p. 249; De MAlorb. Chron. ii. 2, p. 367), but this is only a mistake for " Apameus," as is proved by the same passage being quoted in one place (p. 249) from Demetrius Attaleus, and in another from Demetrius
Page 972 972 DEMETRIUS. Apameus. (De Morb. Chron. v. 9, p. 581.) He is also several times quoted by Soranus. (De Arte Obstetr. pp. 99, 101, 102, 206, 210, 285.) 2. A physician called by Galen by the title of Archiater (De Antid. i. 1, vol. xiv. p. 4; De Theriaca ad Pison. c. 12, vol. xiv. p. 261), must have lived in the second century after Christ, as that title was not invented till the reign of Nero. (Diet. of Ant. s. v. Archiater.) Galen speaks of him as a contemporary. 3. A native of Bithynia, who is quoted by Heracleides of Tarentum (apud Gal. De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. iv. 7, vol. xiii. p. 722), must have lived about the third or second century B. c., as Mantias, the tutor of Heraclides, was a pupil of Herophilus. He is probably the same person as the native of Apamea. 4. DEMETRIUS PEPAGOMENUS. [PEPAGOMENUS.] [W. A. G.] DEME'TRIUS, artists. 1. An architect, who, in conjunction with Paeonius, finished the great temple of Artemis at Ephesus, which Chersiphron had begun about 220 years before. He probably lived about B. c. 340, but his date cannot be fixed with certainty. Vitruvius calls him servus Dianae, that is, a lepdo'ovAos. (Vitruv. vii. Praef. ~ 16; CHERSIPHON.) 2. A statuary of some distinction. Pliny mentions his statue of Lysimache, who was a priestess of Athena for sixty-foui years; his statue of Athena, which was called Musica (Upovohci`), because the serpents on the Gorgon's head sounded like the strings of a lyre when struck; and his equestrian statue of Simon, who was the earliest writer on horsemanship. (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 15.) Now Xenophon mentions a Simon who wrote 7replt lnrmKis, and who dedicated in the Eleusinium at Athens a bronze horse, on the base of which his own feats of horsemanship (ra iavnroev Cpya) were represented in relief (--repi insrircijs, 1, init.). The Eleusinium was built by Pericles. It would seem therefore that Simon, and consequently Demetrius, lived between the time of Pericles and the latter part of Xenophon's life, that is, in the latter half of the fifth or the former half of the fourth century B. c. It is not likely, therefore, that he could have been a contemporary of Lysippus, as Meyer supposes. Hirt mentions a basrelief in the Museo Nani, at Venice, which he thinks may have been copied from the equestrian statue of Simon. (Gesch. d. Bild. Kunst. p. 191.) According to Quintilian (xii. 10), Demetrius was blamed for adhering in his statues so closely to the likeness as to impair their beauty. He is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (v. 85). There can be little doubt that he is the same person as Demetrius of Alopece, whose bronze statue of Pellichus is described by Lucian (Philops. 18, 20), who, on account of the defect just mentioned, calls Demetrius ol Seosroios -rS, TiAA' dvOpwnrowomus. AO A-Uji'rpIos Aippr-JTpio 'yAvpevds is mentioned in an extant inscription. (Biickh, i. 1330, No. 1409.) 3. A painter, whose time is unknown. (Diog. Laert. v, 83.) Perhaps he is the same who is mentioned by Diodorus (Exc. Vat. xxxi. 8) as AriT-rpOSs o6 Tororypd/os, or, as Muiller reads, roiyoypcdpos (Arch. d. Kunst. ~ 182, n. 2), and who lived at Rome about B. c. 164. Valerius Maximus calls him pictor Alexandrinus (v. 1. ~ 1). 4. An Ephesian silversmith, who made silver DEMOCEDES. shrines for Artemis. (Acts of tle Apostles, xix. 24.) [P. S.] DEMIA'NUS, CLAU'DIUS, a contemporary of Nero. He had been thrown into prison by L. Vetus, the proconsul of Asia, for his criminal conduct; but he was released by Nero, that he might join Fortunatus, a freedman of L. Vetus, in accusing his patron. (Tac. Anni. xvi. 10.) [L. S.] DE'MIPHON, a king of Phlagusa, who, in order to avert a pestilence, was commanded by an oracle every year to sacrifice a noble maiden. He obeyed the command, and had every year a maiden drawn by lot, but did not allow his own daughters to draw lots with the rest. One Mastusius, whose daughter had been sacrificed, was indignant at the king's conduct, and invited him and his daughters to a sacrificial feast. Mastusius killed the king's daughters, and gave their blood in a cup to the father to drink. The king, on discovering the deed, ordered Mastusius and the cup to be thrown into the sea, which hence received the name of the Mastusian. (Hygin. Poet. Astr. ii. 40. [L. S.] DEMIURGUS (Ampunpovpyo's), the author, according to the Vatican Codex, of a single epigram in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. iii. 257; Jacobs, iv. 224, No. DIL, xiii. 882.) [P. S.] DEMO (A-qtic), a name of Demeter. (Suidas, s. v. Ap7/ip.) It also occurs as a proper name of other mythical beings, such as the Cumaean Sibyl (Paus. x. 12. ~ 1) and a daughter of Celeus and Metaneira, who, together with her sisters, kindly received Demeter at the well Callichoros in Attica. (Hom. fHymsn. in Cer. 109.) [L. S.] DEMOCE'DES (Ap71onwlqS s), the son of Calliphon, a celebrated physician of Crotona, in Magna Graecia, who lived in the sixth century B. c. He left his native country and went to Aegina, where he received from the public treasury the sum of one talent per annum for his medical services, i. e. (if we reckon, with Hussey, Ancient Weights and iMloney, &c., the Aeginetan drachma to be worth one shilling and a penny three farthings) not quite 3441. TIhe next year he went to Athens, where he was paid one hundred minae, i. e. rather more than 4061.; and the year following he removed to the island of Samos in the Aegean sea, and received from Polycrates, the tyrant, the increased salary of two talents, i. e. (if the Attic standard be meant) 4871. 10s. (Herod. iii. 131.) He accompanied Polycrates when he was seized and put to death by Oroetes, the Persian governor of Sardis (B. c. 522), by whom he was himself seized and carried prisoner to Susa to the court of Dareius, the son of Hystaspes. Here he acquired great riches and reputation by curing the king's foot, and tlhe breast of the queen Atossa. (Ibid. c. 133.) It is added by Dion Chrysostom (Dissert. i. De Invid. p. 652, sq.), that Dareius ordered the physicians who had been unable to cure him to be put to death, and that they were saved at the intercession of Democedes. Notwithstanding his honours at the Persian court, he was always desirous of returning to his native country. In order to effect this, he pretended to enter into the views and interests of the Persians, and procured by means of Atossa that he should be sent with some nobles to explore the coast of Greece, and ascertain in what parts it might be most successfully attacked. When they arrived at Tarentum, the king, Aristophilides, out of kindness to Democedes, seized the Persians as spies, which afforded the physician
Page 973 DEMOCHARES. an opportunity of escaping to Crotona. Here he finally settled, and married the daughter of the famous wrestler, Milo; the Persians having followed him to Crotona, and in vain demanded that he should be restored. (Herod. iii. 137.) According to Suidas (s. v.) he wrote a work on Medicine. He is mentioned also by Aelian (JV. H. viii. 17) and John Tzetzes (Hist. ix. 3); and Dion Cassius names him with Hippocrates (xxxviii. 18) as two of the most celebrated physicians of antiquity. By Dion Chrysostom he is called by mistake Demodocus. [W. A. G.] DEMO'CHARES (Aqoxadp-s). 1. A son of Laches, a Greek philosopher and friend of Arcesilas and Zeno. (Diog. Laert. iv. 41, vii. 14.) "2. Of Paeania in Attica, a son of Demosthenes's sister. He inherited the true patriotic sentiments of his great uncle, though it cannot perhaps be denied, that in his mode of acting and speaking he transgressed the boundaries of a proper freedom and carried it to the verge of impudence. Timaeus in his history calumniated his personal character, but Demochares has found an able defender in Polybius. (xii. 13.) After the death of Demosthenes, he was one of the chief supporters of the antiMacedonian party at Athens, and distinguished himself as a man of the greatest energy both in words and deeds. (Athen. xiii. p. 593; Plut. Demetr. 24; Aelian, V. H. iii. 7, viii. 12.) His political merits are detailed in the psephisma which is preserved in Plutarch ( Vit. XOrat. p. 851), and which was carried on the proposal of his son Laches. There are considerable difficulties in restoring the chronological order of the leading events of his life, and we shall confine ourselves here to giving an outline of them, as they have been made out by Droysen in the works cited below. After the restoration of the Athenian democracy in B. c. 307 by Demetrius Poliorcetes, Demochares was at the head of the patriotic party, and remained in that position till B. c. 303, when he was compelled by the hostility of Stratocles to flee from Athens. (Plut. Demetr. 24.) He returned to Athens in B. c. 298, and in the beginning of the war which lasted for four years, from B. c. 297 to 294, and in which Demetrius Poliorcetes recovered the influence in Greece, which he had lost at the battle of Ipsus, Demochares fortified Athens by repairing its walls, and provided the city with ammunition and provision. In the second year of that war (B. c. 296) he was sent as ambassador, first to Philip (Seneca, de Ira, iii. 23), and afterwards to Antipater, the son of Cassander. (Polyb. 1. c.) In the same year he concluded a treaty with the Boeotians, in consequence of which he was expelled soon after by the antidemocratic party, probably through the influence of Lachares. In the archonship of Diodes, B. c. 287 or 286, however, he again returned to Athens, and distinguished himself in the administration of the public finances, especially by reducing the expenditure. About B. c. 282 he was sent as ambassador to Lysimachus, from whom he obtained at first thirty, and afterwards one hundred talents. At the same time he proposed an embassy to the king of Egypt, from which the Athenians gained the sum of fifty talents. The last act of his life of which we have any record, is that, in B. c. 280, in the archonship of Gorgias, he proposed and carried the decree in honour of his uncle Demosthenes. (Plut. Vit. X Orat. pp. 847, 850.) DEMOCOPUS MYRILLA. 973 Demochares developed his talents and principles in all probability under the direction of Demosthenes, and he came forward as a public orator as early as B. c. 322, when Antipater demanded of the Athenians to deliver up to him the leaders of the popular party. (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 847.) Some time after the restoration of the democracy he supported Sophocles, who proposed a decree that no philosopher should establish a school without the sanction of the senate and people, and that any one acting contrary to this law should be punished with death. (Diog. Lairt. v. 38; Athen. v. pp. 187, 215, xi. p. 508, xiii. p. 610; Pollux, ix. 42; Euseb. Praep. Evang. xv. 2. Comp. SOPHOCLES.) Demochares left behind him not only several orations (a fragment of one of them is preserved in Rutilius Lupus [p. 7, &c.], but also ar extensive historical work, in which he related the history of his own time, but which, as Cicero says, was written in an oratorical rather than an historical style. (Cic. Brut. 83, de Orat. ii. 23.) The twenty-first book of it is quoted by Athenaeus (vi. p. 252, &c. Comp. Plut. Demosth. 30; Lucian, Macrob. 10.) With the exception of a few fragments, his orations as well as his history are lost. (Droysen, Gesch. der Nacifolyer Alexand. p. 497, &c., and more especially his essay in the Zeitschrift fiir die Alterthumsnissensclifct for 1836, Nos. 20 and 21; Westermann, Gesch. der Griech. Beredts. ~ 53, notes 12 and 13. ~ 72, note 1). 3. Of Leuconoe in Attica, was married to the mother of Demosthenes, who mentions him in his orations against Aphobus (pp. 818, 836). Ruhnken (ad Rutil. Lup. p. 7, &c.) confounds him with the nephew of Demosthenes. 4. Of Soli, a Greek poet, of whom Plutarch (Demetr. 27) has preserved a sarcasm upon Demetrius Poliorcetes. [L. S.] DEMOCLEITUS. [CLEOXENUS.] DEMOCLES (A-sLOKýjs). 1. Of Phigaleia, one of the ancient Greek historians. (Dionys. de Thucyd.jud. 5; Strab. i. p. 58.) 2. An Attic orator, and a contemporary of Demochares, among whose opponents he is mentioned. (Timaeus, ap. Harpocrat.. s.v.C 'd ir epov trp.) He was a disciple of Theophrastus, and is chiefly known as the defender of the children of Lycurgus against the calumnies of Moerocles and Menesaechmus. (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 842, D.) It seems that in the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, some orations of Democles were still extant, since that critic (Deinarch. 11) attributes to him an oration, which went by the name of Deinarchus. It must be observed that Dionysius and Suidas call this orator by the patronymic form of his name, Democleides, and that Ruhnken (Hist. crit. orat. Graec. p. 92) is inclined to consider him as the same person with Democleides who was archon in B. C. 316. (Diod. xix. 17.) 3. Surnamed the Beautiful, an Athenian youth, who was beloved by Demetrius Poliorcetes, and on one occasion being surprised by his lover in the bath, escaped from his voluptuous embraces by leaping into a caldron filled with boiling water. (Plut. Demetr. 24.) [L S.] DEMOCOON (AqEousdwv), a natural son of Priam, who came from Abydos to assist his father against the Greeks, but was slain by Odysseus. (Hom. II. iv. 500; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5.) [L. S.] DEMOCOPUS MYRILLA, was the architect
Page 974 974 DEMOCRITUS. of the theatre at Syracuse, about B. c. 420. (Eustath. ad Homn. Od. iii. 68.) [P. S.] DEMO'CRATES. [DAMOCRATES.] DEMO'CRATES (A-oecpdacir-). 1. OfAphidna, an Attic orator of the time of Demosthenes, who belonged to the anti-Macedonian party. He was a son of Sophilus, and was sent with other ambassadors to Philip to receive his oath to the treaty with Athens. He was also one of the ambassadors who accompanied Demosthenes to the Thebans, to conclude a treaty with them against Philip. As an orator he seems to have been a man of second rate. (Demosth. de Coron. pp. 235, 291.) A fragment of one of his orations is preserved in Aristotle. (Rhet. iii 4. ~ 3.) 2. A Pythagorean philosopher, concerning whom absolutely nothing is known. A collection of moral maxims, called the golden sentences (y1wi'aet Xpoucra) has come down to us under his name, and are distinguished for their soundness and simplicity. They are written in the Ionic dialect, from which some writers have inferred, that they were written at a very early period, whereas others think it more probable that they are the production of the age of J. Caesar. But nothing can be said with certainty, for want of both external and internal evidence. Some of these sentences are quoted by Stobaeus, and are found in some MSS. under the name of Democritus, which however seems to be a mere mistake, arising from the resemblance of the two names. They are collected and printed in the several editions of the sentences of Demophilus. [DEMOPHILUS.] 3. An Epicurean philosopher, who according to Plutarch (c. Epicur. p. 1100) was charged by Epicurus with having copied from his works. He may possibly be the same as the Democrates who according to the same Plutarch (Polit. Praecept. p. 803) lived at Athens about B. c. 340. 4. Of Tenedos, a distinguished wrestler, of whom there was a statue at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 17. ~ 1.) He is probably the same as the one of whom an anecdote is related by Aelian. ( V. H. iv. 15.) [L. S.] DEMO'CRINES (Aqsoeecpituvs), a Greek grammarian, who is referred to in the Venetian Scholia on Homer (II. ii. 744. Comp. Villoison, Proleg. p. xxx.) [L. S.] DEMOCRITUS. [DAMOCRITUS.] DEMO'CRITUS (AisedKcptroe), was a native of Abdera in Thrace, an Ionian colony of Teos. (Aristot. de Coel. iii. 4, JMeteor. ii. 7, with Ideler's note.) Some called him a Milesian, and the name of his father too is stated differently. (Diog. Lairt. ix. 34, &c.) His birth year was fixed by Apollodorus in 01. 80. 1, or B. c. 460, while Thrasyllus had referred it to 01. 77. 3. (Diog. Laert. 1. c. ~ 41, with Menage's note; Gellius, xvii..21; Clinton, F. H. ad ann. 460.) Democritus had called himself'forty years younger than Anaxagoras. Hils father, Hegesistratus,-or as others called him Damasippus or Athenocritus,-was possessed of so large a property, that he was able to receive and treat Xerxes on his march through Abdera. Democritus spent the inheritance, which his father left him, on travels into distant countries, which he undertook to satisfy his extraordinary thirst for knowledge. He travelled over a great part of Asia, and, as some state, he even reached India and Aethiopia. (Cic. de Fin. v. 19; Strabo, xvi. p 703; A. H. C. Geffers, Quaestiones Democrit. DEMOCRITUS. p. 15, &c.) We know that he wrote on Babylon and Meroe; lie must also have visited Egypt, and Diodorus Siculus (i. 98) even states, that he lived there for a period of five years. -JHe himself declared (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 304), that among his contemporaries none had made greater journeys, seen more countries, and made the acquaintance of more men distinguished in every kind of science than himself. Among the last he mentions in particular the Egyptian mathematicians (dpIreso'asrTra; comp. Sturz, de Dialect. Maced. p. 98), whose knowledge he praises, without, however, regarding himself inferior to them. Theophrastus, too, spoke of him as a man who had seen many countries. (Aelian, V. TH. iv. 20; Diog. Laert. ix. 35.) It was his desire to acquire an extensive knowledge of nature that led him into distant countries at a time when travelling was the principal means of acquiring an intellectual and scientific culture; and after returning to his native land he occupied himself only with philosophical investigations, especially such as related to natural history. In Greece itself, too, he endeavoured by means of travelling and residing in the principal cities to acquire a lknowledge of Hellenic culture and civilization. He mentioned many Greek philosophers in his writings, and his wealth enabled him to purchase the works they had written. He thus succeeded in excelling, in the extent of his knowledge, all the earlier Greek philosophers, among whom Leucippus, the founder of the atomistic theory, is said to have exercised the greatest influence upon his philosophical studies. The opinion-that he was a disciple of Anaxagoras or of the Pythagoreans (Diog. Laert. ix. 38), perhaps arose merely from the fact, that he mentioned them in his writings. The account of his hostility towards Anaxagoras, is contradicted by several passages in which he speaks of him in terms of high praise. (Diog. Laert. ii. 14; Sext. Empir. adv. Math. vii. 140.) It is further said, that he was on terms of friendship with Hippocrates, and some writers even speak of a correspondence between Democritus and Hippocrates; but this statement does not seem to be deserving of credit. (Diog. Laert. ix. ~ 42; Brandis, Handbutc/s tder Griech. v. RMm. P/ilos. p. 300.) As he was a contemporary of Plato, it may be that he was acquainted with Socrates, perhaps even with Plato, who, however, does not mention Democritus anywhere. (Hermann, System der Platon. Philos. i. p. 284.) Aristotle describes him and his views as belonging to the ante-Socratic period (Arist. Metaph. xiii. 4; Phys. ii. 2, de Parlib). Anim. i. 1); but modern scholars, such as the learned Dutchman Groen van Prinsterer (Prosopogcraphl. Platon. p.41, &c., comp. Brandis, 1. c. p. 292, &c.), assert, that there are symptoms in Plato which shew a connexion with Democritus, and the same scholar pretends to discover in Plato's language and style an imitation of Democritus. (Persop. Plat. p. 42.) The many anecdotes about Democritus which are preserved, especially in Diogenes LaSrtius, shew that he was a man of a most sterling and honourable character. His diligence was incredible: he lived exclusively for his studies, and his disinterestedness, modesty, and simplicity are attested by many features which are related of him. Notwithstanding his great property, he seems to have died in poverty, though highly esteemed by his fellow-citizens, not so much on account of his philosophy, as "be
Page 975 DEMOCRITUS. DEMOCRITUS. 975 cause," as Diogenes says, " he had foretold them these fragments refer more to ethics than to physisome things which the event proved to be true." cal matters. There is a very good collection of This had probably reference to his knowledge of these fragments by F. G. A. Mullach, " Democriti natural phaenomena. His fellow-citizens honoured Abderitae operum fragmenta," Berlin, 1843, 8vo. him with presents in money and bronze statues. Besides this work, which contains also elaborate Even the scoffer Timon, who in his silli spared no dissertations on the life and writings of Democritus, one, speaks of Democritus only in terms of praise. the student may consult-1. Burchardt, Comment. He died at an advanced age (some say that he was crit. de Democrili de sensibus philosophia, in two pro109 years old), and even the manner in which he grams, Minden, 1830 and 1839, 4to. 2. Burchardt, died is characteristic of his medical knowledge, Fragmente der Mloral des Demokrit, Minden, 1834, which, combined as it was with his knowledge of 4to. 3. Heimsith, Democriti de anima doctrina, nature, caused a report, which was believed by Bonn, 1835, 8vo. 4. H. Stephanus, Poesis Philos. some persons, that he was a sorcerer and a magician. p. 156, &c. 5. Orelli, Opusc. Grace. Sent. i. p. (Plin. H. N. xxiv. 17, xxx. 1.) His death is 91, &c. Concerning the spurious works and letters placed in 01. 105. 4, or B. c. 357, in which year of Democritus, see Fabric. Bibl. Gr. i. p. 683, &c., Hippocrates also is said to have died. (Clinton, ii. pp. 641, 639, iv. p. 333, &c. F. H. ad ann. 357.) We cannot leave unnoticed The philosophy of Democritus has, in modern the tradition that Democritus deprived himself of times been the subject of much investigation. Hehis sight, in order to be less disturbed in his pur- gel ( Vorlesung. ib. Gesch. d. Philos. i. p. 379, &c.) suits. (Cic. de Fin. v. 29; Gellius, x. 17; Diog. treats it very briefly, and does not attach much Laert. ix. 36; Cic. Tusc. v. 39; Menage, ad Diog. importance to it. The most minute investigations Laert. ix. 43.) But this tradition is one of the concerning it are those of Ritter (Gesch. d. Philos. inventions of a later age, which was fond of i. p. 559), Brandis (Rhein. Mus. iii. p. 133, &c., piquant anecdotes. It is more probable that he and Gesch. der Griech. u. Rom. Philos. i. p. 294, may have lost his sight by too severe application &c.), Petersen (Hisor. P/hilog. Studien. i. p. 22, to study. (Brandis, 1. c. p. 298.) This loss, &c.), Papencordt (Alomicorum doctrina), and Mulhowever, did not disturb the cheerful disposition lach (1. c. pp. 373-419). of his mind and his views of human life, which It was Democritus who, in his numerous writprompted him everywhere to look at the cheerful ings, carried out Leucippus's theory of atoms, and and comical side of things, which later writers took especially in his observations on nature. These to mean, that he always laughed at the follies of atomists undertook the task of proving that the men. (Senec. de Ira, ii. 10; Aelian, V. H. iv. quantitative relations of matter were its original 20.) characteristics, and that its qualitative relations Of the extent of his knowledge, which embraced were something secondary and derivative, and of not only natural sciences, mathematics, mechanics thus doing away with the distinction between (Brandis, in the Rhein. 1Mus. iii. p. 134, &c.), gram- matter and mind or power. (Brandis, 1. c. p. 294.) mar, music, and philosophy, but various other use- In order to avoid the difficulties connected with ful arts, we may form some notion from the list of the supposition of primitive matter with definite his numerous works which is given by Diogenes qualities, without admitting the coming into existLaertius (ix. 46-49), and which, as Diogenes ence and annihilation as realities, and without expressly states, contains only his genuine works. giving up, as the Eleatic philosophers did, the The grammarian Thrasyllus, a contemporary of the reality of variety and its changes, the atornists emperor Tiberius, arranged them, like the works of derived all definiteness of phaenomena, both phyPlato, into tetralogies. The importance which sical and mental, from elementary particles, the was attached to the researches of Democritus is infinite number of which were homogeneous in evident from the fact, that Aristotle is reported to quality, but heterogeneous in form. This made it have written a work in two books on the problems necessary for them to establish the reality of a of Democritus. (Diog. Laert. v. 26.) His works vacuum or space, and of motion. (Brandis, 1. c. were composed in the Ionic dialect, though not p. 303, &c.) Motion, they said, is the eternal and without some admixture of the local peculiarities of necessary consequence of the original variety of Abdera. (Philopon. in Aristot. de gener. et cor- atoms in the vacuum or space. All phaenomena rupt. fol. 7, a.; Simplic. ad Aristot. de Coelo, fol. arise from the infinite variety of the form, order, and 150, a.; Suid. s. v. pivauo's.) They are neverthe- position of the atoms in forming combinations. It less much praised by Cicero on account of the is impossible, they add, to derive this supposition poetical beauties and the liveliness of their style, from any higher principle, for a beginning of the and are in this respect compared even with the infinite is inconceivable. (Aristot. de (enerat. works of Plato. (Groen van Prinsterer, 1. c.; Cic. Anim. ii. 6, p. 742, b. 20, ed. Bekker; Brandis, de Div. ii. 64, de Orat. i. 11, Orat. 20; Dionys. 1. c. p. 309, &c.) The atoms are impenetrable, de Compos. verb. 24; Plut. Sympos. v. 7, p. 683.) and therefore offer resistance to one another. This Pyrrhon is said to have imitated his style (Euseb. creates a swinging, world-producing, and whirling Praep. Evang. xiv. 6), and even Timon praises it, motion. (This reminds us of the joke in the Clouds and calls it -rspiippova ice ar dLpfivoov AcoX'v. (Diog. of Aristophanes about the god A&,ios!) Now as Laert. ix. 40.) Unfortunately, not one of his similars attract one another, there arise in that works has come down to us, and the treatise which motion real things and beings, that is, combinations we possess' under his name is considered spurious, of distinct atoms, which still continue to be sepaCallimachus wrote glosses upon his works and made rated from one another by the vacuum. The first a list of them (Suid. s. v.); but they must have cause of all existence is necessity, that is, the necesbeen lost at an early time, since even Simplicius sary predestination and necessary succession of does not appear to have read them (Papencordt, de cause and effect. This they called chance, in oppoAtomicorum dostrina, p. 22), and since compara- sition to the vo0s of Anaxagoras. But it does the tively few fragments have come down to us, and highest honour to the mind of Democritus, that he
Page 976 976 DEMOCRITUS. made the discovery of causes the highest object of scientific investigations. He once said, that he preferred the discovery of a true cause to the possesssion of the kingdom of Persia. (Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. xiv. 27.) We must not, therefore, take the word chance (T7uvy) in its vulgar acceptation, (Brandis, 1. c. p. 319.) Aristotle understood Democritus rightly in this respect (Phys. Auscult. ii. 4, p. 196. 11; Simplic. fol. 74), as he generally valued him highly, and often says of him, that he had thought on all subjects, searched after the first causes of phaenomena, and endeavoured to find definitions. (De Generat. et Corrupt. i. 2, 8, Metaph. M. 4, Phys. ii. 2, p. 194, 20, de Part. Anim. i. p. 642, 26.) The only thing for which he censures him, is a disregard for teleological relations, and the want of a comprehensive system of induction. (DeRespir. 4, de Generat. Aniam. v. 8.) Democritus himself called the common notion of chance a cover of human ignorance (Trpo'a-riv 18-is advofls), and an invention of those who were too idle to think. (Dionys. ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. xiv. 27; Stob. Eclog. Eth. p. 344.) Besides the infinite number of atoms existing in infinite space, Democritus also supposed the existence of an infinite number of worlds, some of which resembled one another, while others differed from one another, and each of these worlds was kept together as one thing by a sort of shell or skin. He derived the four elements from the form of the atoms predominating in each, from their quality, and their relations of magnitude. In deriving individual things from atoms, he mainly considered the qualities of warm and cold. The warm or firelike he took to be a combination of fine, spheric, and very movable atoms, as opposed to the cold and moist. His mode of proceeding, however, was, first carefully to observe and describe the phaenomena themselves, and then to attempt his atomistic explanation, whereby he essentially advanced the knowledge of nature. (Papencordt, 1. c. p. 45, &c.; Brandis, 1. c. p. 327.) He derived the soul, the origin of life, consciousness, and thought, from the finest fire-atoms (Aristot. de Animn. i. 2, ed. Trendelenburg); and in connexion with this theory he made very profound physiological investigations. It was for this reason that, according to him, the soul while in the body acquires perceptions and knowledge by corporeal contact, and that it is affected by heat and cold. The sensuous perceptions themselves were to him affections of the organ or of the subject perceiving, dependent on the changes of bodily condition, on the difference of the organs and their quality, on air and light. Hence the differences, e. g., of taste, colour, and temperature, are only conventional (Sext. Empir. adv. Math. vii. 135), the real cause of those differences being in the atoms. It was very natural, therefore, that Democritus described even the knowledge obtained by sensuous perception as obscure (raKorirTv KpLatv). A clear and pure knowledge is only that which has reference to the true principles or the true nature of things, that is, to the atoms and space. But knowledge derived from reason was, in his opinion, not specifically different from that acquired through the senses; for conception and reflection were to him only effects of impressions made upon the senses; and Aristotle, therefore, expressly states, that Democritus did not consider mind as something peculiar, or as a power distinct from the soul DEMOCRITUS. or sensuous perception, but that he considerd knowledge derived from reason to be sensuous perceptions. (De Anim. i. 2. p. 404,27.) A purer and higher knowledge which he opposed to the obscure knowledge obtained through the medium of the senses, must therefore have been to him a kind of sensation, that is, a direct perception of the atoms and of space. For this reason he assumed the three criteria (Kptrjpia): a. Phaenomena as criteria for discovering that which is hidden: b. Thought as a criterion of investigation: and c. Assertions as criteria of desires. (Sext. Emp. adv. Math. vii. 140; Brandis, 1. c. p. 334.) Now as Democritus acknowledged the uncertainty of perceptions, and as he was unable to establish a higher and purely spiritual source of knowledge as distinct from perceptions, we often find him complaining that all human knowledge is uncertain, that in general either nothing is absolutely true, or at least not clear to us (&0qAov, Aristot. Metaph. r. 5), that our senses grope about in the dark (sensus tenebricosi, Cic. Acad. iv. 10, 23), and that all our views and opinions are subjective, and come to us only like something epidemic, as it were, with the air which we breathe. (Sext. Emp. adv. Mati. vii. 136, 137, viii. 327, Hypotyp. i. 213; Diog. Labrt. ix. 72, 4ey)' oeiv i0s JLE, iyv 3v6e yap a dAaiOEta, which Cicero translates in profundo veritatem esse.) In his ethical philosophy Democritus considered the acquisition of peace of mind (e0Ovila) as the end and ultimate object of our actions. (Diog. Laert. ix. 45; Cic. de Fin. v. 29.) This peace, this tranquillity of the mind, and freedom from fear (p(6os and elori8aotsovia) and passion, is the last and fairest fruit of philosophical inquiry. Many of his ethical writings had reference to this idea and its establishment, and the fragments relating to this question are full of the most genuine practical wisdom. Abstinence from too many occupations, a steady consideration of one's own powers, which prevents our attempting that which we cannot accomplish, moderation in prosperity and misfortune, were to him the principal means of acquiring the evsOvfia. The noblest and purest ethical tendency, lastly, is manifest in his views on virtue and on good. Truly pious and beloved by the gods, he says, are only those who hate that which is wrong (d'oes CXOpdv r duKelv). The purest joy and the truest happiness are only the fruit of the higher mental activity exerted in the endeavour to understand the nature of things, of the peace of mind arising from good actions, and of a clear conscience. (Brandis, 1. c. p. 337.) The titles of the works which the ancients ascribed to Democritus may be found in Diogenes La'rtius. We find among them: 1. Works of ethics and practical philosophy. 2. On natural science. 3. On mathematics and astronomy. 4. On music and poetry, on rhythm and poetical beauty (Bode, Gesch. der -Iellen. Dichtkunst. i. p. 24, &c.), and on Homer. 5. Works of a linguistic and grammatical nature; for Democritus is one of the earliest Greek philosophers that made language the subject of his investigations. (Lersch, Sprachphilosophie der Alten, i. p. 13, &c.) 6. Works on medicine, 7. On agriculture. 8. On painting. 9. On mythology, history, &c. He had even occupied himself, with success, with mechanics; and Vitruvius (Proaf lib. vii.; comp. Senec. Epist. 90) ascribes to him certain inventions, for example,
Page 977 DEMODOCUS. the art of arching. JHe is also said to have possessed a knowledge of perspective. Two works on tactics (TaicTIcovl Kac 'OTrAeo.XaiXdc) are ascribed to him, apparently from a confusion of his name with that of Damocritus. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 343; Mullach, 1. c. pp. 93-159.) [A. S.] DEMO'CRITUS (Aqostdcperos). 1. Of Ephesus, wrote works on the Ephesian temple and the town of Samothrace. (Diog. Lairt. ix. 49.) A fragment of his is preserved in Athenaeus. (xii. p. 525.) 2. A Platonic philosopher, who wrote commentaries on Plato's Phaedon and Alcibiades I. (Porphyr. Vit. Plot. 20; Syrian. ad Aristot. Miletaph. xii. p. 59; Ruhnken, Dissert. Ptilol. de Vita et Script. Longini. ~ 4.) 3. Of Sicyon, is recommended by Cicero to the proconsul A. Allienus (ad Famn. xiii. 78), as a highly educated man. [L. S.] DEMO'DAMAS (Apuo8s4as), of Miletus or Halicarnassus, is called Seleuci et Antiochii dcix by Pliny. (I. N. vi. 16.) He appears to have written a geographical work on Asia, from which Pliny derived great assistance. He is mentioned also by Stephanus Byzantius (s. v. AVr'roaaa), and is probably the same as the Demodamas who according to Athenaeus (xv. p. 682) wrote a work on Halicarnassus. (irepl 'AAtcapuaoeosoi.) [L. S.] DEMO'DOCUS (A-odAorcos). 1. The famous bard of the Odyssey, who according to the fashion of the heroic ages delighted the guests of king Alcinoils during their repast by singing about the feats of the Greeks at Troy, of the love of Ares and Aphrodite, and of the wooden horse. (Od. viii. 62, &c., xiii. 27.) HIe is also mentioned as the bard who advised Agamemnon to guard Clytaemnestra, and to expose Aegisthus in a desert island. (Od. iii. 267; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1466.) Eustathius describes him as a Laconian, and as a pupil of Automedes and Perimedes of Argos. He adds that he won the prize at the Pythian games and then followed Agamemnon to Mycenae. One story makes Odysseus recite Demodocus's song about the destruction of Troy during a contest in Tyrrhenia. (Ptolem. Heph. 7.) On the throne of Apollo at Amyclae, Demodocus was represented playing to the dance of the Phaeacians. (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 7.) Later writers, who look upon this mythical minstrel as an historical person, describe him as a native of Corcyra, and as an aged and blind singer (Ov. Ib. 272), who composed a poem on the destruction of Troy ('IALov ni7opSareIts), and on the marriage of Hephaestus and Aphrodite. (Plut. de Mus. 3; Eudoc. p. 407; Phot. Bibl. p. 152. ed. Bekker.) Plutarch (de Flum. 18) refers even to the first book of an epic poem on the exploits of Heracles. ('HpecAdeia.) But all such statements are fabulous; and if there existed any poems under his name, they were certainly forgeries. 2. A companion and friend of Aeneas, who was killed by Halesus. (Virg. Aen. x. 413.) [L. S.] DEMO'DOCUS (ArMidoKcos). 1. Among the dialogues bearing the name of Plato there is one entitled Demodocus, from the person addressed therein; but whether this Demodocus is the friend of Socrates, and father of Theages, who is introduced as one of the interlocutors in the dialogue Theages, is uncertain. But the dialogue Demodocus is now acknowledged on all hands to be a fabrication of a late sophist or rhetorician. (C. F. H-ermann, System der Platen. P/Iilos. i. p. 414, &c.) DEMONAX. 977 2. One of the Athenian generals,, who commanded a fleet in the Hellespont, and in the spring of B. c. 424, recovered the town of Antanrus. (Thuc. iv. 75.) Another person of this name is mentioned by Polybius. (v. 95.) [L. S.] DEMO'DOCUS (Asio'0oKcos) of Leros, the author of four epigrams in the Greek Anthology, containing bitter attacks upon the Chians, Cappadocians, and Cilicians. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 56; Jacobs, ii. 56, xiii. 698.) He is mentioned by Aristotle. (Ethic. Nicom. vii. 9.) [P. S.] DEMO'DOCUS (Aaineoicose), a physician of Crotona. [DEMOCEDES.] DEMO'LEON (A-uoAe'Cwv). There are four mythical beings of this name, a centaur (Ov. Met. xii. 355, &c.), a son of Phrixus and Chalciope (Hygin. Fab. 14), a son of Antenor and Theano, who was slain by Achilles (I-HoI. II. xx. 394), and a son of Hippasus, who was slain by Paris. (Quint. Smyrn. x. 119, &c.) [L. S.] DEMOLEUS, a Greek, who had been slain by Aeneas, and whose coat of mail was offered by him as a prize in the games which he celebrated in Sicily. (Virg. Aen. v. 258, &c.) [L. S.j DEMON ('Ajawv). 1. The author of an Atthis ('ArOifs), or a history of Attica, against which Philochorus wrote his Atthis, from which we may infer that Demon lived either shortly before or at the time of Philochorus. (Plut. Th s. 19, 23; Athen. iii. p. 96; Suid. s.v. rperonropesp.) He is probably the same as the author of a work on proverbs (7rpi rapo1pueWv), of which some fragments are still extant, (Steph. s. v. Awacwry; Harpocrat. s. v. Mvuadv AE'av; Hesych. s. v. Oilvaio; Photius, passim; Suidas, s. v. AcLvwalov; Schol. ad Aristop/h. Plut. 1003, Av. 302, Ran. 442; Schol. ad Homn. Od. xx. 301, II. xvi. 233; ad Pind. Nem. vii. 155, ad Eurip. Rlies. 248; Zenob. Proverb. v. 52; Apostol. vii. 44, xiii. 36, xvii. 28, xx. 27; Arsenius, Viol. pp. 186, 463) and of a work on sacrifices (rsep 'UavoieCv; Harpocrat. s. v. rpoiccwvia). The fragments of the works of Demon are collected in Siebelis P/hanodemus (Demonis, Clitodemi et Istri) 'ArOiswv et relig. Fragms., Leipzig, 1812. (See especially p. vii. &c., and p. 17, &c., and in C. and Th. Muller, Fragm. Hist. Graec. p. 378, &c. Comp. p. lxxxvii. &c.) 2. Of the demos of Paeania in Attica, was a son of Demosthenes's sister, and distinguished himself as an orator; he belonged, like his great kinsman, to the anti-Macedonian party. When, after the death of Alexander, Demosthenes was still in exile and tried to rouse the Greeks to a vigorous resistance against the Macedonians, Demon proposed a decree to recall him. It was joyfully passed by the Athenians, and Demosthenes returned in triumph. (Plut. Demosth. 27; Athen. viii. p. 341, xiii. p. 593, where a son of his, Phrynion, is mentioned.) [L. S.] DEMONASSA (Asrudaowa). 1. The wife of Irus, and mother of Eurydamas and Eurytion. (Hygin. Fab. 14; Apollon. Rhod. i. 74.) 2. A daughter of Amphiarans and Eriphyle, was the wife of Thersander, by whom she became the mother of Tisamenus. (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 6, ix. 5. ~ 8.) 3. The mother of Aegialus by Adrastus. (Hygin. Fab. 71.) [L. S.] DEMO'NAX (Amw'vaý), the most distinguished of those who attempted to revive the cynical doctrines in the second century of the Christian 3 ml
Page 978 978 DEMOPHANES. DEMOPHON. aera. He probably lived in the time of Hadrian, chief persons who delivered Megalopolis from the though the exact date of his birth and death is tyranny of Aristodemus, and also assisted Aratus unknown. We owe our knowledge of his character in abolishing tyranny at Sicyon. For a time they to Lucian, who has painted it in the most glowing were entrusted with the administration of the state colours, representing him as almost perfectly wise of Cyrene, and Philopoemen in his youth had enand good. He adds that he has written an ac- joyed their friendship. (Polyb. x. 25.) [L. S.] count of Demonax, ' in order that the young who DEMOPHILUS. [DAMOPHILUS.] wish to apply to the study of philosophy may not DEMO'PHILUS ( Aspio'lqos). 1. The son of be obliged to confine themselves to examples from Ephorus, was an historian in the time of Alexanantiquity, but may derive from his life also a model der the Great. He continued his father's history for their imitation." Of his friends the best known by adding to it the history of the Sacred War to us was Epictetus, who appears to have exercised from the taking of Delphi and the plunder of its considerable influence in the direction of his mind. temple by Philomelus the Phocian, B. c. 357. By birth a Cyprian, he removed to Athens, and (Diod. xvi. 14; Suid. s. v. 'Eýtrros, where"E0opos there joined the Cynical school, chiefly from re- should be read forE(pnrros; Athen. vi. p. 232, d.; spect to the memory of Diogenes, whom he con- Schol. Horn. II. xiii. 301; Vossius, de Hist. GCraec. sidered the most faithful representative of the life p. 98, ed. Westermann.) and virtues of Socrates. Hie appears, however, to 2. An Athenian comic poet of the new comedy. have been free from the austerity and moroseness The only mention of him is in the Prologue to the of the sect, though he valued their indifference to Asinaria of Plautus, who says, that his play is external things; but we do not find that he con- taken from the 'Ovayos of Demophilus, vv. 10-13, tributed anything more to the cause of science than "Huic nomen Graece est Onagos Fabulae. the original Cynics. His popularity at Athens was Demophilus scripsit, Marcus vortit barbare. so great, that people vied with each other for the Asinariam volt esse, si per vos licet. honour of offering him bread, and even boys shewed Inest lepos ludusque in hac Comoedia." their respect by large donations of apples. He Meineke observes that, judging from the "lepos contracted some odium by the freedom with which ludusque" of the Asinaria, we have no need to rehe rebuked vice, and he was accused of neglecting gret the loss of the 'Ovayos. (Meineke, FrPag. Com. sacrifice and the Eleusinian mysteries. To these Graec. i. p. 491.) charges he returned for answer, that " he did not 3. A Pythagorean philosopher, of whose persacrifice to Athena, because she could not want his sonal history nothing is known. He wrote a offerings," and that " if the mysteries were bad, work entitled Piov SepdrrEla, treating of practical no one ought to be initiated; if good, they should ethics, parts of which are still extant, in the form be divulged to everybody,"- the first of which re- of a selection, entitled yvwpuicad dotolcva-ra, from plies is symptomatic of that vague kind of Deism which we may infer that the whole work must which used so generally to conceal itself under an have been of the highest order of excellence. The affectation of reverence for the popular gods. He extant portion of it was first printed by Lucas never married, though Epictetus begged him to do Holstenius in his collection of the ancient writers so, but was met by the request that his wife might on practical morals, Rome, 1638, 8vo., Lugd. Bat. be one of Epictetus's daughters, whose own 1639, 12mo.; then by Gale, in his Opusc. Mythol. bachelor life was not very consistent with his Cant. 1670, 8vo., Amst. 1688, 8vo., also with the urging the duty of giving birth to and educating Oxford edition of Maximus Tyrius, 1677, 12mo., children. This and other anecdotes of Demonax and with Wetstein's Epictetus, Amst. 1750, 12mo.; recorded by Lucian, shew him to have been an in a separate form by J. Swedberg, Stockholm, amiable, good-humoured man, leading probably a 1682, 8vo., and more correctly by I. A. Schier, happy life, beloved and respected by those about Lips. 1754, 8vo., and lastly by J. C. Orelli, in his him, and no doubt contrasting favourably with Opusc. CGraec. Vet. Scntent. Lips. 1819, 8vo. [P.S.] others who in those times called themselves votaries DEMO'PHILUS, artists. 1. Of Hlimera, a of those ancient systems which, as practical guides painter, who -flourished about B. c. 424, was said of life, were no longer necessary in a world to by some to have been the teacher of Zeuxis. (Plin. which a perfect revelation had now been given, xxxv. 9. s. 36. ~ 2; ZEUXIS ) [CRESCENS.] Demonax died when nearly a hun- 2. An architect of little note, wrote Praecepla dred years old, and was buried with great magni- Symnmetriarum. (Vitruv. vii. Praef. ~ 14.) See ficence, though he had declared it a matter of perfect also DAMOPHILUS. [P. S.] indifference to him if his body were thrown to the DE'MOPHON or DEMOPHOON (As7uo)c^v dogs. (Lucian, Demonax; Brucker, Hist. Crit. or Anopo'w0v). 1. The youngest son of Celeus and Phil. per. ii. pars 1. 2. 6.) [G. E. L. C.] Metaneira, who was entrusted to the care of DeDEMONI'CE (Auoiovcfi?), a daughter of Agenor meter. He grew up under her without any human and Epicaste, who became by Ares the mother of food, being fed by the goddess with her own milk, Euenus, Molus, Pylus, and Thestius. (Apollod. i. and ambrosia. During the night she used to place 7. ~ 7.) Hesiod (ap. Schol. ad Iomn. II. xiv. 200) him in fire to secure to him eternal youth; but calls her Demodoce. [L. S.] once she was observed by Metaneira, who disturbed DEMONI'CUS (A?7AruKcos), an Athenian co- the goddess by her cries, and the child Demophon mic poet of the new comedy, of whom one frag- was consumed by the flames. (Apollod. i. 5. ~ 1; ment is preserved by Athenaeus (ix. p. 410, d.), Ov. Fast. iv. 512, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 147; IHom. who gives 'AXENhOvios as the title of the play; but Hymn. in Cer. 234.) perhaps it should rather be 'AXscA,(os. (Meineke, 2. A son of Theseus and Phaedra, and brother Frag. Corn. (Graec. i. p. 492, iv. p. 570.) [P. S.] of Acamas. (Diod. iv. 62; HIygin. Fab. 48.) DEMO'PHANES(A loq)cdvzs), of Megalopolis, According to Pindar (ap. Plut. Thes. 28), he was a Platonic philosopher, and a disciple of Arcesilas. the son of Theseus by Antiope. He accompanied (Plut. Philopoem. 1.) He and Ecdemus were the the Greeks against Troy (Homer, however, does
Page 979 DEMOPTOLEMUS. riot mention him), and there effected the liberation of his grandmother Aethra, who was with HIelena as a slave. (Paus. x. 25. ~ 2.) According to Plutarch he was beloved by Laodice, who became by him the mother of Munychus or Munytus whom Aethra brought up in secret at Ilium. On Demophon's return from Troy, Phyllis, the daughter of the Thracian king Sithon, fell in love with him, and he consented to marry her. But, before the nuptials were celebrated, he went to Attica to settle his affairs at home, and as he tarried longer than Phyllis had expected, she began to think that she was forgotten, and put an end to her life. She was, however, metamorphosed into a tree, and Demophon, when he at last returned and saw what had happened, embraced the tree and pressed it to his bosom, whereupon buds and leaves immediately came forth. (Ov. Ar. Am. iii. 38, Heroid. 2; Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. v. 10; comp. Hygin. Fab. 59.) Afterwards, when Diomedes on his return from Troy was thrown on the coast of Attica, and without knowing the country began to ravage it, Demophon marched out against the invaders: he took the Palladium from them, but had the misfortune to kill an Athenian in the struggle. For this murder he was summoned by the people of Athens before the court rl ITaXxai'y-pthe first time that a man was tried by that court. (Paus. i. 28. ~ 9.) According to Antoninus Liberalis (33) Demophon assisted the Heracleidae against Eurystheus, who fell in battle, and the Heracleidae received from Demophon settlements in Attica, which were called the tetrapolis. Orestes too came to Athens to seek the protection of Demophon. He arrived during the celebration of the Anthesteria, and was kindly received; but the precautions which were taken that he might not pollute the sacred rights, gave rise to the second day of the festival, which was called XdES. (Athen. x. p. 437; Plut. Sympos. ii.) Demophon was painted in the Lesche at Delphi together with Helena and Aethra, meditating how he might liberate Aethra. (Paus. i. 28. ~ 9.) 3. A companion of Aeneas, who was killed by Camilla. (Virg. Aen. xi. 675.) [L. S.] DE'MOPHON (A Lompv). 1. One of the two generals sent from Athens by a decree of the people, according to Diodorus, to aid the Thebans who were in arms for the recovery of the Cadmeia. (Diod. xv. 26; Wesseling, ad loc.) This account is in some measure confirmed by Deinarchus (c. Dem. p. 95), who mentions a decree introduced by Cephalus to the above effect. Xenophon, however, says that the two Athenian generals on the frontier acted on their own responsibility in aiding the democratic Thebans, and that the Athenians soon after, through fear of Sparta, put one of them to death, while the other, who fled before his trial, was banished. (Xen. Hell. v. 4. ~~ 9, 10, 19; Plut. Pelop. 14.) 2. A soothsayer in Alexander's army, who warned the king of the danger to which his life would be exposed in the attack which be was on the point of making on the town of the Malli, B. c. 326. Alexander is said to have rejected the warning contemptuously, and in the assault he had a very narrow escape from death. (Diod. xvii. 93; Curt. ix. 4; comp. Arr. Anab. vi. 9, &c.; Plut. Alex. 63.) [E. E.] DEMOPTO'LEMUS (Aroerr"dAegos), one of he suitors of Penelope, slain by Odysseus after his return. (Horn. Od. xxii. 246, 266.) [L. S.] DEMOSTHENES. 979 DEMO'STHENES (Apoo-'pvqs), son of Alcisthenes, Athenian general, is one of the prominent characters of the Peloponnesian war. He was appointed in the sixth year, B. c. 426, to the command with Procles of a squadron of thirty ships sent on the annual cruise around Peloponnesus. Their first important efforts were directed against Leucas; and with the aid of a large force of Acarnanians, Zacynthians, Cephallenians, and Corcyraeans, it seemed highly probable that this important ally of Sparta might be reduced. And the Acarnanians were urgent for a blockade. Demosthenes, however, had conceived, from the information of the Messenians, hopes of a loftier kind; and, at the Iisk of offending the Acarnanians, who presently declined to co-operate, sailed with these views to Naupactus. The Corcyraeans had also left him, but he still persevered in his project, which was the reduction of the Aetolians,-an operation which, once effected, would open the way to the Phocians, a people ever well disposed to Athens, and so into Boeotia. It was not too much to hope that northern Greece might thus be wholly detached from the Spartan alliance, and the war be made strictly Peloponnesian. The success of the first move in this plan depended much on the aid of certain allies among the Ozolian Locrians, who were used to the peculiar warfare of the enemy. These, however, were remiss, and Demosthenes, fearing that the rumour of his purpose would rouse the whole Aetolian nation, advanced without them. His fear had been already realized, and as soon as the resources of his archery were exhausted, he was obliged to retreat, and this retreat the loss of his guide rendered even more disastrous than might have been expected for a force of heavy-armed men amidst the perpetual assaults of numerous light armed enemies. " There was every kind of flight and destruction," says Thucydides, "and of 300 Athenians there fell 120, a loss rendered heavy beyond proportion, through the peculiar excellence of this particular detachment." (Thuc. iii. 91, 94, 98; Diod. xii. 60.) This, however, seemed to be hardly the worst consequence. The Aetolians sent ambassadors to Sparta, to ask for aid to reduce Naupactus; and received under the command of Eurylochus 3000 men-at-arms. The Ozolian Locrians were overawed into decided alliance. But Naupactus Demosthenes was enabled to save by reinforcements obtained on urgent entreaty from the offended Acarnanians; and Eurylochus led off his forces for the present to Calydon, Pleuron, and Proschium. Yet this was but the preliminary of a more important movement. The Ambraciots, on a secret understanding with him, advanced with a large force into the country of their ancient enemy, the Amphilochian Argos; they posted themselves not far from the town, at Olpae. Eurylochus now broke up, and, by a judicious route, passing between the town itself and Crenae, where the Acarnanians had assembled to intercept him, effected a junction with these allies. Presently, on the other hand, Demosthenes arrived with twenty ships, and under his conduct the final engagement took place at Olpae, and was decided, by an ambuscade which he planted, in favour of the Athenians and Acarnanians. An almost greater advantage was gained by the compact entered into with Menedaeus, the surviving Spartan officer, for the underhand withdrawal of the Peloponnesians. And, finally, hav3nR2
Page 980 V80 DEMOSTHENES. ing heard that the whole remaining force of Ambracia was advancing in support, he succeeded further in waylaying and almost exterminating it in the battle of Idomene. The Athenians received a third part of the spoils, and the amount may be estimated from the fact, that the share of Demosthenes, the only portion that reached Athens in safety, was no less than 300 panoplies. (Thuc. iii. 102, 105-114; Diod. xii. 60.) Demosthenes might now safely venture home: and in the next year he was allowed, at his own request, though not in office, to accompany Eurymedon and Sophocles, the commanders of a squadron destined for Sicily, and empowered to use their services for any object he chose on the Peloponnesian coast. They, however, would not hear of any delay, and it was only by the chance of stress of weather, which detained the fleet at Pylos, his choice for his new design, that he was enabled to effect his purpose. The men themselves while waiting, took the fancy to build him his fort; and in it he was left with five ships. Here he was assailed by the Lacedaemonians, whom the news had recalled out of Attica, and from Corcyra, and here with great spirit and success he defeated their attempt to carry the place on the sea side. The arrival of forty Athenian ships, for which he had sent, and their success in making their way into the harbour, reversed his position. The Lacedaemonians, who -in their siege of the place had occupied the neighbouring island, were now cut off and blockaded, and Sparta now humbled herself to ask for peace. The arrogance of the people blighted this promise; and as the winter approached it became a question whether the whole advantage was not likely to belost by the escape of the party. Demosthenes, however, was devising an expedient, when joined or rather, in fact, superseded by Cleon [CLEON], who nevertheless was shrewd enough not to interfere, possibly had even had intimation of it throughout. His Aetolian disaster had taught him the value of light and the weakness of heavy arms. Landing at two points with a force of which one-third only were full-armed, by a judicious distribution of his troops, and chiefly by the aid of his archers and targeteers. he effected the achievement, then almost incredible, of forcing the Spartans to lay down their arms. (Thuc. iv. 2-40; Diod. xii. 61-63.) The glory of this success was with the vulgar given to Cleon, yet Demosthenes must have surely had some proportion of it. He was probably henceforth in general esteem, as in the Knights of Aristophanes, coupled at the head of the list of the city's generals with the high-born and influential Nicias. We find him in the following year (B. c. 424) commanding with Hippocrates in the operation in the Megarid; possessing himself by a stratagem of the Long Walls uniting Megara to Nisaea, and receiving shortly the submission of Nisaea itself, though baffled by the advance of Brasidas in the main design on Megara. Soon after, he concerted with the same colleague a grandattempt on Boeotia. On a fixed day Hippocrates was to lead the whole Athenian force into the south-eastern frontier, and occupy Delium, while Demosthenes was to land at Siphae, and by the aid of the democratic party, possess himself of it and of Chaeroneia. Demosthenes with this view took forty ships to Naupactus, and, having raised forces in Acarnania, sailed for Siphae. But either DEMOSTiENES. he or Hippocrates had mistaken the day; his arrival was too early, and the Boeotians, who had moreover received information of the plot, were enabled to bring their whole force against Demosthenes, and yet be in time to meet his colleague at Delium. The whole design was thus overthrown, and Demosthenes was further disgraced by a repulse in a descent on the territory of Sicyon. (Thuc. iv. 66-74, 76, 77, 89, 101; Diod. xii. 66-69.) He does not reappear in history, except among the signatures to the treaties of the tenth year, B. c. 422 (Thuc. v. 19, 24), till the nineteenth, B. c. 413. On the arrival of the despatch from Nicias giving an account of the relief of Syracuse by Gylippus, he was appointed with Eurymedon to the command of the reinforcements, and, while the latter went at once to Sicily, he remained at home making the needfiul preparations. Early in the spring he set sail with sixty-five ships; and after some delays, how far avoidable we cannot say, at Aegina and Corcyra, on the coasts of Peloponnesus and of Italy, reached Syracuse a little too late to prevent the first naval victory of the besieged. (Thuc. vii. 16, 17, 20, 26, 31, 33, 35, 42.) The details of this concluding portion of the Syracusan expedition cannot be given in a life of Demosthenes. His advice, on his arrival, was to make at once the utmost use of their own present strength and their enemies' consternation, and then at once, if they failed, to return. No immediate conclusion of the siege could be expected without the recovery of the high ground commanding the city, Epipolae. After some unsuccessful attempts by day, Demosthenes devised and put into effect a plan for an attack, with the whole forces, by night. It was at first signally successful, but the tide was turned by the resistance of a body of Boeotians, and the victory changed to a disastrous defeat. Demosthenes now counselled an immediate departure, either to Athens, or, if Nicias, whose professions of greater acquaintance. with the internal state of the besieged greatly influenced his brother generals, really had grounds for hope, at any rate from their present unhealthy position to the safe and wholesome situation of Thapsus. Demosthenes reasoned in vain: then ensued the fatal delay, the return of Gylippus wikh fresh reinforcements, the late consent of Nicias to depart, and the infatuated recal of it on the eclipse of the moon, the' first defeat and the second of the all-important ships. In the latter engagement Demosthenes had the chief command, and retained even in the hour of disaster sufficient coolness to see that the only course remaining was at once to make a fresh attempt to break through the blockading ships and force their way to sea. And he had now the voice of Nicias with him: the army itself in desperation refused. In the subsequent retreat by the land, Demosthenes for some time is described simply as cooperating.with Nicias, though with the separate command of the second and rearward division. This, on the sixth day, through its greater exposure to the enemy, was unable to keep up with the other; and Demosthenes, as in his position was natural, looked more to defence against the enemy, while Nicias thought only of speedy retreat. The consequence was that, having fallen about five miles and a half behind, he was surrounded and driven into a plot of ground planted
Page 981 DEMOSTHENES. Avith olives, fenced nearly round with a wall, where lie was exposed to the missiles of the enemy. Here he surrendered, towards evening, on condition of the lives of his soldiers being spared. His own was not. In confinement at Syracuse Nicias and he were once more united, and were together relieved by a speedy death. Such was the unworthy decree of the Syracusan assembly, against the voice, say Diodorus and Plutarch, of Hermocrates, and contrary, says Thucydides, to the wish of Gylippus, who coveted the glory of conveying the two great Athenian commanders to Sparta. (Thuc. vii. 4-2-87; Diod. xiii. 10-33; Plut. Nicias, 20-28.) Timaeus, adds Plutarch, related that Hermocrates contrived to apprize them of the decree, and that they fell by their own hands. Demosthenes may be characterized as an unfortunate general. Had his fortune but equalled his ability, he had achieved perhaps a name greater than any of the generals of his time. In the largeness and boldness of his designs, the quickness and justice of his insight, he rises high above all his contemporaries. In Aetolia the crudeness of his first essay was cruelly punished; in Acarnania and at Pylos, though his projects were even favoured by chance, yet the proper result of the one in the reduction of Ambracia was prevented by the jealousy of his allies; and in the other his own individual glory was stolen by the shameless Cleon. In the designs against Megara and Boeotia failure again attended him. In his conduct of the second Syracusan expedition there is hardly one step which we can blame: with the exception of the night attack on Epipolae, it is in fact a painful exhibition of a defeat step by step effected over reason and wisdom by folly and infatuation. It is possible that with the other elements of a great general he did not combine in a high degree that essential requisite of moral firmness and command: he may too have been less accurate in attending to the details of execution thain he was farsighted and fertile in devising the outline. Yet this must be doubtful: what we learn from history is, that to Demosthenes his country owed her superiority at the peace of Nicias, and to any rather than to him her defeat at Syracuse. Of his position at home among the various parties of the state we know little or nothing: he appears to have been of high rank: in Aristophanes he is described as leading the charge of the Hippeis upon Cleon (Erquites, 242), and his place in the play throughout seems to imply it. [A. H. C.] DEMO'STIENES (AiJtoorNgys), the greatest of the Greek orators, was the son of one Demosthenes, and born in the Attic demos of Paeania. Respecting the year of his birth, the statements of the ancients differ as much as the opinions of modern critics. Some of the earlier scholars acquiesced in the express testimony of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ep. ad A mm. i. 4), who says that Demosthenes was born in the year preceding the hundredth Olympiad, that is, Ol. 99. 4, or B. c. 381. Gellius (xv. 28) states that Demosthenes was in his twenty-seventh year at the time when he composed his orations against Androtion and Timocrates, which belong to B. c. 355, so that the birth of Demosthenes would fall in B. c. 383 or 382, the latter of which is adopted by Clinton. (F. H. ii. p. 426, &c., 3rd edit.) According to the account in the lives of the Tein Orators (p. 845. D.) Demosthenes was born in the archonship of Dexitheus, that is, n. c. DEMOSTIHENES. 981 385, and this statement has been adopted by most modern critics, such as Becker, MBckh, Westermann, Thirlwall, and others; whereas some have endeavoured to prove that B. c. 384 was his birthyear. The opinion now most commonly received is, that Demosthenes was born in B. c. 385. For detailed discussions on this question the reader is referred to the works mentioned at the end of this article. When Demosthenes, the father, died, he left behind him a widow, the daughter of Gylon, and two children, Demosthenes, then a boy of seven, and a daughter who was only five years old. (Plut. Demn. 4; Dem. c. Aphob. ii. p. 836; Aeschin. c. COtesipli. ( 171; Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. i. p. 464.) During the last moments of his life, the father had entrusted the protection of his wife and children and the care of his property, partly capital and partly a large sword manufactory, to three guardians, Aphobus, a son of his sister Demophon, a son of his brother, and an old friend Therippides, on condition that the first should marry the widow and receive with her a dowry of eighty minae; the second was to marry the daughter on her attaining the age of maturity, and was to receive at once two talents, and the third was to have the interest of seventy minae, till Demosthenes, the son, should come of age. (Dem,. c. Aphob. i. pp. 814, 816, ii. 840.) But the first two of the guardians did not comply with the stipulations made in the will, and all three, in spite of all the remonstrances of the family, united in squandering and appropriating to themselves a great portion of the handsome property, which is estimated at upwards of fourteen talents, and might easily have been doubled during the minority of Demosthenes by a prudent adiministration. But, as it was, the property gradually was so reduced, that when Demosthenes became of age, his guardians had no more than seventy minae, that is, only one twelfth of the property which the father had left. (Dem. c. A phob. i. pp. 812, 832, 815, c. Onet. p. 865.) This shameful conduct of his own relatives and guardians unquestionably exercised a great influence on the mind and character of Demosthenes, for it was probably during that early period that, suffering as he was through the injustice of those from whom he had a right to expect protection, his strong feeling of right and wrong was planted and developed in him, a feeling which characterizes his whole subsequent life. He was thus thrown upon his own resources, and the result was great selfreliance, independence of judgment, and his oratory, which was the only art by which he could hope to get justice done to himself. Although Demosthenes passed his youth amid such troubles and vexations, there is no reason for believing with Plutarch (Dem. 4), that he grew up neglected and without any education at all. The very fact that his guardians are accused of having refused to pay his teachers (c. Aphob. i. p. 828) shews that he received some kind of education, which is further confirmed by Demosthenes's own statement (de Coron. pp. 312, 315), 'though it cannot be supposed that his education comprised much more than. an elementary course. The many illustrious personages that are mentioned as his teachers, must be conceived to have become connected with him after he had attained the age of manhood. I-Ie is said to have been instructed iii philosophy by Plato. (Plut. Dam. 5, Vit. X Oral.
Page 982 982 DEMOSTHENES. p. 844; Diog. Lairt. iii. 46; Cic. Brut. 31, Orat. 4; QuintiL xiii. 2. ~ 22, 10. ~ 24; Gellius, iii. 13.) It may be that Demosthenes knew and esteemed Plato, but it is more than doubtful whether he received his instruction; and to make him, as some critics have done, a perfect Platonic, is certainly going too far. According to some accounts he was instructed in oratory by Isocrates (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 844; Phot. Bibl. p. 492), but this was a disputed point with the ancients themselves, some of whom stated, that he was not personally instructed by Isocrates, but only that he studied the regXy? pIOropIK,, which Isocrates had written. (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 837, Dem. 5.) The tradition of Demosthenes having been a pupil of Isocrates is, moreover, not supported by any evidence derived from the orations of Demosthenes himself, who speaks with contempt of the rhetorical school of Isocrates (c. Lacrin. pp. 928, 937), and an unbiassed reader of the works of the two orators cannot discover any direct influence of the elder upon the younger one, for certain words and phrases cannot assuredly be taken as proofs to the contrary. The account that Demosthenes was instructed in oratory by Isaeus (Plut. Dem. 5, Vit. X Orat. p. 844; Phot. Bibl. p. 492), has much more probability; for at that time Isaeus was the most eminent orator in matters connected with the laws of inheritance, the very thing which Demosthenes needed. This account is further supported by the fact, that the earliest orations of Demosthenes, viz. those against Aphobus and Onetor, bear so strong a resemblance to those of Isaeus, that the ancients themselves believed them to have been composed by Isaeus for Demosthenes, or that the latter had written them under the guidance of the former. (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 839; Liban. Fit. Dem. p. 3, Argum. ad Orat. c. Onet. p. 875.) We may suppose without much hesitation, that during the latter years of his minority Demosthenes privately prepared himself for the career of an orator, to which he was urged on by his peculiar circumstancesno less than by the admiration he felt for the orators of his time, and that during the first years after his attaining the age of manhood he availed himself of the instruction of Isaeus. Immediately after becoming of age in B. c. 366, Demosthenes called upon his guardians to render him an account of their administration of his property; but by intrigues they contrived to defer the business for two years, which was perhaps less disagreeable to him, as he had to prepare himself and to acquire a certain legal knowledge and oratorical power before he could venture to come forward in his own cause with any hope of success. In the course of these two years, however, the matter "was twice investigated by the diaetetae, and was decided each time in favour of Demosthenes. (Dem. c. Aphob. i. p. 828, c. Aphob. iii. p. 861.) At length, in the third year after his coming of age, in the archonship of Timocrates, B. c. 364 (Dem. c. Onet. p. 868), Demosthenes brought his accusation against Aphobus before the archon, reserving to himself the right to bring similar charges against Demophon and Therippides, which, however, he does not appear to have done (c. Aphob. i. p. 817; Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 844; Zozim. Vit. Dem. p. 147). Aphobus was condemned to pay a fine of ten talents. This verdict was obtained by Demosthenes in the face of all the intrigues to which Aphobus had resorted for the DEMOSTIENES. purpose of thwarting him and involving him in a series of other law-suits (c. Aphob. p. 862). The extant orations of Demosthenes against Aphobus, who endeavoured to prevent his taking possession of his property, refer to these transactions. Demosthenes had thus gained a signal victory over his enemies, notwithstanding all the extraordinary disadvantages under which he laboured, for his physical constitution was weak, and his organ of speech deficient-whence, probably, he derived the nickname of jdaraAos, the delicate youth, or the stammerer,-and it was only owing to the most unwearied and persevering exertions that he succeeded in overcoming and removing the obstacles which nature had placed in his way. These exertions were probably made by him after he had arrived at the age of manhood. In this manner, and by speaking in various civil cases, he prepared himself for the career of a political orator and statesman. It is very doubtful whether Demosthenes, like some of his predecessors, engaged also in teaching rhetoric, as some of his Greek biographers assert. The suit against Aphobus had made Meidias a formidable and implacable enemy of Demosthenes (Dem. c. Aphob. ii. p. 840, c. Meid. p. 539, &c.), and the danger to which he thus became exposed was the more fearful, since except his personal powers and virtues he had nothing to oppose to Meidias, who was the most active member of a coterie, which, although yet without any definite political tendency, was preparing the ruin of the republic by violating its laws and sacrificing its resources to personal and selfish interests. The first acts of open hostility were committed in B. c. 361, when Meidias forced his way into the house of Demosthenes and insulted the members of his fimily. This led Demosthenes to bring against him the action of Kaityopia, and when Meidias after his condemnation did not fulfil his obligations, Demosthenes brought against him a 8iK7? iEcot;hs. (Dem. c. Meid. p. 540, &c.) Meidias found means to prevent any decision being given for a period of eight years, and at length, in B. c. 354, lie had an opportunity to take revenge upon Demosthenes, who had in that year voluntarily undertaken the choregia. Meidias not only endeavoured in all possible ways to prevent Demosthenes from discharging his office in its proper form, but attacked him with open violence during the celebration of the great Dionysia. (Dem. c. Meid. p. 518.) Such an act committed before the eyes of the people demanded reparation, and Demosthenes brought an action against him. Public opinion condemned Meidias, and it was in vain that he made all possible efforts to intimidate Demosthenes, who remained firm in spite of all his enemy's machinations, until at length, when an amicable arrangement was proposed, Demosthenes accepted it, and withdrew his accusation. It is said that he received from Meidias the sum of thirty minae. (Plut. Dem. 1 2; Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. ~ 52.) The reason why Demosthenes withdrew his accusation was in all probability his fear of the powerful party of which Meidias was the leader; his accepting the sum of thirty minae, which, however, can scarcely be treated as an authentic fact (Isid. Epist. iv. 205), has been looked upon as an illegal act, and has been brought forward as a proof that Demosthenes was accessible to bribes. But the law which forbade tIhe dropping of a public accusation (Dem. c. Mleid. p. 529)
Page 983 DEMOSTHENES. does not appear to have been always strictly observed, as it was merely intended to prevent frivolous and unfounded accusations. If, on the other hand, Demosthenes did receive the thirty minae, it does not follow that it was a bribe, for that sum may have been required of him as a fine for dropping his accusation against Meidias, or Demosthenes may have regarded that sum as a satisfactory acknowledgement of the guilt of his enemy. This affair belongs to the year B. c. 353, in which also the extant oration against Meidias was written, but as Demosthenes did not follow up the suit, the oration was left in its present unfinished state. Demosthenes had some years before this event come forward as a speaker in the public assembly, for in B. c. 355 he had delivered the orations against Leptines and Androtion (Dionys. Ep. ed Anom. i. 4), and in B. c. 353 the oration against Timocrates. The general esteem which Demosthenes enjoyed- as early as that time is sufficiently attested by the fact, that in B. c. 354, in spite of all the intrigues of Meidias, he was confirmed in the dignity of $ovmevurIs, to which he had been elected by lot (Dem. c. Meid. p. 551), and that in the year following he conducted, in the capacity of architheoros, the usual theoria, which the state of Athens sent to the festival of the Nemean Zeus (c. Meid. p. 552). The active part he took in public affairs is further attested by the orations which belong to this period: in B. c. 354 he spoke against the projected expedition to Euboea, though without success, and he himself afterwards joined in it under Phocion. (Dem. de Pace, p. 58, c. Meid. p. 558.) In the same year he delivered the oration rrept oCu/AlcoptCv, in which he successfully dissuaded the Athenians from their foolish scheme of undertaking a war against Persia (Dem. de Rhod. lib. p. 192), and in u. c. 353 he spoke for the Megalopolitans (iTrEp Me'yahorohlrcV), and opposed the Spartans, who had solicited the aid of Athens to reduce Megalopolis. The one hundred and sixth Olympiad, or the period from B. c. 356, is the beginning of the career of Demosthenes as one of the leading statesmen of Athens, and henceforth the history of his life is closely mixed up with that of his country; for there is no question affecting the public good in which he did not take the most active part, and support with all the power of his oratory what he considered right and beneficial to the state. King Philip of Macedonia had commenced in B. c. 358 his encroachments upon the possessions of Athens in the north of the Aegean, and lie had taken possession of the towns of Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone. During those proceedings he had contrived to keep the Athenians at a distance, to deceive them and keep them in good humour by delusions and apparently favourable promises. Demosthenes was not, indeed, the only man who saw that these proceedings were merely a prelude to greater things, and that unless the king was checked, he would attempt the subjugation, not only of Athens but of all Greece; but Demosthenes was the only person who had the honesty and the courage openly to express his opinions, and to call upon the Greeks to unite their strength against the common foe. His patriotic feelings and convictions against Macedonian aggrandizement are the groundwork of his Philippics, a series of the most splendid and spirited orations. They DEMOSTHENES. 983 did not, it is true, produce the desired results, but the fault was not his, and the cause of their failure must be sought in the state of general dissolution in the Greek republics at the time; for while Philip occupied his threatening position, the Phocians were engaged in a war for life and death with the Thebans; the states of Peloponnesus looked upon one another with mistrust and hatred, and it was only with great difficulty that Athens could maintain a shadow of its former supremacy. The Athenians themselves, as Demosthenes says, were indolent, even when they knew what ought to be done; they could not rouse themselves to an energetic opposition; their measures were in most cases only half measures; they never acted at the right time, and indulged in spending the treasures of the republic upon costly pomps and festivities, instead of employing them as means to ward off the danger that was gathering like a storm at a distance. This disposition was, moreover, fostered by the ruling party at Athens. It was further an unfortunate circumstance for Athens that, although she had some able generals, yet she had no military genius of the first order to lead her forces against the Macedonian, and make head against him. It was only on one occasion, in B. c. 353, that the Athenians gained decided advantages by a diversion of their fleet, which prevented Philip passing Thermopylae during the war between the Phocians and Thebans. But a report of Philip's illness and death soon made room for the old apathy, and the good-will of those who would have acted with spirit was paralyzed by the entire absence of any definite plan in the war against Macedonia, although the necessity of such a plan had been pointed out, and proposals had been made for it by Demosthenes in his first Philippic, which was spoken in B. c. 352. Philip's attack upon Olynthus in B. c. 349, which terminated in the year following with the conquest of the place, deprived the Athenians of their last stronghold in the north. At the request of several embassies from the Olynthians, and on the impressive exhortation of Demosthenes in his three Olynthiac orations, the Athenians had indeed made considerable efforts to save Olynthus (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 426; Dionys. Ep. ad Anom. i. 9), but their operations were thwarted in the end by a treacherous plot which was formed at Olynthus itself,. and the town fell into the hands of Philip. The next event in which Demosthenes took an active part is the peace with Philip, which from its originator is called the peace of Philocrates, and& is one of the most obscure points in the history of Demosthenes and of Athens, since none of the historians whose works are extant enter into the details of the subject. Our only sources of information are the orations of Demosthenes and Aeschines on the embassy (repi 7rapap7rpeo-eilas), which contain statements so much at variance and so contradictory, that it is next to impossible to come to any certain conclusions, although, if we consider the characters of the two orators, the authority of Demosthenes is entitled to higher credit than that of Aeschines. The former may, to some extent, have been labouring under a delusion, but Aeschines had the intention to deceive. The following particulars, however, may be looked upon as well established. During the Olynthian war, Philip had expressed his willingness to conclude a peace and alliance with Athens, and the Athenians, who
Page 984 984 DEMOSTHENES. were tired of the war and unable to form a coalition against the king, had accepted the proposal. Philocrates accordingly advised the Athenians to commence negotiations and to send an embassy to Philip. Demosthenes supported the plan, and Philocrates, Aeschines, and Demosthenes were among the ambassadors who went to the king. The transactions with Philip are not quite clear, though they must have referred to the Phocians and Thebans also, for the Phocians were allied with Athens, and the Athenian ambassadors probably demanded that the Phocians should be included in the treaty of peace and alliance between Macedonia and Athens. But this was more than Philip was inclined to agree to, since he had already resolved upon the destruction of the Phocians. It is, therefore, very probable that he may have quieted the ambassadors by vague promises, and have declined to comply with their demand under the pretext that he could not make a public declaration in favour of the Phocians on account of his relation to the Thessalians and Thebans. After the return of the ambassadors to Athens, the peace was discussed in two successive assemblies of the people, and it was at length sanctioned and sworn to by an oath to the king's ambassadors. Aeschines censures Demosthenes for having hurried the conclusion of this peace so much, that the Athenians did not even wait for the arrival of the deputies of their allies, who had been invited, and the contradictory manner in which Demosthenes himself (de Fals. Leg. p. 346, de Coron. p. 232) speaks of the matter seems indeed to cast some suspicion upon him; but the cause of Demosthenes's acting as he did may have been the vague manner in which Philip had expressed himself in regard to the Phocians. At any rate, however, quick decision was absolutely necessary, since Philip was in the meantime making war upon Cersobleptes, a king of Thrace, and since, in spite of his promises to spare the possessions of Athens in the Chersonesus, he might easily have been tempted to stretch out his hands after them: in order to prevent this, it was necessary that Philip, as soon as possible, should take his oath to the treaty of peace and alliance with Athens. It was on this occasion that the treacherous designs of Aeschines and his party became manifest, for notwithstanding the urgent admonitions of Demosthenes not to lose any time, the embassy to receive the king's oath (ird rots 3pKcovs), of which both Aeschines and Demosthenes were again members (the statement in the article AESCHINES, p. 37, that Demosthenes was not one of the ambassadors, must be corrected: see Newman in the Classical Mlseum, vol. i. p. 145), set out with a slowness as if there had been no danger whatever, and instead of taking the shortest road to Macedonia by sea, the ambassadors travelled by land. On their arrival in Macedonia they quietly waited till Philip returned from Thrace. Nearly three months passed away in this manner, and when at length Philip arrived, he deferred taking his oath until he had completed his preparations against the Phocians. Accompanied by the Athenian ambassadors, lie then marched into Thessaly, and it was not till his arrival at Pherae that he took his oath to the treaty, from which he now excluded the Phocians. When the ambassadors arrived at Athens, Demosthenes immediately and boldly denounced the treachery of his colleagues in the embassy; but in vain. Acschiniies succeeded in allayinsg the fears of DEMOSTHENES. the people, and persuaded them quietly to wait fir the issue of the events. Philip in the meantime passed Thermopylae, and the fate of Phocis was decided without a blow. The king was now admitted as a member of the Amphictyonic league, and the Athenians, who had allowed themselves to act the part of mere spectators during those proceedings, were now unable to do anything, but still they ventured to express their indignation at the king's conduct by refusing their sanction to his becoming a member of the Amphictyonic league. The mischief, however, was done, and in order to prevent still more serious consequences, Demosthenes, in B. c. 346, delivered his oration "on the peace" (irepZ elpipVs), and the people gave way. From this time forward the two political parties are fully developed, and openly act against each other; the party or rather the faction to which Aeschines belonged, was bribed by Philip to oppose the true patriots, who were headed by Demosthenes. He was assisted in his great work by such able men as Lycurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuctus, Hegesippus, and others, and being supported by his confidence in the good cause, he soon reached the highest point in his career as a statesman and orator. The basis of his power and influence was the people's conviction of his incorruptible love of justice and of his pure and enthusiastic love of his country. This conviction manifested itself clearly in the vengeance which the people took upon the treacherous Philocrates. (Aeschin. e. Ctesiph. ~ 79.) But this admiration and reverence for real and virtuous greatness soon cooled, and it was in vain that Demosthenes endeavoured to place the other men who had betrayed their country to Philip in their embassy to him, in the same light as Philocrates (Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 376), for the people were unwilling to sacrifice more than the one man, whom the Macedonian party itself had given up in order to save the rest. It was undoubtedly owing to the influence of this party that Aeschines, when after a long delay he consented to render an account of his conduct during the embassy, B. c. 343, escaped punishment, notwithstanding the vehement attacks of Demosthenes in the written oration 7repi rapasrpeo3elas. [AEsCHINES, p. 38.] In the mean time Philip followed up his plans for the reduction of Greece. With a view of drawing the Peloponnesians into his interests, he tried to win the confidence of the Argives and Messenians, who were then perilled by Sparta; he even sent them subsidies and threatened Sparta with an attack. (D)em. I'hil. ii. p. 69.) Sparta did not venture to offer any resistance, and the Athenians, who were allied with Sparta, felt unable to do anything more than send ambassadors to Peloponnesus, among whom was Demosthenes, to draw the Peloponnesians away from the Macedonian, and to caution them against his intrigues. (Dem. P1iltp. ii. p. 70, &c.) In consequence of these proceedings, ambassadors from Philip and the Peloponnesians met at Athens to complain of the Athenians favouring the ambitious schemes of Sparta, which aimed at suppressing the freedom of the peninsula, and to demand an explanation of their conduct. The Macedonian party at Athens, of course, supported those complaints; their endeavours to disguise Philip's real intentions and to represent them to the people in a favourable light, afforded an opportunity for Demosthcncs, when the answer to
Page 985 DEMOSTHENES. be sent to the king was discussed in the asseinbly, B. c. 344, to place in his second Philippic the proceedings and designs of the king and his Athenian friends in their true light. The answer which the Athenians sent to Philip was probably not very satisfactory to him, for he immediately sent another embassy to Athens, headed by Python, with proposals for a modification of the late,peace, although he subsequently denied having given to Python any authority for such proposals. (Dem. de Halones. p. 81.) Philip had for some time been engaged in the formation of a navy, and the apprehensions which the Athenians entertained on that score were but too soon justified; for no sooner were his preparations completed, than he took possession of the island of Halonesus, which belonged to Athens. The Athenians sent an embassy to claim. the island back; but Philip, who had found it in the hands of pirates, denied that the Athenians had any right to claim it, but at the same time he offered to make them a present of the island, if they would receive it as such. On the return of the ambassadors to Athens in B. c. 343, the oration on Halonesus (r-epi 'AXov<aeov) was delivered. It is usually printed among the orations of Demosthenes, but belongs in all probability to Hegesippus. This and other similar acts of aggression, which at length opened the eyes of the Athenians, roused them once more to vigorous and energetic measures, in spite of the efforts of the Macedonian party to keep the people quiet. Embassies were sent to Acarnania and Peloponnesus to counteract Philip's schemes in those quarters (Dem. Phil. iii. p. 129), and his expedition into Thrace, by which the Chersonesus was threatened, called forth an energetic demonstration of the Athenians under Diopeithes. The complaints which Philip then made roused Demosthenes, in B. c. 342, to his powerful oration Wrepi TrCV ie Xeppo3iVqf, and to his third Philippic, in which he describes the king's faithlessness in the most glaring colours, and exhorts his countrymen to unite and resist the treacherous aggressor. Soon after this, the tyrants whom Philip had established in Euboea were expelled through the influence and assistance of Demosthenes (Dem. de Coron. p. 254); but it was not till B. c. 341, when Philip laid siege to Perinthus and attacked Byzantium, that the long-suppressed indignation of the Athenians burst forth. The peace with Philip was now declared violated (n. c. 340); a fleet was sent to relieve Byzantium (Plut. Phoc. 14), and Philip was compelled to withdraw without having accomplished anything. Demosthenes was the soul of all these energetic measures. He had proposed, as early as the Olynthian war, to apply the theoricon to defray the expenses of the military undertakings of Athens (Dem. Olynth. iii. p. 31); but it was not till Philip's attack upon Byzantium that he succeeded in carrying a decree to this effect. (Dionys. Ep. ad Anmm. i. 11.) By his law concerning the trierarchy (Yo'leos rpiqpapXuPcKs), he further regulated the symmoriae on a new and more equitable footing. (Dem. de Coron. p. 260, &c.) He thus at once gave a fresh impulse to the maritime power and enterprise of Athens, B. c. 340. Philip now assumed the appearance of giving himself no further concern about the affairs of Greece. He carried on war with his northern neighbours, and left it to his hirelings to prepare DEMOSTHENES. 985 the last stroke at the independence of Greece. He calculated well; for when in the spring of B. c, 340 the Amphictyons assembled at Delphi, Aeschines, who was present as pylagoras, effected a decree against the Locrians of Amphissa for having unlawfully occupied a district of sacred land. The Amphissaeans rose against this decree, and the Amphictyons summoned an extraordinary meeting to deliberate on the punishment to be inflicted upon Amphissa. Demosthenes foresaw and foretold the unfortunate consequences of a war of the Amphictyons, and he succeeded at least in persuading the Athenians not to send any deputies to that extraordinary meeting. (Dem. de Coron. p. 275; Aeschin. c. COtesips. ~ 125, &c.) The Amphictyons however decreed war against Amphissa, and the command of the Amphictyonic army was given to Cottyphus, an Arcadian; but the expedition failed from want of spirit and energy among those who took part in it. (Dem. de Coron. p. 277.) The consequence was, that in B. c. 339, at the next ordinary meeting of the Amphictyons, king Philip was appointed chief commander of the Amphictyonic army. This was the very thing which he had been looking for. With the appearance of justice on his side, he now had an opportunity of establishing himself with an armed force in the very heart of Greece. He set out without delay, and when the Athenians received the news of his having taken possession of Elatea, they were thrown into the deepest consternation. Demosthenes alone did not give up all hopes, and he once more roused his countrymen by bringing about an alliance between Athens and Thebes. The Thebans had formerly been favoured by Philip, but his subsequent neglect of them had effaced the recollection of it; and they now clearly saw that the fall of Athens would inevitably be followed by their own ruin. They had before opposed the war of the Amphictyons, and when Philip now called upon them to allow his army to march through their territory or to join him in his expedition against Athens, they indignantly rejected all his handsome proposals, and threw themselves into the open arms of the Athenians. (Dem. de Coron. p. 299, &c.) This was the last grand effort against the growing power of Macedonia; but the battle of Chaeroneia, on the 7th of Metageitnion, B. c. 338, put an end to the independence of Greece. Thebes paid dearly for its resistance, and Athens, which expected a similar fate, resolved at least to perish in a glorious struggle. The most prodigious efforts were made to meet the enemy; but Philip unexpectedly offered to conclude peace on tolerable terms, which it would have been madness to reject, for Athens thus had an opportunity of at least securing its existence and a shadow of its former independence. The period which now followed could not be otherwise than painful and gloomy to Demosthenes, for the evil might have been averted had his advice been followed in time. The catastrophe of Chaeroneia might indeed to some extent be regarded as his work; but the people were too generous and too well convinced of the purity of his intentions, as well as of the necessity of acting as he had acted, to make him responsible for the unfortunate consequences of the war with Philip. It was, on the contrary, one of the most glorious acknowledgments of his merits that he could have received, that he was requested to deliver the funeral oration upon those who had fallen at Chaero
Page 986 986 DEMOSTHENES. neia, and that the funeral feast was celebrated in his house. (Den. de Coron. p. 320, &c.) But the, fury of the Macedonian party and of his personal enemies gave full vent to itself; they made all possible efforts to humble or annihilate the man who had brought about the alliance with Thebes, and Athens to the verge of destruction. Accusations were brought against him day after day, and at first the most notorious sycophants, such as Sosicles, Diondas, Melanthus, Aristogeiton, and others, were employed by his enemies to crush him (Dem. de Coron. p. 310); but the more notorious they were, the easier was it for Demosthenes to unmask them before the people. But matters 'soon began to assume a more dangerious aspect when Aeschines, the head of the Macedonian party, and the most implacable opponent of Demosthenes, came forward against him. An opportunity offered soon after the battle of Chaeroneia, when Ctesiphon proposed to reward Demosthenes with a golden crown for the conduct he had shewn during his public career, and more especially for the patriotic disinterestedness with which he had acted during the preparations which the Athenians made after the battle of Chaeroneia, when Philip was expected at the gates. (Dem. de Coron. p. 266.) Aeschines attacked Ctesiphon for the proposal, and tried to shew that it was not only made in an illegal form, but that the conduct of Demosthenes did not give him any claim to the public gratitude and such a distinction. This attack, however, was not aimed at Ctesiphon, who was too insignificant a person, but at Demosthenes, and the latter took up the gauntlet with the greater readiness, as he now shad an opportunity of justifying his whole political conduct before his countrymen. Reasons which are unknown to us delayed the decision of the question for a number of years, and it was not till i. c. 330 (Plut. Demn. 24) that the trial was proceeded with. Demosthenes on that occasion delivered his oration on the crown (mr pI r07Espvov). Aeschines did not obtain the fifth part of the votes, and was obliged to quit Athens and spend the remainder of his life abroad. All Greece had been looking forward with the most intense interest to the issue of this contest, though few can have entertained any doubt as to which would carry the victory. The oration on the crown was, in all probability, like that of Aeschines against Ctesiphon, revised and altered at a later period. Greece had in the mean time been shaken by new storms. The death of Philip, in B. c. 336, had revived among the Greeks the hope of shaking off the Macedonian yoke. All Greece rose, and especially Athens, where Demosthenes, although weighed down by domestic grief, was the first joyfully to proclaim the tidings of the king's death, to call upon the Greeks to unite their strength against Macedonia, and to form new connexions in Asia. (Plut. Dem. 23; Aeschin. c. Ctesijsh. ~ 161; Diod. xvii. 3.) Bat the sudden appearance of young Alexander with an army ready to fight, damped the enthusiasm, and Athens sent an embassy to him to sue for peace. Demosthenes was one of the ambassadors, but his feelings against the Macedonians were so strong, that he would rather expose himself to the ridicule of his enemies by returning after having gone half way, than act the part of a suppliant before the youthful king. (Plot. Des. 23; Aeschin. c. P lesipsh. ~ 161.) But no sooner had Alexander set out for the north to DEMOSTIHENES. chastise the rebellious neighbours of Macedoeub, than a false report of his death called forth another insurrection of the Greeks. Thebes, which hid suffered most severely, was foremost; but the insurrection spread over Arcadia, Argos, Elis, and Athens. However, with the exception of Thebes, there was no energy anywhere. Demosthenes carried indeed a decree that succours should be sent to Thebes, but no efforts were made, and Demosthenes alone, and at his own expense, sent a supply of arms. (Diod. xvii. 8.) The second sudden arrival of Alexander, and his destruction of Thebes, inl B.c. 335, put an end to all further attempts of the Greeks. Athens submitted to necessity, and sent Demades to the king as mediator. Alexander demanded that the leaders of the popular party, and among them Demosthenes, should be delivered up to him; but he yielded to the intreaties of the Athenians, and did not persist in his demand. Alexander's departure for Asia is the beginning of a period of gloomy tranquillity for Greece; but party hatred continued in secret, and it required only some spark from without to make it blaze forth again in undiminished fury. This spark came from Harpalus, who bad been left by Alexander at Babylon, while the king proceeded to India. When Alexander had reached the easternmost point of his expedition, Harpalus with the treasures entrusted to his care, and with 6000 mercenaries, fled from Babylon and came to.Greece. In B. c. 3'25 he arrived at Athens, and purchased the protection of the city by distributing his gold among the most influential demagogues. The reception of such an open rebel could not be viewed by the Macedonian party otherwise than as aim act of hostility towards Macedonia itself; and it was probably at the instigation of that party, that Antipater, the regent of Macedonia, and Olympias called upon the Athenians to deliver up the rebel and the money they had received of him, and to put to trial those who had accepted his bribes. Harpalus was allowed to escape, but the investigation concerning those who had been bribed by himn was instituted, and Demosthenes was among the persons suspected of the crime. The accounts of his conduct during the presence of Harpalus at Athens are so confused, that it is almost impossible to arrive at a certain conclusion. Theopompus (ap. Pist. Dem. 25, comp. Vil. X Orat. p. 846) and Deinaichues in his oration against Demosthenes state, that Demosthenes did accept the bribes of Harpaluss; but Pausanias (ii. 33. ~ 4) expressly acquits him of the crime. The authority of his accusers, however, is very questionable, for in the first place they do not agree in the detail of their statements, and secondly, if we consider the conduct of Demosthenes throughout the disputes about Harpalus, if we remember that he opposed the reception of the rebel, and that he voluntarily offered himself to be tried, we must own that it is at least highly improbable that he should have been guilty of common bribery, and that it was not his guilt which caused his condemnation, but the implacable hatred of the Macedonian party, which eagerly seized this favourable opportunity to rid itself of its most formidable opponent, who was at that time abandoned by his own friends from sheer timidity. Demosthenes defended himself in an oration which Athenaeus (xiii. p.592) calls irsepi 'red ypuaovo, and which is probably the same
Page 987 DEMOSTHIENES. as the one referred to by others under the title of dirooylfa rwcv.3apwv. (Dionys. de Admir. vi die. Dem. 57, Ep. ad Amm. i. 12.) But Demosthenes was declared guilty, and thrown into prison, from which however he escaped, apparently with the connivance of the Athenian magistrates. (Plut. Dem. 26, Vit. X Orat. p. 846; Anonym. Vit. Demosth. p. 158.) Demosthenes quitted his country, and resided partly at Troezene and partly in Aegina, looking daily, it is said, across the sea towards his beloved native land. But his exile did not last long, for in B. c. 323 Alexander died, and the news of his death was the watchword for a fresh rise of the Greeks, which was organized by the Athenians, and under the vigorous management of Leosthenes it soon assumed a dangerous aspect for Macedonia. (Diod. xviii. 10.) Demosthenes, although still living in exile, joined of his own accord the embassies which were sent by the Athenians to the other Greek states, and he roused them to a fresh struggle for liberty by the fire of his oratory. Such a devotedness to the interests of his ungrateful country disarmed the hatred of his enemies. A decree of the people was passed on the proposal of Demon, a relative of Demosthenes, by which he was solemnly recalled from his exile. A trireme was sent to Aegina to fetch him, and his progress from Peiraeeus to the city was a glorious triumph: it was the happiest day of his life. (Plut. Dem. 27, Vi. X Oral... 846; Justin, xiii. 5.) The military operations of the Greeks and their success at this time, seemed to justify the most sanguine expectations, for the army of the united Greeks had advanced as far as Thessaly, and besieged Antipater at Lamia. But this was the turning point; for although, even after the fall of Leosthenes, the Greeks succeeded in destroying the army of Leonnatus, which came to the assistance of Antipater, yet they lost, in B. c. 322, the battle of Cranon. This defeat alone would not indeed have decided the contest, had not the zeal of the Greeks gradually cooled, and had not several detachments of the allied army withdrawn. Antipater availed himself of this contemptible disposition among the Greeks, and offered peace, though lie was cunning enough to negotiate only with each state separately. Thus the cause of Greece was forsaken by one state after another, until in the end the Athenians were left alone to contend with Antipater. It would have been folly to continue their resistance singleIanded, and they accordingly made peace with Antipater on his own terms. All his stipulations were complied with, except the one which demanded the surrender of the popular leaders of the Athenian people. When Antipater and Craterus thereupon marched towards Athens, Demosthenes and his friends took to flight, and, on the proposal of Demades, the Athenians sentenced them to death. Demosthenes had gone to Calauria, and had taken refuge there in the temple of Poseidon. When Archias, who hunted up the fugitives everywhere, arrived, Demosthenes, who was summoned to follow him to Antipater, took poison, which he had been keeping about his person for some time, and died in the temple of Poseidon, on the 10th of Pyanepsion, B. c. 322. (Plut. Dem. 29, Vit. X Orat. p. 846; Lucian, Encom. Dem. 43, &c.) Thus terminated the career of a man who has been ranked by persons of all ages among the greatest and noblest spirits of antiquity; and this DEMOSTHENES. 987 fame will remain undiminished so long as sterling sentiments and principles and a consistent conduct through life are regarded as the standard by which a man's worth is measured, and not simply the success-so often merely dependent upon circumstances -by which his exertions are crowned. The very calumnies which have been heaped upon Demosthenes by his enemies and detractors more extravagantly than upon any other man-the coarse and complicated web of lies which was devised by Aeschines, and in which he himself was caught, and lastly, the odious insinuations of Theopompus, the historian, which are credulously repeated by Plutarch,-have only served to bring forth the political virtues of Demosthenes in a more striking and brilliant light. Some points there are in his life which perhaps will never be quite cleared up on account of the distorted accounts that have come down to us about them. Some minor charges which are made against him, and affect his character as a man, are almost below contempt. It is said, for example, that he took to flight after the battle of Chaeroneia, as if thousands of others had not fled with him (Plut. Dem. 20, Vit. X Orat. p. 845; Aeschin. c. Clesiph. ~ 175, 244, 253); that, notwithstanding his domestic calamity (his daughter had died seven days before) he rejoiced at Philip's death, which slews only the predominance of his patriotic feelings over his personal and selfish ones (Plut. Dem. 22; Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. ~ 77); and lastly, that he shed tears on going into exile-a fact for which he deserves to be loved and honoured rather than blamed. (Plut. Dem. 26.) The charge of tergiversation which is repeatedly brought against him by Aeschines, has never been substantiated by the least evidence. (Aeschin. c. Ctesiph. ~ 173, c. Timarch. ~ 131, de Fals. Leg. ~ 165; Plut. Dem. 15.) In his administration of public affairs Demosthenes is perfectly spotless, and free from all the crimes which the men of the Macedonian party committed openly and without any disguise. The charge of bribery, which was so often raised against him by the same Aesclines, must be rejected altogether, and is a mere distortion of the fact that Demosthenes accepted subsidies from Persia for Athens, which assuredly stood in need of such assistance in its struggles with Macedonia; but there is not a shadow of a suspicion that he ever accepted any personal bribes. His career as a statesman received its greatest lustre from his powers as an orator, in which he has not been equalled by any man of any country. Our own judgment on this point would necessarily be one-sided, as we can only read his orations; but among the contemporaries of Demosthenes there was scarcely one who could point out any definite fault in his oratory. By far the majority looked up to him as the greatest orator of the time, and it was only men of such over-refined and hypercritical tastes as Demetrius Phalereus who thought him either too plain and simple or too harsh and strong (Plut. Dem. 9, 11); though some found those features more striking in reading his orations, while others were more impressed with them in hearing him speak. (Comp. Dionys. de Admir. vi die. Demosth. 22; Cic. de Orat. iii. 56, Brut. 38; Quintil. xi. 3. ~ 6.) These peculiarities, however, are far from being faults; they are, on the contrary, proofs of his genius, if we consider the temptations which natural deficiencies hold out to an incipient orator to pursue the opposite course. The
Page 988 988 DEMOSTHENES. obstacles which his physical constitution threw in his way when he commenced his career, were so great, that a less courageous and persevering man than Demosthenes would at once have been intimidated and entirely shrunk from the arduous career of a public orator. (Plut. Dem. 6, &e.) Those early difficulties with which he had to contend, led him to bestow more care upon the composition of his orations than he would otherwise have done, and produced in the end, if not the impossibility of speaking extempore, at least the habit of never venturing upon it; for he never spoke without preparation, and he sometimes even declined speaking when called upon in the assembly to do so, merely because he was not prepared for it. (Plut. Dem. 8, Vit. X Orat. p. 848.) There is,.however, no reason for believing that all the extant orations were delivered in that perfect form in which they have come down to us, for most of them were probably subjected to a careful revision before publication; and it is only the oration against Meidias, which, having been written for the purpose of being delivered, and being afterwards given up and left incomplete, may be regarded with certainty as a specimen of an oration in its original form. This oration alone sufficiently shews how little Demosthenes trusted to the impulse of the moment. It would lead us too far in this article to examine the manner in which Demosthenes composed his orations, and we must refer the reader to the various modern works cited below. We shall only add.a few remarks upon the causes of the mighty impression which his speeches made upon the minds of his hearers. The first cause was their pure and ethical character; for every sentence exhibits Demosthenes as the friend of his country, of virtue, truth, and public decency (Plut. Dem. 13); and as the struggles in which he was engaged were fair and just, he could without scruple unmask his opponents, and wound them where they were vulnerable, though he never resorted to sycophantic artifices. The second cause was his intellectual superiority. By a wise arrangement of his subjects, and by the application of the strongest arguments in their proper places, he brought the subjects before his hearers in the clearest possible form; any doubts that might be raised were met by him beforehand, and thus he proceeded calmly but irresistibly towards his end. The third and last cause was the magic force of his language, which being majestic and yet simple, rich yet not bombastic, strange and yet familiar, solemn without being ornamented, grave and yet pleasing, concise and yet fluent, sweet and yet impressive, carried away the minds of his hearers. That such orations should notwithstanding sometimes have failed to produce the desired effect, was owing only to the spirit of the times. Most of the critical works that were written upon Demosthenes by the ancients are lost, and, independent of many scattered remarks, the only important critical work that has come down to us is that of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, entitled 7repi rijs ToU0 A7posOievovs ewoVdr'7Tos. The acknowledged excellence of Demosthenes's orations made them the principal subjects of study and speculation with the rhetoricians, and called forth numerous imitators and commentators. It is probably owing to those rhetorical speculations which began as early as the second century B. c., that a number of orations which are decidedly spurious and un DEMOST HENES. worthy of Demosthenes, such as the Adyos eIn'rds(os and the WpcriKcs, were incorporated in thse collections of those of Demosthenes. Others, such as the speech on Halonesus, the first against Aristogeiton, those against Theocrines and Neaera, which are undoubtedly thle productions of contemporary orators, may have been introduced among those of Demosthenes by mistake. It would be of great assistance to us to have the commentaries which were written upon Demosthenes by such men as Didymus, Longinus, Hermogenes, Sallustius, Apollonides, Theon, Gymnasius, and others; but unfortunately most of what they wrote is lost, and scarcely anything of importance is extant, except the miserable collection of scholia which have come down to us under the name of Ulpian, and the Greek arguementa to the orations by Libanius and other rhetoricians. The ancients state, that there existed 65 orations of Demosthenes (Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 847; Phot. Bibl. p. 490), but of these only 61, and if we deduct the letter of Philip, which is strangely enough counted as an oration, only 60 have come down to us under his name, though some of these are spurious, or at least of very doubtful authenticity. Besides these orations, there are 56 Exordia to public orations, and six letters, which bear the name of Demosthenes, though their genuineness is very doubtful. The orations of Demosthenes are contained in the various collections of the Attic orators by Aldus, H. Stephens, Taylor, Reiske, Dukas, Bekker, Dobson, and Baiter and Sauppe. Separate editions of the orations of Demosthenes alone were published by Aldus, Venice, 1504; at Basel in 1532; by Feliciano, Venice, 1543; by Morellus and Lambinus, Paris, 1570; by H. Wolf, 1572 (often reprinted); by Auger, Paris, 1790; and by Schaefer, Leipzig and London, 1822, in 9 vols. 8vo. The first two contain the text, the third the Latin translation, and the others the critical apparatus, the indices, &c. A good edition of the text is that by W. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1825, 3 vols. 8vo. We subjoin a classified list of the orations of Demosthenes, to which are added the editions of each separate oration, when there are any, and the literature upon it. I. POLITICAL ORATIONS. A. Orations against Philip. Editions of the Philippics were published by J. Bekker (Berlin, 1816, 1825 and 1835), C. A. Rildiger (Leipzig, 1818, 1829 and 1833), and J. T. Vdmel. (Frankfurt, 1829.) 1. The first Philippic was delivered in B.c. 352, and is believed by some to be made up of two distinct orations, the second of which is supposed to commence at p. 48 with the words a piev 7')Ce7Ls. (Dionys. Ep. ad Anmm. i. 10.) But critics down to the present time are divided in their opinions upon this point. The common opinion, that the oration is one whole, is supported by the MSS., and is defended by Bremi, in the Philol. Beitriyge aus der Sclzreiz, vol. i. p. 21, &c. The opposite opinion is very ably maintained by J. Held, Prolegomena ad Dem. Orat. quae vulgo prima Phil. dicitzlr, Vratislaviae, 1831, and especially by Seebeck in the Zeitschrift fUr d. Alterthizmswiss. for 1838, No. 91, &c. 2-4. The first, second, and third Olynthiac orations belong to, the year a. c. 349. Dionysius
Page 989 DEMOSTHENES. (Ep. ad Amm. i. 4) makes the second the first, and the third the second in the series; and this order has been defended by R. Rauchenstein, de Oral. Olynth. ordine, Leipz. 1821, which is reprinted in vol. i. of Schaefer's Apparatus. The other order is defended by Becker, in his German translation of the Philippics, i. p. 103, &c., and by Westermann, Stiive, Ziemann, Petrenz, and Brickner, in separate dissertations. There is a good edition of the Olynthiac orations, with notes, by C. H. Frotscher and C. H. Funkhiinel, Leipzig, 1834, 8vo. 5. The oration on the Peace, delivered in B. c. 346. Respecting the question as to whether this oration was actually delivered or not, see Becker, Philippische Reden, i. p. 222, &c., and Vomel, Prolegom. ad Orat. de Pace, p. 240, &c. 6. The second Philippic, delivered in B. c. 344. -See V6mel, Integram esse Demosth. Philip. II. apparet ex dispositione, Frankf. 1828, whose opinion is opposed by Rauchenstein in Jahin's Jahrb. vol. xi. 2, p. 144, &c. 7. On Halonesus, B. c. 343, was suspected by the ancients themselves, and ascribed to Hegesippus. (Liban. Argum. p. 75; Harpocrat. and Etym. M. s. v.; Phot. Bibl. p. 491.) Weiske endeavoured to vindicate the oration for Demosthenes in Dissertatio super Orat. de Halon., Lubben. 1808, but he is opposed by Becker in Seebode's Archiv. for 1825, i. p. 84, &c., Philippische Reden, ii. p. 301, &c., and by Vimel in Ostenditur Ilegesippi esse orationem de Haloneso, Frankf. 1830, who published a separate edition of this oration under the name of Hegesippus in 1833. 8. elpl rc vv Xeeov'acy, delivered in B. c. 342. 9. The third Philippic, delivered in B. c. 342. See Vomel, Demosthenis Philip. III. habitam esse ante Chersonesiticam, Frankf. 1837; L. Spengel, Ueber die dritte Philip. Rede des Dem., Munich, 1839. 10. The fourth Philippic, belongs to B. c. 341, but is thought by nearly all critics to be spurious. See Becker, Philip. Reden, ii. p. 491, &c.; W. H. Veersteg, Orat. Philip. IV. Demosth. abjudicatur, Groningae, 1818. 11. Up's -r)v 'ErtIoroxnov rTv XDhLivr7rov, refers to the year B. c. 340, but is a spurious oration. Becker, Philip. Reden, ii. p. 516, &c. B. Other Political Orations. 12. IHepI svVrdTEws, refers to B. c. 353, but is acknowledged on all hands to be spurious. F. A. Wolf, Proleg. adLeptin. p. 124; Schaefer, Apparat. Grit. i. p. 686. 13. lieps lsvqstopsicv, was delivered in B. c. 354. See Amersfoordt, Introduct. in Orat. de Symmor. Lugdun. Bat. 1821, reprinted in Schaefer's Appar. Crit. vol. i.; Parreidt, Disputat. de Instit. eo Athen. cujus ordinal, et correct. in orat. sIepi ov/xt. inscripta suadet Demosth., Magdeburg, 1836. 14. 'TsrEp ME'yaAosroArrCV, B. c. 353. 15. HIep L'vs 'PosLwov evOepias, B. c. 351. 16. IEpl Tcvr rpos'AAlEavspov rovvO6sKiv, refers to B. c. 325, and was recognized as spurious by the ancients themselves. (Dionys. de Admir. vi die. Dem. 57; Liban. Argum. p. 211.) II. JUDICIAL OR PRIVATE ORATIONS. 17. isep1:'re()dvov, or on the Crown, was delivered in B. c. 330. There are numerous separate editions of this famous oration; the best are by I. DEMOSTHENES. 989 Bekker vith scholia, Halle, 1815, and Berlin, 1825. by Bremi (Gotha, 1834), and by Dissen (Ghttingen, 1837). Comp. F. Winiewski, Comment. Historica et Chronolog. in Demosth. Orat. de Coron., Monasterii, 1829. The genuineness of the documents quoted in this oration has of late been the subject of much discussion, and the most important among the treatises on this question are those of Droysen (Ueber die Aechtheit der Urkund. in Demosth. Rede vom Kranz, in the Zeitschrift fuir die A lterthumsw. for 1839, and reprinted separately at Berlin, 1839), and F. W. Newman (Classical Mluseum, vol. i. pp. 141-169), both of whom deny the genuineness, while V6mel in a series of programs (commenced in 1841) endeavours to prove their authenticity. Comp. A. F. Wolper, de Forma hodierna Oral. Demosth. de Coron. Leipzig, 1825; L. C. A. Briegleb, Comment. de Demosth. Orat. pro Ctesiph. praestantia, Isenac. 1832. 18. lIep1 r1is I1apaIrpeso-das, delivered in B. c. 342. 19. Iepl Tris dreXAas 7rpos AesrrivrvV, was spoken in B. c. 355, and it has been edited separately by F. A. Wolf, Halle, 1789, which edition was reprinted at Ziurich, 1831. 20. Kara Me1ietov TrEpl ToO OV6U'Aou, was composed in B. c. 355. There are separate editions by Buttmann (Berlin, 1823 and 1833), Blume (Sund. 1828), and Meier (Halle, 1832). Compare Bickh, Ueber die Zeilverhi'dtnisse der Midiana in the Abhandl. der Berlin. Akadem. for 1820, p. 60, &c. 21. Kard 'Avaportv'os -rapavo'dwv, belongs to B. c. 355, and has been edited separately by Funkhhnel, Leipzig, 1832. 22. Kard 'Api-TroKpdirovs, n. c. 352. See Rumpf, De Charidemo Orita, Giessen, 1815. 23. Kard Tispospdrovus, B. c. 353. See Blume, Prolegom. in Demosth. Orat. c. Timocrat., Berlin, 1823. 24 and 25. The two orations against Aristogeiton belong to the time after B. c. 338. The genuineness of these two orations, especially of the first, was strongly doubted by the ancients themselves (Dionys. de Admir. vi die. Dem. 57; Harpocrat. s. vv. eOwpis and veasks; Pollux, x. 155), though some believed them to be the productions of Demosthenes. (Liban. Argum. p. 769; Phot, Bibl. p. 491.) Modern critics think the first spurious, others the second, and others again both. See Schmidt, in the Excursus to his edition of Deinarchus, p. 106, &c.; Westermann, Quaest. Demosth. iii. p. 96, &c. 26 and 27. The two orations against Aphobus were delivered in B. c. 364. 28. lIpos "A(poGov ev3sofxaprvptwv, is suspected of being spurious by Westermann, Quaest. Dem. iii. p. 11, &c. Comp. Schdmann, de Jure Publ. Graec. p. 274. 29 and 30. The two orations against Onetor. See Schmeisser, de Re Tutelari ap. Atihen., &c., Freiburg, 1829. The genuineness of these orations is suspected by Bockh, Publ. Econ. of Athens, Index, s. v. Demosthenes. 31. HIapaypapoq4 Trpos Z-ov6O6cuv, falls after the year B. c. 355. 32. Tipos 'A7raTov'p ov rapaTpan, is of uncertain date. 33. lIpos IopLdIwva rept 8avelo, was spoken in B. c. 332. See Baumstark, Prolegom. in Orat, Demosth. adv. Phorm., Heidelberg, 1826.
Page 990 990 DEMOSTHENES. 34. flpd r)vA PI'rsv rapaypo `V, is of ujicertain date, and its genuineness is doubted by some of the ancients. See the Greek Argumentum. 35. 'TirRp 4op1Awvos wrpaypa(P, belongs to B. C. 350. 36. nIpos rlawaraive'rov 7rapaypap-j, falls after B. c. 347. 37. flpp's Navo4l/aXov Kal -.vosrc-qi rtapa-ypajp4, is of uncertain date. 38. l1p6is Bow'niv r7rpl roi dvoslAcros, belongs to 1B. c. 351 or 350, and was ascribed by some of the ancients to Deinarchus. (Dionys. Hal. Deinarek. 13.) See B6ckh, Ur-kund. "ber. das Att. Seewesen, p. 22, &c. 39. npiir BoiTerii tbIre'p ripou icLs irrp'aS, B. C. 347. 40. npo's:irovbifp 07r ep 7rpotcJrs, of uncertain date. 41. npo's i4aivar7rov ispi clv-rlooswrw, of uncertain date. The genuineness of this oration is doubted hy the author of the argum. to it, Nilckb, Index to Pubt. Econ. of Athens, and Schaefer,.Apper. Grit. v. p. 63. 42. Hpis MaKtr'p'rav o7rsEpti'Ayvtiev nirpov, of uncertain date. See de Boor, Prolegon. zu der Redo des Demzos/i. pegea. Makar/u/als, Hamburg, 1838. 43. I7pds AEoXa'piq 7P Lrp roVCX7 pen, of uncertain date. 4-4 and 45. The two orations against Stephanus, belong to the time previous to B. c. 343. The genuineness of the first is doubted by I. Bekker. See C. D. Beel, Diatribe ie Denios/h. Oral. in Stephen., Lugdun. Bat. 1825. 46. Mpl EVie'pyov Kal MvijoufeiiXov *Evnopap'rvpsith, belongs to the time after B. C. 355. Its genuineness is doubted by Harpocr. s. ci,.'EicaA&oTpOVV and drsv7,Ur', W H. Wolf, Biickh (I. c.), and I. Iekker. See Schaefer, A419Iar. Grit. v. p. 216. 47. Kaaa 'OAvuinolepov )gadfeqs, after B. C. 343. 48. flpis Tilp6Eov ih'rEip Xpiws, falls between B C. 363 and 354, but is considered spurious by Iarpocrat. s. v. Kaio'EXrsviC?, Biickb, and Bekker (see Schaefer, Appj,)ar. GCrit. v. p. 264). It is defended by Rumpf, de Otet. ade. 7i7)tzth., Giessen, 1821. 49. II po's rfloAvircAa irspl 're i rl'rpnppapXrluaeos, after B. C. 361. 50. Isp1 'rTOO 'rnpdvoO 'ris 'rprqpapX1's, after B. c. 361, is suspected by Becker, Dcuaosth. ols atsynal-snna eund. Redner, p. 465. 51. llpie KiKAhrArov, spoken in B. C. 364. 52. npds Nucdc'rpaoi 7'rc-pl rc 'APEOOocTSov dv6pawrdowv, of uncertain date, was suspected by H1arpocrat. s. c. 'Awroypa~lj..53. KanT Ko'vwvos allcias, B. c. 343. 54. npIps Ka/\aKACa irEpi xwpion, of uncertain date. 55. K rT 'mo' -vnoa'pov /3Xui01qT, B. c. 329. 56. 'EDso-is rpo's EmiCovhsALav, after B. C. 346. 57. KaTch ~sOKPIeOV n v8Etsm, belongs to B.C. 325, but is probably the work of iDeinarchus. (Dionys. Deinarek. 10; Argum. ad Ori-c. c. TheoCs'~i. p. 1321; Harpocrat. s. vv. 'eypcpliou and 0'oscptVns; Schaefer, Apper. Crit. v. p. 473.) 58. KanT' Nealpas, refers to a. C. 340, but is considered spurious both by ancient and modern writers. (Dionys. d Admir. vi die. Dns7-. 57; Phlrynich. p. ~225; Harpocrat. s. cc. yita 3mio. DEMOST11ENER, iroi's'Os, - &C-7J7 e'7v, 'I7rsrepxos, and Kne/uis; Schaefer, App)ar-. CGrit. v. p. 527.) I11. Snow SPEECHES. 59. 'Ein'rciipLos, refers to B. C. 338, but is uin' questionably spurious. (Dionys. de A dmir. vi die. Demo. 23, 44; Liban. p. 6; Harpocrat. s. vc. Ai'ysiZ. 8aL and KsEpemnis; Phot. Bibl. p. 491; Suid. s. v. Aspese6E'vsjs; Bekker, A necd. p. 354; 11restermann, Quaest. Desme. ii. p. 49, &c.) Its genuineness is defended by Becker (Demiosth. als Sta/esin. u. led. ii. p. 466, &c.) and Kriuger (in Seebode's Arc/tic, i. 2, p. 277). 60. 'Ep-rriico's, is, like the former, a spurious production. (Dionys. de A dsisir. ci die. Demn.. 44; Liban. p. 6; Pollux, iii. 144; Pliot. Bib!. 1. c.; Westermaun, Qiacest. Dens. ii. p. 70, &c.) Among the lost orations of Demosthenes'the following are mentioned:-AL(P1'Xq) A a1LYOPu oucS iroVTLrL 8WpedS. (Dionys. Deinarclt. 11.) 2. KarT ME'&w'ros. (Pollux, viii. 53; Ilarpoer. s. v. AEKca-.rsV's.) 3. llpis flOAincV'ErOV irapa-ypar p. (Bekker, Aneed. p. 90.) 4. flpi Xpvcieov (Athen. xiii. p. 592) is perhaps the same as the dsroho-yla oyme y Iapcc. (Dionys. Ep. ad Ami. i. 12, who, however, in Dentostls. 57, declares it a spurious oration.) 5. n pl Top1'ro g t icaoivau "Apsrahov, was spurious according to Dionysius. (Desos/h. 57.) 6. KeTa 77Aa"80ov. (Bekker, Aneed. p. 335.) A fragment of it is probably extant in Alexand. dIe Fqigir. p. 478, ed. XWalz. 7. tIpos KpITrtev spi TOil E'vEsriascasLaTos. (Harpocrat. s. c. 'Ei'ssuo'-,upeuia, where Dionysins doubts its genuineness.) 8. 'Tsrep Ps'rTpsni, probably not a work of Demosthenes. (Suid. s.cv. "A/te.) 9. Trirp a'rsiapov 'rs -rL'rpo'nijs s pis Xapl67i3toe, belonged according to Callimachus (aip. Pleat. Bibl. p. 491) to Deinarchus. Besides the ancient and modern historians of the time of Philip and Alexande', the following works will be found useful to the student of Demosthenes: Schott, Vitae Parollelae Aris/ot. et Deities/h. Antwerp, 1603; Becker, Demostshenes als Sola/smstann und l edeer, Halle, 1816, 2 vols. live; Xesterniann, Qstestiones Detssos/hessicoe, in four parts, Leipzig, 1830-11837, Gesehichte der' Gs'iech. Be-'edlsasnkeit, ~~ 56, 57, and Bei/ace, vii. p. 297, &c.; Bihuneke, Sltudiest ouf dems Ge/iete dec Allisehet Redanec, Berlin, 1843. [L. S.] DEMO'STHENES (A-qiposrfivsms). 1. The filther of the orator. See above. 2. A Bithynian, wrote a history of his native country, of which the tenth book is quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium. (secv. Koo-ds, Mato-wAoi; comp. s. cc. Taipas, Tapoais, TEVsn0lcscs, 'AESav8psica, 'Ap'rdiC-'n; Etym. Miag. s. v. 'Hpaia.) Ho further wrote an account of the foundations of towns (ICTLUsmS), which is likewise several times quoted by Stephanus. Euphorion wrote a poem against this historian under the title of Anlsoo-Oiz'9Sc of which a fragment is still extant. (Bekker, Anecdot. p. 1383; comp. Meineke, deEephorioste,p 31.) 3. A Thracian, a Greek grammarian, who wrote according to Suidas (s. c.) a work on the ditlyrambic poets (srsppl &palAoiroiyv), a paraphrase of Homer's Iliad and of Hesiod's Theogony, and an epitome of the work of Damagetus of Heracleia. (Westermana, Quaest. Demn. iv. pp. 38, 88.) 4. Surnamed the Little (6 Juscpds), a Greek rhetorician, who is otherwise unknown; hut some fragments of his speeches are extant in B~ekkier's An~ecdote (pp. 135, 140, 168, 170, 17;2). [L. S.]
Page 991 DEMOTIMUS. DENTATUS. 991 DEMO'STHENES MASSALIO'TES, or ther particulars are not known. (Diog. Laert. v. 53, MASSILIENSIS (4 Maaa-XCahlkurs), a native of 55, 56.) [L. S.] Marseilles, and the author of several medical DEMO'XENUS. [DAMOXENUS.] formulae preserved by Galen, must have lived in DEMUS (Auos). If the reading in Athenor before the first century after Christ, as he is aeus (xiv. p. 660) is correct, Demus was the auquoted by Asclepiades Pharmacion. (Gal. De Com- thor of an Atthis, of which the first book is there pos. M1edicam. sec. Gen. v. 15. vol. xiii. p. 856.) quoted. But as Demus is not mentioned anyBy some persons he is supposed to be the same as where else, Casaubon proposed to change the name Demosthenes Philalethes, which seems to be quite into KhxAr6sV os, who is well known to have possible. He is sometimes called simply Massaliotes written an Atthis. If the name Demus is wrong, or.Massiliensis. (Gal. 1. c. p. 855; Aetius, iv. 2. it would be safer to substitute A-rswv than KAet58, p.726.) See C.G.Kiihn, Additam. ad Elench. -rd836o os, as Demon wrote an Atthis, which conMedicor. Veter. a J. A. Fabricio, 4c., exhibitum, sisted of at least four books. [L. S.] where he has collected all the fragments of Demos- DENDRI'TES (Aev/piLrsS), the god of the tree, thenes that remain. [W. A. G.] a surname of Dionysus, which has the same import DEMO'STHENES PHILALE'THES (As?- as Dasyllius, the giver of foliage. (Plut. Sympos. po6Oefv77s 64 ilal6O?7s), a physician, who was one 5; Paus. i. 43. ~ 5.) [L. S.] of the pupils of Alexander Philalethes, and be- DENDRI'TIS (AeYvpTTrS), the goddess of the longed to the school of medicine founded by Hero- tree, occurs as a surname of Helen at Rhodes, and philus. (Gal. De Differ. Puls. iv. 4. vol. viii. p. the following story is related to account for it. 727.) He probably lived about the beginning of After the death of Menelaus, Helen was driven the Christian aera, and was especially celebrated from her home by two natural sons of her husband. for his skill as an oculist. He wrote a work on She fled to Rhodes, and sought the protection of the Pulse, which is quoted by Galen (1. c.), and her friend Polyxo, the widow of Tlepolemus. But also one on Diseases of the Eyes, which appears to Polyxo bore Helen a grudge, since her own have been extant in the middle ages, but of which husband Tlepolemus had fallen a victim in the nothing now remains but some extracts preserved Trojan war. Accordingly, once while Helen was by Aetius, Paulus Aegineta, and other later wri- bathing, Polyxo sent out her servants in the disters. [W. A. G.] guise of the Erinnyes, with the command to hang DEMO'STRATUS (Amo'e-rpa~ros). 1. An Helen on a tree. For this reason the Rhodians Athenian orator and demagogue, at whose propo- afterwards built a sanctuary to Helena Dendritis, sition Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus were ap- (Paus. iii. 19. ~ 10.) [L. S.] pointed to command the Athenian expedition DENSUS, JU'LIUS, a man of equestrian rank against Sicily. IIe was brought on the stage by of the time of Nero. In A. D. 56, he was acEupolis in his comedy entitled Boviy-?s. (Plut. cused of being too favourably disposed towards Ale. 18, Nic. 12; Ruhnken, Hist. Crit. Or. Graec. Britannicus, but his accusers were not listened to. p xlvi.) (Tacit. Ann. xiii. 10.) [L. S.] 2. The son of Aristophon, an ambassador from DENSUS, SEMPRO'NIUS, a most distinAthens to Sparta, is supposed by Ruhnken (1. c.) guished and noble-minded man of the time of the to have been the grandson of the orator. (Xen. emperor Galba. He was centurion of a praetoIell. vi. 3. ~ 2.) rian cohort, and was commissioned by Galba to 3. A person in whose name Eupolis exhibited protect his adopted son Piso Licinianus, at the his comedy Adv3'Avcos. (Ath. v. p. 216, d.) He time when the insurrection against Galba broke is ranked, among the poets of the new comedy on out, A.D. 70. When the rebels approached to seek the authority of Suidas (s. v. xdpas, A rudo'rparos and murder Piso, Densus rushed out against them Aqoro7r0y): but here we ought probably to read with his sword drawn, and thus turned the attenTtwo'rpaTos, who is known as a poet of the new tion of the persecutors towards himself, so that comedy. [TIMOSTRATUS.] (Meineke, Frag. Com. Piso had an opportunity of escaping, though he was Graec. i. pp. 110, 500.) afterwards caught and put to death. (Tacit. Hlst. 4. A Roman senator, who wrote a work on fish- i. 43.) According to Dion Cassius (lxiv. 6) and ing (dhAvL.ruca) in twenty-six books, one on aqua- Plutarch (Galb. 26) it was not Piso, but Galba tic divination (rEp -r S iE'vpouv avrucis), and himself who was thus defended and protected by other miscellaneous works connected with history. Densus, who fell during the struggle. [L. S.] (Suid. s. v. Aato'aeparos; Aelian, N. A. xiii. 21, DENTA'TUS, M.' CU'RIUS (some writers call xv. 4, 9, 19.) He is probably the same person him M. Curius Dentatus), the most celebrated from whose history, meaning perhaps a natural among the Curii, is said to have derived his coghistory, Pliny quotes (H. N. xxxvii. 6), and the nomen Dentatus from the circumstance of same also as Demostratus of Apameia, the second having been born with teeth in his mouth. book of whose work "On Rivers" (7repi irorap.sv) (Plin. H. N. vii. 15.) Cicero (pro liMuren. 8) Plutarch quotes. (De Fluv. 13; comp. Eudoc. p. calls him a homo novus, and it appears that he was 128; Phot. Bib. Cod. clxi.; Vossius, de Hist. of Sabine descent. (Cic. pro Sudla, 7; Schol. Graec. pp. 427, 428, ed. Westermann.) [P. S.] Bob. p. 364 ed. Orelli.) The first office which DEMO'TELES (A?/Eor7EAX), one of the twelve Curius Dentatus is known to have held was that authors, who according to Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. of tribune of the people, in which he distinguished 12) had written on the pyramids, but is other- himself by his opposition to Appius Claudius the wise unknown. [L. S.] Blind, who while presiding as interrex at the elecDEMOTI'MUS (Avridos), an Athenian and tion of the consuls, refused, in defiance of the intimate friend of Theophrastus, with whom he law, "to accept any votes for plebeian candidates. devoted himself to the study of philosophy. Theo- Curius Dentatus then compelled the senate to phrastus in his will bequeathed to him a house, make a decree by which any legal election was and appointed him one of his executors; but fur- sanctioned beforehand. (Cic. Brut. 14; Aurel.
Page 992 992 DENTATUS. Vict. de Vir. Illust. 33.) The year of his'tribuneship is uncertain. According to an inscription (Orelli, Inscript. Lat. No. 539) Appius the Blind was appointed interrex three times, and from Livy (x. 11) we know, that one of his inter-reigns belongs to B. c. 299, but in that year Appius did not hold the elections, so that this cannot be the year of the tribuneship of Dentatus. In B. c. 290 he was consul with P. Cornelius Rufinus, and both fought against the Samnites and gained such decisive victories over them, that the war which had lasted for 49 years, was brought to a close, and the Samnites sued for peace which was granted to them. The consuls then triumphed over the Samnites. After the end of this campaign Curius Dentatus marched against the Sabines, who had revolted from Rome and had probably supported the Samnites. In this undertaking he was agains so successful, that in one campaign the whole country of the Sabines was reduced, and he celebrated his second triumph in his first consulship. The Sabines then received the Roman civitas without the suffrage. (Vell. Pat. i. 14), but a portion of their territory was distributed among the plebeians. (Niebuhr, HiEst. of ome, iii. p. 420.) In B. c. 283, Dentatus was appointed praetor in the place of L. Caecilius, who was slain in an engagement against the Senones, and he forthwith sent ambassadors to the enemy to negotiate the ransom of the Roman prisoners; but his ambassadors were murdered by the Senones. Aurelius Victor mentions an ovatio of Curius over the Lucanians, which according to Niebuhr (iii. p. 437) belonged either to B. c. 285 or the year previous. In B. c. 275 Curius Dentatus was consul a second time. Pyrrhus was then returning from Sicily, and in the levy which Dentatus made to complete the army, he set an example of the strictest severity, for the property of the first person that refused to serve was confiscated and sold, and when the man remonstrated he himself too is said to have been sold; When the army was ready, Dentatus marched into Samnium and defeated Pyrrhus near Beneventum and in the Arusinian plain so completely, that the king was obliged to quit Italy. The triumph which Dentatus celebrated in that year over the Samnites and Pyrrhus was one of the most magnificent that had ever been witnessed: it was adorned by four elephants, the first that were ever seen at Rome. His disinterestedness and frugality on that occasion were truly worthy of a great Roman. All the booty that had been taken in the campaign against Pyrrhus was-given up to the republic, but when he was nevertheless charged with having appropriated to himself a portion of it, he asserted on his oath that he had taken nothing except a wooden vessel which he used in sacrificing to the gods. In the year following, B. c. 274, he was elected consul a third time, and carried on the war against the Lucanians, Samnites, and Bruttians, who still continued in arms after the defeat of Pyrrhus. When this war was brought to a close Curius Dentatus retired to his farm in the country of the Sabines, where he spent the remainder of his life and devoted himself to agricultural pursuits, though still ready to serve his country when needed, for in B. c. 272 he was invested with the censorship. Once the Samnites sent an embassy to him with costly presents. The ambassadors found him on his farm, sitting at the hearth and roasting turnips. HIe re DENTATUS. jected their presents with the words, that he preferred ruling over those who possessed gold, to possessing it himself. He was celebrated down to the latest times as one of the noblest specimens of ancient Roman simplicity and frugality. When after the conquest of the Sabines lands were distributed among the people, he refused to take more than any other soldier, and it was probably on that occasion that the republic rewarded him with a house and 500 jugers of land. He is said never to have been accompanied by more than two grooms, when he went out as the commander of Roman armies, and to have died so poor, that the republic found it necessary to provide a dowry for his daughter. But such reports, especially the latter, are exaggerations or misrepresentations, for the property which enabled a man to live comfortably in the time of Curius, appeared to the Romans of a later age hardly sufficient to live at all; and if the state gave a dowry to his daughter, it does not follow that he was too poor to provide her with it, for the republic may have given it to her as an acknowledgment of her father's merits. Dentatus lived in intimate friendship with the greatest men of his time, and lie has acquired no less fame from the useful works he constructed than from his victories over Pyrrhus and the Samnites, and from his habits of the good old times of Rome. In B. c. 272, during his censorship, he built an aquaeduct (Aniensis Vetus), which carried the water from the river Anio into the city. The expenses were covered by the booty which he had made in the war with Pyrrhus. Two years later he was appointed duumvir to superintend the building of the aquaeduct, but five days after the appointment he died, and was thus prevented from completing his work. (Frontin. de Aquaeduct. i. 6; Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 33.) He was further the benefactor of the town of Reate in the country of the Sabines, for lie dug a canal (or canals) from lake Velinus through the rocks, and thus carried its water to a spot where it falls from a height of 140 feet into the river Nar (Nera). This fall is the still celebrated fall of Terni, or the cascade delle Marmore. The Reatians by that means gained a considerable district of excellent arable land, which was called Rosea. (Cic. adl At. iv. 15, pro Scaur. 2; Serv. ad Aen. vii. 712.) A controversy has recently been raised by Zumpt (Abhandl. der Berlin. Akademie for 1836, p. 155, &c.) respecting the i'. Curius, who led the water of lake Velinus into the Nar. In the time of Cicero we find the town of Reate engaged in a law-suit with Interasmna, whose territory was suffering on account of that canal, while the territory of Reate was benefited by it. Zumpt naturally asks "how did it happen that Interamna did not bring forward its complaints till two centuries and a half after the construction of the canal?" and from the apparent impossibilty of finding a proper answer, lie ventures upon the supposition, that the canal from lake Velinus was a private undertaking of the age of Cicero, and that M'. Curius who was quaestor in B. c. 60, was the author of the undertaking. But our ignorance of any quarrels between Interamna and Reate before the time of Cicero, does not prove that there were no such quarrels previously, though a long period might elapse before, perhaps owing to some unfavourable season, the grievance was felt by Interamna. Thus we find that throughout the mid
Page 993 DERCYLLIDAS. die ages and even down to the middle of last century, the inhabitants of Reate (Rieti) and Interamna (Terni) had from time to time very serious disputes about the canal. (J. H. Westphal, Die Romn. Campagne, p. 130. Comp. Liv. Epit. 11-14; Polyb. ii. 19; Oros. iii. 23, iv. 2; Eutrop. ii. 5, 14; Florus, i. 18; Val. Max. iv. 3. ~ 5, vi. 3. ~ 4; Varro, L. L. p. 280 ed. Bip.; Plut. Pyrrlh. 20, Apophth. Imper. 1, Cat. mai. 2; Plin. H. N. xvi. 73, xviii. 4; Zonaras, viii. 6; Cic. Brut. 14, de Senect. 13, 16, de Re Publ. iii. 28, de Amicit. 5, 11; Horat. Carm. i. 12. 37, &c.; Juven. xi. 78, &c.; Appul. Apolog. p. 431, ed. Bosscha.) [L. S.] DENTER, CAECI'LIUS. 1. L. CAECILIUS DENTER, was consul in B. c. 284, and praetor the year after. In this capacity he fell in the war against the Senones and was succeeded by M'. Curius Dentatus. (Liv. Epit. 12; Oros. iii. 22; Polyb. ii. 19; Fast. Sicul.) Fischer in his Romisceh. Zeittafeln makes him praetor and die in B. c. 285, and in the year following he has him again as consul. Drumann (Gesch. Roms, ii. p. 18) denies the identity of the consul and the praetor, on the ground that it was not customary for a person to hold the praetorship the year after his consulship; but examples of such a mode of proceeding do occur (Liv. x. 22, xxii. 35), and Drumann's objection thus falls to the ground. 2. L. CAECILIUS DENTER, was praetor in B. c. 182, and obtained Sicily for his province. (Liv. xxxix. 56, xl. 1.) 3. M. CAECILIUS DENTER, one of the ambassadors who were sent, in B. c. 173, to king Perseus to inspect the affairs of Macedonia, and to Alexandria to renew the friendship with Ptolemy. (Liv. xlii. 6.) [L. S.] DENTER, LI'VIUS. 1. C. Livius DENTER, magister equitum to the dictator C. Claudius Crassinus Regillensis in B. c. 348.' (Fast.) 2. M. Livius DENTER, was consul, in B. c. 302, with M. Aemilius Paullus. In that year the war against the Aequians was renewed, but the Roman consuls were repulsed. In B. c. 299 he was among the first plebeians that were admitted to the office of pontiff, and in this capacity he accompanied P. Decius, and dictated to him the formula, under which he devoted himself to a voluntary death for the good of his country. P. Decius at the same time requested M. Livius Denter to act as praetor. (Liv. x. 1, 9, 28, 29.) [L. S.] DENTO, ASI'NIUS, a person whom Cicero (ad Att. v. 20) calls nobilis sui generis, was primus pilus under M. Bibulus, in B. c. 51, and was killed near mount Amanus. [L. S.] DEO (A-o'J), another name for Demeter. (Hom. Hymnn. in Denm. 47; Aristoph. Plut. 515; Soph. Antig. 1121; Orph. Hymn. 38. 7; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 988; Callim. Hymn. in Cer. 133; Schol. ad Theocrit. vii. 3.) The patronymic form of it, Delois, Deomne, or Deione, is therefore given to Demeter's daughter, Persephone. (Ov. Met. vi. 114; Athen. x. p. 449.) [L. S.] DEOMENEIA (A-qojsIeia), a daughter of Areas, a bronze statue of whom was erected at Mantineia. (Paus. viii. 9. ~ 5.) [L. S.] DERCY'LLIDAS (AeptcuAkitas). 1. A Spartan, was sent to the Hellespont in the spring of B. c. 411 to excite the cities there to revolt from Athens, and succeeded in bringing over Abydus and Lampsacus, the latter of which, however, was almost immediately recovered by the Athenians DERCYLLIDAS. 993 under Strombichides. (Thuc. viii. 61, 62.) In B. c. 399 he was sent to supersede Thibron in the command of the army which was employed in the protection of the Asiatic Greeks against Persia. On his arrival, he took advantage of the jealousy between Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes to divide their forces, and having made a truce with the latter, proceeded against the midland Aeolis, the satrapy of Pharnabazus, towards whom he entertained a personal dislike, as having been once subjected through his means to a military punishment when he was harmost at Abydus under Lysander. In Aeolis he gained possession of nine cities in eight days, together with the treasures of Mania, the late satrapess of the province. [MANIA; MEIDIAS.] As he did not wish to burden his allies by wintering in their country, he concluded a truce with Pharnabazus, and marched into Bithynia, where he maintained his army by plunder. In the spring of 398 he left Bithynia, and was met at Lampsacus by Spartan commissioners, who announced to him the continuance of his command for another year, and the satisfaction of the home government with the discipline of his troops as contrasted with their condition under Thibron. Having heard from these commissioners that the Greeks of the Thracian Chersonesus had sent an embassy to Sparta to ask for aid against the neighbouring barbarians, he said nothing of his intention, but concluded a further truce with Pharnabazus, and, crossing over to Europe, built a wall for the protection of the peninsula. Then returning, he besieged Atarneus, of which some Chian exiles had taken possession, and reduced it after an obstinate defence. Hitherto there had been no hostilities between Tissaphernes and Dercyllidas, but in the next year, B. c. 397, ambassadors came to Sparta from the lonians, representing that by an attack on Caria, where the satrap's own property lay, he might be driven into acknowledging their independence, and the ephori accordingly desired Dercyllidas to invade it. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus now united their forces, but no engagement took place, and a negotiation was entered into, Dercyllidas demanding the independence of the Asiatic Greeks, the satraps the withdrawal of the Lacedaemonian troops. A truce was then made till the Spartan authorities and the Persian king should decide respectively on the requisitions. In B. c. 396, when Agesilaus crossed into Asia, Dercyllidas was one of the three who were commissioned to ratify the short and hollow armistice with Tissaphernes. After this, he appears to have returned home. In B. c. 394 he was sent to carry the news of the battle of Corinth to Agesilaus, whom he met at Amphipolis, and at whose request he proceeded with the intelligence to the Greek cities in Asia which had furnished the Spartans with troops. This service, Xenophon says, he gladly undertook, for he liked to be absent from home,-a feeling possibly arising from the mortifications to which, as an unmarried man (so Plutarch. tells us), he was subjected at Sparta. (See Diet. of Ant. p. 597.) He is said to have been characterized by roughness and cunning,qualities denoted respectively by his nicknames of " Scythus " and "Sisyphus," if indeed the former of these be not a corrupt reading in Athenaeus for the second. (Xen. Hell. iii. 1. ~~ 8-28, ii. ~~ 1 -20, 4. ~ 6, iv. 3. ~~ 1-3, Anab. v. 6. ~ 24; Diod. xiv. 38; Pnlut. Lyec. 15; Athen. xi. p. 500, c.) 3s
Page 994 994 DERCYNUS. DEUCALION. 2. A Spartan, who was sent as ambassador to DERDAS (AEp8as), a Macedonian chieftain, Pyrrhus when he invaded Sparta in B. c. 272 for who joined with Philip, brother of Perdiccas II., the purpose of placing Cleonymus on the throne, in rebellion against him. Athens entered into [CHELIDONIS; CLEONYMUS.] Plutarch records alliance with them, a step, it would seem, of an apophthegm of Dercyllidas on this occasion doubtfll policy, leading to the hostility of Perdiccas, with respect to the invader: " If he is a god, we and the revolt, under his advice, of Potidaea, and fear him not, for we are guilty of no wrong; if a the foundation of Olynthus. The Athenian generals man, we are as good as he." (Plut. Apophth. Lac. who arrived soon after those events acted for a vol. ii. p. 128, ed. Tauchn.; Plut. Pýrrh. 26, where while against Perdiccas with them. (Thuc. i. 57 the saying is ascribed to one Mandricidas.) [E.E.] -59.) Derdas himself probably died about this DERCY'LLIDAS (AEprcvhAXAas), the author time, as we hear of his brothers in his place of a voluminous work on Plato's philosophy, and (c. 59), one of whom Pausanias probably was, of a commentary also on the " Timaeus," neither (c. 61.) [A. H. C.] of which has come down to us. (Fabric. Bibl. DERDAS (AEp6as), a prince of Elymia or EliGraec. iii. pp. 95, 152, 170, ed. Harles, and the meia, and probably of the same family as the couauthorities there referred to,) [E. E.] sin of Perdiccas II. mentioned above. As he had DERCYLUS or DERCYLLUS (AepicvAos, reason, from the example of Amyntas II. [see AEpKvAehos), an Athenian, was one of that em- p. 154, b.], to fear the growing power of Olynthus, bassy of ten, in which Aeschines and Demosthenes he zealously and effectually aided the Spartans in were included, and which was sent to Philip to their war with that state, from B. c. 382 to 379. treat on the subject of peace in B. c. 347. In B. c. (Xen. Hell. v. 2, 3; Diod. xv. 19-23.) We learn 346, the same ambassadors appear to have been from Theopompus (ap. Atlien. x. p. 436, d.), that again deputed to ratify the treaty. (See the he was taken prisoner by the Olynthians, but it Argument prefixed to Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 336; does not appear on what occasion; nor is it certain Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 41; Thirwall's Greece, whether he is the same Derdas to whom Aristotle vol. v. p. 356; comp. the decree ap.Dem. de Cor. alludes. (Polit. v. 10, ed. Bekk.) Derdas, whose p. 235; Classical MuZiseum, vol. i. p. 145.) Der- sister Phila was one of the wives of Philip, was cylus was also one of the envoys in the third probably a different person, though of the same embassy (Jirl rods 'Auc-rv'ovas), which was ap- family. (Ath. xiii. p. 557, c.) [E. E.] pointed to convey to Philip, then marching upon DERRHIA'TIS (AEsPdnTs), a surname of ArPhocis, the complimentary and cordial decree of temis, which she derived from the town of DerPhilocrates, and to attend the Amphictyonic coun- rhion on the road from Sparta to Arcadia. (Paus. cil that was about to be convened on the affairs of iii. 20. ~ 7.) [L. S.] Phocis. When, however, the ambassadors had DESIDE'RIUS, brother of Magnentius, by reached Chalcis in Euboea, they heard of the de- whom he was created Caesar and soon after put to struction of the Phocian towns by Philip, and of death, when the tyrant, finding that his position his having taken part entirely with the Thebans, was hopeless, in a transport of rage, massacred all and Dercylus returned to Athens with the alarm- his relations and friends, and then, to avoid falling ing news; but the embassy was still desired to into the power of his rival, perished by his own proceed. (Aesch. de Fals. Leg. pp. 40, 46, c. Ctes. p. hands. According to Zonaras, however, Deside65; Dem. de Cor. p. 237, de Fals. Leg. pp. 360, rius was not actually killed, but only grievously 379.) It is perhaps the same Dercylus whom Plutarch wounded, and upon his recovery surrendered to mentions as " general of the country" (T70O rl 7T0 Constantius. No genuine medals of this prince XdpaIs o'pa'r1-yov, in B. c. 318). When Nicanor, are extant. (Zonar. xiii. 9; Julian, Orat. frag.; having been called on to withdraw the Macedonian Chron. Alexand. p. 680, ed. 1615; Eckhel, vol. garrison from Munychia, consented to attend a viii. p. 124.) [W. R.] meeting of the council in the Peiraeeus, Dercylus DESILA'US (Aeco aos), a statuary, whose formed a design to seize him, but he became aware Doryphorus and wounded Amazon are mentioned of it in time to escape. Dercylus is also said to by Pliny (xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 15). There is no reason have warned Phocion in vain of Nicanor's inten- to believe, with Meyer and Miller, that the name tion of making himself master of the Peiraeeus. is a corruption of Ctesilaiis; but, on the contrary, (Plut. Phoc. 32; Nep. Phoc. 2; Droysen, Gesch. the wounded Amazon in the Vatican, which they der Naclf Alex. p. 223.) [E.E.] take for a copy of the work of Ctesilaiis, is probaDERCYLUS or DERCYLLUS (Aepicdos, bly copied from the Amazon of Desilaiis. (Ross, ApchAAhos), a very ancient Greek writer, men- Kunsiblatt, for 1840, No. 12.) [CRESILAs.] [P. S.] tioned several times in connexion with Agias, the DESPOENA (Aeorrowa), the ruling goddess or latter being a different person probably from the the mistress, occurs as a surname of several diviniauthor of the Ndo-rot, with whom Meineke identi- ties, such as Aphrodite (Theocrit. xv. 100), Defies him. We find the following works of Der- meter (Aristoph. Thesm. 286), and Persephone. cylus referred to: 1. 'ApyoXucd. 2. 'IraKa'd. (Paus. viii. 37. ~ 6; comp. PERSEPHONE.) [L.S.] 3. AiloXuicd. 4. KTlsreIs. 5. 2a'rvpucd, appa- DEUCA'LION (AevcaAwv). 1. A son of Prorently on the fables relating to the Satyrs. 6. IHep metheus and Clymene. He was king in Phthia, dopwv. 7. Iiept AlOwv. The exact period at which and married to Pyrrha. When Zeus, after the he flourished is uncertain. (Plut. Par. Min. 17, 38, treatment he had received from Lycaon, had rede Fluv. 8, 10, 19, 22; Athen. iii. p. 86, f.; Clem. solved to destroy the degenerate race of men who Alex. Strom. i. p. 139, ed. Sylb.; Schol. ad Eur. inhabited the earth, Deucalion, on the advice of Troad. 14; Meineke, Ilist. Crit. Com. Graec. p. his father, built a ship, and carried into it stores 417.) [E. E.] of provisions; and when Zeus sent a flood all over DE'RCYNUS (AEp'cvvos), a son of Poseidon Hellas, which destroyed all its inhabitants, Deucaand brother of Albion. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 10.) lion and Pyrrha alone were, saved. After their Pomponius Mela (ii. 5) calls him Bergion. [L. S.] ship had been floating about for nine days, it land
Page 995 DEVERRA. DEXIPPUS. 995 ed, according to the common tradition, on mount Parnassus; others made it land on mount Othrys in Thessaly, on mount Athos, or even on Aetna in Sicily. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. ix. 64; Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. vi. 41; Hygin. Fab. 153.) These differences in the story are probably nothing but local traditions; in the same manner it was believed in several places that Deucalion and Pyhrra were not the only persons that were saved. Thus Megarus, a son of Zeus, escaped by following the screams of cranes, which led him to the summit of mount Gerania (Paus. i. 40. ~ 1); and the inhabitants of Delphi were said to have been saved by following the howling of wolves, which led them to the summit of Parnassus, where they founded Lycoreia. (Paus. x. 6. ~ 2.) When the waters had subsided, Deucalion offered up a sacrifice to Zeus Phyxius, that is, the helper of fugitives, and thereupon the god sent Hermes to him to promise that he would grant any wish which Deucalion might entertain. Deucalion prayed that Zeus might restore mankind. According to the more common tradition, Deucalion and Pyrrha went to the sanctuary of Themis, and prayed for the same thing. The goddess bade them cover their. heads and throw the bones of their mother behind them in walking from the temple. After some doubts and scruples respecting the meaning of this command, they agreed in interpreting the bones of their mother to mean the stones of the earth; and they accordingly threw stones behind them, and from those thrown by Deucalion there sprang up men, and from those of Pyrrha women. Deucalion then descended from Parnassus, and built his first abode at Opus (Pind. 01. ix. 46), or at Cynus (Strab. ix. p. 425; Schol. ad Pind. 01. ix. 64), where in later times the tomb of Pyrrha was shewn. Concerning the whole story, see Apollod. i. 7. ~ 2; Ov. MIet. i. 260, &c. There was also a tradition that Deucalion had lived at Athens, and the sanctuary of the Olympian Zeus there was regarded as his work, and his tomb also was shewn there in the neighbourhood of the sanctuary. (Paus. i. 18. ~ 8.) Deucalion was by Pyrrha the father of Hellen, Amphictyon, Protogeneia, and others. Strabo (ix. p. 435) states, that near the coast of Phthiotis there were two small islands of the name of Deucalion and Pyrrha. 2. A son of Minos and PasiphaPe or Crete, was an Argonaut and one of the Calydonian hunters. He was the father of Idomeneus and Molus. (Hom. II. xiii. 451; Apollod. iii. 1. ~ 2, 3. ~ 1; Diod. iv. 60; Hygin. Fab. 14, 173; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 121.) 3. A son of Hyperasius and Hypso, and brother of Amphion. (Val. Flacc. i. 366; comp. Apollon. Rhod. i. 176.) 4. A son of Heracles by a daughter of Thespius. (Hygin. Fab. 162.) 5. A Trojan, who was slain by Achilles. (Hom. 11. xx. 477.) [L. S.] DEVERRA, one of the three symbolic beingstheir names are Pilumnus, Intercidona, and Deverra-whose influence was sought by the Romans, at the birth of a child, as a protection for the mother against the vexations of Sylvanus. The night after the birth of a child, three men walked around the house: the first struck the threshold with an axe, the second knocked upon it with a pestle, and the third swept it with a broom. These symbolic actions were believed to prevent Sylvanus from entering the house, and were looked upon as symbolic representations of civilized or agricultural life, since without an axe no tree can be felled, a pestle is necessary to pound the grain, and corn is swept together with a broom. (Augustin, de Civ. Dei, vi. 9; Hartung, Die Relig. der sRomer, ii. p. 175.) [L. S.] DEXA'MENUS (Aegdyseos), a centaur who lived in Bura in Achaia, which town derived its name from his large stable for oxen. (Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. in Del. 102; Etymol. M. s. v.) According to others, he was a king of Olenus, and the father of Deianeira, whom Heracles seduced during his stay with Dexamenus, who had hospitably received him. Heracles on parting promised to return and marry her. But in his absence the centaur Eurytion sued for Deianeira's hand, and her father out of fear promised her to him. On the wedding day Heracles returned and slew Eurytion. (Hygin. Feb. 33.) Deianeira is usually called a daughter of Oeneus, but Apollodorus (ii. 5. ~ 5) calls the daughter of Dexamenus, Mnesimache, and Diodorus (iv. 33) Hippolyte. [L. S.] DEXI'CRATES (AeýScpar-0s), an Athenian comic poet of the new comedy, whose drama entitled 'TY' iavurwCy I7ravLEvoie is quoted by Athenaeus (iii. p. 124, b). Suidas (s. v.) also refers to the passage in Athenaeus. (Meineke, Frag. Comn. Graec. i. p. 492, iv. p. 571.) [P. S.] DEXIPPUS (A8Etwros), a Lacedaemonian, was residing at Gela when Sicily was invaded for the second time by the Carthaginians under Hannibal, the grandson of Hamilcar, in B. c. 406. At the request of the Agrigentines, on whom the storm first fell, he came to their aid with a body of mercenaries which he had collected for the purpose; but he did not escape the charge of corruption and treachery which proved fatal to four of the Agrigentine generals. When the defence of Agrigentum became hopeless, Dexippus returned to Gela, the protection of that place having been assigned him by the Syracusans, who formed the main stay of the Grecian interest in the island. Not long after, he was dismissed from Sicily by Dionysius, whose objects in Gela he had refused to aid. (Diod. xiii. 85, 87, 88, 93, 96.) [E. E.] DEXIPPUS (Ae~7reros), a comic poet of Athens, respecting whom no particulars are known. Suidas (s. v. Kwpvicauos) mentions one of his plays entitled Osavp6s, and Eudocia (p. 132) has preserved the titles of four others, viz. 'AvrnLropro~Kods, ruadpyvpos, 'IaTopioypacios, and AtaurcaNo'jesvoi. Meineke in his Hist. Crit. Corn. Graec. has overlooked this poet. [L. S.] DEXIPPUS (Ai7nrtros), a commentator on Plato and Aristotle, was a disciple of the NeoPlatonic philosopher lamblichus, and lived in the middle of the fourth century of the Christian era. We still possess a commentary of Dexippus on the Categories of Aristotle, in the form of a dialogue, which, however, is printed only in a Latin translation. It appeared at Paris, 1549, 8vo., under the title of " Quaestionum in Categorias libri tres, interprete J. Bernardo Feliciano,"and again at Venice, 1546, fo., after the work of Porphyry In Praedicanz. The Greek title in the Madrid Codex is, AegSirrov g(phoTo6pov hAerwvircou TL V els ra's 'ApToroTEAovs Kar7'yopias 'Anropictv re Kic AvorEwv KE5dAata ju'. In this work the author explains to one Seleucus the Aristotelian Categories, and endeavours at the 3s2
Page 996 996 DEXIPPUS. same time to refute the objections of Plotinus. (Plotin. Ennead. vi. 1, 2, 3; comp. Simplic. ad Arist. Categ. fol. 1, a.; Tzetzes, Chiliad. ix. Hist. 274.) SSpecimens of the Greek text are to be found in Iriarte, Cod. Bibl. Matrit. Catalog. pp. 135, 274, &c., and from these we learn that there are other dialogues of Dexippus on similar subjects still extant in manuscript. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iii. pp. 254, 486, v. pp. 697, 740.) [A. S.] DEXIPPUS (AýTnrros), called also Dioxippus, a physician of Cos, who was one of the pupils of the celebrated Hippocrates, and lived in the fourth century B. c. (Suid. s. v. AETrTmros.) Hecatomnus, prince of Caria (B. c. 385-377), sent for him to cure his sons, Mausolus and Pixodarus, of a dangerous illness, which he undertook to do upon condition that Hecatomnus should cease from waging war against his country. (Suid. ibid.) He wrote some medical works, of which nothing but the titles remain. He was blamed by Erasistratus for his excessive severity in restricting the quantity of drink allowed to his patients. (Galen, De Secta Opt. c. 14, vol. i. p. 144; Comment. I. in Hippocr. "De Rat. Vict. in Mforb. Acut." c. 24, Comment. Ie. c. 38, and Comment. IV. c. 5, vol. xv. pp. 478, 703, 744; De Venae Sect. adv. Erasistr. c. 9, vol. xi. p. 182.) He is quoted by Plutarch (Sympos. vii. 1) and Aulus Gellius (xvii. 11) in the controversy that was maintained among some of the ancient physicians as to whether the drink passed down the windpipe or the gullet. [W. A. G.] DEXIPPUS, PUBLIUS HERE'NNIUS, a Greek rhetorician and historian, was a son of Ptolemaeus and born in the Attic demos of Hermus. (Biickh, Corp. Inscript. i. n. 380, p. 439, &c.) He lived in the third century after Christ, in the reigns of Claudius Gothicus, Tacitus, Aurelian, and Probus, till about A. D. 280. (Eunap. Vit. Porphyr. p. 21.) He was regarded by his contemporaries and later writers as a man of most extensive learning; and we learn from the inscription just referred to, that he was honoured at Athens with the highest offices that existed in his native city. In A. D. 262, when the Goths penetrated into Greece and ravaged several towns, Dexippus proved that he was no less great as a general and a man of business than as a scholar, for, after the capture of'Athens, he gathered around him a number of bold and courageous Athenians, and took up a strong position on the neighbouring hills. Though the, city itself was taken by the barbarians, and Dexippus with his band was cut off from it, he made an unexpected descent upon Peiraeeus and took vengeance upon the enemy. (Dexipp. Exc. de Bell. Scyth. p. 26, &c.; Trebell. Poll. Gallien. 13.) We are not informed whether Dexippus wrote any rhetorical works; he is known to us only as an historical author. Photius (Bibl. Cod. 82) has preserved some account of three historical works of Dexippus. 1. Td m-er& 'AXEqavpov, in four books. It was a history of Macedonia from the time of Alexander, and by way of introduction the author prefixed a sketch of the preceding history, from the time of Caranus to Alexander. (Comp. Euseb. Chron. 1.) 2. iuVroepov lo'roptcdv, or as Eunapius (p. 58) calls it, XpoVtK-d ~o-ropia, was a chronological history from the mythical ages down to the accession of Claudius Gothicus, A. D. 268. It consisted probably of twelve books, the DIADUMENIANUS. twelfth being quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. "EAovpol), and it is frequently referred to by the writers of the Augustan history. (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 49; Capitolin. Maximin. Jun. 6, Tree Gord. 2, 9, M raxim. et Balbin. 1; Treb. Poll. Gallien. 15, Trig. Tyr. 32, Claud. 12; comp. Evagrius, Hist. Eccles. v. 24.) 3. uicvOudc, that is, an account of the war of the Goths or Scythians, in which Dexippus himself had fought. It commenced in the reign of Decius, and was brought to a close by Aurelian. Photius praises the style and diction of Dexippus, especially in the third work, and looks upon him as a second Thucydides; but this praise is highly exaggerated, and the fragments still extant shew, that his style has all the faults of the late Greek rhetoricians. The fragments of Dexippus, which have been considerably increased in modern times by the discoveries of A. Mai (Collect. Script. Vet. ii. p. 319, &c.), have been collected by I. Bekker and Niebuhr in the first volume of the Scriptores Historiae Byzantinae, Bonn, 1829, 8vo. [L. S.] DEXTER, AFRA'NIUS, was consul suffectus in A. D. 98, in the reign of Trajan (Plin. Epist. v. 14) and a friend of Martial. (Epigr. vii. 27.) He was killed during his consulship. [L. S.] DEXTER, C. DOMI'TIUS, was consul in A.D. 196, in the reign of Septimius Severus, who appointed him praefect of the city. (Spartian. Sever. 8; Fasti.) [L. S.] DIA (Aa), a daughter of Deioneus and the wife of Ixion. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. ii. 39.) Her father is also called Eioneus. (Diod. iv. 69; Schol. ad Apollon. Rihod. iii. 62.) By Ixion, or according to others, by Zeus (Hygin. Fab. 155), she became the mother of Peirithous, who received his name from the circumstance, that Zeus when he attempted to seduce her, ran around her (7reptOEiv) in the form of a horse. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 101.) There are two other mythical personages of this name. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. i. 144; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480.) Dia is also used as a surname of Hebe or Ganymede, who had temples under this name at Phlius and Sicyon. (Strab. viii. p. 382; Paus. ii. 13. ~ 3.) [L. S.] DIADEMA'TUS, a surname of L. Caecilius Metellus, consul in B. c. 117. DIADUMENIA'NUS or DIADUMENUS, M. OPE'LIUS, the son of M. Opelius Macrinus and Nonia Celsa, was born on the 19th of September, A. D. 208. When his father was elevated to the purple, after the murder of Caracalla on the 8th of March, A. D. 217, Diadumenianus received the titles of Caesar, Princeps Juventutis, Antoninus, and eventually of Imperator and Augustus also. Upon the victory of Elagabalus, he was sent to the charge of Artabanus, the Parthian king, but was betrayed and put to death about the same time with Macrinus. This child is celebrated on account of his surpassing beauty by Lampridius, who declares, that COIN OF DIADUMENIANUS.
Page 997 DIAEUS. he shone resplendent like a heavenly star, and was beloved by all who looked upon him on account of his surpassing grace and comeliness. From his maternal grandfather he inherited the name of Diadumenus, which upon his quasi-adoption into the family of the Antonines was changed into Diadumenianus. (Dion Cass. Ixxviii. 4, 17, 19, 34, 38-40; Herodian. v. 9; Lamprid. Diadumen.; Capitolin. Macrin. 10.) [W. R.] DIAETHUS (Aialeos), the author of commentaries on the Homeric poems, which seem to have been chiefly of an historical nature, and are referred to in the Venetian scholia on the Iliad (iii. 175). [L. S.] DIAEUS (Afalos), a man of Megalopolis, succeeded Menalcidas of Lacedaemon as general of the Achaean league in B. c. 150. Menalcidas, having been assailed by Callicrates with a capital charge, saved himself through the favour of Diaeus, whom he bribed with three talents [CALLICRATES, No. 4, p. 569, b.]; and the latter, being much and generally condemned for this, endeavoured to divert public attention from his own conduct to a quarrel with Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemonians had appealed to the Roman senate about the possession of some disputed land, and had received for answer that the decision of all causes, except those of life and death, rested with the great council of the Achaeans. This answer Diaeus so far garbled as to omit the exception. The Lacedaemonians accused him of falsehood, and the dispute led to war, wherein the Lacedaemonians found themselves no match for the Achaeans, and resorted accordingly to negotiation. Diaeus, affirming that his hostility was not directed against Sparta, but against her disturbers, procured the banishment of 24 of her principal citizens. These men fled for refuge and protection to Rome, and thither Diaeus went to oppose them, together with Callicrates, who died by the way. The cause of the exiles was supported by Menalcides, who assured the Spartans, on his return, that the Romans had declared in favour of their independence, while an equally positive assurance to the opposite effect was given by Diaeus to the Achaeans,-the truth being that the senate had passed no final decision at all, but had promised to send commissioners to settle the dispute. War was renewed between the parties, B. c. 148, in spite of the prohibition of the Romans, to which, however, Diaeus, who was again general in B. c. 147, paid more obedience, though he endeavoured to bring over the towns round Sparta by negotiation. When the decree ol the Romans arrived, which severed Sparta and several other states from the Achaean league, Diaeus took a leading part in keeping up the indignation of the Achaeans, and in urging them tc the acts of violence which caused war with Rome, In the autumn of 147 he was succeeded by Critolaiis, but the death of the latter before the expiration of his year of office once more placed Diaeus at the post of danger, according to the law of the Achaeans, which provided in such cases that the predecessor of the deceased should resume his authority. The number of his army he swelled with emancipated slaves, and enforced strictly though not impartially, the levy of the citizens but he acted unwisely in dividing his forces by sending a portion of them to garrison Megan and to check there the advance of the Romans THe himself had taken up his quarters in Co DIAGORAS. 997 rinth, and Metellus, the Roman general, advancing thither, sent forward ambassadors to offer terms, but Diaeus threw them into prison (though he afterwards released them for the bribe of a talent), and caused Sosicrates, the lieutenantgeneral, as well as Philinus of Corinth, to be put to death with torture for having joined in recommending negotiation with the enemy. Being defeated by Mummius before the walls of Corinth, in B. C. 146, he made no further attempt to defend the city, but fled to Megalopolis, where he slew his wife to prevent her falling into the enemy's power, and put an end to his own existence by poison, thus (says Pausanias) rivalling Menalcidas in the cowardice of his death, as he had rivalled him through his life in avarice. [MENALCIDAS.] (Polyb. xxxviii. 2, xl. 2, 4, 5, 9; Paus. vii. 12, &c.; Clinton, F. H. sub annis 149, 147, 146.) [E. E.] D A'GORAS (Aayo'pas), the son of Telecleides or Teleclytus, was born in the island of Melos (Milo), one of the Cyclades. He was a poet and a philosopher, who throughout antiquity was regarded as an atheist (d0oro). With the exception of this one point, we possess only very scanty information concerning his life and literary activity. All that is known is carefully collected by M. H. E. Meier (in Ersch. u. Gruber's Allgem. Enceyclop. xxiv. pp. 439-448). The age of this remarkable man can be determined only in a general way by the fact of his being called a disciple of Democritus of Abdera, who taught about B. c. 436. But the circumstance that, besides Bacchylides (about B. c. 435), Pindar also is called his contemporary, is a manifest anachronism, as has been already observed by Brandis. (Gesch. d. Griech. RIm. Philos. i. p. 341.) Nearly all the ancient authorities agree that Melos was his native place, and Tatian, a late Christian writer, who calls him an Athenian, does so probably for no other reason but because Athens was the principal scene of the activity of Diagoras. (Tatian, Orat. adv. Graec. p. 164, a.) Lobeck (Aglaoph. p. 370) is the only one among modern critics who maintains that the native country of Diagoras is uncertain. According to a tradition in Hesychius Milesius and Suidas, Democritus the philosopher ransomed him for a very large sum from the Scaptivity into which he had fallen in the cruel Ssubjugation of Melos under Alcibiades (B. c. 411), and this account at all events serves to attest Sthe close personal relation of these two kindredminded men, although the details respecting the f ransom, for instance, may be incorrect. The Ssame authorities further state, that in his youth, Diagoras had acquired some reputation as a lyric poet, and this is probably the cause of his being mentioned together with the lyric poets Simonides, ~ Pindar, and Bacchylides. Thus he is said to have composed aupaTra, IAc'A-, 7ratves, EytccAtia, and Sdithyrambs. Among his encomia is mentioned in; particular an eulogy on Arianthes of Argos, who is otherwise unknown,n another on Nicodorus, a statesman of Mantineia, and a third upon the s Mantineians. Diagoras is said to have lived in I intimate friendship with Nicodorus, who was cele-; * The change in the constitution of Mantineia by the vouctoeKuds took place with the assistance Sof Argos (Wachsmuth, I-Iellen. Alterth. i. 2, p. 89, Si. 1, p. 180), and Arianthes of Argos was probably - a person of some political importanice,
Page 998 DIAGORAS. brated as a statesman and lawgiver in his native place, and lived, according to Perizonius (ad Aelian. V. H. ii. 23), at the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon. The foolish Aelian, who has preserved this statement, declines any further discussion of this relation, although he knew more about it, under the pretext that he thought it objectionable to say anything in praise of a man who was so hostile to the gods (aEeo3s EX6pov ALayo'pav). But still he informs us, that Diagoras assisted Nicodorus in his legislation, which he himself praises as very wise and good. Wachsmuth (Hellen. Alterth. i. 2, p. 90) places this political activity of the two friends about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. We find Diagoras at Athens as early as B. c. 424, for Aristophanes in the Clouds (830), which were performed in that year,. alludes to him as a well-known character; and when Socrates, as though it were a mistake, is there called a Melian, the poet does so in order to remind his hearers at once of Diagoras and of his attacks upon the popular religion. In like manner Hippon is called a Melian, merely because he was a follower of Diagoras. It can scarcely be doubted that Diagoras was acquainted with Socrates, a connexion which is described in the scholia on Aristophanes as if he had been a teacher of Socrates. Fifteen years later, B. c. 411, he was involved, as Diodorus (xiii. 6) informs us, by the democratical party in a lawsuit about impiety (&aeox-sTs TXycXv e7r' Cdoeses'a), and he thought it advisable to escape its result by flight. Religion seems to have been only the pretext for that accusation, for the mere fact of his being a Melian made him an object of suspicion with the people of Athens. In B. c. 416, Melos had been conquered and cruelly treated by the Athenians, and it is not at all impossible that Diagoras, indignant at such treatment, may have taken part in the party-strife at Athens, and thus have drawn upon himself the suspicion of the democratical party, for the opinion that heterodoxy was persecuted at Athens, and that the priests in particular busied themselves about such matters, is devoid of all foundation. (Bernhardy, Gesch. d. Griechi. Lit. i. p. 322.) All the circumstances of the case lead us to the conclusion, that the accusation of Diagoras was altogether and essentially of a political nature. All that we know of his writings, and especially of his poems, shews no trace of irreligion, but on the contrary contains evidence of the most profound religious feeling. (Philodemus in the Herculanens. ed. Drummond and Walpole, p. 164.) Moreover, we do not find that out of Athens the charge of doe 'eia was taken notice of in any other part of Greece. All that we know for certain on the point is, that Diagoras was one of those philosophers who, like Socrates, certainly gave offence by their views concerning the worship of the national gods; but we know what liberties the Attic comedy could take in this respect with impunity. There is also an anecdote that Diagoras, for want of other fire-wood, once threw a wooden statue of Heracles into the fire, in order to cook a dish of lentils, and, if there is any truth in it, it certainly shews his liberal views respecting polytheism and the rude worship of images. (Meier, 1. c. p. 445.) In like manner he may have ridiculed the common notions of the people respecting the actions of the gods, and their direct and personal interference with human affairs. This, too, is alluded to in DIAGOIRAS. several very characteristic anecdotes. For example, on his flight from Athens by sea to Pallene he was overtaken by a storm, and on hearing his fellowpassengers say, that this storm was sent them by the gods as a punishment, because they had an atheist on board, Diagoras shewed them other vessels at some distance which were struggling with the same storm without having a Diagoras on board. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 37.) This and similar anecdotes (Diog. Laiirt. vi. 59) accurately describe the relation in which our philosopher stood to the popular religion. That he maintained his own position with great firmness, and perhaps with more freedom, wit, and boldness than was advisable, seems to be attested by the fact, that hie in particular obtained the epithet of dOeos in antiquity. Many modern writers maintain that this epithet ought not to be given to him, because he merely denied the direct interference of God with the world; but though atheists, in the proper sense of the word, have never existed, and in that sense Diagoras was certainly not an atheist, yet as he did not believe in the personal existence of the Athenian gods and their human mode of acting, the Athenians could hardly have regarded him as other than an atheist. In the eulogy on his friend Nicodorus he sang KaTrad alcova a Kacl Xav rai,racva GpohTrowrw But to return to the accusation of Diagoras, in consequence of which he was obliged to quit Athens, That time was one in which scepticism was beginning to undermine the foundations of the ancient popular belief. The trial of those who had broken down the statues of Hermes, the profanation of the mysteries, and the accusation of Alcibiades, are symptoms which shew that the unbelief, nourished by the speculations of philosophers and by the artifices of the sophists, began to appear very dangerous to the conservative party at Athens. There is no doubt that Diagoras paid no regard to the established religion of the people, and he may occasionally have ridiculed it; but he also ventured on direct attacks upon public institutions of the Athenian worship, such as the Eleusinian mysteries, which he endeavoured to lower in public estimation, and he is said to have prevented many persons from becoming initiated in them. These at least are the points of which the ancients accuse him (Craterus, ap. Schol. Arsistoph. 1. c.; Tarrhaens, ap. S&id.; Lysias, c. Andocid. p. 214; Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 37; Tatian, adv. Graec. p. 164, a.), and this statement is also supported by the circumstance, that Melanthius, in his work on the mysteries, mentions the decree passed against Diagoras. But, notwithstanding the absence of accurate information, we can discover political motives through all these religious disputes. Diagoras was a Melian, and consequently belonged to the Doric race; he was a friend of the Doric Mantineia, which was hated by Athens, and had only recently given up its alliance with Athens; the Dorians and lonians were opposed to each other in various points of their worship, and this spark of hostility was kindled into a glowing hatred by the Peloponnesian war. Diagoras fled from Athens in time to escape the consequences of the attacks which his enemies had made upon him. He was therefore punished by Steliteusis, that is, he was condemned, and the psephisma was engraved on a column, promising a prize for his head, and one talent to the person
Page 999 DIAGORAS. who should bring his dead body to Athens, and two talents to him who should deliver him up alive to the Athenians. (Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 1013, 1073; Diod. xiii. 6.) Melanthius, in his work on the mysteries, had preserved a copy of this psephisma. That the enemies of the philosopher acted on that occasion with great injustice and animosity towards him, we may infer from the manner in which Aristophanes, in his Birds, which was brought upon the stage in that year, speaks of the matter; for he describes that decree as having been framed in the republic of the birds, and ridicules it by the ludicrous addition that a prize was offered to any one who should kill a dead tyrant. Meier, with full justice, infers from this passage of Aristophanes, that the poet did not approve of the proceedings of the people, who were instigated by their leaders, had become frightened about the preservation of the constitution, and were thus misled to various acts of violence. The mere fact that Aristophanes could venture upon such an insinuation shews that Diagoras was by no means in the same bad odour with all the Athenians. From Athens Diagoras first went to Pallene" in Achaia, which town was on the side of Lacedaemon from the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, and before any other of the Achaean towns. (Thucyd. ii. 9.) It was in vain that the Athenians demanded his surrender, and in consequence of this refusal, they included the inhabitants of Pallene in the same decree which had been passed against Diagoras. This is a symptom of that fearful passion and blindness with which the Athenian people, misguided as it was by demagogues, tore itself to pieces in those unfortunate trials about those who had upset the Hermae. (Wachsmuth, 1. c. i. 2, p.192; Droysen, in his Introduct. to the Birds of Aristoph. p. 240, &c.) For all that we know of Diagoras, his expressions and opinions, his accusation and its alleged cause, leads us to see in him one of the numberless persons who were suspected, and were fortunate enough to escape the consequences of the trial by flight. From Pallene he went to Corinth, where, as Suidas states, he died. Among the works of Diagoras we have mention of a work entitled pv'ytol Ad'yoiL, in which he is said to have theoretically explained his atheism, and to have endeavoured to establish it by arguments. This title of the work, which occurs also as a title among the works of Democritus and other Greek philosophers (Diog. Laert. ix. 49, mentions the Adoos?pVyios of Democritus, and concerning other works of the same title, see Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 369, &c.), leads us to suppose that Diagoras treated in that work of the Phrygian divinities, who were received in Greece, and endeavoured to explain the mythuses which referred to them; it is probable also that he drew the different mysteries within the circle of his investigations, and it may be that his accusers at Athens referred to this work. The relation of Diagoras to the popular religion and theology of his age can DIAGORAS. 999 not be explained without going back to the opinions of his teacher, Democritus, and the intellectual movement of the time. The atomistic philosophy had substituted for a world-governing deity the relation of cause and effect as the sources of all things. Democritus explained the wide-spread belief in gods as the result of fear of unusual and unaccountable phaenomena in nature; and, starting from this principle, Diagoras, at a time when the ancient popular belief had already been shaken, especially in the minds of the young, came forward with the decidedly sophistical doctrine, that there were no gods at all. His attacks seem to have been mainly directed against the dogmas of Greek theology and mythology, as well as against the established forms of worship. The expression of the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Ran. 323), that Diagoras, like Socrates, introduced new divinities, must probably be referred to the fact, that according to the fashion of the sophists, which is caricatured by Aristophanes in the Clouds, he substituted the active powers of nature for the activity of the gods; and some isolated statements that have come down to us render it probable that he did this in a witty manner, somewhat bordering upon frivolity; but there is no passage to shew that his disbelief in the popular gods, and his ridicule of the established, rude, and materialistic belief of the people, produced anything like an immoral conduct in the life and actions of the man. On the contrary, all accounts attest that he discharged the duties of life in an exemplary manner, that he was a moral and very estimable man, and that he was in earnest when in the eulogy on Arianthes of Argos he said: edbs, bseo srpa crav"TO7S pyov vweua ()ps'v' vrepTcrdrav! We do not feel inclined, with Meier, to doubt the statement that he distinguished himself not only as a philosopher, but also as an orator, and that he possessed many friends and great influence; for though we find it in an author of only secondary weight (Dion Chrysost. Horn. IV in prim. Epist. ad Corinth. Op. v. p. 30, ed. Montf.), yet it perfectly agrees with the fate which Diagoras experienced for the very reason that he was not an unimportant man at Athens. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 654, &c.; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. i. p. 1203; Thienemann, in Fiilleborn's Beitrige ziur Gesch. der Philos. xi. p. 15, &c.; D. L. Mounier, Disputctio de Diagora Melio, Roterod. 1838.) [A. S.] DIA'GORAS (Ataydpas), a Greek physician, who is quoted by Pliny as one of the authors from whom the materials for his Natural History were derived. (Index to books xii. xiii. xx. xxi. xxxv., and IL. N. xx. 76.) He must have lived in or before the third century B. c., as he is mentioned by Erasistratus (apud Dioscor. De Mat. Med. iv. 65, p. 557), and may perhaps be the native of Cyprus quoted by Erotianus. (Gloss. Hippocr. p. 306.) One of his medical formulae is preserved by Aetius (tetrab. ii. serm. 3, c. 108, p. 353), and he may perhaps be the physician mentioned by an anonymous Arabic writer in Casiri. (Biblioth. Arabico-Hisp. Esc. vol. i. p. 237.) Some persons have identified him with the celebrated philosopher, the slave of Democritus; but there is no evidence that they were the same person, nor is the philosopher (as far as the writer is aware) anywhere said to have been a physician. [W. A. G.] DIA'GORAS (Ataydpas), the son of Damagetus, of the family of the Eratidae at Ialysus in Rhodes, -a------ "* This statement is founded upon a conjecture of Meier, who proposes to read in the scholion on Aristoph. Av... c. K Tl rods MHt' KEc'sdo'y e IlA\7 ve-s. t Suidas calls it rods droervpiovUras Ao'Tovus, an explanation of which has been attempted by Meier, p. 44 5.
Page 1000 1000 DIANA. was very celebrated for his own victories, and those of his sons and grandsons, in the Grecian games. He was descended from Damagetus, king of Ialysus, and, on the mother's side, from the Messenian hero, Aristomenes. [DDAMAGETUS.] The family of the Eratidae ceased to reign in Rhodes after B. c. 660, but they still retained great influence. Diagoras was victor in boxing twice in the Olympian games, four times in the Isthmian, twice in the Nemean, and once at least in the Pythian. He had therefore the high honour of being a 7reprioovitcns, that is, one who had gained crowns at all the four great festivals. He also obtained many victories in games of less importance, as at Athens, Aegina, Megara, Pellene, and Rhodes. There is a story told of Diagoras which displays most strikingly the spirit with which the games were regarded. When an old man, he accompanied his sons, Acusilaiis and Damagetus, to Olympia. The young men, having both been victorious, carried their father through the assembly, while the spectators showered garlands upon him, and congratulated him as having reached the summit of human happiness. The fame of Diagoras and his descendants was celebrated by Pindar in an ode (01. vii.) which was inscribed in golden letters on the wall of the temple of Athena at Cnidus in Rhodes. Their statues were set up at Olympia in a place by themselves. That of Diagoras was made by the Megarian statuary, CALLICLEs. The time at which Diagoras lived is determined by his Olympic victory, in the 79th Olympiad. (B.c. 464.) Pindar's ode concludes with forebodings of misfortune to the family of the Eratidae, which were realized after the death of Diagoras through the growing influence of Athens. [DORtEUS.] (Pind. 01. vii. and Schol.; Paus. vi. 7. ~ 1; Cic. T use. i. 46; Muller, Dorians, iii. 9. ~ 3; Clinton, F. H. pp. 254, 255; Krause, Olymp. p. 269, Gymn. su. ]gyon. i. p. 259, ii. p. 743.) [P. S.] DIA'NA, an original Italian divinity, whom the Romans completely identified with the Greek Artemis. The earliest trace of her worship occurs in the story about Servius Tullius, who is said to have dedicated to her a temple on the Aventine, on the ides of Sextilis. (Augustus.) It is added that, as Diana was the protectress of the slaves, the day on which that temple had been dedicated was afterwards celebrated every year by slaves of both sexes, and was called the day of the slaves (dies servorumn; Fest. s. v. servorum dies; Plut. Quaest. eRom. 100; Martial, xii. 67.) Besides that day of the slaves, we hear of no festival of Diana in early times, which may be accounted for by supposing that either she was a divinity of inferior rank, or that her worship had been introduced at Rome without being sanctioned or recognized by the government, that is, by the ruling patricians. The former cannot have been the case, as the goddess was worshipped by the plebeians and the Latins as their patron divinity; for a tradition related that the plebeians had emigrated twice to the Aventine, where stood the temple of Diana (Liv. ii. 32, iii. 51, 54; Sallust, Jug. 31); and the temple which Servius Tullius built on the Aventine was founded for the benefit of the Latin subjects, who assembled and sacrificed there every year. (Dionys. iv. 26; comp. Liv. i. 45; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 4.) The Sabines and Latins, who formed the main stock of the plebeians, were thus in all probability the original worshippers of Diana at Roume. Now as we DIBUTADES. know that the Aventine was first occupied by thc conquered Sabines who were transplanted to Rome (Serv. adAen. vii. 657; Dionys. iii. 43), and as it is stated that shortly before the decemviral legislation the Aventine was assigned to the plebeians, and that the law ordaining this assignment was kept in the temple of Diana (Dionys. x. 32; Liv. iii. 54), it seems clear that Diana's worship was introduced at Rome by the Sabines and Latins on their becoming plebeians, and that she was worshipped by them in particular without the state taking any notice of her, or ordaining any festival in honour of her. Varro (de L. L. v. 74) moreover expressly attests, that the worship and name of Diana had come from the Sabines. Now, as the religion of the Latins and Sabines did not differ in any essential point from that of the Romans, we may ask what Roman divinity corresponded to the Sabine or Latin Diana? Diana loved to dwell in groves and in the neighbourhood of wells; she inspired men with enthusiasm and madness; she dreaded the very sight of male beings so much, that no man was allowed to enter her temple, and she herself remained a virgin (Horat. Epist. ii. 1. 454; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 3; Fest. s. v. Juvenilia; Augustin, de Civ. Dei, vii. 16); and these characteristics at once shew a striking resemblance between Diana and Feronia or Fauna Fatua. This circumstance, and the fact that Diana -was the goddess of the moon, also render it easy to conceive how the Romans afterwards came to identify Diana with the Greek Artemis, for Fauna Fatua bore the same relation to Picus and Faunus that Artemis bore to Apollo. (Hartung, Die Relig. der Rom. ii. p. 207, &c.; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, i. p. 367, &c.) [L. S.] DIAS (Alfas), of Ephesus, a Greek philosopher of the time of Philip of Macedonia. He belonged to the Academics, and was therefore considered a Sophist, that is, a rhetorician. When he saw the threatening position of Philip towards Greece, he prevailed upon the king to turn his arms against Asia, and advised the Greeks to accompany him on his expedition, saying that it was an honourable thing to serve abroad for the purpose of preserving liberty at home. (Philostr. Vit. Sophist. i. 3.) [L. S.] DIAULUS (AlavAos), an individual, apparently at Rome, in the first century after Christ, who is mentioned by Martial (EJpigr. i. 31. 48) as having been originally a surgeon, and having become afterwards a bearer in funerals (vespillo). [W. A. G.] DIBU'TADES, of Sicyon, was the reputed inventor of the art of modelling in relief, which an accident first led him to practise, in conjunction with his daughter, at Corinth. The story is, that the daughter traced the profile of her lover's face as thrown in shadow on the wall, and that Dibutades filled in the outline with clay, and thus made a face in relief, which he afterwards hardened with fire. The work was preserved in the Nymphaeum till the destruction of Corinth by Mummius. (Plin. H.N. xxxv. 12. s. 43.) Pliny adds, that Dibutades invented the colouring of plastic works by adding a red colour to them (from the existing works of this kind it seems to have been red sand), or modelling them in red chalk; and also that he was the first who made masks on the edges of the gutter tiles of the roofs of buildings, at first in lowrelief (protypa), and afterwards in high relief (ectypa). Pliny adds " Hinc et fastigia templorum orta," that is, the terra-cotta figures which Dibsu
Page 1001 DICAEARCHUS. tades was said to have invented, were used to ornament the pediments of temples. (See Diet. of Ant. s. v. Fastigium.) [P. S.] DICAEARCHUS (AuIcalapxo), an Aetolian, who played a conspicuous part in the Aetolian war against the Romans. He was employed on several embassies, and afterwards engaged in the service of Philip of Macedonia, who sent him out to conquer the Cyclades, and employed him with a fleet of twenty sail to carry on piracy. He appears to have been a most audacious and insolent person, for on his expedition against the Cyclades he erected altars to 'Aoe'et3ia and lapavoleta, wherever he landed. (Polyb. xvii. 10, xviii. 37, xx. 10, xxii. 14; Liv. xxxv. 12; Diod. Excerpt. de Virt. et Vit. p. 572; Brandstifter, Die Geschicht. des Aetol. Landes, p. 273.) [L. S.] DICAEARCHUS (AucaiapXos). 1. A celebrated Peripatetic philosopher, geographer, and historian, and a contemporary of Aristotle and Theophrastus. He was the son of one Pheidias, and born at Messana in Sicily, though he passed the greater part of his life in Greece Proper, and especially in Peloponnesus. He was a disciple of Aristotle (Cic. de Leg. iii. 6), and a friend of Theophrastus, to whom he dedicated some of his writings. Most of Aristotle's disciples are mentioned also among those of Plato, but as this is not the case with Dicaearchus, Osann (Beitr'ige zur Griech. u. RMm. Lit. ii. p. 1, &c.) justly infers that Dicaearchus was one of Aristotle's younger disciples. From some allusions which we meet with in the fragments of his works, we must conclude that he survived the year B. C. 296, and that he died about B. c. 285. Dicaearchus was highly esteemed by the ancients as a philosopher and as a man of most extensive information upon a great variety of things. (Cic. Tusc. i. 18, de Off. ii. 5; Varro, de Re Rust. i. 2.) His works, which were very numerous, are frequently referred to, and many fragments of them are still extant, which shew that their loss is one of the most severe in Greek literature. His works were partly geographical, partly political or historical, and partly philosophical; but it is difficult to draw up an accurate list of them, since many which are quoted as distinct works appear to have been only sections of greater ones. The fragments extant, moreover, do not always enable us to form a clear notion of the works to which they once belonged. Among his geographical works may be mentioned-1. On the heights of mountains. (Plin. fH. N. ii. 65; Geminus, Elem. Astron. 14.) Suidas (s. v. AuclaapXos) mentions caraeq'Trps-eits TrcV v1 IfleXoroovv-or dp v, but the quotations in Pliny and Geminus shew that Dicaearchus's measurements of heights were not confined to Peloponnesus, and Suidas therefore probably quotes only a section of the whole work. 2. Frs 7reploos (Lydus, delMlens. p. 98. 17, ed. Bekker). This work was probably the text written in explanation of the geographical maps which Dicaearchus had constructed and given to Theophrastus, and which seem to have comprised the whole world, as far as it was then known. (Cic. ad Att. vi. 2; comp. Diog. Laert. v. 51.) 3. 'A'a-ypa(ps Ts 'EAAXdos. A work of this title, dedicated to Theophrastus, and consisting of 150 iambic verses, is still extant under the name of Dicaearchus; but its form and spirit are both unworthy of Dicaearchus, and it is in all probability the production of a much later writer, who made a metrical paraphrase of that portion of the rs orepl DICAEARCHUS. 1001 o3,s which referred to Greece. Buttmann is the only modern critic who has endeavoured to claim the work for Dicaearchus in his " de Dicaearcho ejusque operibus quae inscribuntur Bios 'EAAados et 'Avaypap) T57s 'EAAados," Naumburg, 1832, 4to. But his attempt is not very successful, and has been ably refuted by Osann. (Allgem. Schulzeitung for 1833, No. 140, &c.) 4. Bios rTs 'EA Ados, was the most important among the works of Dicaearchus, and contained an account of the geographical position, the history, and the moral and religious condition of Greece. It contained, in short, all the information necessary to obtain a full knowledge of the Greeks, their life, and their manners. It was probably subdivided into sections; so that when we read of works of Dicaearchus 'rep) icovoicrs, 'rep'i.touvo'ciwv dY'v,,, 7repc Atovvo-'atacv dycwov, and the like, we have probably to consider them only as portions of the great work, BLos r Ts 'EAAalos. It is impossible to make out the plan of the work in detail with any accuracy: the attempt, however, has been made by Marx. (Creuzer's Meletem. iii. 4, p. 173, &c.) We know that the work consisted of three books, of which the first contained the history and a geographical description of Greece, so as to form a sort of introduction to the whole work. The second gave an account of the condition of the several Greek states; and the third, of the private and domestic life, the theatres, games, religion, &c. of the Greeks. Of the second book a considerable fragment is still extant; but in its present form it cannot be considered the work of Dicaearchus himself, but it is a portion of an abridgment which some one made of the 'Bios T-rs 'EAAdios. To this class of writings we may also refer-5. 'H els Tpoocwviov Kcarde't-is, a work which consisted of several books, and, as we may infer from the fragments quoted from it, contained an account of the degenerate and licentious proceedings of the priests in the cave of Trophonius. (Cic. ad Att. vi. 2, xiii. 31; Athen. xiii. p. 594, xiv. p. 641.) The geographical works of Dicaearchus were, according to Strabo (ii. p. 104), censured in many respects by Polybius; and Strabo himself (iii. p. 170) is dissatisfied with his descriptions of western and northern Europe, which countries Dicaearchus had never visited. Of a political nature was-6. TptroALTrKOcs (Athen. iv. p. 141; Cic. ad Att. xiii. 32), a work which has been the subject of much dispute. Passow, in a programme (Breslau, 1829), endeavoured to establish the opinion that it was a reply to Anaximenes's Tpucdpavos or TpTroXTruco's, in which the Lacedaemonians, Athenians, and Thebans, had been calumniated. Buttmann thought it to have been a comparison of the constitutions of Pellene (Pallene), Corinth, and Atheris (comp. Cic. ad Att. ii. 2), and that Dicaearchus inflicted severe censure upon those states for their corrupt morals and their vicious constitutions. A third opinion is maintained by Osann (1. c. p. 8, &c.), who taking his stand on a passage in Photius (Bibl. Cod. 37) where an elos AucaiapXLuc' of a state is mentioned as a combination of the three forms of government, the democratical, aristocratical, and monarchical, infers that Dicaearchus in his TptroAtrTIdos, explained the nature of that mixed constitution, and illustrated it by the example of Sparta. This opinion is greatly supported by the contents of the fragments. Osann goes even so far as to think that the discussion on politics in the sixth book of Polybius is based upon
Page 1002 1002 DICE. the TptrohiArrLos of Dicaearchus. Cicero intended to make use of this work, which seems to have been written in the form of a dialogue, for his treatise de Gloria. (Ad Att. xiii. 30.) Among his philosophical works may be mentioned-7. Aero-aKol, in three books, which derived its name from the fact that the scene of the philosophical dialogue was laid at Mytilene in Lesbos. In it Dicaearchus endeavoured to prove that the soul was mortal. (Cic. Tusc. i. 31.) Cicero (ad Ait. xiii. 12) when speaking of a work -rplt vXýs, probably means the Ae-elaricol. Another philosophical work,8. KopivOiacol, which likewise consisted of three books, was a sort of supplement to the former. (Cic. Tusc. i. 10.) It is probably the same work as the one which Cicero, in another passage (de Of. ii. 5), calls " de Interitu Hominum." Some other works, such as TlAordeia:2TapariZarv (Suid.), 'OAvguncds dyw'v or hAyos (Athen. xiv. p. 620), fIavalOvauco's (Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 564), and several others, seem to have been merely chapters of the Bios r rs 'EXAAdos. A work 7repl 'r-s iv 'IAiyP Svrias (Athen. xiii. p. 603) seems to have referred to the sacrifice which Alexander the Great performed at Ilium. The work Paipov 7repta-ciav has no foundation except a false reading in Cicero (ad Att. xiii. 39), which has been corrected by Petersen in his Phsaedri Epicurei Fragm. p. 11. There are lastly some other works which are of a grammatical nature, and are usually believed to have been the productions of our philosopher, viz. flepI 'AAXouo (Athen. xi. pp. 460, 479, xv. pp. 666, 668), and dsroOireis rtwv Evptrilov Kal:0o)poKtchovs ixvOwv (Sext. Empir. adv. Geometr. p. 310), but may have been the works of Dicaearchus, a grammarian of Lacedaemon, who, according to Suidas, was a disciple of Aristarchus, and seems to be alluded to in Apollonius. (De Pronom. p. 320.) A valuable dissertation on the writings of Dicaearchus is contained in Osann (1. c. p. 1, &c.), and the fragments have been collected and accompanied by a very interesting discussion by Maximil. Fuhr, Dicaearchi Jlessenii quae supersunt composita, edita et illustrata, Darmstadt, 1841, 4to. 2. Of Tarentum, is mentioned by Iamblichus (de Vit. Pytilag. 36) among the celebrated Pythagorean philosophers. Some writers have been inclined to attribute to him the 8ioi which are mentioned among the works of the Peripatetic Dicaearchus. (See Fuhr, 1. c., p. 43, &c.) [L. S.] DICAEOCLES (AucatoscAxs ), a writer of Cnidos, whose essays (Siarpigai) are referred to by Athenaeus. (xi. p. 508, f.) [E. E.] DICAEO'GENES (Aucatioems), a Grecian tragic and dithyrambic poet, of whom nothing is known except a few titles of his dramas. One of these, Lhe Cypria, is supposed by some to have been not a tragedy, but a cyclic epic poem. (Suid. s. v.; Aristot. Poet. 16, with Ritter's note, p. 199; Fabric. Bibl. Grace. ii. p. 295.) [P. S.] DICAEUS (Aicatos), a son of Poseidon, from whom Dicaea, a town in Thrace, is said to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Alaccua.) [L. S.] DICE (Al'y), the personification of justice, was, according to Hesiod (Theog. 901), a daughter of Zeus and Themis, and the sister of Eunomia and Eirene. She was considered as one of the Horae; she watched the deeds of man, and approached the throne of Zeus with lamentations whenever a judge violated justice. (Hesiod. Op. 239, &c.) She was the enemy of all falsehood, and the protectress of a DICTYS CRETENSIS. wise administration of justice (Orph. flHymn. 42, 61); and Hesychia, that is, tranquillity of mind, was her daughter. (Pind. Pyth. viii. 1; comp. Apollod. i. 3. ~ 1; Hygin. Fab. 183; Died. v. 72.) She is frequently called the attendant or councillor (roipe6pos or rv'6pos) of Zeus. (Soph. Oed. Col. 1377; Plut. Alec. 52; Arrian, Anab. iv. 9; Orph. Hymn. 61. 2.) In the tragedians, Dice appears as a divinity who severely punishes all wrong, watches over the maintenance of justice, and pierces the hearts of the unjust with the sword made for her by Aesa. (Aeschyl. Choep/h. 639, &c.) In this capacity she is closely connected with the Erinnyes (Aeschyl. Eszm. 510), though her business is not only to punish injustice, but also to reward virtue. (Aeschyl. Agamn. 773.) The idea of Dice as justice personified is most perfectly developed in the dramas of Sophocles and Euripides. She was represented on the chest of Cypselus as a handsome goddess, dragging Adicia (Injustice) with one hand, while in the other she held a staff with which she beat her. (Paus. v. 18; comp. Eurip. Hippolyt. 1172.) [L. S.] DICETAS (Auderas), a Theban, was sent by his countrymen to Q. Marcius Philippus and the other Roman commissioners at Chalcis (B. c. 171) to excuse the conduct of their state in having allied itself with Perseus. He went reluctantly, as being still an adherent to the Macedonian cause, for which he was accused at Chalcis, together with Neon and Ismenias, by the Theban exiles of the Roman party. Ismenias and he were thrown into prison, and there put an end to their own lives. (Polyb. xxvii. 1, 2; Liv. xlii. 38, 43, 44.) [E. E.] DICON (Aiswvy), the son of Callimbrotus, was victor in the foot-race five times in the Pythian games, thrice in the Isthmian, four times in the Nemean, and at Olympia once in the boys' footrace, and twice in the men's: lie was therefore a TrepsooLtiKc-s. His statues at Olympia were equal in number to his victories. He was a native of Caulonia, an Achaean colony in Italy; but after all his victories, except the first, he caused himself, for a sum of money, to be proclaimed as a Syracusan. One of his Olympic victories was in the 99th Olympiad, n. c. 384. (Paus. vi. 3. ~ 5; Antoh. Graec. iv. p. 142, No. 120, ed. Jacobs, Andi. Pal. xiii. 15; Krause, Olymp. p. 271, Gymn. u. Agon. ii. p. 755.) [P.S.] DICTAEUS (Auirra7os), a surname of Zeus, derived from mount Dicte in the eastern part of Crete. Zeus Dictaeus had a temple at Prasus, on the banks of the river Pothereus. (Strab. x. p. 478.) [L. S.] DICTE (AihrcT), a nymph from whom mount Dicte in Crete was said to have received its name. She was beloved and pursued by Minos, but she threw herself into the sea, where she was caught up and saved in the nets ('ifrvov) of fishermen. Minos then desisted from pursuing her, and ordered the district to be called the Dictaean. (Serv. ad Aen. iii. 171; comp. BRITOMARTIS.) [L. S.] DICTYNNA. [BRITOMAaRTI.] DICTYS (Aibcrvs), the name of three mythical personages. (Ov. Ml et. iii. 614, xii. 335; Apollod. i. 9. ~ 6.) [L. S.] DICTYS CRETENSIS. The grammarians and other writers who belong to the decline of the Roman empire, misled probably by the figments of the Alexandrian sophists, believed that various persons who flourished at the time of the Trojan war,
Page 1003 DICTYS CRETENSIS. DICTYS CRETENSIS. 1003 had committed to writing, in prose and verse, re- tate the ancient models, especially Sallust, and cords of the principal events, and that Homer had occasionally not without success, although both in derived from these sources the materials for his tone and phraseology we detect a close resemblance poem. In this number was included Dictys of to the style of Appuleius and Aulus Gellius. Crete, a follower of Idomeneus, and his name is In the absence of all positive evidence, a wide attached to a narrative in Latin prose, divided in- field is thrown open for conjecture with regard to to six books, entitled " Dictys Cretensis de Bello the real author of this work, the period at which Trojano," or perhaps more accurately, " Ephemeris it was actually composed, and the circumstances Belli Trojani," professing to be a journal of the under which it was given to the world. Setting leading events of the contest. To this is prefixed aside its alleged origin and discovery as quite unan introduction or prologue containing an account worthy of credit, many questions present themof the preservation and discovery of the work. selves. Have we any proof that there ever was a We are here told that it was composed by Dictys Greek original at all? If there was a Greek comof Gnossus at the joint request of Idomeneus and pilation on the same subject, are there sufficient Meriones, and was inscribed in Phoenician charac- grounds for believing that what we now possess ters on tablets of lime wood or paper made from was derived from it? Is it not more probable the bark. The author having returned to Crete that the Latin chronicle was the archetype, or, at in his old age, gave orders with his dying breath all events, independent, and that the introduction that his book should be buried in the same grave and prefatory epistle were deliberate forgeries, with himself, and accordingly the MS. was enclos- devised for the purpose of attracting attention and ed in a chest of tin, and deposited in his tomb. securing respect in days of ignorance and creduThere it remained undisturbed for ages, when in lity? Again, if we admit that this is really a the thirteenth year of Nero's reign, the sepulchre translation from a Greek original, at what epoch was burst open by a terrible earthquake, the coffer and in what manner did that original first appear? was exposed to view, and observed by some shep- Is the story of the presentation to Nero a pure herds, who, having ascertained that it did not, as fabrication? Are Septimius and Arcadius real they had at first hoped, contain a treasure, con- personages? If they are, to what era do they veyed it to their master Eupraxis (or Eupraxides), belong? To these inquiries, which have been anwho in his turn presented it to Rutilius Rufus, swered by different critics in most contradictory the Roman governor of the province, by whom terms, we reply: 1. It is certain that a Greek both Eupraxis and the casket were despatched to history of the Trojan war bearing the name of the emperor. Nero, upon learning that the letters Dictys was in circulation among the Byzantines were Phoenician, summoned to his presence men named above, by some of whom, who had no skilled in that language, by whom the contents knowledge of Latin, the ipsissima verba are cited. were explained. The whole having been trans- 2. It is impossible to read the Latin Dictys withlated into Greek, was deposited in one of the pub- out feeling convinced that it is a translation. The lic libraries, and Eupraxis was dismissed loaded Graecisms are numerous and palpable, so that no with rewards. one who examines the examples adduced by PeriThis introduction is followed by a letter ad- zonius can entertain any doubt upon this head. dressed by a Q. Septimius Romanus to a Q. Arca- 3. It is a translation, fairly executed, of the narradius Rufus, in which the writer, after giving the tive used by the Byzantines. This is proved by substance of the above tale, with a few variations, its close correspondence with the fragments found informs his friend, that the volume having fallen in Malelas and others, while the want of absolute into his hands, he had been induced, for his own identity in particular passages is fully explained amusement and the instruction of others, to con- by the assumption that it was not a full and literal vert the whole, with some condensations, into the but a compressed and modified version. 4. These Latin tongue. It is worth remarking, that the facts being established, we have no reasonable author of the introduction supposes the original grounds for rejecting the epistle of Septimius to MS. of Dictys to have been written in the Phoe- Arcadius as spurious; but so common were these nician language, while Septimius expressly asserts, names under the empire, that it is impossible to that the characters alone were Phoenician and the fix with any degree of certainty upon the indivilanguage Greek. We may add to this account, duals indicated. Hence, while the date of the that the writers of the Byzantine period, such as letter is placed by some as early as the middle of Joannes Malelas, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, the second century, Perizonius refers it to the time Georgius Cedrenus, Constantinus Manasses, Jo- of Diocletian, while others bring it down as low as annes and Isaacus Tzetzes, with others, quote Constantine, or even a century later. 5. Lastly, largely from this Dictys as an author of the highest among the multitude of hypotheses proposed with and most unquestionable authority, and he cer- reference to the origin of the work, one is so ingetainly was known as early as the age of Aelian. nious, that it deserves to be rescued from oblivion. The piece itself contains a history of the Trojan It is a matter of history that Nero made his mad war from the birth of Paris, down to the death of progress through Achaia in the thirteenth year of Ulysses. The compiler not unfrequently differs his reign, and that Crete was actually ravaged by widely from Homer, adding many particulars, and an earthquake at that very period. Hence Perirecording many events of which we find no trace zonius supposes that Eupraxis, a wily islander, elsewhere. Most of these, although old traditions well aware of the passion displayed by the emperor and legends are obviously mingled with fictions of for everything Greek, and more especially of his a later date, were probably derived from the bards love for the tale of Troy, forged this production of the epic cycle; but the whole narrative is care- under the name of his countryman, Dictys, with fully pragmatised, that is, all miraculous events regard to whom traditions may have been current, and supernatural agency are entirely excluded. caused it to be transcribed into Phoenician characIn style Septimius evidently strives hard to imi- ters, as bearing the closest resemblance to the
Page 1004 1004 DICTYS CRETENSIS. Cadmeian letters first employed by the Hellenes, and finally, availing himself of the happy accident of the earthquake, announced the discovery in a manner which could scarcely fail to excite the most intense curiosity. According to these views, we may suppose the introduction to have been attached to the Greek copy by the first editor or transcriber, and to have been altogether independent of the Latin letter of Septimius; and this idea is confirmed by the circumstance, that some MSS. contain the introduction only, while others omit the introduction and insert the letter. Those who wish to obtain full information upon the above and all other topics connected with the subject, will find the whole evidence stated and discussed in the admirable dissertation of Perizonius, first printed in the edition of Smids, Amst. 1702, and inserted in almost all subsequent editions, and in the introduction of Dederich, the most recent commentator. The compilations ascribed to Dictys and Dares [DARES], although destitute of any intrinsic value, are of considerable importance in the history of modern literature, since they are the chief fountains from which the legends of Greece first flowed into the romances of the middle ages, and then mingled with the popular tales and ballads of England, France, and Germany. The Tale of Troy, according to Dunlop, in his History of Fiction, was first versified by Bernoit de Saint More, an Anglo-Norman minstrel, who lived in the reign of our second Henry, and borrowed his groundwork of events from Dictys and Dares. This metrical essay seems in its turn to have served as a foundation for the famous chronicle of Guido dalle Colonne of Messina, a celebrated poet and lawyer of the 13th century, who published a romance in Latin prose upon the siege of Troy, including also the Argonautic expedition and the war of the Seven against Thebes. In this strange medley, the history, mythology, and manners of the West and of the East, of the'Greeks in the heroic age, and of the Arabian invaders of Christendom, are mingled in the most fantastic confusion. The compound was, however, well suited to the taste of that epoch, for it was received with unbounded enthusiasm, and speedily translated into many European languages. From that time forward the most illustrious houses eagerly strove to trace their pedigree from the Trojan line, and the monkish chroniclers began to refer the origin of the various states whose fortunes they recorded to the arrival of some Trojan colony. Under these circumstances, we need not feel surprised that Dictys Cretensis was among the earliest works which exercised the skill of the first typographers. That which is usually recognized as the editio princeps is a 4to. in Gothic characters, containing 68 leaves of 27 lines to the page, and is believed to have issued from the press of Ul. Zell at Cologne, about 1470. Another very ancient edition in Roman characters, containing 58 leaves of 28 lines to the page, belongs to Italy, and was probably printed at Venice not long after the former. Of more modern impressions the best are those of Mercerus, 12mo., Paris, 1618, reprinted at Amst. 12mo. 1630, containing a new recension of the text from two MSS. not before collated; of Anna Tanaq. Fabri fil. in usum Delphini, 4to., Paris, 1680; and of Lud. Smids, in 4to. and 8vo., Amst. 1702, which held the first place until it was DIDIUS. superseded by that of Dederich, 8vo. Bonn, 183o) which is very far superior to any other, comprising a great mass of valuable matter collected by Orelli, among which will be found collations of two very old and important MSS., one belonging to St. Gall and the other to Berne. (In addition to the dissertations of Perizonius and Dederich, see Wopkens, Adversaric Critica in Dictyn, and the remarks of Hildebrand in Jahn's Jahrb. fir Philol. xxiii. 3, p. 278, &c.) [W. R.] DIDAS, a Macedonian, governor of Paeonia for Philip V., was employed by Perseus to insinuate himself into the confidence of his younger brother, Demetrius, for the purpose of betraying him. When Demetrius, aware that he was suspected by his father, determined to take refuge with the Romans, Didas gave information of the design to Perseus, who used it as a handle for accusing his brother to the king. Philip, having resolved to put Demetrius to death, employed Didas as his instrument, and he removed the prince by poison B. c. 181. He is afterwards mentioned as commanding the Paeonian forces for Perseus in his war with the Romans, B. c. 171. (Liv. xl. 21 -24, xlii. 51, 58.) [E. E.] DIDIA GENS, plebeian, is not mentioned until the latter period of the republic, whence Cicero (pro M1uren. 8) calls the Didii novi homines. The only member of it who obtained the- consulship was T. Didius in B. c. 98. In the time of the republic no Didius bore a cognomen. [L. S.] DIDIUS. 1. T. DIDIUS, probably the author of the sumptuaria lex Didia, which was passed eighteen years after the lex Fannia, that is, in n. c. 143 (Macrob. Sat. ii. 13), in which year T. Didius seems to have been tribune of the people. The lex Didia differed from the Fannia in as much as the former was made binding upon all Italy, whereas the latter had no power except in the city of Rome. There is a coin belonging to one T. Didius, which shews on the reverse two male figures, theone dressed, holding a shield in the left and a whip or vine in the right hand. The other figure is naked, but likewise armed, and under these figures we "N read T. DEIDI. It is usually supposed that this coin refers to our T. Didius, and Pighius (Annal. ii. p. 492) conjectures with some probability, that T. Didius, some years after his tribuneship, about about B.. 1 38, was sent as praetor against the revolted slaves in Sicily. If this be correct, the figures on the coin may perhaps have reference to it. (Morell. Thesaur. p. 151; Eckhel, Doctrin. Num. v. p. 201.) 2. T. DIDIus, a son of No. 1, repulsed, according to Florus (iii. 4; comp. Rufus, Brev. 9, and Ammian. Marcell. xxvii. 4, where we read M. Didius instead of T. Didius), the Scordiscans who had invaded the Roman province of Macedonia, and triumphed over them. (Cic. in Pison. 25.) According to the narrative of Florus, this victory was gained soon or immediately after the defeat of the consul C. Cato, in B. c. 114, and was followed by the victories of M. Livius Drusus and M. Mi
Page 1005 DIDIUS. nucins Rufus. It has, therefore, been supposed that at the time of Cato's defeat, B. c. 114, T. Didius was praetor of Illyricum, and that in this capacity he repelled the Scordiscans, who, after having defeated Cato, ranged over Macedonia. But this supposition is not without its difficulties, for in the first place, we know of no war in Illyricum at that time which might have required the presence of a praetor, and in the second place, it would be rather strange to find that T. Didius, who was praetor B. c. 114, did not obtain the consulship till 15 years later, especially as he had gained a victory and a triumph in his praetorship, whereas the ordinary interval between the praetorship and consulship is only the space of two years. According to Cicero (1. c.), T. Didius triumphed ex Macedonia, and he had therefore had the administration of Macedonia and not of Illyricum; moreover, Florus's account of the time of the victory of Didius over the Scordiscans is erroneous, for we learn from the Chronicle of Eusebius (clxx. 2), that the victory of Didius over the Scordiscans took place the year after the fifth consulship of C. Marius, that is, in B. c. 100, and consequently 14 years later than the narrative of Florus would lead us to suppose. This also leaves us the usual interval of two years between the praetorship and the consulship, which Didius had in B. c. 98 with Q. Caecilius Metellus. In this year the two consuls carried the lex Caecilia Didia. (Schol. Bob. ad Cic. pro Sext. p. 310; Cic. pro Dom. 16, 20, pro Sext. 64, Philip. v. 3.) Subsequently Didius obtained the proconsulship of Spain, and in B. c. 93 he celebrated a triumph over the Celtiberians. (Fast. Triumph.; Cic. pro Plane. 25.) Respecting his proconsulship of Spain, we learn from Appian (Hisp. 99, &c.), that he cut to pieces nearly 20,000 Vaccaeans, transplanted the inhabitants of Termesus, conquered Colenda after a siege of nine months, and destroyed a colony of robbers by enticing them into his camp and then ordering them to hbe cut down. (Comp. Frontin. Strat. i. 8. ~ 5, ii. 10. ~ 1.) According to Sallust (ap. Gell. ii. 27; comp. Plut. Sertor. 3) Sertorius served in Spain as military tribune under Didius. Didius also took part in the Marsic war, which soon after broke out, and he fell in a battle which was fought in the spring of B. c. 89. (Appian, B. C. i. 40; Veil. Pat. ii. 16; Ov. Fast. vi. 567, &c.) According to a passage in Plutarch (Sertor. 12), Didius was beaten and slain, ten years later, by Sertorius in Spain, but the reading in that passage is wrong, and instead of A(Ltov, or as some read it eislwov, we ought to read ouov(isiosv. (Ruhnken, ad Vell. Pat. ii. 16.) There is a coin figured on p. 602, b., which refers to our T. Didius: the reverse shews a portico with a double row of pillars, and bears the inscription T. DIDI. IMP. VIL. PUB. From this we see, that T. Didius received the title of imperator in Spain (Sallust. 1. c.), and that after his return to Rome he restored or embellished the villa publica in the Campus Martius. The obverse shews the head of Concordia, her name, and that of P. Fonteius Capito, who struck the coin, and on it commemorated an act of the life of Didius, with whose family, as we may infer from the image of Concordia, Fonteius Capito was connected by marriage. (Eckhel, Doctr. N eum. v. p. 130.) 3. T. DIDJUs, perhaps a son of No. 2, was tribune of the people, in B. c. 95, with L. Aurelius Cotta. In the disputes arising from the accusation DIDIUS. 1005 which one of their colleagues brought against Q., Caepio, Didius and Cotta were driven by force from the tribunal. (Cic. de Oral. ii. 47; comp. COTTA, No. 8.) 4. C. DIDIus, a legate of C. Julius Caesar, who sent him, in B. c. 46, to Spain against Cn. Pompeius. In the neighbourhood of Carteia he gained a naval victory over Q. Attius Varus, and in the year following he set out from Gades with a fleet in pursuit of Cn. Pompeius, who had taken to flight. Pompeius was compelled to land, and Didius took or burnt his ships. Didius himself likewise landed, and after Pompeius had been killed by Caesennius Lento, Didius was attacked by the Lusitanian soldiers of Pompeius, and fell under their strokes. (Dion Cass. xliii. 14, 31, 40; Bell. Iisp. 37, 40.) 5. Q. DIDnus, was governor of Syria in B. c. 31, a post to which he had probably been appointed by M. Antony; but, after the battle of Actium, he deserted Antony, and prevailed upon the Arabs to burn the fleet which Antony had built in the Arabian gulf. (Dion Cass. Ii. 7.) [L. S.j M. DI'DIUS SA'LVIUS JULIA'NUS, afterwards named M. DIDIUS COMMODUS SEVERUS JULIANUS, the successor of Pertinax, was the son of Petronius Didius Severus and Clara Aemilia, the grandson or great-grandson of Salvius Julianus, so celebrated as a jurisconsult under Hadrian. Educated by Domitia Lucilla, the mother of M. Aurelius, by her interest he was appointed at a very early age to the vigintivirate, the first step towards public distinction. He then held in succession the offices of quaestor, aedile, and praetor, was nominated first to the command of a legion in Germany, afterwards to the government of Belgica, and in recompense for his skill and gallantry in repressing an insurrection among the Chauci, a tribe dwelling on the Elbe, was raised to the consulship. He further distinguished himself in a campaign against thle Catti, ruled Dalmatia and Lower Germany, and was placed at the head of the commissariat in Italy. About this period he was charged with having conspired against the life of Commodus, but had the good fortune to be acquitted, and to witness the punishment of his accuser. Bithynia was next consigned to his charge; he was consul for the second time in A. D. 179, along with Pertinax, whom he succeeded in the proconsulate of Africa, from whence he was recalled to Rome and chosen praefectus vigilum. Upon the death of Pertinax, the Praetorian assassins publicly announced that they would bestow the purple on the man who would pay the highest price. Flavius Sulpicianus, praefect of the city, father-in-law of the murdered emperor, being at that moment in the camp, to which he had been despatched for the purpose of soothing the troops, proceeded at once to make liberal proposals, when Julianus, having been roused from a banquet by his wife and daughter, arrived in all haste, and being unable to gain admission, stood before the gate, and with a loud voice contended for the prize. The bidding went on briskly for a while, the soldiers reporting by turns to each of the two competitors, the one within the fortifications, the other outside the rampart, the sum tendered by his rival. At length, Sulpicianus having promised a donative of twenty thousand sesterces a head, the throne was about to be knocked down to him, when Julianus, no longer adding. a small amount,
Page 1006 1006 DIDIUS. shouted that he would give twenty-five thousand. The guards thereupon closed with the offers of Julianus, threw open their gates, saluted him by the name of Commodus, and proclaimed him emperor. The senate was compelled to ratify the election. But the populace, after the first confusion had subsided, did not tamely submit to the dishonour brought upon the state. Whenever the prince appeared in public he was saluted with groans, imprecations, and shouts of " robber and parricide." The mob endeavoured to obstruct his progress to the Capitol, and even ventured to assail him with stones. This state of public feeling having become known, Pescennius Niger in Syria, Septimius Severus in Illyria, and Clodius Albinus in Britain, each having three legions under his command, refused to acknowledge the authority of Julianus, who for a time made vigorous efforts to maintain his power. Severus, the nearest and therefore most dangerous foe, was declared a public enemy; deputies were sent from the senate to persuade the soldiers to abandon him; a new general was nominated to supersede him, and a centurion despatched to take his life. The praetorians, long strangers to active military operations, were marched into the Campus Martius, regularly drilled, and exercised in the construction of fortifications and field works. Severus, however, having secured Albinus by declaring him Caesar, advanced steadily towards the city, made himself master of the fleet at Ravenna, defeated Tullius Crispinus, the praetorian praefect, who had been sent forward to arrest his progress, and gained over to his party the ambassadors commissioned to seduce his troops. On the other hand, the praetorians, destitute of discipline, and sunk in debauchery and sloth, were alike incapable of offering any effectual resistance to an invader, and indisposed to submit to restraint. Matters being in this desperate state, Julianus now attempted negotiation, and offered to share the empire with his rival. But Severus turned a deaf ear to these overtures, and still pressed forwards, all Italy declaring for him as he advanced. At last the praetorians, having received assurances that they should suffer no punishment, provided they would give up the actual murderers of Pertinax and offer no resistance, suddenly seized upon the ringleaders of the late conspiracy, and reported what they had done to Silius Messala, the consul, by whom the senate was hastily summoned and informed of these proceedings. Forthwith a formal decree was passed proclaiming Severus emperor, awarding divine honours to Pertinax, and denouncing death to Julianus, who, deserted by all except one of his praefects and his son-in-law, Repentinus, was slain in the palace by a common soldier in the 61st year of his age and the third month of his reign. Niebuhr, in his lectures on Roman history published by Dr. Schmitz, treats the common account that, after the death of Pertinax, the praetorians offered the imperial dignity for sale to the highest bidder, as a sad exaggeration or misrepresentation, and declares, that he is unable to believe that Sulpicianus and Julianus bid against one another, as at an auction. With all respect for his opinion, no event in ancient history rests upon surer evidence. Setting aside the testimony of Herodian, Capitolinus, and Spartianus, we have given the narrative of that strange exhibition almost in the DIDO. words of Dion Cassius, who was not only in Rome at the period in question, but actually attended the meeting of the senate held on the very night when the bargain was concluded. We cannot suppose that he was ignorant of the real facts of the case. We cannot imagine any motive which could induce him to fabricate a circumstantial and improbable falsehood. (Dion Cass. lxxiii. 11-17; Spartian. Did. Julian.; Capitolin. Pertin., sub fin., ii. 6. ~ 9, 7. ~ 4; Eutrop. viii. 9; Victor, Caes. xix.; Zosim. i. 7.) [W. R.] DIDIUS GALLUS. [GALLUS.] DIDJUS SCAEVA. [SCAEVA.] DIDO (ASwi), also called Elissa, which is probably her more genuine name in the eastern traditions, was a Phoenician princess, and the reputed founder of Carthage. The substance of her story is given by Justin (xviii. 4, &c.), which has been embellished and variously modified by other writers, especially by Virgil, who has used the story very freely, to suit the purposes of his poem. (See especially books i. and iv.) We give the story as related by Justin, and refer to the other writers where they present any differences. After the death of the Tyrian king, Mutgo (comp. Joseph. c. Apion. i. 18, where he is called Matgenus; Serv. ad Aen. i 343, 642, who calls him Methres; others again call him Belus or Agenor), the people gave the government to his son, Pygmalion; and his daughter Dido or Elissa married her uncle, Acerbas (Virg. Aen. i. 343, calls him Sichaeus, and Servius, on this passage, Sicharbas), a priest of Heracles, which was the highest office in the state next to that of king. Acerbas possessed extraordinary treasures, which he kept secret, but a report of them reached Pygmalion, and led him to murder his uncle. (Comp. Virg. Aen. i. 349, &c., where Sichaeus is murdered at an altar; whereas J. Malalas, p. 162, &c., ed. Bonn, and Eustath. ad Diongs. Perieg. 195, represent the murder as having taken place during a journey, or during the chase.) Hereupon, Dido, who according to Virgil and others was informed of her husband's murder in a dream, pretended that, in order to forget her grief, she would in future live with her brother Pygmalion, while in secret she made all preparations for quitting her country. The servants whom Pygmalion sent to assist her in the change of her residence were gained over by her, and having further induced some noble Tyrians, who were dissatisfied with Pygmalion's rule, to join her, she secretly sailed away in search of a new home. The party first landed in the island of Cyprus, where their number was increased by a priest of Zeus, who joined them with his wife and children, and by their carrying off by force eighty maidens to provide the emigrants with wives. In the mean time, Pygmalion, who had heard of the flight of Dido, prepared to set out in pursuit of her; but he was prevented by the entreaties of his mother and by the threats of the gods (Serv. adAen. i. 363, gives a different account of the escape of Dido); and she thus safely landed in a bay on the coast of Africa. Here she purchased (according to Serv. ad Aen. i. 367, and Eustath. 1. c., of king Hiarbas) as much land as might be covered with the hide of a bull but she ordered the hide to be cut up into the thinnest possible stripes, and with them she surrounded a great extent of country, which she called Byrsa, from 9ipo'a, i. e. the hide of a bull. (Comp. Virg. Aen, i. 367; Servius, ad loc. and ad iv. 670;
Page 1007 DIDO. Silius Ital. Pun. i. 25; Appian, Pun. 1.) The number of strangers who flocked to the new colony from the neighbouring districts, for the sake of commerce and profit, soon raised the place to a town community. The kinsmen of the new colonists, especially the inhabitants of Utica, supported and encouraged them (Procop. Bell. Vandal. ii. 10); and Dido, with the consent of the Libyans, and under the promise of paying them an annual tribute, built the town of Carthage. In laying the foundations of the city, the head of a bull was found, and afterwards the head of a horse, which was a still more favourable sign. (Virg. Aen. i. 443, with Servius's note; Sil. Ital. Pun. ii. 410, &c.) As the new town soon rose to a high degree of power and prosperity, king Hiarbas or Jarbas, who began to be jealous of it, summoned ten of the noblest Carthaginians to his court, and asked for the hand of Dido, threatening them with a war in case of his demand being refused. The deputies, who on their return dreaded to inform their queen of this demand, at first told her that Hiarbas wished to have somebody who might instruct him and his Libyans in the manners of civilized life; and when they expressed a doubt as to whether anybody would be willing to live among barbarians, Dido censured them, and declared that every citizen ought to be ready to sacrifice everything, even life itself, if he could thereby render a service to his country. This declaration roused the courage of the ten deputies, and they now told her what Hiarbas demanded of her. The queen was thus caught by the law which she herself had laid down. She lamented her fate, and perpetually uttered the name of her late husband, Acerbas; but at length she answered, that she would go whithersoever the fate of her new city might call her. She took three months to prepare herself, and after the lapse of that time, she erected a funeral pile at the extreme end of the city: she sacrificed many animals under the pretence of endeavouring to soothe the spirit of Acerbas before celebrating her new nuptials. She then took a sword into her hand, and having ascended the pile, she said to the people that she was going to her husband, as they desired, and then she plunged the sword into her breast, and died. (Comp. Serv. adAen. i. 340, iv. 36, 335, 674.) So long as Carthage existed, Dido was worshipped there as a divinity. (Sil. Ital. Pun. i. 81, &c.) With regard to the time at which Dido is said to have founded Carthage, the statements of the ancients differ greatly. According to Servius (ad Aen. iv. 459), it took place 40 years before the foundation of Rome, that is, in B. c. 794; according to Velleius Paterculus (i. 6), it was 65 years, and according to Justin (xviii. 6) and Orosius (iv. 6), 72 years, before the building of Rome. Josephus (c. Apion. i. 18; comp. Syncellus, p. 143) places it 143 years and eight months after the building of the temple of Solomon, that is, B. c. 861; while Eusebius (Chron. n. 971, ap. Syncell. p. 345; comp. Clron. n. 1003) places the event 133 years after the taking of Troy, that is, in B. c. 1025; and Philistus placed it even 37 or 50 years before the taking of Troy. (Euseb. Chron. n. 798; Syncell. p. 324; Appian, Pun. 1.) In the story constructed by Virgil in his Aeneid, he makes Dido, probably after the example of Naevius, a contemporary of Aeneas, with whom she falls in love on his arrival in Africa. As her love was not returned, and Aeneas hastened to seek the new home DIDYMUS. 1007 which the gods had promised him, Dido in despair destroyed herself on a funeral pile. The anachronism which Virgil thus commits is noticed by several ancient writers. (Serv. ad Aen. iv. 459, 682, v. 4; Macrob. Sat. v. 17, vi. 2; Auson. Epigr. 118.) [L. S.] DIDYMARCHUS (ALpeapXos), is mentioned by Antoninus Liberalis (23) as the author of a work on Metamorphoses, of which the third book is there quoted. [L. S.] DIDYMUS (AtivSos). 1. A celebrated Alexandrian grammarian of the time of Cicero and the emperor Augustus. He was a disciple or rather a follower of the school of Aristarchus ('ApirTo'pXeos, Lehrs, de Aristarchi stud. Homer. p. 18, &c.), and is said to have been the son of a dealer in salt fish. He was the teacher of Apion, Heracleides Ponticus, and other eminent men of the time. He is commonly distinguished from other grammarians of the name of Didymus by the surname Xah\ievrpos, which he is said to have received from his indefatigable and unwearied application to study. But he also bore the nickname of 3thG~od6aOs, for, owing to the multitude of his writings, it is said it often happened to him that he forgot what he had stated, and thus in later productions contradicted what he had said in earlier ones. Such contradictions happen the more easily the more a writer confines himself to the mere business of compiling; and this seems to have been the case to a very great extent with Didymus, as we may infer from the extraordinary number of his works, even if it were not otherwise attested. The sum total of his works is stated by Athenaeus (iv. p. 139) to have been 3,500, and by Seneca (Ep. 88) 4000. (Comp. Quintil. i. 9. ~ 19.) In this calculation, however, single books or rolls seem to be counted as separate works, or else many of them must have been very small treatises. The most interesting among his productions, all of which are lost, would have been those in which he treated on the Homeric poems, the criticism and interpretation of which formed the most prominent portion of his literarypursuits. The greater part of what we now possess under the name of the minor Scholia on Homer, which were at one time considered the work of Didymus, is taken from the several works which Didymus wrote upon Homer. Among them was one on the Homeric text as constituted by Aristarchus (7repl T'rS 'AptorcipXou 8tLopOdseeoWs), a work which would be of great importance to us, as he entered into the detail of the criticisms of Aristarchus, and revised and corrected the text which the latter had established. But the studies of Didymus were not confined to Homer, for he wrote also commentaries on many other poets and prose writers of the classical times of Greece. We have mention of works of his on the lyric poets, and especially on Bacchylides (Theophyl. Ep. 8; Ammon. s. v. N'pde'es) and Pindar, and the better and greater part of our scholia on Pindar is taken from the commentary of Didymus. (Bickh, Praef ad Scliol. Pind. p. xvii. &c.) The same is the case with the extant scholia on Sophocles. (Richter, de Aeschyli, Sophoclis, et Euripidis interpretibus Graecis, p. 106, &c.) In the scholia on Aristophanes, too, Didymus is often referred to, and we further know that he wrote commentaries on Euripides, Ion, Phrynichus (Athen. ix. p. 371), Cratinus (Hesych. s. v. Kop'aKtCs; Athen. xi. p. 501), Menander (Etymol, Gud. p. 338. 25), and others. The Greek orators,
Page 1008 1008 DIDYMUS. Demosthenes, Isaeus, Hyperides, Deinarchus, and others, were likewise commented upon by Didymus. Besides these numerous commentaries, we have mention of a work on the phraseology of the tragic poets (7rpl vpaycplovj.evsIs Ahlews), of which the 28th book is quoted. (Macrob. Sat. v. 18; IHarpocrat. s. v. Z7paXoipe?^V.) A similar work (A`ess icwKwucI') was written by him on the phraseology of the comic poets, and Hesychius made great use of it, as he himself attests in the epistle to Eulogius. (Comp. Etymol. M. p. 492. 53; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 1139, iv. 1058.) A third work of the same class was on words of ambiguous or uncertain meaning, and consisted of at least seven books; and a fourth treated on false or corrupt expressions. He further published a collection of Greek proverbs, in thirteen books (7rpos rTOVS 7rpl lrapoiuiJwV OWVTErXTaX 7as), from which is taken the greater part of the proverbs contained in the collection of Zenobius. (Schneidewin, Corpus Paroemiogr. Graec. i. p. xiv.) A work on the laws of Solon is mentioned by Plutarch (Sol. 1) under the title 7repi Tcev dao'vwv oWv'ACos. Didymus appears to have been acquainted even with Roman literature, for he wrote a work in six books against Cicero's treatise " de Re Publica," (Ammian. Marcell. xxii. 16), which afterwards induced Suetonius to write against Didymus. (Suid. s. v. TpayKcdvXos.) Didymus stands at the close of the period in which a comprehensive and independent study of Greek literature prevailed, and he himself must be regarded as the father of the scholiasts who were satisfied with compiling or abridging the works of their predecessors. In the collection of the Geoponica there are various extracts bearing the name of Didymus, from which it might be inferred that he wrote on agriculture or botany; but it is altogether uncertain whether those extracts belong to our Alexandrian grammarian, or to some other writer of the same name. It is very probable that, with Suidas, we ought to distinguish from our grammarian a naturalist Didymus, who possibly may be the same as the one who wrote a commentary on Hippocrates, and a treatise on stones and different kinds of wood (repl juapxadpwv ical?ravroTrwv vAXwv), a treatise which has been edited by A. Mai as an appendix to the fragments of the Iliad. (Milan, 1819, fol.) See GrKfenhan, Gesch. der Klass. Philol. im Alterthum, i. p. 405, &c. 2. An Alexandrian grammarian, commonly called the younger ( vieos): he taught at Rome, and wrote, according to Suidas (s. v. Alausos), 7rstavrd, awept 6dpoypapias, and many other excellent works. In a preceding article, however, Suidas attributes the mrnOava' (siaeavcZv Kal o-eona urarwv Av'reis) in two books to one Didymus Areius, an Academic philosopher, who lived at Rome in the time of Nero. (Comp. Euseb. Praep. Evang. xi. 23; Eudoc. p. 135.) 3. With the praenomen Claudius, a Greek grammarian, who, according to Suidas (s. v. Ailvatos), wrote upon the mistakes committed by Thucydides against analogy, and a work on Analogy among the Romans. He further made an epitome of the works of Heracleon, and some other works. A fragment of his epitome is preserved in Stobaeus. (Serm. 101; comp. Lersch, Die Spraclipphilos. der Alten, pp. 74, 143, &c.) 4. Of Alexandria, lived in the fourth century of the Christian era, and must be distinguished DIDYMUS. from Didymus the monk, who is spoken of by Socrates. (Hist. Eccles. iv. 33.) At the age of four years, and before he had learnt to read, he became blind; but this calamity created in him an invincible thirst after knowledge, and by intense application he succeeded in becoming not only a distinguished grammarian, rhetorician, dialectician, mathematician, musician, astronomer, and philosopher (Socrat. iv. 25; Sozom. iii. 15; Rufin. xi. 7; Theodoret. iv. 29; Nicephor. ix. 17), but also in acquiring a most extensive knowledge of sacred literature. He devoted himself to the service of the church, and was no less distinguished for the exemplary purity of his conduct than for his learning and acquirements. In A. D. 392, when Hieronymus wrote his work on illustrious ecclesiastical authors, Didymus was still alive, and professor of theology at Alexandria. He died in A. D. 396 at the age of eighty-five. As professor of theology he was at the head of the school of the Catechumeni, and the most distinguished personages of that period, such as Hieronymus, Rufinus, Palladius, Ambrosius, Evagrius, and Isidorus, are mentioned among his pupils. Didymus was the author of a great number of theological works, but most of them are lost. The following are still extant:1. " Liber de Spiritu Sancto." The Greek original is lost, but we possess a Latin translation made by Hieronymus, about A. D. 386, which is printed among the works of Hieronymus. Although the author as well as the translator intended it to be one book (Hieronym. Catal. 109), yet Marcianaeus in his edition of Hieronymus has divided it into three books. The work is mentioned by St. Augustin (Quaest. in Exod. ii. 25), and Nicephorus (ix. 17). Separate editions of it were published at Cologne, 1531, 8vo., and a better one by Fuchte, Helmstidt, 1614, 8vo. 2. " Breves Enarrationes in Epistolas Canonicas." This work is likewise extant only in a Latin translation, and was first printed in the Cologne edition of the first work. It is contained also in all the collections of the works of the fathers. The Latin translation is the work of Epiphanius, and was made at the request of Cassiodorus. (Cassiod. de Institut. Divin. 8.) 3. " Liber adversus Manichaeos." This work appears to be incomplete, since Damascenus (Parallel. p. 507) quotes a passage from it which is now not to be found in it. It was first printed in a Latin version by F. Turrianus in Possevin's Apparatus Sanct. ad Calc. Lit. D., Venice, 1603, and at Cologne in 1608. It was reprinted in some of the Collections of the Fathers, until at last Combefisius in his "Auctarium novissimum " (ii. p. 21, &c.) published the Greek original. (Paris, 1672, fol.) 4. Ilepi Tprid8os. This work was formerly believed to be lost, but J. A. Mingarelli discovered a MS. of it, and published it with a Latin version at Bologna, 1769, fol. A list of the lost works of Didymus is given by Fabric. Bibl. Grace. ix. p. 273, &c.; compare Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 205; Guericke, de Schola A lexandr. ii. p. 332,&c. [L. S.] DI'DYMUS (At&iuos), a Greek medical writer who lived perhaps in the third century after Christ, as he is quoted by Antius (tetrab. ii. serm. ii. c. 15, p. 256) and Alexander Trallianus (De Med. vii. 13, p. 235), by whom he is called aroecrTaros. He may perhaps be the native of Alexandria who is mentioned by Suidas as having written fifteen books on Agriculture, and who is frequently quoted in the collection of writers called Geoponici (lib. i.
Page 1009 DIGITIUS. e. 5, ii. 3, 14, 17, 26, &c., ed. Niclas.). His writings would seem to have been extant in the seventeenth century, or at least they were supposed to be so, as Salmasius expected to receive a MS. of his work de Plantis from Italy. (Life prefixed to his Letters, p. 39.) [W. A. G.] DIESPITER. [JUPITER.] DIEUCHES (ALEIý?X), a Greek physician, who lived probably in the fourth century B. c., and belonged to the medical sect of the Dogmatici. (Galen, de Fen. Sect. adv. Erasistr. c. 5, vol. xi. p. 163; comp. Id. de Simplic. Medicam. Temper. ac Facult. vi. prooem. vol. xi. p. 795, de Meth. Med. i. 3, vii. 3, vol. x. pp. 28, 462, Comment. in Hippocr. "de Nat. Hom." ii. 6, vol. xv. p. 136.) He was tutor to Numenius of Heraclea (Athen. i. p. 5. ~ 8), and is several times quoted by Pliny. (H. N. xx. 15, 33, 73, xxiii. 29, xxiv. 92.) He wrote some medical works, of which nothing but a few fragments remain. (Ruf. Ephes., ed. Matthaei; XXI Vet. Medic. Grace. Opuse. ed. Matthaei; C. G. Kiihn, Additam. ad Elench. Medic. Vet. a J.A. Fabric. exhibit. fase. xiii. p.6.) [W. A. G.] DIEU'CHIDAS (A1evxi8as), of Megara, a Greek historian who wrote a history of Megara (MeyMapULd), which consisted of at least five books. (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 141, vi. p. 267; Diog. Laert. i. 57; Comp. Harpocrat. s. v. dyvids.) The age of Dieuchidas is unknown, but his work is frequently referred to by the ancients, and his name often appears in a corrupt form. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 118, 517, where his name is Acpqblxas; Steph. Byz. s. v. tIcdplpa,; Athen. vi. p. 262; Harpocrat. s. v. lepavia; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. ix. 30; Plut. Lye. 2, in the last two passages AlevvuXaas; Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 870; Eudoc. p. 286, where the name is Dirychias.) [L. S.] SEX. DIGI'TIUS. 1. An Italian, who served as a marine (socius navalis) under the great P. Corn. Scipio Africanus. After the taking of New Carthage in B. c. 210, Sex. Digitius and Q. Trebellius were rewarded by Scipio with the corona muralis, for the two men disputed as to which of them had first scaled the walls of the place. (Liv. xxvi. 48.) It must be supposed that Digitius was further rewarded for his bravery with the Roman franchise; for his son, or perhaps he himself, is mentioned as praetor in B. c. 194. 2. It is uncertain whether he is a son of the Digitius who served in Spain under Scipio, or whether he is identical with him, though the former is more probable. He was praetor in B. c. 194, and obtained southern Spain as his province. After the departure of M. Cato, several of the Spanish tribes again revolted, and Digitius had to fight many battles against them, in most of which he was so unsuccessful, that at the termination of his office his forces were reduced to half of their original number. In B. c. 190 he was appointed legate by the consul L. Corn. Scipio Asiaticus; and, conjointly with two others, he was commissioned to collect a fleet at Brundusium from all parts of the coast. In B. c. 174 he was one of the ambassadors sent to Macedonia, and in the year following he was sent to Apulia to purchase provisions for the fleet and the army. (Liv. xxxv. 1, 2, xxxvii. 4, xli. 22, xlii. 27; Oros. iv. 22, where he is erroneously called Publius.) The military tribune, Sex. Digitius, who is mentioned by Livy (xliii. 11) about the same time, is probably a son of our Sex. Digitius. [L. S.] DIOCLEIDES, 1009 DIFTREPHES (Aulrpinys, Thuc. vii. 29), probably distinct from the Diotrephes of Thuc. viii. 64, was entrusted, B. c. 413, with the charge of carrying home the Thracian mercenaries who arrived at Athens too late to sail for Syracuse with Demosthenes, and were, to save expense, at once dismissed. He made on the way descents upon Boeotia at Tanagra, and at Mycalessus, the latter of which places he surprised, and gave up to the savage butchery of his barbarians. Boeotian forces came up with them, however, in their retreat to the ships, and cut down a considerable number. Diitrephes himself not improbably fell. Pausanias (i. 23. ~~ 2, 3) saw a statue of him at Athens, representing him as pierced with arrows; and an inscription containing his name, which was doubtless cut on the basement of this statue, has been recently discovered at Athens, and is given on p. 890, a. This Diitrephes is probably the same as the Diitrephes mentioned by Aristophanes (Aves, 798, 1440), satirized in one place as a leader of the fashion of chariot-driving; in another as a forward upstart, who had advanced himself, if the Scholiast understood the joke, to military office by the trade of basket-making. The date of " the Birds," B. c. 414, would be rather a confirmation of the identity of the two. [A. H. C.] DI'LLIUS APONIA'NUS. [APONIANUS.] DI'LLIUS VO'CULA. [VocULA.] DINDYME'NE (AwVviuLv- or An'asiUEV), a surname of Cybele, derived either from mount Dindymus in Phrygia, where a temple was believed to have been built to her by the Argonauts (Apollon. Rhod. i. 985, with the Schol.; Strab. xii. p. 575; Callim. Epig.r. 42; Horat. Carm. i. 16. 5; Catull. 63, 91; Serv. ad Aen. ix. 617), or from Dindyme, the wife of Maeon and mother of Cybele. (Diod. iii. 58.) [L. S.] DINON. [DEINON.] DIOCLEIDES (AtorcAdies), an Athenian, who, when the people were highly excited about the mutilation of the Hermae,- B. c. 415, and ready to credit any information whatever, came forward and told the following story to the council:-Private business having taken him from home on the night on which the busts were defaced, he had seen about 300 men enter the orchestra of the theatre, and was able by the light of the full moon to observe their features perfectly. At the time he had no idea of the purpose of their assembling, but the next day he heard of the affair of the Hermae, and taxed some of the 300 with it. They bribed him to secresy by the promise of two talents, which they afterwards refused to pay, and he had therefore come to give information. This story was implicitly believed at the time, and a number of persons mentioned as guilty by Diocleides were imprisoned, while the informer himself received a crown of honour and a public entertainment in the Prytaneium. Soon afterwards, however, Andocides (who with several of his relations was among the prisoners) came forward with his version of the matter, which contradicted that of Diocleides. It was also remembered that the moon was not visible on the night on which the latter professed to have marked by its light the faces of the accused. He was driven, therefore, to confess that his evidence was false, and lie added (which was, perhaps, equally false), that he had been suborned to give it by two men named Alcibiades and Amiantus. Both of these sought safety by flight, and 3T
Page 1010 11010 DIOCLES. Diocleides was put to death. (Andoc. de Myst. pp. 6-9; Thuc. vi. 60; Phryn. ap. Plut. Ale. 20; Diod. xiii. 2.) [E. E.] DIOCLEIDES (AtoicxlSjs), of Abdera, is mentioned in Athenaeus (for this seems to be the meaning of the passage) as having admirably described the famous engine called 'EAiroXAs (the City-taker), which was made by Epimachus the Athenian for Demetrius Poliorcetes at the siege of Rhodes. (Ath. v. p. 206, d.; Diod. xx. 91; Wesseling, ad loc.; Pint. Demetr. 21; Vitruv. x. 22.) [E. E.] DI'OCLES (AtoictXs), the son of Orsilochus and father of Crethon and Orsilochus, was a king of Phere. (Hom. II. v. 540, &c., Od. iii. 488; Pans. iii. 30. ~ 2.) [L. S.] DI'OCLES (AtioKXcs), a Syracusan, celebrated for his code of laws. No mention of his name occurs in Thucydides, but according to Diodorus he was the proposer of the decree for putting to death the Athenian generals Demosthenes and Nicias. (Diod. xiii. 19.) He is called by Diodorus upon this occasion the most eminent of the demagogues at Syracuse, and appears to have been at this time the leader of the popular or democratic party, in opposition to Hermocrates. The next year (B. c. 412), if the chronology of Diodorus be correct, a democratic revolution took place, and Diocles was appointed with several others to frame and establish a new code of laws. In this he took so prominent a part, that he threw his colleagues quite into the shade, and the code was ever after known as that of Diodes. We know nothing of its details, but it is praised by Diodorus for its conciseness of style, and the care with which it distinguished different offences and assigned to each its peculiar penalty. The best proof of its merit is, that it continued to be followed as a civil code not only at Syracuse, but in many others of the Sicilian cities, until the island was subjected to the Roman law. (Diod. xiii. 35.) The banishment of Hermocrates and his party (B. c. 410; see Xen. Hell. i. 1. ~ 27) must have. left Diodes undisputed leader of the commonwealth. The next year he commanded the forces sent by Syracuse and the other cities of Sicily to the relief of Himera, besieged by Hannibal, the son of Gisco. Ie was, however, unable to avert its fate, and withdrew from the city, carrying off as many as possible of the inhabitants, but in such haste that he did not stay to bury those of his troops who had fallen in battle. (Diod. xiii. 59-61.) This circumstance probably gave rise to discontent at Syracuse, which was increased when Hermocrates, having returned to Sicily and obtained some successes against the Carthaginians, sent back the bones of those who had perished at Himera with the highest honours. The revulsion of feeling thus excited led to the banishment of Diodes, B. c. 408. (Diod. xiii. 63, 75.) It does not appear whether he was afterwards recalled, and we are at a loss to connect with the subsequent revolutions of Syracuse the strange story told by Diodorus, that he stabbed himself with his own sword, to slew his respect for one of his laws, which he had thoughtlessly infringed by coming armed into the place of assembly. (Diod. xiii. 33.) A story almost precisely similar is, however, told by the same author (xii. 19) of Charondas [CHARONDAS], which renders it at least very doubtful as regarding Diodes. Yet it is probable that he must have DIOCLES. died about this time, as we find no mention of his name in the civil dissensions which led to the elevation of Dionysius. (Hubmann, Diokles Gesetzgeber der Syrakusier, Amberg, 1842.) [E. H. B.] DI'OCLES (AoicAhis). 1. A brave Athenian, who lived in exile at Megara. Once in a battle he protected with his shield a youth whom he loved, but he lost his own life in consequence. The Megarians rewarded the gallant man with the honours of a hero, and instituted the festival of the Diocleia, which they celebrated in the spring of every year. (Theocrit. xii. 27, &c.; Aristoph. Acharen. 774; Plut. Thies. 10; Didt. of Ant. s. v. ALhoeAiea.) 2. The name of three wealthy Sicilians who were robbed by Verres and his satellites. (Cic. in Verr. iii. 56, 40, v. 7, iv. 16.) [L. S.] DI'OCLES (AoicAs), literary. 1. Of ATHENS. See below. 2. Of CNIDUS, a Platonic philosopher, who is mentioned as the author of Aiearpaei, from which a fragment is quoted in Eusebius. (Praep. Evang. xiv. p. 731.) 3. A Greek GRAMMARIAN, who wrote upon the Homeric poems, and is mentioned in the Venetian Scholia (adIl.xiii. 103) along with Dionysius Thrax, Aristarchus, and Chaeris on the subject of Greek accents. A dream of his is related by Artemidorus. (Oneir. iv. 72.) 4. Of MAGNESIA, was the author of a work entitled icrmipoep?) rct 7 <(phoao v, and of a second on the lives of philosophers (7repl ilYwv s lAhoA-owv), of both of which Diogenes Laertius appears to have made great use. (ii. 82, vi. 12, 13, 20, 36, 87, 91, 99, 103, vii. 48, 162, 166, 179, 181, ix. 61, 65, x. 12.) 5. Of PEPARETHUS, the earliest Greek historian, who wrote about the foundation of Rome, and whom Q. Fabius Pictor is said to have followed in a great many points. (Plut. Rom. 3, 8; Fest. s. v. Romam.) How long he lived before the time of Fabius Pictor, is unknown. Whether he is the same as the author of a work on heroes (repl rjphywv ovveraypIa), which is mentioned by Plutarch (Quaest. Graec. 40), and of a history of Persia (Inop-inc), which is quoted by Josephus (Ant. Jud. x. 11. ~ 1), is likewise uncertain, and it may be that the last two works belong to Diodes of Rhodes, whose work on Aetolia (Ai7hyAtCc) is referred to by Plutarch. (De Flum. 22.) 6. Of SYBARIs, a Pythagorean philosopher (Iamb. Vit. Pyth.. 36), who must be distinguished from another Pythagorean, Diodes of Phlius, who is mentioned by lamblichus (Vit. Pythag. 35) as one of the most zealous followers of Pythagoras. The latter Diodes was still alive in the time of Aristoxenus (Diog. LaSrt. viii. 46), but further particulars are not known about him. [L. S.] DIOCLES (AzoKicAs), of Athens, or, according to others, of Phlius, and perhaps in fact a Phliasian by birth and an Athenian by citizenship, was a comic poet of the old comedy, contemporary with Sannyrion and Philyllius. (Suid. s. v.) The following plays of his are mentioned by Suidas and Eudocia (p. 132), and are frequently quoted by the grammarians: BoicXat, OdAhaTra, K hicWorcs (by others ascribed to Callias), Me'AXrat. The Ovie'0-s and "Oveipo, which are only mentioned by Suidas and Eudocia, are suspicious titles. He seems to have been an elegant poet. (Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec. i. pp. 251-253, ii. pp. 838-841.) [P.S.] DI'OCLES (AoKwc^s), a geometer of unknown
Page 1011 DIOCLES. date, who wrote repI srvpiwv, according to Eutocius who has cited from that book (Conmm. in Sph. et Cycl. Archim. lib. ii. prop. v.) his method of dividing a sphere by a plane in a given ratio. But he is better known by another extract which Eutocius (Op. Cit. lib. ii. prop. ii.) has preserved, giving his mode of solving the problem of two mean proportionals by aid of a curve, which has since been called the cissoid, and is too well known to geometers to need description. [A. DE M.] DFOCLES CARYSTIUS (AoicAX d' Kapv`-ios), a very celebrated Greek physician, was born at Carystus in Euboea, and lived in the fourth century a. c., not long after the time of Hippocrates, to whom Pliny says he was next in age.and fame. (I. N. xxvi. 6.) He belonged to the medical sect of the Dogmatici (Gal. de Aliment. Facult. i. 1, vol. vi. p. 455), and wrote several medical works, of which only the titles and some fragments remain, preserved by Galen, Caelius Aurelianus, Oribasius, and other ancient writers. The longest of these is a letter to king Antigonus, entitled 'E7rtoroA7i TIpopvAaKTruc4, "A Letter on Preserving Health," which is inserted by Paulus Aegineta at the end of the first book of his medical work, and which, if genuine, was probably addressed to Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, who died B. c. 239, at the age of eighty, after a reign of forty-four years. It resembles in its subject matter several other similar letters ascribed to Hippocrates (see Ermerins, Aneed. Med. Graeea, praef. p. xiv.), and treats of the diet fitted for the different seasons of the year. It is published in the various editions of Paulus Aegineta, and also in several other works: e. g. in Greek in Matthaei's edition of Rufus Ephesius, Mosquae, 1806, 8vo.; in Greek and Latin in the twelfth volume of the old edition of Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca; and in Mich. Neander's Syllogce Physicae, Lips. 1591, 8vo.; and in Latin with Alexander Trallianus, Basil. 1541, fol.; and Meletius, Venet. 1552, 4to. &c. There is also a German translation by Hieronymus Bock, in J. Dryander's Practicirbhchlein, Frankfort, 1551, 8vo. Some persons have attributed to Diocles the honour of first explaining the difference between the veins and arteries; but this does not seem to be correct, nor is any great discovery connected with his name. Further information respecting him may be found in the different histories of medicine, and also in Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, vol. xii. p. 584, ed. vet.; A. Rivinus, Programma de Diode Carystio, Lips. 1655, 4to.; C. G. Gruner, Bibliothek der Alten Aerzte, Leipz. 1781, 8vo. vol. ii. p. 605; C. G. KUihn, Opuscula Academ. Med. et Philolog. Lips. 1827, 8vo. vol. ii. p. 87. In these works are quoted most of the passages in ancient authors referring to Diocles; he is also mentioned by Soranus, de Arte Obstetr. pp. 15, 16, 67, 99, 124, 210, 257, 265; and in Cramer's Anecd. Graeca Paris. vol. i. p. 394, and vol. iv. p. 196. [W. A. G.] DI'OCLES, JULIUS ('lovAmos AtocAXs), of Carystus, the author of four epigrams in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 182; Jacobs, ii. 167.) His name implies that he was a Greek, and had obtained the Roman civitas. Reiske supposed him to be the same person as the rhetorician Diodes of Carystus, who is often mentioned by Seneca. Others suppose him to be the same as the physician. The name of the poet himself is variously written in the titles to his epigrams. (Jacobs, xiii. 882, 883.) [P. S.] DIOCLETIANUS. 1011 DIOCLETIA'NUS VALE'RIUS, was born near Salona in Dalmatia, in the year A. D. 245, of most obscure parentage; his father, according to the accounts commonly received, which are, however, evidently hostile, having been a freedman and provincial scribe, while the future emperor himself was indebted for liberty to a senator Anulinus. Were this last statement true he must have been born while his parent was a slave; but this is impossible, for, as Niebuhr has pointed out, the Roman law, even as it stood at that period, would have prevented the son from being enlisted in the legion. From his mother, Doclea, or Dioclea, who received her designation from the village where she dwelt, he inherited the appellation of Docles or Diodes, which, after his assumption of the purple, was Latinized and expanded into the" more majestic and sonorous Diocletianus, and attached as a cognomen to the high patrician name of Valerius. Having entered the army he served with high reputation, passed through various subordinate grades, was appointed to most important commands under Probus and Aurelian, in process of time was elevated to the rank of consul suffectus, followed Carus to the Persian war, and, after the death of that emperor on the banks of the Tigris [CARus], remained attached to the court during the retreat in the honourable capacity of chief captain of the palace guards (domestici). When the fate of Numerianus became known, the troops who had met in solemn assembly at Chalcedon, for the purpose of nominating a successor, declared with one voice that the man most worthy of the sovereign power was Diocletian, who, having accepted the proferred dignity, signalized his accession by slaying with his own hands Arrius Aper praefect of the praetorians, who was arraigned of the murder of the deceased prince, his son-in-law "[NUMERIANUS]. The proceedings upon this occasion were characterised. by an intemperate haste, which gave plausibility to the report, that the avenger of Numerian, notwithstanding his solemn protestations of innocence and disinterested zeal, was less eager to satisfy the demands of justice than to avert suspicion from himself and to remove a formidable rival, especially since he did not scruple to confess that he had long anxiously sought to fulfil a prophecy delivered to him in early youth by a Gaulish Druidess, that he should mount a throne as soon as he had slain the wild-boar (Aper). These events took place in the course of the year 284, known in chronology as the era of Diocletian, or the era of the martyrs, an epoch long employed in the calculations of ecclesiastical writers, and still in use among Coptic Christians. After the ceremonies of installation had been completed at Nicomedeia, it became necessary to take the field forthwith against Carinus, who was hastening towards Asia at the head of a numerous and well-disciplined army. The opposing armies met near Margus in upper Moesia, and, after an obstinate struggle, victory declared for the hardy veterans of the Western legions; but while Carinus was hotly pursuing the flying foe he was slain by his own officers [CARINUS]. His troops, left without a leader, fraternized with their late enemies, Diocletian was acknowledged by the conjoined armies, and no one appeared prepared to dispute his claims. The conqueror used his victory with praiseworthy and politic moderation. There were no proscriptions, no confiscations, no banish. 3T 2
Page 1012 1012 DIOCLETIANUS. ments, Nearly the whole of the ministers and attendants of the deceased monarch were permitted to retain their offices, and even the praetorian praefect Aristobulus was continued in his command. There was little prospect, however, of a peaceful reign. In addition to the insubordinate spirit which prevailed universally among the soldiery, who had been accustomed for a long series of years to create and dethrone their rulers according to the suggestions of interest, passion, or caprice, the empire was threatened in the West by a formidable insurrection of the Bagaudae under Aelianus and Amandus [AELIANUS], in the East by the Persians, and in the North by the turbulent movements of the wild tribes upon the Danube. Feeling himself unable to cope single-handed with so many difficulties, Diocletian resolved to assume a colleague who should enjoy, nominally at least, equal rank and power with himself, and relieve him from the burden of undertaking in person distant wars. His choice fell upon the brave and experienced, but rough and unlettered soldier Maximianus [MAXIMIANUS HERCULIUS], whom he invested with the title of Augustus, at Nicomedeia, in 286. At the same time the associated rulers adopted respectively the epithets of Jovius and Herculius, either from some superstitious motive, or, according to the explanation of one of the panegyrists, in order to declare to the world that while the elder possessed supreme wisdom to devise and direct, the younger could exert irresistible might in the execution of all projects. The new emperor hastened to quell, by his presence, the disturbances in Gaul, and succeeded without difficulty in chastising the rebellious boors. But this achievement was but a poor consolation for the loss of Britain, and the glory of the two Augusti was dimmed by their forced acquiescence in the insolent usurpation of Carausius. [CARAUsIUS.] Meanwhile, dangers which threatened the very existence of the Roman dominion became daily more imminent. The Egyptians, ever factious, had now risen in open insurrection, and their leader, Achilleus, had made himself master of Alexandria; the savage Blemmyes were ravaging the upper valley of the Nile; Julianus had assumed imperial ornaments at Carthage; a confederacy of five rude but warlike clans of Atlas, known as the Quinqueqgentanae (or Quinquegentiani), was spreading terror throughout the more peaceful districts of Africa; Tiridates, again expelled from Armenia, had been compelled once more to seek refuge in the Roman court; and Narses having crossed the Tigris, had recovered Mesopotamia, and openly announced his determination to re-unite all Asia under the sway of Persia; while the Germans, Goths, and Sarmatians were ready to pour down upon any unguarded point of the long line of frontier stretching from the mouths of the Rhine to the Euxine. In this emergency, in order that a vigorous resistance might be opposed to these numerous and formidable attacks in quarters of the world so distant from each other, and that the loyalty of the generals commanding all the great armies might be firmly secured, Diocletian resolved to introduce a new system of government. It was determined that, in addition to the two Augusti, there should be two Caesars also, that the whole empire should be divided among these four poten DIOCLETIANUS. tates, a certain fixed and definite portion being assigned to each, within which, in the absence of the rest, his jurisdiction should be absolute. All, however, being considered as colleagues working together for the accomplishment of the same object, the decrees of one were to be binding upon the rest; and while each Caesar was, in a certain degree, subordinate to the Augusti, the three junior members of this mighty partnership were required distinctly to recognise Diocletian as the head and guide of the whole. Accordingly, on the 1st of March 292, Constantius Chlorus and Galerius were proclaimed Caesars at Nicomedeia, and to knit more firmly the connecting bonds, they were both called upon to repudiate their wives; upon which the former received in marriage Theodora, the step-daughter of Maximian; the latter Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian. In the partition of the provinces the two younger princes were appointed to the posts of greatest labour and hazard. To Constantius were assigned Britain, Gaul, and Spain, the chief seat of government being fixed at Treves; to Galerius were intrusted Illyricum, and the whole line of the Danube, with Sirmium for a capital; Maximian resided at Milan, as governor of Italy and Africa, together with Sicily and the islands of the Tyrrhenian Sea; while Diocletian retained Thrace, Egypt, Syria, and Asia in his own hands, and established his court at Nicomedeia. The immediate results of this arrangement were most auspicious. Maximianus routed the Mauritanian hordes, and drove them back to their mountain fastnesses, while Julian being defeated perished by his own hands; Diocletian invested Alexandria, which was captured after a siege of eight months, and many thousands of the seditious citizens were slain, Busiris and Coptos were levelled with the ground, and all Egypt, struck with terror by the success and severity of the emperor, sank into abject submission. In Gaul an invading host of the Alemanni was repulsed with great slaughter after an obstinate resistance, Boulogne, the naval arsenal of Carausius, was forced to surrender, and the usurper having soon after been murdered by his chosen friend and minister, Allectus, the troops of Constantius effected a landing in Britain in two divisions, and the whole island was speedily recovered, after it had been dismembered from the empire for a space of nearly ten years. In the East the struggle was more severe; but the victory, although deferred for a while, was even more complete and more glorious. Galerius, who had quitted his own province to prosecute this war, sustained in his first campaign, a terrible defeat in the plains of Carrhae. The shattered army, however, was speedily recruited by large drafts from the veterans of Illyria, Moesiaand Dacia, and the Roman general, taught caution by experience, advanced warily through the mountains of Armenia, carefully avoiding the open country where zavalry might act with advantage. Persevering steadily in this course, he at length, with 25,000 men, fell unexpectedly upon the careless and confident foe. They were completely routed, and the harem of Narses, who commanded in person and escaped with great difficulty, fell into the hands of the conquerors. The full fruits of this victory were secured by the wise policy of Diocletian, who resolved to sei7ze the opportunity of offering a peace by which he might receive a moderate but certain advantage. A treaty was concluded, by which the independence of Armenia was guaran
Page 1013 DIOCLETIANUS. teed, and all Mesopotamia, together with five provinces beyond the Tigris and the command of the defilesof Caucasus, were ceded to the Romans. For forty years the conditions of this compact were observed with good faith, and the repose of the East remained undisturbed. The long series of brilliant achievements, by which the barbarians had been driven back from every frontier, were completed when Diocletian entered upon the twentieth year of his reign, and the games common at each decennial period were combined with a triumph the most gorgeous which Rome had witnessed since the days of Aurelian. But neither the mind nor the body of Diocletian, who was now fifty-nine years old, was able any longer to support the unceasing anxiety and toil to which he was exposed. On his journey to Nicomedeia he was attacked by an illness, from which, after protracted suffering, he scarcely escaped with life, and, even when immediate danger was past, found himself so exhausted and depressed, that he resolved to abdicate the purple. This resolution seems to have been soon formed, and it was speedily executed. On the 1st of May, A. D. 305, in a plain three miles from the city where he had first assumed the purple, in the presence of the army and the people, he solemnly divested himself of his royal robes. A similar scene was enacted on the same day at Milan by his reluctant colleague. Constantius Chlorus and Galerius being now, according to the principles of the new constitution, raised to the dignity of Augusti, Flavius Severus and Maximinus Daza were created Caesars. Diocletian returned to his native Dalmatia, and passed the remaining eight years of his life near Salona in philosophic retirement, devoted to rural pleasures and the cultivation of his garden. Aurelius Victor has preserved thie well-known anecdote, that when solicited at a subsequent period, by the ambitious and discontented Maximnian, to resume the honours which he had voluntarily resigned, his reply was, " Would you could see the vegetables planted by my hands at Salona, you would then never think of urging such an attempt." His death took place at the age of sixty-seven. The story in the Epitome of Victor, that he put himself to death in order to escape the violence which he apprehended from Constantine and Licinius, seems to be unsupported by external evidence or internal probability. Although little doubt can be entertained with regard to the general accuracy of the leading facts enumerated in the above outline, the greatest confusion and embarrassment prevail with regard to the more minute details of this reign and the chronological arrangement of the events. Medals afford little or no aid, the biographies of the Augustan historians end with Carinus, no contemporary record has been preserved, and those portions of Ammianus Marcellinus and Zosimus which must have been devoted to this epoch have disappeared from their works, purposely omitted or destroyed, as some have imagined, by Christian transcribers, who were determined if possible to prevent any flattering picture of their persecutor or any chronicle of his glories from being transmitted to posterity. Hence we are thrown entirely upon the meagre and unsatisfactory compendiums of Eutropius, the Victors, and Festus; the vague and lying hyperboles of the panegyrists, and the avowedly hostile declamations of the author of the work, De Mortibus Persecutorumm [CAtECILIUSj, and other DIOCLETIANUS. 1013 writers of the same stamp. Hence, from sources so scanty and so impure, it is extremely difficult to derive such knowledge as may enable us to form a just conception of the real character of this remarkable man. It is certain that he revolutionized the whole political system of the empire, and introduced a scheme of government, afterwards fully carried out and perfected by Constantine, as much at variance with that pursued by his predecessors as the power exercised by Octavianus and those who followed him differed from the authority of the constitutional magistrates of the republic. The object of this new and important change, and the means by which it was sought to attain that object, may be explained in a few words. The grand object was to protect the person of the sovereign from violence, and to insure a regular legitimate succession, thus putting an end to the rebellions and civil wars, by which the world had been torn to pieces ever since the extinction, in Nero, of the Julian blood. To accomplish what was sought, it was necessary to guard against insubordination among the powerful bodies of troops maintained on the more exposed frontiers, against mutiny among the praetorians at home, and against the faint spark of free and independent feeling among the senate and populace of Rome. Little was to be apprehended from the soldiery at a distance, unless led on by some favourite general; hence, by placing at the head of the four great armies four commanders all directly interested in preserving the existing order of things, it was believed that one great source of danger was removed, while two of these being marked out as heirs apparent to the throne long before their actual accession, it seemed probable that on the death of the Augusti they would advance to the Ihigher grade as a matter of course, without question or commotion, their places being supplied by two new Caesars. Jealousies might undoubtedly arise, but these were guarded against by rendering each of the four jurisdictions as distinct and absolute as possible, while it was imagined that an attempt on the part of any one member of the confederacy to render himself supreme, would certainly be checked at once by the cordial combination of the remaining three, in self-defence. It was resolved to treat the praetorians with little ceremony; but, to prevent any outbreak, which despair might have rendered formidable, they were gradually dispersed, and then deprived of their privileges, while their former duties were discharged by the Jovian and Herculian battalions from Illyria, who were firm in their.allegiance to their native princes. The degradation of Rome by the removal of the court, and the creation of four new capitals, was a death-blow to the influence of the Senate, and led quickly to the destruction of all old patriotic associations. Nor was less care and forethought bestowed on matters apparently trivial. The robe of cloth of gold, the slippers of silk dyed in purple, and embroidered with gems, the regal diadem wreathed around the brow, the titles of Lord and Master and God, the lowly prostrations, and the thousand intricacies of complicated etiquette which fenced round the imperial presence, were all attributed by short-sighted observers to the insolent pride of a Dalmatian slave intoxicated with unlooked-for prosperity, but were in reality part and parcel of a sagacious and well meditated plan, which sought to encircle the person
Page 1014 1014 DIOCLETIANUS. of the sovereign with a sort of sacred and mysterious grandeur. Passing over the military skill of Diocletian, we can scarcely refuse to acknowledge that the man who formed the scheme of reconstructing a great empire, and executed his plan within so brief a space of time, must have combined a bold and capacious intellect with singular prudence and practical dexterity. That his plans were such as a profound statesman would approve may fairly be questioned, for it needed but little knowledge of human nature to foresee, that'the ingenious but complicated machine would never work with smoothness after the regulating hand of the inventor was withdrawn; and, accordingly, his death was the signal for a succession of furious struggles among the rival Caesars and Augusti, which did not terminate until the whole empire was reunited under Constantine. Still the great social change was accomplished; a new order of things was introduced which determined the relation between the sovereign and the. subject, until the final downfall of the Roman sway, upon principles not before recognized in the Western world, and which to this day exercise no small influence upon the political condition of Europe. One of the worst effects, in the first instance, of the revolution, was the vast increase of the public expenditure, caused by the necessity of supporting two imperial and two vice-regal courts upon a scale of oriental splendour, and by the magnificent edifices reared by the vanity or policy of the different rulers for the embellishment of their capitals or favourite residences. The amount of revenue required could be raised only by increased taxation, and we find that all classes of the community complained bitterly of the merciless exactions to which they were exposed. Yet, on the whole, Diocletian was by no means indifferent to the comfort and prosperity of his people. Various monopolies were abolished, trade was encouraged, a disposition was manifested to advance merit and to repress corruption in every department. The views entertained upon subjects connected with political economy are well illustrated by the singular edict lately discovered at Stratoniceia, by Colonel Leake, fixing the wages of labourers and artizans, together with the maximum price, throughout the world, of all the necessaries and commodities of life. It is not possible to avoid being struck by the change wrought upon the general aspect of public affairs during the years, not many in number, which elapsed between the accession and abdication of Diocletian. He found the empire weak and shattered, threatened with immediate dissolution, from intestine discord and external violence. He left it strong and compact, at peace within, and triumphant abroad, stretching from the Tigris to the Nile, from the shores of Holland to the Euxine. By far the worst feature of this reign was the terrible persecution of the Christians. The conduct of the prince upon this occasion is the more remarkable, because we are at first sight unable to detect any motive which could have induced him to permit such atrocities, and one of the most marked features in his character was his earnest avoidance of harsh measures. The history of the affair seems briefly this: The pagans of the old school had formed a close alliance with the sceptical philosophers, and both perceived that the time was now arrived for a desperate struggle DIODORUS. which must finally establish or destroy their sipremacy. This faction found an organ in the relentless Galerius, stimulated partly by his own passions, but especially by the fanaticism of his mother, who was notorious for her devotion to some of the wildest and most revolting rites of Eastern superstition. As the health of Diocletian declined, his mind sunk in some degree under the pressure of disease, while the influence of his associate Augustus became every day more strong. At length, after repeated and most urgent representations, Galerius succeeded in extorting from his colleague-for even the most hostile accounts admit that the consent of Diocletian was given with the greatest reluctance-the first edict which, although stern and tyrannical in its ordinances, positively forbad all personal violence. But when the proclamation was torn down by an indignant believer, and when this act of contumacy was followed by a conflagration in the palace, occurring under the most suspicious circumstances, and unhesitatingly ascribed by Galerius to the Christians, the emperor considered that the grand principle for which he had been so strenuously contending, the supreme majesty and inviolability of the royal person, was openly assailed, and thus was persuaded without further resistance to give his assent to those sanguinary decrees which for years deluged the world with innocent blood. It is not improbable that the intellects of Diocletian were seriously affected, and that his malady may have amounted to absolute insanity. (Aurel. Victor. de Caes. 39, Epit. 39; Eutrop. ix. 13, &c.; Zonar. xii. 31.) [W. R.] COIN OF DIOCLETIANUS. DIO'CORUS or DIO'SCORUS (Atof'copos or Atdo'eopos), a commentator on the orations of Demosthenes. (Ulpian, ad Dem. Phil. iv. init.) [L. S.] DIODO'RUS (Atomcopos), historical. 1. A commander of Amphipolis in the reign of king Perseus of Macedonia. When the report of the king's defeat at Pella reached Amphipolis, and Diodorus feared lest the 2000 Thracians who were stationed as garrison at Amphipolis should revolt and plunder the place, he induced them by a cunning stratagem to leave the town and go to Emathia, where they might obtain rich plunder. After they had left the town, and crossed the river Strymon, he closed the gates, and Perseus soon after took refuge there. (Liv. xliv. 44.) 2. The tutor of Demetrius. When Demetrius was kept in captivity at Rome, Diodorus came to him from Syria, and persuaded him that he would be received with open arms by the people of Syria if he would but escape and make his appearance among them. Demetrius readily listened to him, and sent him to Syria to prepare everything and to explore the disposition of the people. (Polyb. xxxi. 20, 21.) [L. S.] DIODO'RUS (Ato5wcpos),literary. 1. Of ADRAMYTTIUM, a rhetorician and Academic philosopher. He lived at the time of Mithridates, under whom
Page 1015 DIODORUS. he commanded an army. In order to please the king, he caused all the senators of his native place to be massacred. He afterwards accompanied Mithridates to Pontus, and, after the fall of the king, Diodorus received the punishment for his cruelty. Charges were brought against him at Adramyttium, and as he felt that he could not clear himself, he starved himself to death in despair. (Strab. xiii. p. 614.) 2. Of ALEXANDRIA, surnamed Valerius Pollio, was a son of Pollio and a disciple of Telecles. He wrote, according to Suidas (s. v. TicAlwv) and Eudocia (p. 136), a work entitled (ryiot-s Ticv iTrovutsEvwV 7rapa ToS if p Topotvy, and another 'ATTLIC A'eYi. He lived in the time of the emperor Hadrian, and is perhaps the same as the Theodorus who is mentioned by Athenaeus (xiv. p. 646, comp. xv. pp. 677, 678, 691; Phot. Bibl. Cod. 149) as the author of 'ATrucal Fha-o-at. 3. Of ANTIOCH, an ecclesiastical writer who lived during the latter part of the fourth century after Christ, and belonged to a noble family. During the time that he was a presbyter and archimandrita at Antioch, he exerted himself much in introducing a better discipline among the monks, and also wrote several works, which shewed that he was a man of extensive acquirements. When Meletius, the bishop of Antioch, was sent into exile in the reign of the emperor Valens, Diodorus too had to suffer for a time; but he continued to exert himself in what he thought the good cause, and frequently preached to his flock in the open fields in the neighbourhood of Antioch. In A. D. 378 Meletius was allowed to return to his see, and one of his first acts was to make Diodorus bishop of Tarsus. In A. D. 381 Diodorus attended the council of Constantinople, at which the general superintendence of the Eastern churches was entrusted to him and Pelagius of Laodiceia. (Socrat. v. 8.) How long he held his bishopric, and in what year he died, are questions which cannot be answered with certainty, though his death appears to have occurred previous to A. D. 394, in which year his successor, Phalereus, was present at a council at Constantinople. Diodorus was a man of great learning (Facund. iv. 2); but some of his writings were not considered quite orthodox, and are said to have favoured the views which were afterwards promulgated by his disciple, Nestorius. His style is praised by Photius (Bibl. Cod. 223, where he is called Theodorus) for its purity and simplicity. Respecting his life, see Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. viii. p. 558, &c., and p. 802, &c., ed. Paris. Diodorus was the author of a numerous series of works, all of which are now lost, at least in their original language, for many are said to be still extant in Syriac versions. The following deserve to be noticed: 1. Kara efieapAEpivs, in 8 books or 53 chapters, was written against the theories of the astrologers, heretics, Bardesanes, and others. The whole work is said to be still extant in Syriac, and considerable Excerpta from it are preserved in Photius. (1. c.) 2. A work against Photinus, Malchion, Sabellius, Marcellus, and Ancyranus. (Theodoret. de Hlaeret. Fab. ii. in fin.) 3. A work against the Pagans and their idols (Facund. iv. 2), which is perhaps the same as the Kara Xdv'rwtvos rEpi eovo ical leMsrv. (Hieronym. Catal. 119.) 4. Xpovmv I tiopOop.evov TE O cr'paAsua EV3rffIo V 5oTO lnaepiAov revp "ri XpVo'ovw, that is, on chronolo DIODORUS. 1015 gical errors committed by Eusebius. (Suid. s. v Ai6oopos.) 5. Iepl rovo els eosr SEv TpLdIt, was directed against the Arians or Eunomians, and is said to be still extant in Syriac. 6. fipo's parTavov icrc-dcAaia. (Facund. iv. 2.) 7. Iepi rsr 'ITrrdpXou o'ealpas. This Hipparchus is the Bithynian of whom Pliny (H. N. ii. 26) speaks. 8. HepI wrpovoias, or on Providence, is said to exist still in Syriac. 9. Ilpos Ev(ppiov o iXoA'o(rpov, in the form of a dialogue. (Basil. Epist. 167; Facund. iv. 2.) 10. KaTrd MaviXaiwv, in 24 books, of which some account is given by Photius. (Bibl. Cod. 85; comp. Theodoret. i. in fin.) The work is believed to be extant in Syriac. 11. Hepi T r dylov 7rev aTros. (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 102; Leontius, de Sectis, pp. 448.) 12. Uipds Tols vvovo'ao'rds, a work directed against the Apollinaristae. Some fragments of the first book are preserved in Leontius. (Bibl. 1Pair. ix. p. 704, ed. Lugdun.) This work, which is still extant in Syriac, seems to have been the principal cause of Diodorus being looked upon as heretical; for the Nestorians appealed to it in support of their tenets, and Cyrillus wrote against it. 13. A commentary on most of the books of the Old and New Testament. This was one of his principal works, and in his interpretation of the Scriptures he rejected the allegorical explanation, and adhered to the literal meaning of the text. (Suidas, 1. c.; Socrat. vi. 2; Sozomen. viii. 2; Hieronym. Catlal. 119.) The work is frequently referred to by ecclesiastical writers, and many fragments of it have thus been preserved. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 217, ed. London; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 380, ix. p. 277, &c.) 4. Of ASCALON, a Greek grammarian, who wrote a work on the poet Antiphanes. (rIpl 'Am-,(pdvovs Ial Mrjs Trapc T0o's VewrrEpots parrtavs; Athen. xiv. p. 662.) 5. Of ASPENDUS, a Pythagorean philosopher, who probably lived after the time of Plato, and must have been still alive in 01. 104, for he was an acquaintance of Stratonicus, the musician, who lived at the court of Ptolemy Lagi. Diodorus is said to have adopted the Cynic mode of living. (lamblich. Vit. Pythag. 36; Athen. iv. p. 163; Bentley, Phalar. p. 62, ed. London, 1777.) 6. Surnamed CaoNus, a son of Ameinias of lasus in Caria, lived at the court of Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy Soter, who is said to have given him the surname of Cronus on account of his inability to solve at once some dialectic problem proposed by Stilpo, when the two philosophers were dining with the king. Diodorus is said to have taken that disgrace so much to heart, that after his return from the repast, and writing a treatise on the problem, he died in despair. (Diog. Laeirt. ii. 111.) According to an account in Strabo (xiv. p. 658, xvii. p. 838), Diodorus himself adopted the surname of Cronus from his teacher, Apollonius Cronus. Further particulars respecting his life are not known. He belonged to the Megaric school of philosophy, and was the fourth in the succession of the heads' of that school. He was particularly celebrated for his great dialectic skill, for which he is called o 8 aXeicrTsIsCs, or 8iaxEicricKa'aros. (Strab. 1. c.; Sext. Empir. adv. Gram. i. p. 310; Plin. II. N. vii. 54.) This epithet afterwards assumed the character of a surname, and descended even to his five daughters, who were likewise distinguished as dialecticians. Respecting
Page 1016 1016 DIODORUS. the doctrines of Diodorus we possess only fragmentary information, and not even the titles of his works are known. It appears, however, certain that it was he who fully developed the dialectic art of the Megarics, which so frequently degenerated into mere shallow sophistry. (Cic. Acad. ii. 24, 47.) He seems to have been much occupied with the theory of proof and of hypothetical propositions. In the same manner as he rejected in logic the divisibility of the fundamental notion, he also maintained, in his physical doctrines, that space was indivisible, and consequently that motion was a thing impossible. He further denied the coming into existence and all multiplicity both in time and in space; but he considered the things that fill up space as one whole composed of an infinite number of indivisible particles. In this latter respect he approached the atomistic doctrines of Democritus and Diagoras. In regard to things possible, he maintained that only those things are possible which actually are or will be; possible was, further, with him identical with necessary; hence everything which is not going to be cannot be, and all that is, or is going to be, is necessary; so that the future is as certain and defined as the past. This theory approached the doctrine of fate maintained by the Stoics, and Chrysippus is said to have written a work, wrpl 8uvarcv, against the views of Diodorus. (Diog. Laert. vii. 191; Cic. de Fato, 6, 7. 9, ad Fam. ix. 4.) He made use of the false syllogism called Sorites, and is said to have invented two others of the same kind, viz. the Eiyc-Ktcav/1A'Yos and the Ktparivas Aoyos. (Diog. La'rt. ii. 111.) Language was, with him, as with Aristotle, the result of an agreement of men among themselves. (Lersch, Sprackphilos. der Alt. i. p. 42; Deycks, de Megaricorum Doctrina, p. 64, &c.) 7. Of CROTON, a Pythagorean philosopher, who is otherwise unknown. (Iamblich. Vit. Pylhag. 35.) 8. Of ELAEA, is quoted as the author of elegies by Parthenius (Erot. 15), who relates from him a story about Daphne. 9. Of EPHESUS, is mentioned by Diogenes Lae'rtius (viii. 70) as the author of a work on the life and philosophy of Anaximander. 10. Surnamed PERIEGETES, was probably a native of Athens, and wrote on topographical and geographical subjects. He lived at the time of and after Alexander the Great; for it is clear, from some fragments of his works, that he wrote at the time when Athens had only twelve phylae, that is, previous to B. c. 308; and Athenaeus (xiii. p. 521) states, that Diodorus was acquainted with the rhetorician Anaximenes. We know only of two works of Diodorus Periegetes, viz. 1. llepi /scp wv, which is frequently quoted by Harpocration and Stephanus of Byzantium, and from which a considerable number of statements are preserved in consequence. 2. HiEpl p Au'OdTw, or on monuments. (Plut. Themist. 32, comp. Thes. 36, Cim. 16, Vit. X Orat. p. 849; Athen. xiii. p. 591.) It is not impossible that he may also be the author of a work on Miletus (rcpl MiATrouv orvyypajupca, Schol. ad Plut. Menex. p. 380; comp. Preller, Polemon. Fragm, p. 170, &c.) 11. Of PRIENE, is mentioned as a writer upon agriculture, but is otherwise unknown. (Varro, de R. R. i. 1; Columella, i. 1; Plin. H. N. Elench. lib. xv. xvii. &c.) 12. The SICILIAN, usually called DloDOltUS DIODORUS. SlcULas, was a contemporary of Caesar and Angustus. (Suid. s. v. AidaSwpos; Euseb. Cl/ron, ad Ann. 1967.) He was born in the town of Agyrium in Sicily, where he became acquainted with the Latin language through the great intercourse between the Romans and Sicilians. Respecting his life we know no more than what he himself tells us (i. 4). He seems to have made it the business of his life to write an universal history from the earliest down to his own time. With this object in view, he travelled over a great part of Europe and Asia to gain a more accurate knowledge of nations and countries than he could obtain from previous historians and geographers. For a long time he lived at Rome, and there also he made large collections of materials for his work by studying the ancient documents. He states, that he spent thirty years upon his work, which period probably includes the time he spent in travelling and collecting materials. As it embraced the history of all ages and countries, and thus supplied the place, as it were, of a whole library, he called it BiGAio0jKoc, or, as Eusebius (Praep. Evang. i. 6) says, BtsAtoe4ic] 'IopcI4. The time at which he wrote his history may be determined pretty accurately from internal evidence: he not only mentions Caesar's invasion of Britain and his crossing the Rhine, but also his death and apotheosis (i. 4, iv. 19, v. 21, 25): he further states (i. 44, comp. 83), that he was in Egypt in 01.190, that is, B. c. 20; and Scaliger (Animadv. ad Euseb. p. 156) has made it highly probable that Diodorus wrote his work after the year B. c. 8, when Augustus corrected the calendar and introduced the intercalation every fourth year. The whole work of Diodorus consisted of forty books, and embraced the period from the earliest mythical ages down to the beginning of J. Caesar's Gallic wars. Diodorus himself further mentions, that the work was divided into three great sections. The first, which consisted of the first six books, contains the history of the mythical times previous to the Trojan war. The first books o: this section treat of the mythuses of foreign countries, and the latter books of those of the Greeks. The second section consisted of eleven books, which contained the history from the Trojan war down to the death of Alexander the Great; and the third section, which contained the remaining 23 books, treated of the history from the death of Alexander down to the beginning of Caesar's Gallic wars. Of this great work considerable portions are now lost. The first five books, which contain the early history of the Eastern nations, the Egyptians, Aethiopians, and Greeks, are extant entire; the sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth books are lost; but from the eleventh down to the twentieth the work is complete again, and contains the history from the second Persian war, B. c. 480, down to the year B. c. 302. The remaining portion of the work is lost, with the exception of a considerable number of fragments and the Excerpta, which are preserved partly in Photius (Bibl. Cod. 244), who gives extracts from books 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, and 40, and partly in the Eclogae made at the command of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, from which they have successively been published by H. Stephens, Fulv. Ursinus, Valesius, and A. Mai. (Collect. Nova Script. ii. p. 1, &c., p. 568, &c.) The work of Diodorus is constructed upon the plan of annals, and the events of each year are placed
Page 1017 DTODORUS. DIODORUS. 1017 by the side of one another without any internal 15. Of TARSUS (Hesych. s. v. Ataydpas), a connexion. In composing his Bibliotheca, Diodorus grammarian who is mentioned by Athenaeus (xi. made use, independent of his own observations, of p. 479) as the author ot yAwo-at 'I'raAwal, and of all sources which were accessible to him; and had a work rrpos Avco'(ppova (xi. p. 478). He appears he exercised any criticism or judgment, 'or rather to be the same as the Diodorus referred to in two had he possessed any critical powers, his work other passages of Athenaeus (xi. p. 501, xiv. p. 642). might have been of incalculable value to the stu- It may also be that he is the same as the grammadent of history. But Diodorus did nothing rian whom Eustathius describes as a disciple or but collect that which he found in his different follower of Aristophanes of Byzantium. (Villoison, authorities: lie thus jumbled together history, Proleg. ad Hom. II. p. 29.) mythus, and fiction; he frequently misunderstood 16. Surnamed TRYPHON, lived about A. D. 278, or mutilated his authorities, and not seldom con- and is described by Epiphanius (de Mens. ac Pond. tradicts in one passage what he has stated in an- 20) as a good man and of wonderful piety,. He other. The absence of criticism is manifest through- was presbyter in the village of Diodoris and a out the work, which is in fact devoid of all the friend of bishop Archelaus. When Manes took higher requisites of a history. But notwithstand- refuge in his house, he was at first kindly received; ing all these drawbacks, the extant portion of this but when Diodorus was informed, by a letter of great compilation is to us of the highest importance, Archelaus, of the heresies of Manes, and when he on account of the great mass of materials which are began to see through the cunning of the heretic, there collected from a number of writers whose he had a disputation with him, in which he is said works have perished. Diodorus frequently men- triumphantly to have, refuted his errors. (Phot. tions his authorities, and in most cases he has Bibl. God. 85.) A letter of Archelaus to Diodorus undoubtedly preserved the substance of his prede- is still extant, and printed in Valesius's edition of cessors. (See Heyne, de Fontibus et Auctorib. Socrates, p. 200. Hlist. Diodori, in the Commentat. Societ. Gotting. 17. Of TYRE, a Peripatetic philosopher, a discivols. v. and vii., and reprinted in the Bipont edi- ple and follower of Critolaus, whom he succeeded tion of Diodorus, vol. i. p. xix. &c., which also as the head of the Peripatetic school at Athens. contains a minute account of the plan of the He was still alive and active there in B. c. 110, history by J. N. Eyring, p. cv., &c.) The when L. Crassus, during his quaestorship of Macestyle of Diodorus is on the whole clear and lucid, donia, visited Athens. Cicero denies to him the but not always equal, which may be owing to the character of a genuine Peripatetic, because it was different character of the works he used or abridg- one of his ethical maxims, that the greatest good ed. His diction holds the middle between the consisted in a combination of virtue with the abarchaic or refined Attic, and the vulgar Greek sence of pain, whereby a reconciliation between which was spoken in his time. (Phot. Bibl. Cod. the Stoics and Epicureans was attempted. (Cic. 70.) de Orat. i. 11, Tusc. v. 30, de Fin. ii. 6, 11, iv. 18, The work of Diodorus was first published in v. 5, 8, 25, Acad. ii. 42; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. Latin translations of separate parts, until Vine. p. 301, ii. p. 415.) Opsopaeus published the Greek text of books 16- There are some more persons of the name of 20, Basel, 1539, 4to., which was followed by H. Diodorus, concerning whom nothing of interest is Stephens's edition of books 1-5 and 11-20, with known. See the list of them in Fabric. Bibl. Gr. the excerpta of Photius, Paris, 1559, fol. The iv. p. 378, &c. [L. S.] next important edition is that of.N. Rhodomansnus DIODO'RUS (Ao&dapos), of SINOPE, an Athe(ilanover, 1604, fol.), which contains a Latin nian comic poet of the middle comedy, is mentioned translation. The great edition of P. Wesseling, in an inscription (Bbckh, i. p. 354), which fixes with an extensive and very valuable commentary, his date at the archonship of Diotimus (B. c. 354 -as well as the Eclogae of Constantine Porphyroge- 353), when he exhibited two plays, entitled NeKpos nitus, as far as they were then known, appeared at and MawvoIevos, Aristomachus being his actor. Amsterdam, 1746, 2 vols. fol. This edition was Suidas (s. v.) quotes Athenaeus as mentioning his reprinted, with some additions, at Bipont (1793, AviAsirphs in the tenth book of the Deipnosophistae, &c.) in 11 vols. 8vo. The best modern edition is and his'ErrlttcApos and Iavsyyvpio-rai in the twelfth that of L. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1828, 6 vols. 8vo. book. The actual quotations made in our copies The new fragments discovered and published by of Athenaeus are from the AiArSrpis (x. p. 431, c.) A. Mai were edited, with many improvements, in and a long passage from the 'E7rLcAipos (vi. pp. a separate volume by L. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1828, 235, e., 239, b., not xii.), but of the ITavo yvpuerai 8vo. Wesseling's edition and the Bipont reprint there is no mention in Athenaeus. A play under of it contain 65 Latin letters attributed to Diodo- that title is ascribed to Baton or to PLATO. There rus. They had first been published in Italian in is another fragment from Diodorus in Stobaeus. Pietro Carrera's Storia di Catana, 1639, fol., and (Serm. lxxii. 1.) In another passage of Stobaeus were then printed in a Latin version by Abraham (Seorm. cxxv. 8) the common reading, Atelov-oos, Preiger in Burmann's Thesumr. Antig. Sicil. vol. x. should be retained. (Meineke, Frag. Comn. Graec. and in the old edition of Fabr. Bibl. Gr. vol. xiv. i. pp. 418, 419, iii. pp. 543-546.) [P. S.] p. 229, &c. The Greek original of these letters DIODO'RUS ZONAS (Ailowpos Zwves) and has never been seen by any one, and there can be DIODO'RUS the Younger, both of SARDis, and little doubt but that these letters are a forgery of the same family, were rhetoricians and epigrammade after the revival of letters. (Fabr. Bibl. Gr. matists. The elder was distinguished in the Mithiv. p. 373, &c.) ridatic war. Strabo (xiii. pp. 627. 628) says, that 13. Of SINOPE. See below. he engaged in many contests on behalf of Asia, 14. Of SYRACUSE, is mentioned byPliny (II. N. and when Mithridates invaded that province, ZoElench. lib. iii. and v.) among the authorities he nas was accused of inciting the cities to revolt consulted on geographical subjects. from him, but was acquitted in consequence of the
Page 1018 1018 DIODORUS. defence which he made. Strabo adds, that the younger Diodorus, who was his own friend, composed historical writings, lyrics, and other poems, which were written in an antique style (TrlV dpXafav ypaqnjv e'ual'vovra icavws). The epigrams of the Diodori, of which there are several, were included by Philip of Thessalonica in his collection, and they now form a part of the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 80, 185; Jacobs, ii. 67, 170.) There is considerable difficulty in assigning each of the epigrams to its proper author, and probably some of them belong to a third Diodorus, a grammarian of Tarsus, who is also mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 675), and as it seems, by other ancient writers. (Jacobs, xiii. 883, 884; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. pp. 380, 472, vi. pp. 363, 364.) [P.S.] DIODO'RUS, comes and magister scriniorum, one of the commissioners appointed by Theodosius the younger, in A. D. 435, to compile the Theodosian code. Theodosius originally intended that, as an historical monument for the use of the learned, there should be compiled a general code of constitutions, supplementary to the Gregorian and Hermogenian codes. These three codes taken together were intended to comprise all the general constitutions of the emperors, not such only as were in actual force, but such also as were superseded or had become obsolete. In order, however, that in case of conflict, the reader might be able to distinguish the more modern enactment, which was to prevail over the more ancient one, the arrangement under each subject was to be chronological, and dates were to be carefully added. From this general code, with the help of the works and opinions of jurists, was to be formed a select code, excluding every thing not in force and containing the whole body of practical law. In A. D. 429, nine commissioners were appointed, charged with the task of compiling, first, the general historical, and then, the select practical code. The nine named were Antiochus, ex-quaestor and praefect; another Antiochus, quaestor palatii; Theodorus, Eudicius, Eusebius, Joannes, Comazon, Eubulus, and Apelles. This plan was not carried into execution. Theodosius changed his purpose, and contented himself with projecting a single code, which should contain imperial constitutions only, without admixture of the jus civile of the jurists, or, as an English lawyer would express it, which should exhibit a consolidation of the statutory, but not of the common or unwritten law. For the changed plan sixteen commissioners were named in A. D. 435, who were directed to dispose chronologically under the same title those constitutions, or parts of constitutions, which were connected in subject; and were empowered to remove what was superfluous, to add what was necessary, to change whatwas doubtful by substituting what was clear, and to correctwhat was inconsistent. The sixteen named were Antiochus, praefectorius and consularis; Eubulus, Maximinus, Sperantius, Martyrius, Alipius, Sebastianus, Apollodorus, Theodorus, Oron, Maximus, Epigenius, Diodorus, Procopius, Erotius, Neuterius. It will be observed that only three, (namely, Antiochus, Theodorus, and Eubulus) who belonged to the first commission were nominated upon the second. In the constitution concerning the authority of the Theodosian code, eight only of the sixteen named upon the second commission are signalized as having been actively employed in the composition of the DIODOTUS. code. These eight are Antiochus, Maximinus, Martyrius, Sperantius, Appollodorus, Theodorus, Epigenius, and Procopius. (Cod. Theod. 1, tit. 1, s. 5, ib. s. 6, ~ 2; Const. de Theod. Cod. Auct. ~ 7.) [J. T. G.] DIODO'RUS (Ao'Awcpos), a Greek physician, who must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ, as he is quoted by Pliny. (H. N. xxix. 39.) He may perhaps be the same person who is said by Galen (de Mleth. Med. ii. 7, vol. x. p. 142) to have belonged to the medical sect of the Empirici, and whose medical formulae he several times quotes. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 3, vol. xii. p. 834; x. 3, vol. xiii. p. 361.) [W.A.G.] DIODO'RUS, artists. 1. A silversmith, on whose silver image of a sleeping satyr there is an epigram by Plato in the Greek Anthology. (Anth. Plan. iv. 12, 248.) The idea contained in the epigram is applied by Pliny to a similar work of STRATONICUS. 2. A worthless painter, who is ridiculed in an epigram. (Anth. Pal. xi. 213.) [P. S.] DIO'DOTUS (AtoioTos), the son of Eucrates (possibly, but not probably, the flax-seller of that name who is said to have preceded Cleon in influence with the Athenians), is only known as the orator who in the two discussions on the punishment to be inflicted on Mytilene (B. c. 427), took the most prominent part against Cleon's sanguinary motion. (Thuc. iii. 41.) The substance of his speech on the second day we may suppose ourselves to have in the language of Thucydides (iii. 42-48). The expressions of his opponent lead us to take him for one of the rising class of professional orators, the earliest produce of the labours of the Sophists. If so, he is a singularly favourable specimen. Of his eloquence we cannot judge; but if, in other points, Thucydides represents him fairly, he certainly on this occasion displayed the ingenuity of the Sophists, the tact of the practised debater, and soundness of view of the statesman, in the service of a cause that deserved and needed them all. He cautiously shifts the argument from the justice to the policy of the measure. Feelings of humanity were already excited; the people only wished a justification for indulging them. This he finds them in the certainty that revolt at any risk would be ventured; severities could not check, and would surely make it more obstinately persevered in; and in the exceeding inexpediency of confounding, by indiscriminate slaughter, their friends, the democratic party, with those who would in any case be their enemies,-a suggestion probably, at that time, far from obvious. To his skill we must ascribe the revocation of the preceding day's vote in Cleon's favour, and the preservation of Mytilene from massacre, and Athens from a great crime. [A. H. C.] DIO'DOTUS (Ald6oros) I., King of Bactria, and founder of the Bactrian monarchy, which continued to subsist under a Greek dynasty for above one hundred and fifty years. This prince as well as his successor is called by Justin, Theodotus, but the form Diodotus, which occurs in Strabo (xi. p. 515) seems to have been that used by Trogus Pompeius (Prol. Trogi Pompeii, lib. xli.), is confirmed by the evidence of an unique gold coin now in the museum at Paris. (See Wilson, Ariana, p. 219.) Both the period and circumstances of the esta
Page 1019 DIODOTUS. blishment of his power in Bactria are very uncertain. It seems clear, however, that he was at first satrap or governor of that province, under the Syrian monarchy, and that he took advantage of his sovereign's being engaged in wars in distant parts of his dominions to declare himself independent. The remote and secluded position of his territories, and the revolt of the Parthians under Arsaces, almost immediately afterwards, appear to have prevented any attempt on the part of the Syrian monarch to reduce him again to subjection. At a later period, when Seleucus Callinicus undertook his expedition against Parthia, he appears to have entered into alliance with Diodotus, and may perhaps have confirmed him in the possession of his sovereignty, to secure his co-operation against Tiridates. Diodotus, however, died apparently just about-this time. (Justin. xli. 4; Strab. xi. p. 515; compare Wilson's A riana, pp. 215-219; Droysen's Hellenismnus, ii. pp. 325, 412, 760; Raoul Rochette Journ. des Savans, Oct. 1835.) With regard to the date of the revolt of Diodotus, it appears from Strabo and Justin to have preceded that of Arsaces in Parthia, and may therefore be referred with much probability to the latter part of the reign of Antiochus II. in Syria. B. c. 261-246. [See ARSACEs, p. 354, a.] The date usually received is 256 B. c., but any such precise determination rests only on mere conjecture. Concerning the Bactrian kings in general see Bayer, Historia Regni Graecorunm Bactriani, 4to. Petrop. 1738; Lassen, Zur Geschichlte der Griechiscieen d Ind Indo-Skytischen Kinige in Baktrien, 8vo. Bonn, 1838; Wilson's Arianca Antiqua, 4to. Lond. 1841. [E. H. B.] DIO'DOTUS II., the son and successor of the preceding, is called by Justin Theodotus, as well as his father. According to that author, he abandoned his father's policy, and concluded a treaty with the king of Parthia, Tiridates, by which he joined him against Seleucus Callinicus. (Justin. xli. 4.) The total defeat of the Syrian king probably secured the independence of Bactria, as well as- that of Parthia; but we know nothing more of the history of Diodotus. The commencement of his reign may be dated somewhere about 240 B. c. (Wilson's Ariana, p. 217.) [E. H. B.] DIO'DOTUS (Ailoe-os), literary. 1. Of EaRYTHRAE, was, according to Athenaeus (x. p. 434), the author of 4p1p0epites 'AAeSdav'poU, from which we may infer that he was a contemporary of Alexander the Great. 2. A Greek GRmAMMARIAN,who, according to Diogenes Laertius (ix. 15), commented on the writings of Heracleitus. 3. A PERIPATETIC philosopher, of Sidon, is mentioned only by Strabo (xvi. p. 757). 4. Surnamed PETRONIUS, was the author of Anthologumena and other works. He is often referred to by Pliny, and is the same as the physician mentioned below. 5. A STOIC philosopher, who lived for many years at Rome in the house of Cicero, who had known him from his childhood, and always entertained great love and respect for him. He instructed Cicero, and trained and exercised his intellectual powers, especially in dialectics. In his later years, Diodotus became blind, but he nevertheless continued to occupy himself with literary pursuits and with teaching geometry. He died in Cicero's house, in u. c. 59, and left to his friend DIOGENES. 1019 a property of about 100,000 sesterces. (Cic. ad. Fain. ix. 4, xiii. 16, de Nat. Deor. i. 3, Brut. 90, Acad. ii. 36, Tusc. v. 39, ad Att. ii. 20.) [L. S.] DIO'DOTUS (Ao'0oro7s), artists. 1. A statuary, to whom Strabo (ix. p. 396, c.) ascribes the Rhamnusian Nemesis of AGORACRITUS. There is no other mention of him. 2. A sculptor of Nicomedeia, the son of Boethus, made, with his brother Menodotus, a statue of Hercules. (Winckelmann, Werke, vi. p. 38.) [P.S.] DIO'DOTUS (Aid'o-ros), a Greek physician, who is called by Pliny (H. N. xx. 32) Petronius Diodotus, though it is not unlikely that (as Fabricius conjectures) we should read Petronius et Diodotus, as Petronius is distinguished from Diodotus by Dioscorides (De Mat. Mlfed. praef. p. 2), and S. Epiphanius. (Adv. Haeres. i. 1. 3, p. 3, ed. Colon. 1682.) lHe must have lived some time in or before the first century after Christ, and wrote a work on botany. [W. A. G.] DFOGAS (At47yas), an iatrolipta (see Diet. of Ant. s. v.), who lived in the first or second century after Christ, mentioned by Galen (de Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, vii. 5, vol. xii. p. 104) as having used a medicine of Antonius Musa. [W. A. G.] DIOGENEIA (Aoye'vesa), the name of two mythical beings. (Paus. i. 38. ~ 3; Apollod. iii. 15. ~ 1.) [L. S.] DIO'GENES (AtoyY'rPs), historical. 1. An ACARNANIAN. WhenPopillius in B. c. 170 went as ambassador to the Aetolians, and several statesmen were of opinion that Roman garrisons should be stationed in Acarnania, Diogenes opposed their advice, and succeeded in inducing Popillius not to send any soldiers into Acarnania. (Polyb. xxviii. 5.) 2. A son of ARCHELAUS, the general of Mithridates, who fell in the battle of Chaeroneia, which his father lost against Sulla. (Appian, Mithrid. 49.) 3. A CARTHAGINIAN, who succeeded Hasdrubal in the command of a place called Nepheris, in Africa, where he was attacked by Scipio Africanus the Younger, who however left Laelius to continue the attack, while he himself marched against Carthage. However, Scipio soon returned, and after a siege of twenty-two days, the place was taken: 70,000 persons are said to have been killed on that spot, and this victory of Scipio was the first great step towards the taking of Carthage, which had been supplied with provisions from Nepheris. The capture of the place, moreover, broke the courage of the Africans, who still espoused the cause of Carthage. (Appian, Pun. 126.) 4. A person sent by OROFERNES, together with Timotheus, as ambassador to Rome in B. c. 161, to carry to Rome a golden crown, and to renew the friendship and alliance with the Romans. The principal object of the ambassadors, however, was to support the accusation which was brought against Ariarathes; and Diogenes and his coadjutor, Miltiades, succeeded in their plan, and lies and calumnies gained the victory, as there was no one to undertake the defence of Ariarathes. (Polyb. xxxii. 20.) 5. Praefect of SUSIANA in the reign of Antiochus the Great. During the rebellion of Molo he defended the arx of Susa while the city itself was taken by the rebel. Molo ceased pushing his conquest further, and leaving a besieging corps behind him, he returned to Seleuceia. When the insurrection was at length put down by Antiochus, Diogenes obtained the command of the military forces
Page 1020 1020 DIOGENES. stationed in Media. In B. c. 210, when Antiochus pursued Arsaces II. into Hyrcania, Diogenes was appointed commander of the vanguard, and distinguished himself during the march. (Polyb. v. 46, 48, 54, x. 29, 30.) [L. S.] DIO'GENES (Alo-ye's), literary. 1. With the praenomen ANTONIUS, the author of a Greek romance, whom some critics have placed soon after the time of Alexander, while others, and with more probability, have placed him in the second or third century after Christ. His age was unknown even to Photius, who has preserved (Cod. 166) an outline of his romance. It consisted of twentyfour books, was written in the form of a dialogue about travels, and bore the title of Ta& vrip Ood;rv darra-Ta. (Comp. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 10.) It is highly praised by Photius for the clearness and gracefulness of its descriptions. The epitome preserved by Photius is printed also in the " Corpus Eroticcrum Graecorum," vol. i. edited by Passow. 2. Of APOLLONIA. See below. 3. Surnamed the BABYLONIAN, a Stoic philosopher. He was a native of Seleuceia in Babylonia, from which he derived his surname in order to distinguish him from other philosophers of the name of Diogenes. He was educated at Athens under the auspices of Chrysippus, and succeeded Zeno of Tarsus as the head of the Stoic school at Athens. The most memorable event of his life is the part he took in the embassy which the Athenians sent to Rome in B. c. 155, and which consisted of the three philosophers, Diogenes, Carneades, and Critolaus. These three philosophers, during their stay at Rome, delivered their epideictic speeches at first in numerous private assemblies, and afterwards also in the senate. Diogenes pleased his audience chiefly by his sober and temperate mode of speaking. (Gell. vii. 14; Cic. Acad. ii. 45; comp. CARNEADES and CRITOLAUS.) According to Lucian (Mac-rob. 20), Diogenes died at the age of 88; and as, in Cicero's Cato Major (7), Diogenes is spoken of as deceased, he must have died previous to B. c. 151. Diogenes, who is called a great Stoic (magnus et gravis Stoicus, Cic. de Of. iii. 12), seems to have closely followed the views of his master, Chrysippus, especially on subjects of dialectics, in which Diogenes is even said to have instructed Carneades. (Cic. Acad. ii. 30, de Oral. ii. 38.) He was the author of several works, of which, however, little more than the titles is known. 1. ANahanemc re'xvq?. (Diog. Laert. vii. 51.) 2. On Divination. (Cic. de Divin. i. 3, ii. 43.) 3. On the goddess Athena, whose birth he, like Chrysippus, explained by physiological principles. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 15.) 4. fHep '0o Tjs O vfiys rjyl.orcovac. (Galen.) 5. Iepl pewvijs (Diog. La'rt. vii. 55), which seems to have treated on the philosophy of language. 6. TIepl e6yeve-ias, or on aristocracy of birth, in several books. (Athen. iv. p. 168.) 7. rlepi vouwv, likewise in several books, the first of which is quoted in Athenaeus (xii. p. 526; comp. Cic. de Leg. iii. 5, where Dio is a false reading for Diogenes). There are several passages in Cicero from which we may infer that Diogenes wrote on other subjects also, such as on Duty, on the Highest Good, and the like, but the titles of those works are unknown. (Cic. de Off. iii. 12, 13, 23, de Fin. iii. 10, 15; comp. C. F. Thiery, Dissertatio de Diogene Babylonio, Lovanii, 1830, p. 17, &c., and Pars poster. p. 30, &c.) 4. The CYNIc philosopher. See below. DIOGENES. There were two other Cynic philosophers of this name, one in the reign of Vespasian (Dion Cass. xlvi. 15), and the other in the reign of Julian, who praises him in one of his Epistles (35, p.410) 5. Of CyzIcus. [DIOGENIANUS.] 6. The author of a work on PERSIA, of which the first book is quoted by Clemens of Alexandria. (Protrept. p. 19.) It is uncertain whether he is the same as the Diogenes who is mentioned by Parthenius (Erot. 6) as the author of a work on Pallene. 7. LAERTIUS. See below. 8. OENOMAUS. See below. 9. A PHOENICIAN, a Peripatetic philosopher, who lived in the time of Simplicius. (Suid. s. v. Wrpeo-'fEs.) Whether he is the same as Diogenes of Abila in Phoenicia, whom Suidas and Stephanus Byzantius (s. v."AeAa) call a distinguished sophist, cannot be ascertained. 10. A PHRYGIAN, is described as an atheist, but is otherwise unknown. (Aelian, V. 1H. ii. 31; comp. Eustath. ad Hem. Od. iii. 381.) 11. Of PTOLEMAIS in Egypt, a Stoic philosopher, who made ethics the basis of his philosophy. (Diog. Laert. vii. 41.) 12. Of RHODES, a Greek grammarian, who used to hold disputations at Rhodes every seventh day. Tiberius once wanted to hear him; but as it was not the usual day for disputing, the grammarian bade him come again on the seventh day. Afterwards Diogenes came to Rome, and when he asked permission to pay his homage, the emperor did not admit him, but requested him to 'come again after the lapse of seven years. (Suet. Tiber. 32.) 13. Of SELEUCEIA, an Epicurean philosopher, who has frequently been confounded with Diogenes the Babylonian, who was likewise a native of Selenceia. He lived at the court of Syria, and on terms of intimacy with king Alexander, the supposititious son of Antiochus Epiphanes. But he was put to death soon after the accession of Antiochus Theus, in B. c. 142. (Athen. v. p. 211.) 14. Of SICYvN, is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (vi. 81) as the author of a work on Peloponnesus. 15. Of SM'RNA, an Eleatic philosopher, who was a disciple of Metrodorus and Protagoras. (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 301.) 16. Of TARsus, an Epicurean philosopher, who is described by Strabo (xiv. p. 675) as a person clever in composing extempore tragedies. He was the author of several works, which, however, are lost. Among them are mentioned: 1. 'Ern'AKcroL r-xoAai, which was probably a collection of essays or dissertations on philosophical subjects. (Diog. Lalrt. x. 26, with Menage's note.) 2. An abridgement of the Ethics of Epicurus (ervmor)j TWcv 'E7micovpov i0OKov o-7prw), of which Diogenes Laertius (x. 118) quotes the 12th book. 3. nIep 7rorqKwcv qr-T/]arwv, that is, on poetical problems, which he endeavoured to solve, and which seem to have had especial reference to the Homeric poems. (Diog. Labrt. vi. 81.) Further particulars are not known about him, though Gassendi (do Vit. Epicur. ii. 6) represents him as a disciple of Demetrius the Laconian. There are several more literary persons of the name of Diogenes, concerning whom nothing is known. A list of them is given by Thiery, 1. c. p. 97, &c. [L. S.]
Page 1021 DIOGENES. DI0 GENES APOLLONIA'TES (AitoY*vs d6 AiroAAWVcoiLdr), an eminent natural philosopher, who lived in the fifth century B. c. He was a native of Apollonia in Crete, his father's name was Apollothemis, and he was a pupil of Anaximenes. Nothing is known of the events of his life, except that he was once at Athens, and there got into trouble from some unknown cause, which is conjectured to have been the supposition that his philosophical opinions were dangerous to the religion of the state. (Diog. Laert. ix. ~ 57.) He wrote a work in the Ionic dialect, entitled UIepl 4dorecs, " On Nature," which consisted of at least two books, and in which he appears to have treated of physical science in the largest sense of the words. Of this work only a few short fragments remain, preserved by Aristotle, Diogenes Laertius, and Simplicius. The longest of these is that which is inserted by Aristotle in the third book of his History of Animals, and which contains an interesting description of the origin and distribution of the veins. The following is the account of his philosophical opinions given by Diogenes Laertius:-" He maintained that air was the primal element of all things; that there was an infinite number of worlds, and an infinite void; that air, densified and rarified, produced the different members of the universe; that nothing was produced from nothing, or was reduced to nothing; that the earth was round, supported in the middle, and had received its shape from the whirling round of the warm vapours, and its concretion and hardening from cold." The last paragraph, which is extremely obscure in the original, has been translated according to Panzerbeiter's explanation, not as being entirely satisfactory, but as being the best that has hitherto been proposed. Diogenes also imputed to air an intellectual energy, though without recognizing any distinction between mind and matter. The fragments of Diogenes have been collected and published, with those of Anaxagoras, by Schorn, Bonn, 1829, 8vo; and alone by Panzerbeiter, Lips. 1830, 8vo, with a copious dissertation on his philosophy. Further information concerning him may be found in Harles's edition of Fabricii, Biblioth. Graeca, vol. ii.; Bayle'sDict. Hist. et Grit.; Schleiermacher, in the Memoirs of the Berlin Academy for 1815; and in the different Histories of Philosophy. Somenotices of his date by Mr. Clinton are given in an article "On the Early Ionic Philosophers," in the first volume of the Philological Museum. [W. A. G.] DIO'GENES (AtoyedVns), a CYNIC of Sinope in Poiitus, born about B. c. 412. His father was a banker named Icesias or Icetas, who was convicted of some swindling transaction, in consequence of which Diogenes quitted Sinope and went to Athens. IHis youth is said to have been spent in dissolute extravagance; but at Athens his attention was arrested by the character of Antisthenes, who at first drove him away, as he did all others who offered themselves as his pupils. [ANTISTHENES.] Diogenes, however, could not be prevented from attending him even by blows, but told him that he would find no stick hard enough to keep him away. Antisthenes at last relented, and his pupil soon plunged into the most frantic excesses of austerity and moroseness, and into practices not unlike those of the modern Trappists, or Indian gymnosophists. In summer he used to roll in hot sand, and in winter to embrace statues covered with snow; he wore coarse clothing, lived on the DIOGENES. 1021 plainest food, and sometimes on raw meat (comp. Julian, Orat. vi.), slept in porticoes or in the street, and finally, according to the common story, took up his residence in a tub belonging to the Metroum, or temple of the Mother of the Gods. The truth of this latter tale has, however, been reasonably disputed. The chief direct authorities for it are Seneca (Ep. 99), Lucian (Quomodo Conscr. Hlist. ii. p. 364), Diogenes La'rtius (vi. 23), and the incidental allusion to it in Juvenal (xiv. 308, &c.), who says, Alexander testa vidit in illa magnum habitatorem, and Dolia nudi non ardent Cynici. Besides these, Aristophanes (Equit. 789), speaks of the Athenian poor as living, during the stress of the Peloponnesian war, in cellars, tubs (rnOdmic'cats), and similar dwellings. To these arguments is opposed the fact, that Plutarch, Arrian, Cicero, and Valerius Maximus, though they speak of Diogenes basking in the sun, do not allude at all to the tub; but more particularly that Epictetus (ap. Arrian. iii. 24), in giving a long and careful account of his mode of life, says nothing about it. The great combatants on this subject in modern times are, against the tub, Heumann (Act. Philosoph. vol. ii. p. 58), and for it, Hase, whose dissertation do Doliari H-abitatione Diogenis Cynici, was published by his rival. (Paecil. vol. i. lib. iv. p. 586.) The story of the tub goes on to say that the Athenians voted the repair of this earthenware habitation when it was broken by a mischievous urchin. Lucian, in telling this anecdote, appeals to certain spurious epistles, falsely attributed to Diogenes. In spite of his strange eccentricities, Diogenes appears to have been much respected at Athens, and to have been privileged to rebuke anything of which he disapproved with the utmost possible licence of expression. He seems to have ridiculed and despised all intellectual pursuits which did not directly and obviously tend to some immediate practical good. He abused literary men for reading about the evils of Ulysses, and neglecting their own; musicians for stringing the lyre harmoniously while they left their minds discordant; men of science for troubling themselves about the moon and stars, while they neglected what lay immediately before them; orators for learning to say what was right, but not to practise it. Various sarcastic sayings of the same kind are handed down as his, generally shewing that unwise contempt for the common opinions and pursuits of men, which is so unlikely to reform them. The removal of Diogenes from Athens was the result of a voyage to Aegina, in the course of which the ship was taken by pirates, and Diogenes carried to Crete to be sold as a slave. Here when he was asked what business he understood, he answered " How to command men," and he begged to be sold to some one who needed a ruler. Such a purchaser was found in the person of Xeniades of Corinth, over whom he acquired such unbounded influence, that lie soon received from him his freedom, was entrusted with the care of his children, and passed his old age in his house. During his residence among them his celebrated interview with Alexander the Great is said to have taken place. The conversation between them is reported to have begun by the king's saying, " I am Alexander the Great," to which the philosopher replied, "And I am Diogenes the Cynic." Alexander then asked whether he could oblige him in any way, and received no answer except " Yes, you
Page 1022 1022 DIOGENES. can stand out of the sunshine." Considering, however, that this must have happened soon after Alexander's accession, and before his Persian expedition, he could not have called himself the Great, which title was not conferred on him till he had gained his Eastern victories, after which he never returned to Greece. These considerations, with others, are sufficient to banish this anecdote, together with that of the tub, from the domain of history; and, considering what rich materials so peculiar a person as Diogenes must have afforded for amusing stories, we need not wonder if a few have come down to us of somewhat doubtful genuineness. We are told, however, that Alexander admired Diogenes so much that he said, " If I were not Alexander, I should wish to be Diogenes." (Plut. Alex. c. 14.) Some say, that after Diogenes became a resident at Corinth, he still spent every winter at Athens, and he is also accused of various scandalous offences, but of these there is no proof; and the whole bearing of tradition about him shews that, though a strange fanatic, he was a man of great excellence of life, and probably of real kindness, since Xeniades compared his arrival to the entrance of a good genius into his house. With regard to the philosophy of Diogenes there is little to say, as he was utterly without any scientific object whatever. His system, if it deserve the name, was purely practical, and consisted merely in teaching men to dispense with the simplest and most necessary wants (Diog. Laert. vi. 70); and his whole style of teaching was a kind of caricature upon that of Socrates, whom he imitated in imparting instruction to persons whom he casually met, and with a still more supreme contempt for time, place, and circumstances. Hence he was sometimes called "the mad Socrates." He did not commit his opinions to writing, and therefore those attributed to him cannot be certainly relied on. The most peculiar, if correctly stated, was, that all minds are air, exactly alike, and composed of similar particles, but that in the irrational animals and in idiots, they are hindered from properly developing themselves by the arrangement and various humours of their bodies. (Plut. Plac. Phil. v. 20.) This resembles the Ionic doctrine, and has been referred by Brucker (Hist. Crit. Phil. ii. 2. 1. ~ 21) to Diogenes of Apollonia. The statement in Suidas, that Diogenes was once called Cleon, is probably a false reading for Kou'w. He died at the age of nearly ninety, B. c. 323, in the same year that Epicurus came to Athens to circulate opinions the exact opposite to his. It was also the year of Alexander's death, and as Plutarch tells us (Sympos. viii. 71,7), both died on the same day. If so, this was probably the 6th of Thargelion. (Clinton, F. I. vol. ii.; Ritter, Gesch. der Philosophie, vii. 1, 4.) [G. E. L. C.] DIO'GENES LAE'RTIUS (ALoerevs dnAaepros or Aaeprie's, sometimes also Aaepnros Ato'yTEs), the author of a sort of history of philosophy, which alone has brought his name down to posterity. The surname, Laertius, was derived according to some from the Roman family which bore the cognomen Laertius, and one of the members of which is supposed to have been the patron of an ancestor of Diogenes. But it is more probable that he received it from the town of Lairte in Cilicia, which seems to have been his native place. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. v. p. 564, note). A modern critic (Ranke, DIOGENES. de Lex. Ilesych. p. 59, &c.61, &c.) supposes that his real name was Diogenianus, and that he was the same as the Diogenianus of Cyzicus, who is mentioned by Suidas. This supposition is founded on a passage of Tzetzes, (Chil. iii. 61,) in which Diogenes LaSrtius is mentioned under the name of Diogenianus. (Vossius, de Hist. Grace. p. 263. ed. Westermann.) We have no information whatever respecting his life, his studies, or his age. Plutarch, Sextus Empiricus and Saturninus are the latest writers he quotes, and he accordingly seems to have lived towards the close of the second century after Christ Others, however, assign to him a still later date, and place him in the time of Alexander Severus and his successors, or even as late as the time of Constantine. His work consists of ten books ((phdo'ropot l3ot, in Phot. Bibl. Cod. cxxi; Q)lo'op-os ic Adpa in Steph. Byz., oo-iarwZv liot in Eustath) and is called in MSS. by the long title of vrepti pwv, oyl'ciarwe ecarL d7roQeypE7dawv Tcn iv rLAhoooi pli, evoIa3 so'dv'rwv. According to some allusions which occur in it, he wrote it for a lady of rank (iii. 47, x, 29), who occupied herself with philosophy, especially with the study of Plato. According to some this lady was Arria, the philosophical friend of Galen (Theriac. ad Pison. 3), and according to others Julia Domna, the wife of the Emperor Severus. (Menage, 1. c. ad Prooem. p. 1; Th. Reinesius, Var. Lect. ii. 12.) The dedication, however and the prooemium are lost, so that nothing can be said with certainty. The plan of the work is as follows: IHe begins with an introduction concerning the origin and the earliest history of philosophy, in which he refutes the opinion of those who did not seek for the first beginnings of philosophy in Greece itself, but among the barbarians. He then divides the philosophy of the Greeks into the Ionic-which commences with Anaximander and ends with Cleitomachus, Chrysippus, and Theophrastus-and the Italian, which was founded by Pythagoras, and ends with Epicurus. He reckons the Socratic school, with its various ramifications, as a part of the Ionic philosophy, of which he treats in the first seven books. The Eleatics, with Heracleitus and the Sceptics, are included in the Italian philosophy, which occupies the eighth and ninth books. Epicurus and his philosophy, lastly, are treated of in the tenth book with particular minuteness, which has led some writers to the belief that Diogenes himself was an Epicurean. Considering the loss of all the numerous and comprehensive works of the ancients, in which the history of philosophers and of philosophy was treated of either as a whole or in separate portions, and a greatnumber of which Diogenes himself had before him, the compilation of Diogenes is of incalculable value to us as a source of information concerning the history of Greek philosophy. About forty writers on the lives and doctrines of the Greek philosophers are mentioned in his work, and in all two hundred and eleven authors are cited whose works he made use of. His work has for a long time been the foundation of most modern histories of ancient philosophy; and the works of Brucker and Stanley, as far as the early history of philosophy is concerned, are little more than translations, and sometimes amplifications, of Diogenes LaGrtius. The work of Diogenes contains a rich store of living features, which serve to illustrate the private life of the Greeks, and a considerable number of fragments of works which are
Page 1023 DIOGENES. lost. Montaigne (Essais, ii. 10) therefore justly wished, that we had a dozen Lairtiuses, or that his work were more complete and better arranged. One must indeed confess, that he made bad use of the enormous quantity of materials which he had at his command in writing his work, and that he was unequal to the task of writing a history of Greek philosophy. His work is in reality nothing but a compilation of the most heterogeneous, and often directly contradictory, accounts, put together without plan, criticism, or connexion. Even some early scholars, such as H. Stephens, considered these biographies of the philosophers to be anything but worthy of the philosophers. His object evidently was to furnish a book which was to amuse its readers by piquant anecdotes, for he had no conception of the value and dignity of philosophy, or of the greatness of the men whose lives he described. The traces of carelessness and mistakes are very numerous; much in the work is confused, and there is much also that is quite absurd; and as far as philosophy itself is concerned, Diogenes very frequently did not know what he was talking about, when he abridged the theories of the philosophers. The love of scandal and anecdotes, which had arisen from petty views of men and things, at a time when all political freedom was gone, and among a people which had become demoralized, had crept into literature also, and such compilations as those of Phlegon, Ptolemaeus Chennus, Athenaeus, Aelian, and Diogenes Ladrtius display this taste of a decaying literature. All the defects of such a period, however, are so glaring in the work of Diogenes, that in order to rescue the common sense of the writer, critics have had recourse to the hypothesis, that the present work is a mutilated abridgment of the original production of Diogenes. (J. G. Schneider in F. A. Wolf's Lit. Anal. iii. p. 227.) Gualterus Burlaeus, who lived at the close of the 13th century, wrote a work " De Vita et Moribus Philosophorum," in which he principally used Diogenes. Now Burlaeus makes many statements, and quotes sayings of the philosophers, which seem to be derived from no other source than Diogenes, and yet are not to be found in our present text. Burlaeus, moreover, gives us several valuable various readings, a better order and plan, and several accounts which in his work are minute and complete, but which are abridged in Diogenes in a manner which renders them unintelligible. From these circumstances Schneider infers, that Burlaeus had a more complete copy of Diogenes. But the hope of discovering a more complete MS. has not been realized as yet. The work of Diogenes became first known in western Europe through a Latin translation made by Ambrosius, a pupil of Chrysoloras, which, however, is rather a free paraphrase than a translation. It was printed after Ambrosius's death. (Rome, before A. D. 1475; reprinted Venice, 1475; Brixen, 1485; Venice, 1493; and Antwerp, 1566.) Of the Greek text only some portions were then printed in the editions of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Plato, and Xenophon. The first complete edition is that of Basel, 1533, 4to., ap. Frobenium. It was followed by that of H. Stephens, with notes, which, however, extend only to the ninth book, Paris, 1570, and of Isaac Casaubon, with notes, 1594. Stephens's edition, with the addition of Hesychius Milesius, de Vita Illustr. Philos. appeared again at Colon. Allobrog. 1515. Then fol DIOGENES. 1023 lowed the editions of Th. Aldobrandinus (Rome, 1594, fol.), corrected by a collation of new MSS., and of J. Pearson with a new Latin translation (London, 1664, fol.), which contains the valuable commentary of Menage, and the notes of the earlier commentators. All these editions were surpassed in some respects by that of Meibom (Amsterd. 1692, 2 vols.4to.), but the text is here treated carelessly, and altered by conjectures. This edition was badly reprinted in the editions of Longolius (1739 and 1759), in which only the preface of Longolius is of value. The best modern edition is that of H. G. Hiibner, Leipzig, 2 vols. 8vo. 1828 -1831. The text is here greatly improved, and accompanied by short critical notes. In 1831, the commentaries of Menage, Casaubon, and others, were printed in 2 vols. 8vo. uniformly with Hibner's edition. (Comp. P. Gassendi, Animadv. in x librum Diog. Laert., Lugdun. 1649, 3 vols. fol. 3rd edition, Lugdun. 1675; I. Bossius, Commentationes Laiertianae, Rome, 1788, 4to.; S. Battier, Observat. in Diog. Lairt. in the Mus. Helvet. xv. p. 32, &c.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. v. p. 564.) Diogenes seems to have taken the lists of the writings of his philosophers from Hermippus and Alexandrian authors. (Stahr, Aristot. ii. p. 68; Brandis, in the Rhein. AMus. i. 3, p. 249; Trendelenburg, ad Aristot. de Anim. p. 123.) Besides the work on Greek philosophers, Diogenes Laertius also composed other works, to which he himself (ii. 65) refers with the words W.s Ev 'AAots elsp'cKayv. The epigrams, many of which are interspersed in his biographies, and with reference to which Tzetzes (Chil. iii. 61) calls him an epigrammatic poet, were collected in a separate work, and divided into several books. (Diog. Ladrt. i. 39, 63, where the first book is quoted.) It bore the title i' Trdciperpos, but, unfortunately, these poetical attempts, so far as they are extant, shew the same deficiencies as the history of philosophy, and the vanity with which he quotes them, does not give us a favourable notion of his taste. (G. H. Klippel, de Diogcenis Lailrtii Vita, Scriptis atque Auctoritate, Gittingen, 1831, 4to.) [A. S.] DIO'GENES OENO'MAUS, a tragic poet, who is said to have begun to exhibit at Athens in B. c. 404. Of his tragedies only a few titles remain, namely, Ove'rTqs, 'AXLXAAXvs, 'EAe'vi, 'HpaIch s, M'S'Ea, OlSirovs, Xpvainorros, s/A?; and it is remarkable that all of these, except the last, are ascribed by Diogenes Laertius to Diogenes the Cynic. (vi. 80, or 73.) Others ascribe them to Philiscus of Aegina, a friend of Diogenes the Cynic (Menagius, ad Diog. Lacrt. 1. c.), and others to Pasiphaon. Melanthius in Plutarch (de Aud. Poet. 4, p. 41, d.) complains of the obscurity of a certain Diogenes. Aelian (V. 1. iii. 30, N. A. vi. 1) mentions a tragic poet Diogenes, who seems, however, to be a different person from either Diogenes the Cynic or Diogenes Oenomaids. (Suid. s. v.; Ath. xiv. p. 636, a.; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ii. p. 295.) [P. S.] DIO'GENES (AroyE'v7s), a Greek PHYSICIAN who must have lived in or before the first century after Christ, as he is quoted by Celsus. (De Medic. v. 19, 27, pp. 90, 104.) Some of his medical formulae are preserved by Celsus (1. c.), Galen (de Compos. JMIedicam. sec. Locos, iii. 3, vol. xii. p. 686; ix. 7, vol. xiii. p. 313), and Aetius (i. 3. 109, p. 135). He is probably not the same person with any of the other individuals of this name. [W.A. G.]
Page 1024 1024 DIOGNETUS. DIO'GENES, artists. 1. A painter of some note, who lived in the time of Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Plin. xxxv. 11, s. 40. ~ 42.) 2. Of Athens, a sculptor, who decorated the Pantheon of Agrippa with some Caryatids, which were greatly admired, and with statues in the pediment, which were no less admirable, but which were not so well seen, on account of their position. It is very difficult to determine in what position the Caryatids stood. Pliny says, " in columnis." (Plin. xxxvi. 5, s. 4. ~ 11.) [P. S.] DIOGENIA'NUS (Atoy/veavs's), a grammarian of Cyzicus, who is also called Diogenes (Suid. s. v. Aioyeva?), whence some have ventured upon the conjecture, that he is the same person as Diogenes Laertius, which seems to be supported by the fact, that Tzetzes (Chii. iii. 61) calls the latter Diogenianus; but all is uncertain and mere conjecture. Diogenianus of Cyzicus is called by Suidas the author of works on the seven islands of his native country, on the alphabet, on poetry, and other subjects. It cannot be determined whether the Diogenianus mentioned by Plutarch (Sympos. viii. 1), or the one from whom Eusebius (Praep. Evang. iv. 3; comp. Theodoret. Therap. x. p. 138) quotes a fragment on the futility of oracles, is the same as the grammarian of Cyzicus or not. (Bernhardy, ad Suid. i. p. 1378.) [L. S.1] DIOGENIA'NUS (AA07ovavo0 or AtoiyEvzards) of Heracleia on the Pontus, a distinguished grammarian, who flourished in the reign of Hadrian. Suidas enumerates the following works of his: 1. AE'es irravro3arwaal Kard F ro-iXltxov, in five books, being an abridgement of the Lexicon of Pamphilus. [PAMPHILUS.] 2. An Anthology of epigrams, "T.rv ZwrrUvpiteos E'r1Ptpacpgra'rw dvO'hxoyiov; and several geographical works. Suidas is not certain whether he was a native of the Pontic Heracleia, or whether he was not the same person as the physician Diogenianus of Heracleia Albace in Caria. Nothing is known of the contents or arrangement of his Anthology. His Lexicon seems to have been much used by Suidas and Hesychius: and indeed some suppose the Lexicon of Hesychius to have been almost entirely taken from that of Diogenianus. A portion of it is still extant, containing a collection of proverbs, under the title 1laioriial 1uco'seLis Km 7erjs AsoyVeIUav oev aywy1^s. The work is in alphabetical order, and contains 775 proverbs. It was first printed by Schottus, with the proverbs of Zenobius and Suidas, in his 7rapoixial 'EAXa-vlcatM, Antv. 1612, 4to. Better editions have been published by Gaisford, in his Paroemiopraphi Graeci, Oxon. 1836, and by Leutsch and Schneidewinn in their Corpus Paroemiogr. Grace. There are passages in this work, which, unless they are interpolations, would point to a later date than that assigned by Suidas. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. v. p. 109; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. vi. Proleg. p. xlvi.; Leutsch and Schneid. Praef p. xxvii.) [P. S.] DIOGENIA'NUS, FU'LVIUS, a consular under Macrinus remarkable for his imprudent freedom of speech. The passage in Dion Cassius which contained some particulars with regard to this personage is extremely defective. He may be the same with the Fulvius who was praefect of the city when Elagabalus was slain, and who perished in the massacre which followed that event. (Dion Cass. lxxviii. 36, lxxix. 21.) [W. R.] DIOGNE'TUS (Ai-yvorros). 1. Admiral of Antiochus the Great, was commissioned, in u. c. '222, DIOMEDES. to convey to Seleuceia, on the Tigris, Laodice, the intended wife of Antiochus and daughter of Mithridates IV., king of Pontus. (Polyb. v. 43; comp. Clinton, F. H. iii. pp. 315, 424.) He commanded the fleet of Antiochus in his war with Ptolemy IV. (Philopator) for the possession of Coele-Syria, aid did him good and effectual service. (Polyb. v. 59 60, 62, 68-70.) 2. A general of the Erythrean forces which aided Miletus in a war with the Naxians. Being entrusted with the command of a fort for the annoyance of Naxos, he fell in love with Polycrita, a Naxian prisoner, and married her. Through her means the Naxians became masters of the fort in qyuestion. At the capture of it she saved her husband's life, but died herself of joy at the honours heaped on her by her countrymen. There are other editions of the story, varying slightly in the details. (Plut. de Mal. Virt. s. v. lohv0Apir'l; Polyaen. viii. 36; Parthen. Erot. 9.) 3. A man who measured distances in his marches for Alexander the Great, and wrote a work on the subject. He is mentioned by Pliny in conjunction with BAETON. (Plin. H. N. vi. 17.) [E. E.] DIOGNE'TUS, artists. 1. An engineer, who aided the Rhodians in their resistance to Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Vitruv. x. 21, or 16. ~ 3, Schneider.) 2. A painter, who instructed the emperor M. Antoninus in his art. (Capitolin. Anton. 4, and Salmasius's note.) [P. S.] DIOME'DE (AsouiA,), a daughter of Phorbas of Lemnos, was beloved by Achilles. (Hom. II. ix. 665; Eustath. ad Honm. p. 596, and Diet. Cret. ii. 19, where her name appears in the poetical form of AIosteuiIa.) There are three other mythical beings of this name. (Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 3; Hygin. Fab. 97; comp. DEION.) [L. S.] DIOME'DES (A o/uis ). 1. A son of Tydeus and Deipyle, the husband of Aegialeia, and the successor of Adrastus in the kingdom of Argos, though he was descended from an Aetolian family. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 5, &c.) The Homeric tradition about him is as follows:-- His father Tydeus fell in the expedition against Thebes, while Diomedes was yet a boy (II. vi. 222); but he himself afterwards was one of the Epigoni who took Thebes. (1I. iv. 405; comp. Paus. ii. 20. 4 4.) Diomedes went to Troy with Sthenclus and Euryalus, carrying with him in eighty ships warriors fiom Argos, Tiryns, Hermione, Asine, Troezene, Eionae, Epidaurus, Aegina, and Mases. (ii. 559, &c.) In the army of the Greeks before Troy, Diomedes was, next to Achilles, the bravest among the heroes; and, like Achilles and Odysseus, he enjoyed the special protection of Athena, who assisted him in all dangerous moments. (v. 826, vi. 98, x. 240, xi. 312; comp. Virg. Aen. i. 96.) He fought with the most distinguished among the Trojans, such as Hector and Aeneias (viii. 110, &c., v. 310, &c.), and even with the gods who espoused the cause of the Trojans. He thus wounded Aphrodite, and drove her from the field of battle (v. 335, 440), and Ares himself was likewise wounded by him. (v. 837.) Diomedes was wounded by Pandareus, whom, however, he afterwards slew with many other Trojans. (v. 97, &c.) In the attack of the Trojans on the Greek camp, he and Odysseus offered a brave resistance, but Diomedes was wounded and returned to the ships. (xi. 320, &c.) He wore a cuirass made by Hephaestus, but sometimes also a lion's skin. (viii. 195, x. 177.)
Page 1025 DIOMEDES. At the funeral games of Patroclus he conquered in the chariot-race, and received a woman and a tripod as his prize. (xxiii. 373, &c.) He also conquered the Telamonian Ajax in single combat, and won the sword which Achilles had offered as the prize. (xxiii. 811, &c.) He is described in the Iliad in general as brave in war and wise in council (ix. 53), in battle furious like a mountain torrent, and the terror of the Trojans, whom he chases before him, as a lion chases goats. (v. 87, xi. 382.) He is strong like a god (v. 884), and the Trojan women during their sacrifice to Athena pray to her to break his spear and to make him fall. (vi. 306.) He himself knows no fear, and refuses his consent when Agamemnon proposes to take to flight, and he declares that, if all flee, he and his friend Sthenelus will stay and fight till Troy shall fall. (ix. 32, &c., comp. vii. 398, viii. 151; Philostr. Her. 4.) The story of Diomedes, like those of other heroes of the Trojan time, has received various additions and embellishments from the hands of later writers, of which we shall notice the principal ones. After the expedition of the Epigoni he is mentioned among the suitors of Helen (Hygin. Fab. 81; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 8), and his love of Helen induced him to join the Greeks in their expedition against Troy with 30 ships. (Hygin. Fab. 97.) Being a relative of Thersites, who was slain by Achilles, he did not permit the body of the Amazon Penthesileia to be honourably buried, but dragged her by the feet into the river Scamander. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 993; Dict. Cret. iv. 3.) Philoctetes was persuaded by Diomedes and Odysseus to join the Greeks against Troy. (Soph. Philoct. 570, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 102.) Diomedes conspired with Odysseus against Palamedes, and under the pretence of having discovered a hidden treasure, they let him down into a well and there stoned him to death. (Diet. Cret. ii. 15; comp. Pans. x. 31. ~ 1.) After the death of Paris, Diomedes and Odysseus were sent into the city of Troy to negotiate for peace (Dict. Cret. v. 4), but he was afterwards one of the Greeks concealed in the wooden horse. (Hygin. Fab. 108.) When he and Odysseus had arrived in the arx of Troy by a subterraneous passage, they slew the guards and carried away the palladium (Virg. Aen. ii. 163), as it was believed that Ilium could not be taken so long as the palladium was within its walls. When, during the night, the two heroes were returning to the camp with their precious booty, and Odysseus was walking behind him, Diomedes saw by the shadow of his companion that he was drawing his sword in order to kill him, and thus to secure to himself alone the honour of having taken the palladium. Diomedes, however, turned round, seized the sword of Odysseus, tied his hands, and thus drove him along before him to the camp. (Eustath. ad Horn. p. 822.) Diomedes, according to some, carried the palladium with him to Argos, where it remained until Ergiaeus, one of his descendants, took it away with the assistance of the Laconian Leagrus, who conveyed it to Sparta. (Plut. Queest. Graec. 48.) According to others, Diomedes was robbed of the palladium by Demophon in Attica, where he landed one night on his return from Troy, without knowing where he was. (Paus. ii. 28. ~ 9.) A third tradition stated, that Diomedes restored the palladium and the remains of Anchises to Aeneias, because he was informed by an oracle, that lihe IDIOMEDES. 1025 should be exposed to unceasing sufferings unless he restored the sacred image to the Trojans. (Serv. ad Aen. ii. 166, iii. 407, iv. 427, v. 81.) On his return from Troy, he had like other heroes to suffer much from the enmity of Aphrodite, but Athena still continued to protect him. He was first thrown by a storm on the coast of Lycia, where he was to be sacrificed to Ares by king Lycus; but Callirrhoe, the king's daughter, took pity upon him, and assisted him in escaping. (Plut. Parall. Gr. et Rom. 23.) On his arrival in Argos he met with an evil reception which had been prepared for him either by Aphrodite or Nauplius, for his wife Aegialeia was living in adultery with Hippolytus, or according to others, with Cometes or Cyllabarus. (Dict. Cret. vi. 2; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 609; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 9.) He therefore quitted Argos either of his own accord, or he was expelled by the adulterers (Tzetz. ad Lyc. 602), and went to Aetolia. His going to Aetolia and the subsequent recovery of Argos are placed in some traditions immediately after the war of the Epigoni, and Diomedes is said to have gone with Alcmaeon to assist his grandfather Oeneus in Aetolia against his enemies. During the absence of Diomedes, Agamemnon took possession of Argos; but when the expedition against Troy was resolved upon, Agamemnon from fear invited Diomedes and Alcmaeon back to Argos, and asked them to take part in the projected expedition. Diomedes alone accepted the proposal, and thus recovered Argos. (Strab. vii. p. 325, x. p. 462; comp. Hygin. Fab. 175; Apollod. i. 8. ~ 6; Paus. ii. 25. ~ 2.) According to another set of traditions, Diomedes did not go to Aetolia till after his return from Troy, when he was expelled from Argos, and it is said that he went first to Corinth; but being informed there of the distress of Oeneus, he hastened to Aetolia to assist him. Diomedes conquered and slew the enemies of his grandfather, and then took up his residence in Aetolia. (Dict. Cret. vi. 2.) Other writers make him attempt to return to Argos, but on his way home a storm threw him on the coast of Daunia in Italy. Daunus, the king of the country, received him kindly, and solicited his assistance in a war against the Messapians. He promised in return to give him a tract of land and the hand of his daughter Euippe. Diomedes defeated the Messapians, and distributed their territory among the Dorians who had accompanied him In Italy Diomedes gave up his hostility against the Trojans, and even assisted them against Turnus. (Paus. i. 11; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 9.) He died in Dannia at an advanced age, and was buried in one of the islands off cape Garganus, which were called after him the Diomedean islands. Subsequently, when Daunus too had died, the Dorians were conquered by the Illyrians, but were metamorphosed by Zeus into birds. (Antomn. Lib. 37; comp. Tzetz. ad Lye. 602, 618.) According to Tzetzes, Diomedes was murdered by Daunus, whereas according to others he returned to Argos, or disappeared in one of the Diomedean islands, or in the country of the Heneti. (Strab. vi. p. 284.) A number of towns in thle eastern part of Italy, such as Beneventum, Aequumtuticum, Argos Hippion (afterwards Argyripa or Arpi), Venusia or Aphrodisia, Canusium, Venafrum, Salapia, Spina, Sipus, Garganum, and Brundusium, were believed to have been founded by Diomedes. (Serv. ad Aen viii. 9, xi. 246; Strab. vi. pp. 283, 284; Pliu3 v
Page 1026 1026 DIOMEDES. DIOMEDON. H. N. iii. 20; Justin, xii. 2.) The worship and of Christian parents. He lived at Tarsus for some service of gods and heroes was spread by Diomedes time, and practised as a physician, but afterwards far and wide: in and near Argos he caused temples removed to Nicaea in Bithynia, where he contiof Athena to be built (Plut. de Flum. 18; Paus. nued till his death. We are told that he practised ii. 24. ~ 2); his armour was preserved in a temple with great success, and used to endeavour, whenof Athena at Luceria in Apulia, and a gold chain ever he had an opportunity, to convert his patients of his was shewn in a temple of Artemis in Peuce- to Christianity. For his efforts in this cause he tia. At Troezene he had founded a temple of Apollo was ordered to be brought before the emperor DioEpibaterius, and instituted the Pythian games cletian, who at that time happened to be at Nicothere. He himself was subsequently worshipped medeia in Bithynia, but died on his way thither, as a divine being, especially in Italy, where statues about the beginning of the fourth century after of him existed at Argyripa, Metapontum, Thurii, Christ. A church was built at Constantinoand other places. (Schol. ad Pind. Nem. x. 12; ple in his honour by Constantine the Great, Scylax, Peripl. p. 6; comp. Strab. v. p. 214, &c.) which was afterwards adorned and beautified by There are traces in Greece also of the worship the emperor Basil I. in the ninth century. He is of Diomedes, for it is said that he was placed commemorated by the Romish and Greek churches among the gods together with the Dioscuri, on the 16th of August. (Acta Sancd.; Bzovius, and that Athena conferred upon him the immor- Nomenclator Sanctorum Professione Medicorum, tality which had been intended for his father Carpzovius, de Medicis ab Ecclesia pro Sanctis haTydeus. It has been conjectured that Diomedes bitis; Menolog. Graecorum.) [W. A. G.] is an ancient Pelasgian name of some divinity, who DIO'MEDON (Atmoe&L'wv), an Athenian comwas afterwards confounded with the hero Diomedes, mander during the Peloponnesian war, came out so that the worship of the god was transferred to early in the campaign of B. c. 412, the first after the hero. (Bickh, Explicat. ad Pind. Nem. x. the Syracusan disaster, with a supply of 16 ships p. 463.) Diomedes was represented in a painting for the defence of Ionia. Chios and Miletus were on the acropolis of Athens in the act of carrying already in revolt, and the Chians presently away the Palladium from Troy (Paus. i. 22. ~ 6), proceeded to attempt its extension to Lesbos. and Polygnotus had painted him in the Lesche at Diomedon, who had captured on his first arrival Delphi. (x. 25. ~ 2, 10. ~ 2.) Comp. Brandstater, four Chian ships, was soon after joined by Leon Die Gesch. des Aetol. Land. p. 76, &c. with ten from Athens, and the two commanders 2. A son of the great Diomedes by Euippe, the with a squadron of 25 ships now sailed for Lesbos. daughter of Daunus. (Anton. Lib. 37.) They recovered Mytilene at once, defeating the 3. A son of Ares and Cyrene, was king of the Chian detachment in the harbour; and by this Bistones in Thrace, and was killed by Heracles on blow were enabled to drive out the enemy and account of his mares, which he fed with human secure the whole island, a service of the highest flesh. (Apollod. ii. 5. ~ 8; Diod. iv. 15; Serv. importance. They also regained Clazomenae, and ad Aen. i. 756.) Hyginus (Fab. 250) calls him a from Lesbos and the neighbouring coast carried on son of Atlas by his own daughter Asteria. [L. S.] a successful warfare against Chios. (Thuc. viii. DIOME'DES (Amtogy s), a Greek grammarian, 19-24.) In this service it seems likely they who wrote a commentary or scholia on the gram- were permanently engaged until the occasion, in mar of Dionysius Thrax, of which a few fragments the following winter, when we find them, on the are still extant. (Villoison, Anecd. pp. 99, 126, recommendation of Peisander, who with his oligar172, 183, 186; Bekker, Anecd. ii.) He seems chical friends was then working for the recall of also to have written on Homer, for an opinion of Alcibiades, placed in the chief command of the fleet his on Homer is refuted by the Venetian Scholiast at Samos, superseding Phrynichus and Scironides. on Homer (ad II. ii. 252). [L. S.] After acting against Rhodes, now in revolt, they DIOME'DES, the author of a grammatical trea- remained, apparently, during the period of inaction tise "De Oratione et Partibus Orationis et Vario at the commencement of the season of B. c. 411, Genere Metrorum libri III." We are entirely subordinate to Peisander, then at Samos. Hitherignorant of his history, but since he is frequently to he had trusted them: their appointment had quoted by Priscian (e.g. lib. ix. pp. 861, 870, lib. been perhaps the result of their successful operax. 879, 889, 892), he must have lived before the tions in Lesbos and Chios, and of a neutrality in commencement of the 6th century. The work is party-matters: perhaps they had joined in his plan dedicated to a certain Athanasius, of whom we for the sake of the recall of Alcibiades, and now know nothing whatsoever. It is remarked else- that this project was given up, they drew back, and where [CHARISIUS], that a close correspondence saw moreover, as practical men, that the overthrow may be detected between the above work and of democracy would be the signal for universal revolt many passages in the Institutiones Grammaticae to Sparta: Thucydides says that they were inof Charisius, and the same remark applies to fluenced by the honours they received from the Maximus Victorinus. democracy. For whatever reason, they now, on Diomedes was first published in a collection of Peisander's departure, entered into communication Latin Grammarians printed at Venice by Nic. with Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, and, acting Jenson, about 1476. It is to be found in the under their direction, crushed the oligarchical conGrammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui of Puts- spiracy among the Samians, and on hearing that chius, 4to. Hanov. 1605, pp. 170-527. For cri- the government of the Four Hundred was estabtical emendations, consult Scioppius, Suspect. Lect. lished in Athens, raised the standard of indepenand Reuvens, Collectanea Litteraria, Leyden, 1815. dent democracy in the army, and recalled Alcibiades. See also Osann, Beitriige zur Griech. u. Rom. Lit. (viii. 54, 55, 73.) Gesch. ii. p. 331. [W. R.] Henceforth for some time they are not named, DIOME'DES, ST. (Ae6os1ns), a physician, though they pretty certainly were among the comsaint, and martyr, was born at Tarsus in Cilicia, manders of the centre in the battle of Cynossema,
Page 1027 DION. and during the whole period of the command of Alcibiades were probably in active service. When after the battle of Notium, B. c. 407, he was disgraced, they were among the ten generals appointed in his room. Diomedon in this command was employed at a distance from the main fleet; and when Callicratidas chased Conon into Mytilene, on the information, perhaps, of the galley which made its escape to the Hellespont, he sailed for Lesbos, and lost 10 out of 12 ships in attempting to join his besieged colleague. In the subsequent glorious victory of Arginusae, he was among the commanders. So was he also among those unhappy six who returned to Athens and fell victims to the mysterious intrigues of the oligarchical party and the wild credulity of the people. It was in his behalf and that of Pericles, that his friend Euryptolemus made the attempt, so nearly successful, to put off the trial. According to the account given in his speech, Diomedon, after the engagement, when the commanders met, had given the advice to form in single file and pick up the castaways; and after Theramenes and Thrasybulus had been prevented by the storm from effecting their commission to the same purpose, he with Pericles had dissuaded his colleagues from naming those officers and this commission in their despatch, for fear of their incurring the displeasure which thus in the end fell on the generals themselves. (Xenoph. Hell. i. 5. ~ 16, 6. ~~ 22, 29, 7. ~~ 1, 16, 17, 29.) Diodorus, who hitherto had not mentioned his name, here relates that Diomedon, a man of great military skill, and distinguished for justice and other virtues, when sentence had been passed and he and the rest were now to be led to execution, came forward and bade the people be mindful to perform, as he and his colleagues could not, the vows which before the engagement they had made to the gods. (Diod. xiii. 102.) [A. H. C.] DIO'MILUS (Al6OiXor), an Andrian refugee, probably of military reputation, placed by the Syracusans at the head of a force of 600 picked men in the spring of B. c. 414. He fell in the first exercise of his command, when the Athenians made their landing at Epipolae, in endeavouring to dislodge them from Euryelus. (Thuc. vi. 96.) [A. H. C.] DI'OMUS (AIolos), a son of Colyttus, a favourite and attendant of Heracles, from whom the Attic demos of Diomeia was believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. Kvv6rap-yes, AILoesia.) [L. S.] DI'OMUS (Aloaos-), a Sicilian shepherd, who is said to have invented bucolic poetry, and was mentioned as such in two poems of Epicharmus. (Athen. xiv. p. 619.) [L. S.] DION, a king in Laconia and husband of Iphitea, the daughter of Prognaus. Apollo, who had been kindly received by Iphitea, rewarded her by conferring upon her three daughters, Orphe, Lyco, and Carya, the gift of prophecy, on condition, however, that they should not betray the gods nor search after forbidden things. Afterwards Dionysus also came to the house of Dion; he was not only well received, like Apollo, but won the love of Carya, and therefore soon paid Dion a second visit, under the pretext of consecrating a temple, which the king had erected to him. Orphe and Lyco, however, guarded their sister, and when Dionysus had reminded them, in vain, of the command of Apollo, they were seized with raging madness, and having gone to the heights of Taygetus, DION. 1027 they were metamorphosed into rocks. Carya, the beloved of Dionysus, was changed into a nut tree, and the Lacedaemonians, on being informed of it by Artemis, dedicated a temple to Artemis Caryatis. (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. viii. 30; CARYATIS.) [L. S.] DION (Aflwv), a Syracusan, son of Hipparinus. His father had been from the first a constant friend and supporter of the elder Dionysius, who had subsequently married his daughter Aristomache. These circumstances naturally brought Dion into friendly relations with Dionysius, and the latter having conceived a high opinion of his character and abilities, treated him with the greatest distinction, and employed him in many services of the utmost trust and confidence. Among others he sent him on an embassy to the Carthaginians, by whom he was received with the greatest distinction. (Plut. Dion, 3-5; Corn. Nep. Dion, 1.) Dion also married, during the lifetime of her father, Arete, the daughter of Dionysius by Aristomache. Of this close connexion and favour with the tyrant he seems to have availed himself to amass great wealth, so that on the death of Dionysius he offered to equip and maintain 50 triremes at his own cost to assist in the war against Carthage. (Plut. Dion, 6.) He made no opposition to the succession of the younger Dionysius to all his father's power, but his near relationship to the sons of the latter by his wife Aristomache, as well as his dangerous pre-eminence in wealth and influence, rendered him an object of suspicion and jealousy to the youthful tyrant, to whom he also made himself personally disagreeable by the austerity of his manners. Dion appears to have been naturally a man of a proud and stern character, and having become an ardent disciple of Plato when that philosopher visited Syracuse in the reign of the elder Dionysius, he carried to excess the austerity of a philosopher, and viewed with undisguised contempt the debaucheries and dissolute pleasures of his nephew. From these he endeavoured to withdraw him by persuading him to invite Plato a second time to Syracuse; but the philosopher, though received at first with the utmost distinction, failed in obtaining a permanent hold on the mind of Dionysius; and the intrigues of the opposite party, headed by Philistus, were successful in procuring the banishment of Dion. (Plut. Dion, 7-14; Corn. Nep. Dion, 3, 4; Diod. xvi. 6.) The circumstances attending this are variously reported, but it seems to have been at first merely an honourable exile, and he was allowed to receive the produce of his vast wealth. According to Plutarch, he retired to Athens, where he lived in habitual intercourse with Plato and his disciples, at times also visiting the other cities of Greece, and displaying his magnificence on all public occasions. But Plato having failed in procuring his recall (for which purpose he had a third time visited Syracuse), and Dionysius having at length confiscated his property and compelled his wife to marry another person, he finally determined on attempting the expulsion of the tyrant by force. (Plut. Dion, 15-21; Pseud.-Plat. Epist. 6; but compare Diod. xvi. 6.) His knowledge of the general unpopularity of Dionysius and the disaffection of his subjects encouraged him to undertake this with forces apparently very insufficient. Very few of the numerous Syracusan exiles then in Greece could be induced to join him, and he sailed from Zacyn3u 2
Page 1028 1028 DION. thus with only two merchant ships and less than 1000 mercenary troops. The absence of Dionysius and of his chief supporter Philistus, who were both in Italy at the time, favoured his enterprise; he landed at Minoa in the Carthaginian territory, and being speedily joined by volunteers from all parts, advanced without opposition to Syracuse, which he entered in triumph, the whole city being abandoned by the forces of Dionysius, except the citadel on the island. (Diod. xvi. 9, 10; Plut. Dion, 22-28.) Dion and his brother Megacles were now appointed by the Syracusans generals-inchief, and they proceeded to invest the citadel. Dionysius meanwhile returned, but having failed in a sally from the island, his overtures for peace being rejected, and Philistus, on whom he mainly depended, having been defeated and slain in a seafight, he determined to quit the city, and sailed away to Italy, leaving his son Apollocrates with a mercenary force in charge of the citadel. (B. c. 356.) But dissensions now broke out among the besiegers: Heracleides, who had lately arrived from the Peloponnese with a reinforcement of triremes, and had been appointed commander of the Syracusan fleet, sought to undermine the power of Dion; and the latter, whose mercenary troops were discontented for want of pay, withdrew with them to Leontini. The disasters of the Syracusans, however, arising from the incapacity of their new leaders, soon led to the recall of Dion, who was appointed sole general autocrator. Not long after, Apollocrates was compelled by famine to surrender the citadel. (Diod. xvi. 11-13, 16-20; Plut. Dion, 29-50.) Dion was now sole master of Syracuse: whether he intended, as he was accused by his enemies, to retain the sovereign power in his own hands, or to establish an oligarchy with the assistance of the Corinthians, as asserted by Plutarch, we have no means of judging; but his government seems to have been virtually despotic enough. He caused his chief opponent, Heracleides, to be put to death, and confiscated the property of his adversaries; but these measures only aggravated the discontent, which seems to have spread even to his own immediate followers. One of them, Callippus, an Athenian who had accompanied him from Greece, was induced by his increasing unpopularity to form a conspiracy against him, and having gained over some of his Zacynthian guards, caused him to be assassinated in his own house, B. c. 353. (Plut. Dion, 52-57; Corn. Nep. Dion, 6-9; Diod. xvi. 31.) According to Cornelius Nepos, he was about 55 years old at the time of his death. There can be no doubt that the character of Dion has been immoderately praised by some ancient writers, especially by Plutarch. It is admitted even by his admirers that he was a man of a harsh and unyielding disposition, qualities which would easily degenerate into despotism when he found himself at the head of affairs. Even if he was sincere in the first instance in his intention of restoring liberty to Syracuse, he seems to have afterwards abandoned the idea, and there can be little doubt that the complaints of the people, that they had only exchanged one tyrant for another, were well founded. (Plutarch, Dion; comp. Timol. c. P. Aemil. 2; Athen. xi. p. 508, e.) [E. H. B.] DION (Alcy). 1. Of Alexandria, an Academic philosopher and a friend of Antiochus. He was sent by his fellow-citizens as ambassador to Rome, DION. to complain of the conduct of their king, Ptolemy Auletes. On his arrival at Rome he was poisoned by the king's secret agents, and the strongest suspicion of the murder fell upon M. Caelius. (Cic. Acad. iv. 4, pro Cael. 10, 21; Strab. xvii. p. 796.) 2. Of Alexandria, apparently a writer on proverbs, who is mentioned by Zenobius (v. 54) and Apostolius. (xix. 24; comp. Suid. s. v. rd Aiwvos ypd; Apostol. xv. 3; Suid. s. v. omvo 'HpaKhA; Schneidewin, Corp. Paroemiogr. i. pp. 119, 142.) 3. Of Chios, a flute player, who is said to have been the first who played the Bacchic spondee on the flute. (Athen. xiv. p. 638.) It may be that he is the same as Dion, the a3'oTrot's, who is mentioned by Varro. (Fragm. p. 198, ed. Bipont.) 4. Of Colophon, is mentioned by Varro (de R. R. i. 1), Columella (i. 1), and Pliny among the Greek writers on agriculture; but he is otherwise unknown. 5. Of Halesa in Sicily. Through the favour of Q. Metellus, he obtained the Roman franchise and the name of Q. Metellus Dion. His son had a large fortune left him, which incited the avarice of Verres, who annoyed him in various ways, and robbed him of his property. Dion is described as a very honest and trustworthy man. (Cic. in Verr. i. 10, ii. 7, 8.) 6. Of Pergamus, is mentioned as the accuser of Polemocrates. (Cic. pro Flace. 30.) A few more persons of the name of Dion are enumerated by Reimarus. (De Vit., ýc., CassiiDion. ~ 2.) [L. S.] DION CA'SSIUS COCCEIA'NUS, the celebrated historian of Rome. He probably derived the gentile name of Cassius from one of his ancestors, who, on receiving the Roman franchise, had been adopted into the Cassia gens; for his father, Cassius Apronianus, had already borne it. He appears to have adopted the cognomen of Cocceianus from Dion Chrysostomus Cocceianus, the orator, who, according to Reimarus, was his grandfather on his mother's side. Dion Cassius Cocceianus, or as he is more commonly called Dion Cassius, was born, about A. D. 155, at Nicaea in Bithynia. He was educated with great care, and was trained in the rhetorical schools of the time, and in the study of the classical writers of ancient Greece. After the completion of his literary studies, he appears to have accompanied his father to Cilicia, of which he had the administration, and after his father's death, about A. D. 180, he went to Rome; so that he arrived there either in the last year of the reign of M. Aurelius, or in the first of that of Commodus. He had then attained the senatorial age of twentyfive, and was raised to the rank of a Roman senator; but he did not obtain any honours under Commodus, except the aedileship and quaestorship, and it was not till A. D. 193, in the reign of Pertinax, that he gained the office of praetor. During the thirteen years of the reign of Commodus, Dion Cassius remained at Rome, and devoted his time partly to pleading in the courts of justice, and thus assisting his friends, and partly in collecting materials for a history of Commodus, of whose actions he was a constant eye-witness. After the fall of this emperor, Dion, with the other senators, voted for the elevation of Pertinax, A. D. 193, who was his friend, and who immediately promoted him to the praetorship, which however he did not enter upon till the year following, the first of the reign of Septimius Severus. During the short reign of Pertinax Dion Cassius enjoyed the emperor's friendship, and
Page 1029 DION. conducted himself on all occasions as an upright and virtuous man. The accession of Septimius Severus raised great hopes in Dion of being further promoted; but these hopes were not realized, notwithstanding the favour which Severus shewed him in the beginning of his reign. Soon after the accession of Severus, Dion wrote a work on the dreams and prodigies which had announced the elevation of this emperor, and which he presented to Severus, who thanked him for it in a long epistle. The night after he had received this epistle, Dion was called upon in a dream to write the history of his own time, which induced him to work out the materials he had already collected for a history of Commodus. A similar dream or vision afterwards led him to write the history of Septimius Severus and Caracalla. When the history of Commodus was completed, Dion read it to the emperor, who received it with so much approbation, that Dion was encouraged to write a history of Rome from the earliest times, and to insert in it what he had already written about the reign of Commodus. The next ten years, therefore, were spent in making the preparatory studies and collecting materials, and twelve years more, during the greater part of which he lived in quiet retirement at Capua, were employed in composing the work. It was his intention to carry the history as far down as possible, and to add an account of the reigns of the emperors succeeding Severus, so far as he might witness them. Reimarus conceives that Dion began collecting his materials in A. D. 201, and that after the death of Severus, in A. D. 211, he commenced the composition of his work, which would thus have been completed in A. D. 222. The reason why Severus did not promote Dion is probably owing to the emperor's change of opinion respecting Commodus; for, during the latter part of his reign, he admired Commodus as much as he had before detested him; and what Dion had written about him could not be satisfactory to an admirer of the tyrant. Dion thus remained in Italy for many years, without any new dignity being conferred upon him. In the reign of Caracalla it became customary for a select number of senators to accompany the emperor in his expeditions and travels, and Dion was one of them. He bitterly complains of having been compelled in consequence to spend immense sums of money, and not only to witness the tyrant's disgraceful conduct, but to some extent to be an accomplice in it. In the company of the emperor, Dion thus visited Nicomedeia; but he does not appear to have gone any further; for of the subsequent events in Asia and Egypt he does not speak as an eye-witness, but only appeals to reports. Macrinus, however, appears to have again called him to Asia, and to have entrusted to him the administration of the free cities of Pergamus and Smyrna, which had shortly befdre revolted. Dion went to this post about A. D. 218, and seems to have remained there for about three years, on account of the various points which had to be settled. At the expiration of his-office, however, he did not return to Rome, but went to Nicaea in Bithynia. On his arrival there he was taken ill, but notwithstanding was raised, during his absence, to the consulship, either A. D. 219 or 220. After this he obtained the proconsulship of Africa, which, however, cannot have been earlier than A D. 224. After his return to Italy, he was sent, DION. 1029 in A. D. 226, as legate to Dalmatia, and the year after to Pannonia. In the latter province lie restored strict discipline among the troops; and on his return to Rome, the praetorians began to fear lest he should use his influence for the purpose of interfering with their conduct likewise, and in order to prevent this, they demanded of the emperor Alexander Severus to put him to death. But the emperor not only disregarded their clamour, but raised Dion, A. D. 229, to his second consulship, in which Alexander himself was his colleague. Alexander also conferred other distinctions upon him, and undertook out of his own purse to defray the expenses which the dignity of consul demanded of Dion. However, as Dion could not feel safe at Rome under these circumstances, the emperor requested him to take up his residence somewhere in Italy at a distance from the city. After the expiration of his consulship, Dion returned to Rome, and spent some time with the emperor in Campania; but he appears at length to have become tired of the precarious life at Rome, and under the pretext of suffering from a bad foot, he asked and obtained permission to return to his native place, and there to spend the remainder of his life in quiet retirement. At Nicaea Dion completed his history, and there he also died. The time of his death is unknown. Respecting his family nothing is recorded, except that in two passages he just mentions his wife and children; and it may be that the Dion Cassius whom we find consul in A. D. 291 was a grandson of our historian. The account we have here given of the life of Dion Cassius is derived from scattered passages of his own work, and from a short article in Suidas. The following list contains the works which are attributed by the ancients to Dion Cassius: 1. The work on dreams and prodigies, which we mentioned above, is lost. Dion had probably written it only to please the emperor, and he seems afterwards to have regretted its publication; for, although he is otherwise rather credulous and fond of relating prodigies, yet in his history he mentions those which have reference to Septimius Severus only very cursorily. 2. The history of the reign of Commodus, which he afterwards incorporated in his history of Rome. 3. On the reign of the emperor Trajan. This work is mentioned only by Suidas; and, if it really was a distinct work, the substance of it was incorporated in his Roman history. 4. A history of Persia is likewise mentioned only by Suidas, but is probably a mistake, and Suidas confounds Dion with Deinon, who is known to have written a work on Persia. 5. 'E4dSia, that is, Itineraries, is mentioned by Suidas; but it is very doubtful whether it was a work of Dion Cassius, or of his grandfather, Dion Chrysostomus, whose extensive travels may have led him to write such a work. 6. A life of Arrian is altogether unknown, except through the mention of Suidas. 7. Getica is attributed to Dion Cassius by Suidas, Jornandes, and Freculphus; while from Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. i. 7) we might infer, that Dion Chrysostomus was its author. 8. The History of Rome ('Pwteascr lcr ropia), the great work of Dion Cassius, consisted of 80 books, and was further divided into decads, like Livy's Roman history. It embraced the whole history of Rome from the earliest times, that is, from the landing of Aeneas in Italy down to A. D. 229, the year in which Dion quitted Italy and returned to Nicaea.
Page 1030 1030 DION. The excerpta, which A. Mai has published from a Vatican MS., and which belonged to a work containing the history from the time of Valerian down to the time of Constantine the Great, bear indeed the name of Dion Cassius, but are in all probability taken from the work of a Christian writer, who continued the work of Dion, and A. Mai is inclined to think that this continuation was the work of Joannes Antiochenus. Dion Cassius himself (lxxii. 18) intimates, that he treated the history of republican Rome briefly, but that he endeavoured to give a more minute and detailed account of those events of which he had himself been an eyewitness. Unfortunately, only a comparatively small portion of this work has come down to us entire. Of the first thirty-four books we possess only fragments, and the Excerpta, which Ursinus, Valesius, and A. Mai have successively published from the collections made by the command of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. A few more fragments have recently been published by F. Haase (Dionis Cassii librorzem deperditorum Fragmenta, Bonn, 1840, 8vo.), who found them in a Paris MS. It must further be observed, that Zonaras, in his Annals, chiefly, though not solely, followed the authority of Dion Cassius, so that, to some extent, his Annals may be regarded as an epitome of Dion Cassius. There is a considerable fragment commonly considered as a part of the 35th book, which however more probably belongs to the 36th, and from this book onward to the 54th the work is extant complete, and embraces the history from the wars of Lucullus and Cn. Pompey against Mithridates, down to the death of Agrippa, ii. c. 10. The subsequent books, from 55 to 60, have not come to us in their original form, for there are several passages quoted from these books which are not now to be found in them; and we therefore have in all probability only an abridgment made by some one either before or after the time of Xiphilinus. From book 61 to 80 we have only the abridgment made by Xiphilinus in the eleventh century, and some other epitomes which were probably made by the same person who epitomized the portion from the 55th to the 60th book. A considerable fragment of the 71st book was found by A. Mai in a Latin translation in the Vatican library, of which a German version was published anonymously (Braunschweig, 1832, 8vo,); but its genuineness is not quite established. Another important fragment of the 75th book was discovered by J. Morelli, and printed first at Bassano, and afterwards (1800) at Paris, in folio, uniform with Reimarus's edition of Dion Cassius. Notwithstanding these great losses, we possess a sufficient portion of the work to enable us to form a correct estimate of its value. It contains an abundance of materials for the later history of the republic and for a considerable period of the empire, for some portions of which it is our only source of information. In the first of the fragments published by A. Mai, Dion distinctly states, that he had read nearly everything which had been written on the history of Rome, and that he did not, like a mere compiler, put together what he found in other writers, but that he weighed his authorities, and exercised his judgment in selecting what he thought fit for a place in his work. This assertion of the author himself is perfectly justified by the nature and character of his history, for it is manifest everywhere that he had acquired a tho DION4. rough knowledge of his subject, and that his notions of Roman life and Roman institutions were far more correct than those of some of his predecessors, such as Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Whenever he is led into error, it is generally owing to his not having access to authentic sources, and to his being obliged to satisfy himself with secondary ones. It must also be borne in mind, as Dion himself observes (liii. 19), that the history of the empire presented much more difficulties to the historian than that of the republic. In those parts in which he relates contemporary events, his work forms a sort of medium between real history and mere memoirs of the emperors. His object was to give a record as com - plete and as accurate as possible of all the important events; but his work is not on that account a dry chronological catalogue of events, for he en deavours, like Thucydides, Polybius, and Tacitus, to trace the events to their causes, and to make us see the motives of men's actions. In his endeayours to make us see the connexions of occurrences he sometimes even neglects the chronological order, like his great models. But with all these excellences, Dion Cassius is the equal neither of Thucydides nor of Tacitus, though we may admit that his faults are to a great extent rather those of his age than of his individual character as an historian. He had been trained in the schools of the rhetoricians, and the consequences of it are visible in his history, which is not free from a rhetorical tinge, especially in the speeches which are introduced in it. They may not be pure inventions, and may have an historical groundwork, but their form is rhetorical; though we must own that they are among the best rhetorical productions of the time. In the formation of his style he appears to have endeavoured to imitate the classic writers of ancient Greece; but his language is nevertheless full of peculiarities, barbarisms, and Latinisms, probably the consequence of his long residence in Italy; and the praise which Photius (Bibl. Cod. 71) bestows upon him for the clearness of his style, must be greatly modified, for it is often harsh and heavy, and Dion seems to have written as he spoke, without any attempt at elegance or refinement. (See the excellent essay of Reimarus, De Vita et Scriptis Cassii Dionis, appended to his edition; R. Wilmans, De Fontibus et Auctoritate Dionis Cassii, Berlin, 1835, 8vo.; Schlosser, in a dissertation prefixed to Lorenz's German translation of Dion, Jena, 1826, 3 vols. 8vo.; and the brief but admirable characteristic of Dion by Niebuhr in his " Lectures on Roman Hist." edited by Dr. Schmitz, i. pp. 72-78.) The work of Dion Cassius was first published in a Latin translation by N. Leonicenus, Venice, 1526; and the first edition of the Greek original is that of R. Stephens (Paris, 1548, fol.), which contains from book 35 to 60. H. Stephens then gave a new edition with a Latin translation by Xylander. (Geneva, 1591, fol.) The epitome of Xiphilinus from book 60 to 80 was first printed in the edition of Leunclavius. (Frankfurt, 1592, and Hanau, 1606, fol.) After the fragments and eclogae collected by Ursinus and Valesius had been published, J. A. Fabricius formed the plan of preparing a complete and comprehensive edition of Dion Cassius; but his death prevented the completion of his plan, which was carried out by his son-in-law, H. S. Reimarus, who published his edition at Hamburg, 1750-52, in 2 vols. fol.
Page 1031 DION. Tlie Greek text is not much improved in this edition, but the commentary and the indexes are of very great value. The Latin translation which it contains is made up of those of Xylander and Leunclavius. A more recent edition is that of Sturz, in 9 vols. (Leipzig, 1824, 8vo.), the ninth volume of which (published in 1843) contains the " Excerpta Vaticana," which had first been discovered and published by A. Mai. (Script. Vet. Nov. Collect. ii. p. 135, &c., p. 527, &c.) [L. S.] DION CHRYSO'STOMUS, that is, Dion the golden-mouthed, a surname which he owed to his great talents as an orator. He bore also the surname Cocceianus (Plin. Epist. x. 85, 86), which he derived from the emperor Cocceius Nerva, with whom he was connected by intimate friendship. (Orat. xlv. p. 513.) Dion Chrysostomus was born at Prusa in Bithynia, about the middle of the first century of our era, and belonged to a distinguished equestrian family. Reimarus has rendered it very probable that a daughter of his was the mother of Dion Cassius, the historian. His father,Pasicrates, seems to have bestowed great care on his son Dion's education and the early training of his mind; but he appears to have acquired part of his knowledge in travels, for we know that he visited Egypt at an early period of his life. At first he occupied himself in his native place, where he held important offices, with the composition of speeches and other rhetorico-sophistical essays, but on perceiving the futility of such pursuits he abandoned them, and devoted himself with great zeal to the study of philosophy: he did not, however, confine himself to any particular sect or school, nor did he give himself up to any profound speculations, his object being rather to apply the doctrines of philosophy to the purposes of practical life, and more especially to the administration of public affairs, and thus to bring about a better state of things. The Stoic and Platonic philosophies, however, appear to have had the greatest charms for him. Notwithstanding these useful and peaceful pursuits, lie was looked upon in his native place with suspicion and hostility (O'rat. xlvi. p. 212, &c.), which induced him to go to Rome. Here he drew upon himself the hatred of Domitian, who had so great an aversion to philosophers, that by a senatusconsultum all were expelled from Rome and Italy, and Dion found himself obliged to quit Rome in secret. (Orat. xlvi. p. 215, xiii. p. 418.) On the advice of the Delphic oracle, it is said, he put on the attire of a beggar, and with nothing in his pocket but a copy of Plato's Phaedon and Demosthenes's oration on the Embassy, he undertook a journey to the countries in the north and east of the Roman empire. He thus visited Thrace, Mysia, Scythia, and the country of the Getae, and owing to the power and wisdom of his orations, he met everywhere with a kindly reception, and did much good. (Orat. xxxvi. p. 74; comp. xiii. p. 418.) In A. D. 96, when Domitian was murdered, Dion used his influence with the army stationed on the frontier in favour of his friend Nerva, and seems to have returned to Rome immediately after his accession. (Orat. xlv. p. 202.) Nerva's successor, Trajan, entertained the highest esteem for Dion, and shewed him the most marked favour, for he is said to have often visited him, and even to have allowed him to ride by his side in his golden triumphal car. Having thus received the most ample satisfaction for the unjust treatment he had ex DION. 1031 perienced before, he returned to Prusa about A. D. 100. But the petty spirit he found prevailing there, which was jealous of his merits and distinctions, and attributed his good actions to impure motives (Orat. 1. p. 254, &c.), soon disgusted him with his fellow-citizens, and he again went to Rome. Trajan continued to treat him with the greatest distinction: his kindly disposition gained him many eminent friends, such as Apollonius of Tyana and Euphrates of Tyre, and his oratory the admiration of all. In this manner he spent his last years, and died at Rome about A. D. 117. Dion Chrysostomus is one of the most eminent among the Greek rhetoricians and sophists. This is the opinion not only of the ancients who have written about him, such as Philostratus, Synesius, and Photius, but it is also confirmed by thle eighty orations of his which are still extant, and which were the only ones known in the time of Photius, who, however, enumerates them in a somewhat different order from that in which they now stand. These orations are for the most part the productions of his later years, and there are very few, if any, among them that can with certainty be attributed to the early period of his life. They are more like essays on political, moral, and philosophical subjects than real orations, of which they have only the form. We find among them Ao'yoi 7repl /PaoCEAIras or 6o'yor SaoruIKol, four orations addressed to Trajan on the virtues of a sovereign; Aloy7vfls 7repl ruvpavvisos, on the troubles to which men expose themselves by deserting the path of nature, and on the difficulties which a sovereign has to encounter; essays on slavery and freedom; on the means of attaining eminence as an orator; further, political discourses addressed to various towns which he sometimes praises and sometimes blames, but always with great moderation and wisdom; on subjects of ethics and practical philosophy, which he treats in a popular and attractive manner; and lastly, orations on mythical subjects and show-speeches. Besides these eighty orations we have fragments of fifteen others. Suidas, in enumerating the works of Dion Cassius, mentions one on the Getae, which Casaubon was inclined to attribute to Dion Chrysostomus, on account of a passage in Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. i. 7), who says, " how fit Dion (Chrysostomus) was for writing history, is evident from his Getica." There are extant also five letters under the name of Dion, and addressed to one Rufus. They are published in Boissonade's Ad Marini Vit. Procl. p. 85, &c., and some critics are inclined to consider them as productions of Dion Chrysostomus. All the extant orations of Dion are distinguished for their refined and elegant style; the author most successfully imitated the classic writers of Greece, such as Plato, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines. His ardent study of those models, combined with his own eminent talents, his firm and pleasing voice, and his skill in extempore speaking, raised him at once above all contemporary rhetoricians. His style is throughout clear, and, generally speaking, free from artificial embellishment, though he is not always able to escape from the influence of the Asiatic school of rhetoric. His sentences are often interrupted by the insertion of parenthetical clauses, and his prooemia are frequently too long in proportion to the other parts of his discourses, " Dion Chrysostomus," says Niebuhr (Lectures on Rom. Hist. ii. p. 263, ed. Schmitz), "was an author of un
Page 1032 1032 DIONYSIADES. common talent, and it is much to be regretted that he belonged to the rhetoricians of that unfortunate age. It makes one sad to see him waste his brilliant oratorical powers on insignificant subjects. Some of his works are written in an excellent and beautiful language, which is pure Attic Greek and without affectation: it is clear that he had made the classical language of Athens his own, and he handled it as a master. He appears in all he wrote as a man of an amiable character, and free from the vanity of the ordinary rhetoricians, though one perceives the silent consciousness of his powers. He was an unaffected Platonic philosopher, and lived with his whole soul in Athens, which was to him a world, and which made him forget Rome, its emperor, and everything else. All this forms a very charming feature in his character. Whenever he touches upon the actual state cf things in which he lived, he shews his master-mind. He was the first writer after Tiberius that greatly contributed towards the revival of Greek literature." (Comp. Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 7; Photius, Bibl. Cod. 209; Synesius, Alowv ' erept 7rrs car' avu'rdv aywycj; Suid. s. v. Afev; Westermann, Gesch. d. Griech. Beredis. ~ 87, &c., and Beilage x. p. 317, &c.; Emperius, de Exilio Dionis Chrisostomi, Braunschweig, 1840, 8vo.) Passing over the editions of separate orations of Dion Chrysostomus, we mention only those which contain all of them. The first was edited by D. Paravisinus at Milan (1476, 4to.), and was followed by that of Aldus Manutius. (Venice, 1551, 8vo,) The next edition of importance is that of Cl. Morel (Paris, 1601), which was reprinted in 1623 with a Latin translation of Naogeorgius and notes by Morel. A very good critical edition is that of Reiske, Leipzig, 1784, 2 vols. 8vo. The first volume of a new critical edition by Emperius appeared in 1844. [L. S.] DIONAEA (Atdcvaa), a metronymic form of Dione, and applied to her daughter Aphrodite. (Orph. A rg. 1320; Virg. A en. iii. 19.) The name is also applied as an epithet to things which were sacred to her, such as the dove. (Stat. Silv. iii. 5. 1SO.) [L. S.] DIO'NE (Atwvi), a female Titan, a daughter of Oceanus and Tethys (Hesiod. TIeo3. 353), and, according to others, of Uranus and Ge, or of Aether and Ge. (Hygin. Fab. Praef.; Apollod. i. 1. ~ 3.) She was beloved by Zeus, by whom she became the mother of Aphrodite. (Apollod. i. 3. ~ i.; Hom. TI. v. 370, &c.) When Aphrodite was wounded by Diomedes, Dione received her daughter in Olympus, and pronounced the threat respecting the punishment of Diomedes. (Horn. II. v. 405.) Dione was present, with other divinities, at the birth of Apollo and Artemis in Delos. (Hom. Hymn. in Del. 93.) At the foot of Lepreon, on the western coast of Peloponnesus, there was a grove sacred to her (Strab. viii. p. 346), and in other places she was worshipped in the temples of Zeus. (Strab. vii. p. 329.) In some traditions she, is called the mother of Dionysus. (Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 177; Hesych. s. v. Bdcxov Atmsicv7.) There are three more mythical personages of this name. (Apollod. i. 2. ~ 7; Hygin. Fab. 83; Pherecyd. p. 115, ed. Sturz.) [L. S.] DIONY'SIADES or DIONY'SIDES (AtouvU'dias, AoovVcefa8s). 1. Of Mallus in Cilicia, a tragic poet, of whom nothing more is known. (Suid. s. v.) 2. Of Tarsus, a tragic poet, was, according to Strabo (xiv. p. 675), the best of the poets in the DIONYSIUS. "Tragic Pleiad " of the Alexandrian grammarians. (Fabric. ii. p. 296.) [P. S.] DIONY'SICLES (Atovvao'tcMs), a statuary of Miletus, who made the statue of Democrates of Tenedos, a victor in wrestling at Olympia. (Paus. vi. 17. ~ 1.) [P. S.] DIONYSIDO'RUS (Atouvvo6Lopos), an Alexandrian grammarian of the school of Aristarchus, is quoted in the Venetian scholia on the Iliad (ii. 111), and probably wrote on the Homeric poems. (Villoison, Proleg. ad II. p. 30.) [L. S.] DIONYSIODO'RUS. 1. A statuary and worker in silver, and a disciple of Critias. (Plin. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. ~ 25.) 2. Of Colophon, a painter of some note. (Plin. xxxv. 11. s. 40. ~ 42.) [P. S.] DIONY'SIUS (Atovvo'-os), tyrant of HERACLEIA on the Euxine. He was a son of Clearchus, who had assumed the tyranny in his native place, and was succeeded by his son Timotheus. After the death of the latter, Dionysius succeeded in the tyranny, about the time of the battle of Chaeroneia, B. c. 338. After the destruction of the Persian empire by Alexander the Great, Dionysius attempted to extend his dominions in Asia. In the meantime, some of the citizens of Heracleia, who had been driven into exile by their tyrants, applied to Alexander to restore the republican government at Heracleia, but Dionysius, with the assistance of Alexander's sister, Cleopatra, contrived to prevent any steps being taken to that effect. But still he does not appear to have felt very safe in his position, as we may conjecture from the extreme delight with which he received the news of Alexander's death, in consequence of which he erected a statue of eiOvtula, that is, joy or peace of mind. The exiled Heracleans now applied to Perdiccas, against whom Dionysius endeavoured to secure himself by joining his enemies. Dionysius therefore married Amastris, the former wife of Craterus, who secured to him considerable advantages. A friendship with Antigonus was formed by assisting him in his war against Asander, and Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus, married Dionysius's daughter by his first wife. Dionysius thus remained in the undisturbed possession of the tyranny for many years. In B. c. 306, when the surviving generals of Alexander assumed the title of kings, Dionysius followed their example, but he died soon after. He was an unusually fat man, which increased at length to such a degree that he could take no food, which was therefore introduced into his stomach by artificial means. At last, however, he was choked by his own fat. He is said to have been the mildest and justest of all the tyrants that had ever lived. He was succeeded by his son Zathras, and, after the death of the latter, by his second son Clearchus II. The death of Dionysius must have taken place in B. c. 306 or 305, as, according to Diodorus, he died at the age of 55, and after a reign of 32 years, for y 5 /S' COIN OF DIONYSIUS OF HERACLEIA.
Page 1033 DIONYSI US. which others say 33 years. (Diod. xvi. 88, xx. 70; Athen. xii. p. 549; Aelian, V. H. ix. 13; Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224.) [L. S.] DIONY'SIUS (Aiovviosos) the Elder, tyrant of SYRACUSE, must have been born in B. c. 431 or 430, as we are told that he was twenty-five years old when he first obtained the sovereignty of Syracuse. (Cic. Tusc. v. 20.) We know nothing of his family, but that his'father's name was Hermocrates, and that he was born in a private but not low station, so that he received an excellent education, and began life in the capacity of a clerk in a public office. (Cic. Tusc. v. 20, 22; Diod. xiii. 91, 96, xiv. 66; Isocr. Philip. ~ 73; Dem. c. Lept. ~ 141, p. 506; Polyaen. Strateg. v. 2. ~ 2.) He appears to have early taken part in the political dissensions which agitated Syracuse after the destruction of the great Athenian armament, and having joined in the attempt of Hermocrates, the leader of the aristocratical party, to effect by force his restoration from exile, was so severely wounded as to be left for dead upon the spot. (Diod. xiii. 75.) We next hear of him as serving with distinction in the great war against the Carthaginians, who had invaded Sicily under Hannibal, the son of Gisco, and successively reduced and destroyed Selinus, Himera, and Agrigentum. These disasters, and especially the failure of the Syracusan general, Daphnaeus, to relieve Agrigentum, had created a general spirit of discontent and alarm, both at Syracuse and among the allies, of which Dionysius skilfully availed himself. He came forward in the popular assembly as the accuser of the unsuccessful commanders, and, being supported by Philistus, the historian, and Hipparinus, men of wealth and influence, he succeeded in procuring a decree for deposing the existing generals, and appointing others in their stead, among whom was Dionysius himself. (Diod. xiii. 91, 92; Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 6.) His efforts seem from this time to have been directed towards supplanting his new colleagues and obtaining the sole direction of affairs. He persuaded the Syracusans to recall the exiles, most of whom were probably partizans of Hermocrates, and would readily admit him as their leader, and secretly accused his colleagues in the command of holding intelligence with the enemy. Being soon after sent to Gela with the separate command of a body of auxiliaries, he there carried on similar intrigues, and when he thought that he had sufficiently secured to himself the favour both of the people of Gela and of his own troops, he returned abruptly to Syracuse, and brought before the assembled people distinct charges of corruption;and treachery against his brother generals. These found ready belief, and it was determined to depose all the others and appoint Dionysius sole general, with full powers. (Diod. xiii. 92-94.) This was in the spring of the year B. c. 405, the first appointment of Dionysius as one of the generals having been in Dec. 406. Comp. Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 82d Diod. 1. c.; Dionys. vii. 1.) According to Plutarch, indeed, Hipparinus, who is represented by Aristotle (Polit. v. 6) as lending his aid to procure the elevation of Dionysius, was at first appointed his colleague in the chief command (Plut. Dion, 3); but, if this be not a mistake, his authority could have been little more than nominal, as lie plays no part in the subsequent transactions. The position of general autocrator by no means implied in itself the exercise of sovereign power, but DIONYSIUS. 1033 the measures of Dionysius soon rendered it such; and we may date from this period the commencement of his reign, or tyranny, which continued without interruption for 38 years. His first step was to procure, on the ground of an attempt on his life, whether real or pretended, the appointment of a body-guard, which he speedily increased to the number of 1000 men: at the same time he induced the Syracusans to double the pay of all the troops, and took every means to ingratiate himself with the mercenaries, taking care to replace those officers who were unfavourable to him by creatures of his own. By his marriage with the daughter of Hermocrates he secured to himself the support of all the remaining partizans of that leader, and he now found himself strong enough to procure the condemnation and execution of Daphnaeus and Demarchus, the heads of the opposite party. (Diod. xiii. 95, 96.) His first operations in the war against the Carthaginians were, however, unsuccessful. Having advanced with a large army to the relief of Gela, then besieged by Himilco, he was defeated, and deemed it prudent to retire, taking with him the inhabitants both of Gela itself and the neighbouring Camarina. This reverse gave a severe shock to his popularity, of which his enemies at Syracuse availed themselves to attempt to overthrow his power. 'For a moment they were masters of the city, but Dionysius disconcerted their plans by the suddenness of his return, and compelled them to quit the city, though not until his unfortunate wife had fallen a victim to their cruelty. (Diod. xiii. 108-113, xiv. 44; Plut. Dion, 3.) He soon afterwards gladly accepted the overtures of the Carthaginian general Himilco, whose army had suffered greatly from a pestilence, and concluded peace with Carthage B. c. 405. (Diod. xiii. 114.) He was now able to devote his whole attention to strengthening and consolidating his power at home. He converted the island of Ortygia into a strong fortress, in which he took up his own residence, and allowed no one but his own immediate dependents to dwell; and while he courted the favour of the populace by assigning them lands and houses, he augmented their numbers by admitting many aliens and newly-freed slaves to the rights of citizenship. These measures naturally gave umbrage to the higher class of citizens who formed the heavy-armed infantry, and they took advantage of an expedition on which he led them against the Sicelians to break out into open revolt. They were instantly joined by the exiles who had established themselves at Aetna, and Dionysius was compelled to take refuge in the island which he had so recently fortified. From this danger, however, he managed to extricate himself by the aid of a body of Campanian mercenaries, seconded by the dissensions which broke out among his enemies. Some of these submitted to him on favourable terms; the rest retired to Aetna. (Diod. xiv. 7-9.) From this time his authority at Syracuse appears to have been undisputed. H-e soon after took advantage of the harvest time to disarm those citizens whom he had still cause to fear, and reduced the fortress of Aetna, which had been the stronghold of the exiles disaffected to his government. (Ib. cc. 10, 14.) His arms were next directed against the Chalcidian cities of Sicily. Naxos, Catana, and Leontini, successively fell into his power, either by force or treachery. The inhabitants were either
Page 1034 1034 DIONYSIUS. sold as slaves or compelled to migrate to Syracuse. Naxos was utterly destroyed, and Catana occupied by a colony of Campanian mercenaries, B. c. 403. (Diod. xiv. 14, 15.) For several years after this he appears to have been occupied in strengthening his power and in preparations for renewing the war with Carthage. Among these may be reckoned the great works which he at this time erected,-- the docks adapted for the reception of several hundred ships, and the wall of 30 stadia in length, enclosing the whole extent of the Epipolae, the magnificence of which is attested by its existing remains at the present day. (Diod. xiv. 18, 42; Smith's Siily, p. 167.) It was not till B. c. 397 that Dionysius considered himself sufficiently strong, or his preparations enough advanced, to declare war against Carthage. He had in the mean time assembled a large army of auxiliary and mercenary troops, and a fleet of two hundred ships, remarkable for the number of quadriremes and quinqueremes which were seen in it for the first time. The Carthaginians had been greatly weakened by the ravages of a pestilence in Africa, and were unprepared for war. Dionysius was immediately joined not only by the Greeks of Gela, Agrigentum, Himera, and Selinns, which had become tributary to Carthage by the late treaty of 405, but by the Sicelians of the interior, and even the Sicanians, in general the firm allies of Carthage. He thus advanced without opposition from one end of Sicily to the other, and laid siege to Motya, one of the chief strongholds of the Carthaginians, which fell into his power after a long and desperate resistance, prolonged till near the close of the summer. Segesta, however, successfully resisted his efforts, and the next year (a. c. 396) the arrival of a great Carthaginian armament under Himilco changed the face of affairs. Motya was quickly recovered; the Sicanians and Sicelians abandoned the Syracusan alliance for that of the enemy, and Himilco advanced unopposed as far as Messana, which he carried by assault, and utterly destroyed. The Syracusan fleet under Leptines, the brother of Dionysius, was totally defeated; and the latter, not daring to risk a battle, withdrew with his land forces, and shut himself up within the walls of Syracuse. Abandoned by the other Sicilian Greeks, and besieged by the Carthaginians both by sea and land, his situation appeared to be desperate. It is even said that he was on the point of giving up all for lost, and making his escape, but was deterred by one of his friends observing, "that sovereign power was an honourable winding-sheei." (Isocrat. Arch/idam. ~ 49; Aelian. V. H. iv. 8; but compare Diod. xiv. 8.) A pestilence shortly after broke out in the Carthaginian camp, which a second time proved the salvation of Syracuse. Dionysius ably availed himself of the state of weakness to which the enemy was thus reduced, and by a sudden attack both by sea and land, defeated the Carthaginian army, and burnt great part of their fleet. Still he was glad to consent to a secret capitulation, by which the Carthaginians themselves were allowed to depart unmolested, abandoning both their allies and foreign mercenaries, who, thus left without a leader, were quickly dispersed. (Diod. xiv. 41 -76.) No peace was concluded with Carthage upon this occasion; but the effects of their late disastrous expedition, and the revolt of their subjects in DIONYSIUS. Africa, prevented the Carthaginians from renewing hostilities against Syracuse until the summer of 393, when Mago, who had succeeded Himilco in the command, having renewed the alliance with the Sicelians, advanced towards Messana, but was defeated by Dionysius near Abacaenum. The next year (B. c. 392) he marched against the Syracusan territory with a much greater force; but Dionysius having secured the alliance of Agyris, tyrant of Agyrium, was enabled to cut off the supplies of the enemy, and thus reduced them to such distress, that Mago was compelled to treat for peace. The Syracusans also were weary of the war, and a treaty was concluded, by which the Carthaginians abandoned their Sicelian allies, and Dionysius became master of Tauromenium: in other respects, both parties remained nearly as before. (Diod. xiv. 90, 95, 96.) This treaty left Dionysius at leisure to continue the ambitious projects in which he had previously engaged against the Greek cities in Italy. Already, before the Carthaginian war, he had secured the alliance of the Locrians by marrying Doris, the daughter of one of their principal citizens. Rhegium, on the contrary, had been uniformly hostile to him, and was the chief place of refuge of the Syracusan exiles. (Diod. xiv. 40.) Hence Dionysius established at Messana, after its destruction by Himilco, a colony of citizens from Locri and its kindred city of Medama, to be a stronghold against Rhegium. (xiv. 78.) His designs in this quarter attracted so much attention, that the principal Greek cities in Italy, which were at the same time hard pressed by the Lucanians of the interior, concluded a league for their common defence at once against the barbarians and Dionysius. The latter retaliated by entering into alliance with the Lucanians, and sending a fleet to their assistance under his brother Leptines, B. c. 390. (xiv. 91, 100-102.) The next year he gained a decisive victory over the combined forces of the Italian Greeks at the river Helorus; and this success was followed by the reduction of Caulonia, Hipponium, and finally, after a siege protracted for nearly eleven months, of Rhegium itself, B. c. 387. (xiv. 103-108, 111.) The inhabitants of the conquered cities were for the most part removed to Syracuse, and their territory given up to the Locrians. Dionysius was now at the summit of his greatness, and during the twenty years that elapsed from this period to his death, possessed an amount of power and influence far exceeding those enjoyed by any other Greek before the time of Alexander. In Sicily he held undisputed rule over the eastern half of the island, while the principal cities of the interior and those along the north coast, as far as Cephaloedium, were either subject to him, or held by his close and dependent allies. (xiv. 78, 96.) In Italy it is difficult to estimate the precise extent of his influence: direct dominion he had apparently none. But his allies, the Locrians, were masters of the whole southern extremity of the peninsula, and his powerful fleets gave him the command both of the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic seas. In the former he repressed the piracies of the Etruscans, and, under pretence of retaliation, led a fleet of 60 triremes against them, with which he took the town of Pyrgi, the port of Caere, and plundered its wealthy temple of Matuta. (Diod. xv. 14; Strab. v. p. 226; Pseud.-Aristot. Oeconon. ii. 2.) On this occasion he is also said to have
Page 1035 DIONYSIUS. assailed Corsica (Strab. 1. c.), but probably did not form any permanent establishment there. The sovereignty of the Adriatic seems to have been a favourite object of his ambition. He endeavoured to secure it by establishing a colony on the island of Lissa, or, according to other accounts, at Lissus in Epeirus (comp. Scymn. Chius, 1. 412; Diod. xv. 13, 14), where he kept up a considerable naval force, and another at Adria in Picenum. (Etym. Magn. s. v., A8ptas.) Ancona too was probably founded by him at the same time. (Plin. H. N. iii. 13; Strab. v. p. 241; Arnold's Rome, vol. i. p. 437.) With the same view he sent a squadron to assist the Lacedaemonians in preventing the Athenians from establishing themselves at Corcyra, B. c. 373. (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. ~~ 4, 33.) The extent of his commercial relations may be inferred from his importing horses for his chariots from the Venetian tribes at the head of the Adriatic. (Strab. v. p. 212.) As early as B. c. 402 he is mentioned as sending large supplies of corn to relieve a scarcity at Rome. (Liv. iv. 52; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. ii. p. 564.) At the same time he took every opportunity of extending his relations with foreign powers, and strengthening himself by alliances. Thus we find him assisting the Illyrians against their neighbours the Molossians (Diod. xiv. 13), and concluding a treaty with the Gauls, who had lately made their appearance in Italy, and who continued from this time to furnish a considerable part of his mercenary troops. (Justin, xx. 5; Xen. ell. vii. 1. ~ 20,31.) In Greece itself he cultivated the friendship of the Lacedaemonians, to whose support he had been greatly indebted in the earlier days of his rule (Diod. xiv. 10, 70); and among the last acts of his reign was the sending an auxiliary force in two successive years to support them against the increasing power of the Thebans. (Xen. Hell, vii. 1. ~~ 20, 28; Diod. xv. 70.) He also conciliated, but by what means we know not, the favour of the Athenians, so that they bestowed upon him the freedom of their city. (Epist. Philipp. ap. Dem. p. 176, ed. Bekk.) The peace with Carthage did not remain uninterrupted during the whole of this period, but the wars were not of any great importance, and are not known to us in detail. In B. c. 383 the intrigues of Dionysius with the subject allies of Carthage led to a renewal of hostilities. Two greal battles, the sites of both of which are uncertain decided the fortune of the war. In the first Diony sius was completely victorious, and Mago, the Car thaginian general, fell; but in the second thE Syracusans were defeated with great slaughter Peace was concluded soon after, by which the rive: Halycus was fixed as the boundary of the tw( powers. (Diod. xv. 15-17.) Dionysius seem to have been again the aggressor in a fresh wa which broke out in B. c. 368, and in which he second time advanced with his army to the extremi western point of Sicily, and laid siege to Lily baeum. Hostilities were however suspended or the approach of winter, and before they could b resumed Dionysius died at Syracuse, B. C. 367. Hi last illness is said to have been brought on by ex cessive feasting; but according to some accounts his death was hastened by his medical attendants in order to secure the succession for his son (Diod. xv. 74; Plut. Dion, 6; Corn. Nep. Dion, 2. After the death of his first wife, Dionysius hal married almost exactly at the same time-som DIONYSIUS. 1035 said even on the same day-Doris, a Locrian ot distinguished birth, and Aristomache, a Syracusan, the daughter of his old patron and supporter Hipparinus. (Diod. xiv. 44; Plut. Dion, 3.) By the former he had three children, of which the eldest was his successor, Dionysius. Aristomache bore him two sons, Hipparinus and Nysaeus, and two daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete. (Plut. Dion, 6; Corn. Nep. Dion, 1; Athen. x. pp. 435-6.) The character of Dionysius has been drawn in the blackest colours by many ancient writers; he appears indeed to have become a sort of type of a tyrant, in its worst sense, and it is probable that many of the anecdotes of him related by Cicero, Aelian, Polyaenus, and other later writers, are grossly exaggerated; but the very circumstance that he was so regarded in opposition to Gelon and others of the older tyrants (see Plut. Dion, 5) is in itself a proof that the opprobrium was not altogether undeserved. He was undoubtedly a man of great energy and activity of mind, as well as great personal courage; but he was altogether unscrupulous in the means which he employed to attain his ends, and had no thought beyond his own personal aggrandizement. Thus while he boasted that he left to his son an empire held together with bonds of iron (Plut. Dion, 7), he exhausted his subjects by excessive taxation, and was obliged to have recourse to every kind of expedient to amass money. (Aristot. Pol. v. 11; Pseud.-Aristot. Oeconom. ii. 2. The statements of the latter must be received with caution, but they are conclusive as to the general fact.) Diodorus Stells us that, when his power became firmly established, he abated much of his former severity (xiv. 45), and he gave a signal instance of clemency in t his treatment of the Italian Greeks who had fallen ~ into his power at the battle of the Helorus. (Diod. xiv. 105.) But it is probable that the long pos* session of absolute power had an injurious effect - upon his character, and much apparent inconsistSency may be accounted for in this manner. In his latter years he became extremely suspicious, and - apprehensive of treachery even from his nearest? friends, and is said to have adopted the most exE cessive precautions to guard against it. Many of - these stories have however an air of great exagge- ration. (Cic. Tusc. v. 20; Plut. Dion. 9.) t Though his government was oppressive in a, financial point of view, Dionysius seems to have - contributed much to the greatness of Syracuse itself, both by increasing the population with the e inhabitants removed from many conquered cities, ". and by adorning it with splendid temples and other r public edifices, so as to render it unquestionably o the greatest of all Greek cities. (Diod. xv. 13; s Isocrat. Panegyr. ~ 145.) At the same time he r displayed his magnificence by sending splendid a deputations to the Olympic games, and rich pree sents both to Olympia and Delphi. (Diod. xiv. - 109, xvi. 57.), Nor was he without literary amn bition. In the midst of his political and military e cares he devoted himself assiduously to poetry, and s not only caused his poems to be publicly recited at - the Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for 3, the prize of tragedy at Athens. Here he several, times obtained the second and third prizes; and, i. finally, just before his death, bore away the first ) prize at the Lenaea, with a play called "The Rand som of Hector." These honours seem to prove e that his poetry could not have been altogether so
Page 1036 1036 DIONYSIUS. contemptible as it is represented by later writers; but only the titles of some of his dramas and a few detached lines are preserved to us. He is especially blamed for the use of far-fetched and unusual expressions. (Diod. xiv. 109; xv. 74; Tzetz. Chil. v. 178-185; Cic. Tusc. v. 22; Lucian, adv. Indoctum. 15; HIelladius, ap. Photisin. p. 532, b. ed. Bekk.) Some fragments of his tragedies will be found in Stobaeus (Florileg. 38, 2; 38, 6; 49, 9; 98, 30; 105, 2; 125, 8; Eclogae, i. 4, 19) and in Athenaeus. (ix. p. 401, f.) In accordance with the same spirit we find him seeking the society of men distinguished in literature and philosophy, entertaining the poet Philoxenus at his table, patronizing the Pythagorean philosophers, who were at this time numerous in Italy and Sicily, and inviting Plato to Syracuse. He however soon after sent the latter away from Sicily in disgrace; and though the story of his having caused him to be sold as a slave, as well as that of his having sent Philoxenus to the stone quarries for ridiculing his bad verses, are probably gross exaggerations, they may well have been so far founded in fact, that his intercourse with these persons was interrupted by some sudden burst of capricious violence. (Diod. xv. 6, 7; Plut. Dion, 5; Lucian, adv. Indoct. ~ 15; Tzetz. Chil. v. 152, &c.; but compare Athen. i. p. 6, f.) He is also said to have avenged himself upon Plato in a more legitimate manner by writing a play against him. (Tzetz. Chil. v. 182-185.) The history of Dionysius was written by his friend and contemporary Philistus, as well as by Ephorus and Timaeus; but none of these authors are now extant. Diodorus is our chief, indeed almost our sole, authority for the events of his reign. An excellent review of his government and character is given in Arnold's History of Rome. (Vol. i. c. 21.) Mitford's elaborate account of his reign is rather an apology than a history, and is very inaccurate as well as partial. [E. H. B.] DIONY'SIUS ( Aonoinos) the Younger, tyrant of SYRACUSE, son of the preceding, succeeded his father in the possession of supreme power at Syracuse, B. c. 367. Something like the form of a popular election, or at least the confirmation of his power by the people, appears to have been thought necessary; but it could have been merely nominal, as the amount of his mercenary force and the fortifications of the citadel secured him the virtual sovereignty. (Diod. xv. 74.) Dionysius was at this time under thirty years of age: he had been brought up at his father's court in idleness and luxury, and studiously precluded from taking any part in public affairs. (Plut. Dion, 9.) The consequences of this education were quickly manifested as soon as he ascended the throne: the ascendancy which Dion, and through his means Plato, obtained for a time over his mind was undermined by flatterers and the companions of his pleasures, who persuaded him to give himself up to the most unbounded dissipation. Of the public events of his reign, which lasted between eleven and twelve years (Diod. xv. 73; Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 268), we have very little information: he seems to have succeeded to his father's influence in the south of Italy as well as to his dominion in Sicily, and to have followed up his views in regard to the Adriatic, for which end he founded two cities in Apulia. We also find him sending a third auxiliary force to the assistance of the Lacedaemnonians. (Xen. DIONYSIUS, Hell. vii. 4. ~ 12.) But his character was peaceful and indolent; he hastened to conclude by a treaty the war with the Carthaginians, in which he found himself engaged on his accession; and the only other war that he undertook was one against the Lucanians, probably in defence of his Italian allies, which he also quickly brought to a close. (Diod. xvi. 5.) Philistus, the historian, who, after having been one of his father's chief supporters, had been subsequently banished by him, enjoyed the highest place in the confidence of the younger Dionysius, and appears to have been charged with the conduct of all his military enterprises. Notwithstanding his advanced age, he is represented as rather encouraging than repressing the excesses of Dionysius, and joining with the party who sought to overthrow the power of Dion, and ultimately succeeded in driving him into exile. The banishment of Dion contributed to render Dionysius unpopular among the Syracusans, who began also to despise him for his indolent and dissolute life, as well as for his habitual drunkenness. Yet his court seems to have been at this time a great place of resort for philosophers and men of letters: besides Plato, whom he induced by the most urgent entreaties to pay him a second visit, Aristippus of Cyrene, Eudoxus of Cnidus, Speusippus, and others, are stated to have spent some time with him at Syracuse; and he cultivated a friendly intercourse with Archytas and the Pythagoreans of Magna Graecia. (Plut. Dion, 18-20; Diog. Lairt. iii. 21, 23; Aelian, V. H. iv. 18, vii. 17; Pseud.Plat. Epist. 6.) Much doubt indeed attaches to all the stories related by Plutarch and other late writers concerning the intercourse of Plato with Dionysius, but they can hardly have been altogether destitute of foundation. Dionysius was absent from Syracuse at the time that Dion landed in Sicily: the news of that event and of the sudden defection of the Syracusans reached him at Caulonia, and he instantly returned to Syracuse, where the citadel still held out for him. But his attempts at negotiation having proved abortive, the sallies of his troops having been repulsed, and the fleet which Philistus had brought to his succour having been defeated, he despaired of success, and sailed away to Italy with his most valuable property, leaving the citadel of Syracuse in charge of his son, Apollocrates, B. c. 356. (Diod. xvi. 11-13, 16, 17; Plut. Dion, 26-37.) Dionysius now repaired to Locri, the native city of his mother, Doris, where lie was received in the most friendly manner by the inhabitants-a confidence of which he availed himself to occupy the citadel with an armed force, and thus to establish himself as tyrant of the city. This position he continued to hold for several years, during which period he is said to have treated the inhabitants with the utmost cruelty, at the same time that he indulged in the most extravagant licentiousness. (Justin, xxi. 2, 3; Clearch. ap. Atshen. xii. p. 541; Strab. vi. p.259; Aristot. Pol. v. 7.) Meanwhile the revolutions which had taken place at Syracuse seem to have prepared the way for his return. The history of these is very imperfectly known to us: but, after the death of Dion, one tyrant followed another with great rapidity. Callippus, the murderer of Dion, was in his turn driven from the city by Hipparinus (son of the elder Dionysius by Aristomache, and therefore nephew of Dion), who reigned but two years: another of Dion's nephews,
Page 1037 DIONYSIUS. Nysaeus, subsequently obtained the supreme power, and was in possession of it when Dionysius presented himself before Syracuse with a fleet, and became master of the city by treachery. According to Plutarch, this took place in the tenth year after his expulsion, B. c. 346. (Diod. xvi. 31, 36; Justin, xxi. 3; Athen. xi. p. 508; Plut. Timol. 1.) The Locrians meanwhile took advantage of his absence to revolt against him: they drove out the garrison which he had left, and wreaked their vengeance in the most cruel manner on his wife and daughters. (Strab. vi. p.260; Clearch. ap. Athen. xii. p. 541.) Dionysius was not however able to reestablish himself firmly in his former power. Most of the other cities of Sicily had shaken off the yoke of Syracuse, and were governed severally by petty tyrants: one of these, Hicetas, who had established himself at Leontini, afforded a rallying point to the disaffected Syracusans, with whom he joined in making war on Dionysius, and succeeded in gaining possession of the greater part of the city, and blockading the tyrant anew in the fortress on the island. It was in this state of things that Timoleon arrived in Sicily. His arms were not indeed directed in the first instance against Dionysius, but against Hicetas and his Carthaginian allies; but his rapid successes and the general respect entertained for his character induced Dionysius, who was still blockaded in the citadel, and appears to have abandoned all hope of ultimate success, to treat with him rather than the opposite party. He accordingly surrendered the fortress of Ortygia into the hands of Timoleon, on condition of being allowed to depart in safety to Corinth, B. c. 343. (Diod. xvi. 65-70; Plut. Timol. 8-13.) Here he spent the remainder of his life in a private condition, and is said to have frequented low company, and sunk gradually into a very degraded and abject state. According to some writers, he was reduced to support himself by keeping a school; others say, that he became one of the attendants on the rites of Cybele, a set of mendicant priests of the lowest class. His weak and voluptuous character render these stories by no means improbable, although it seems certain that he was in the first instance allowed to take with him a considerable portion of his wealth, and must have occupied an honourable position, as we find him admitted to familiar intercourse with Philip of Macedon. Some anecdotes are preserved of him that indicate a ready wit and considerable shrewdness of observation. (Plut. Timol. 14, 15; Justin, xxi. 5; Clearch. ap. Athen. xii. p. 541; Aelian, V. II. vi. 12; Cic. Tusc. iii, 12.) There are no authentic coins of either of the two Dionysii: probably the republican forms were still so far retained, notwithstanding their virtual despotism, that all coins struck under their rule bore the name of the city only. According to Miiller (Archiaol. d. Kunst. p. 128), the splendid silver coins, of the weight of ten drachms, commonly known as Syracusan medallions, belong for DIONYSIUS. 1037 the most part to the period of their two reigns. Certain Punic coins, one of which is represented in the annexed cut, are commonly ascribed to the younger Dionysius, but only on the authority of Goltzius (a noted falsifier of coins and their inscriptions), who has published a similar coin with the name AIONT2IOT. [E. H. B.] DIONY'SIUS, PAPI'RIUS, praefectus annonae under Commodus. Having procured by his intrigues the destruction of the favourite Cleander [CLEANDER], he himself soon after fell a victim to the cruelty of the tyrant. (Dion Cass. lxxii. 13, 14.) [W. R.] DIONY'SIUS ( AovI3o0os), literary. The number of persons of this name in the history of Greek literature is very great. Meursius was the first that collected a list of them and added some account of each (Gronov. Thesaur. Ant. Graec. x. p. 577, &c.); his list has been still further increased by lonsius (Hist. Philos. Script. iii. 6, p. 42, &c.), and by Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 405), so that at present upwards of one hundred persons of the name of Dionysius are known. The list given by Suidas is full of the utmost confusion. The following list contains all, with the exception of those mentioned in an isolated passage merely. 1. AELIUS DIONYSIUS, a Greek rhetorician of Halicarnassus, who lived in the time of the emperor Hadrian. He was a very skilful musician, and wrote several works on music and its history. (Suid. s. v. Atov6oros.) It is commonly supposed that he was a descendant of the elder Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the author of the Roman Archaeology. Respecting his life nothing further is known. The following works, which are now lost, are attributed to him by the ancients: 1. A Dictionary of Attic words ('ATTL7 d dOvO/ara) in five books, dedicated to one Scymnus. Photius (Bibl. Cod. 152) speaks in high terms of its usefulness, and states, that Aelius Dionysius himself made two editions of it, the second of which was a great improvement upon the first. Both editions appear to have existed in the time of Photius. It seems to have been owing to this work that Aelius Dionysius was called sometimes by the surname of Atticista. Meursius was of opinion that our Dionysius was the author of the work 'rep dicKirwC v P5itdUrwv KoI 6yKhvofjivwv AE'Ewv, which was published by Aldus Manutius (Venice, 1496) in the volume entitled "Horti Adonidis;" but there is no evidence for this supposition. (Comp. Schol. Venet. ad Iliad. xv. 705; Villoison, Prolegom. ad Hon. II. p. xxix.) 2. A history of Music (ovUcrKa'i) l-ropia) in 3(6 books, with accounts of citharoedi, auletae, and poets of all kinds. (Suid. 1. c.) 3. 'PvOKaUc dsTrouvy74araa, in 24 books. (Suid. 1. c.) 4. MovuciLs Wralsefa 1 8,iarpsgal, in 22 books. (Suid. 1. c.) 5. A work in five books on what Plato had said about music in his Irohureia. (Suid. 1. c.; Eudoc. p. 131.) 2. Bishop of ALEXANDRIA, was probably a native of the same city. He was born of pagan parents, who were persons of rank and influence. He studied the doctrines of the various philosophical sects, and this led him at last to embrace Christianity. Origen, who was one of his teachers, had probably great influence upon this step of his pupil. After having been a presbyter for some time, he succeeded, about A. D. 232, Heraclas as the head of the theological school at Alexandria, and after the death of Heraclas, who had been raised to the bishopric of Alexandria, Dionysius
Page 1038 1038 DIONYSIUS. succeeded him in the see, A. D. 247. During the persecution of the Christians by Decius, Dionysius was seized by the soldiers and carried to Taposiris, a small town between Alexandria and Canopus, probably with a view of putting him to death there. But he escaped from captivity in a manner which he himself describes very minutely (ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 40). He had, however, to suffer still more severely in A. D. 257, during the persecution which the emperor Valerian instituted against the Christians. Dionysius made an open confession of his faith before the emperor's praefect Aemilianus, and was exiled in consequence to Cephro, a desert district of Libya, whither he was compelled to proceed forthwith, although he was severely ill at the time. After an exile of three years, an edict of Gallienus in favour of the Christians enabled him to return to Alexandria, where henceforth he was extremely zealous in combating heretical opinions. In his attacks against Sabellius he was carried so far by his zeal, that he uttered things which were themselves incompatible with the orthodox faith; but when he was taken to account by Dionysius, bishop of Rome, who convoked a synod for the purpose, he readily owned that he had acted rashly and inconsiderately. In A. D. 265 he was invited to a synod at Antioch, to dispute with Paulus of Samosata, but being prevented from going thither by old age and infirmity, he wrote a letter to the synod on the subject of the controversy to be discussed, and soon after, in the same year, he died, after having occupied the see of Alexandria for a period of seventeen years. The church of Rome regards Dionysius as a saint, and celebrates his memory on the 18th of October. We learn from Epiphanes (Haeres. 69), that at Alexandria a church was dedicated to him. Dionysius wrote a considerable number of theological works, consisting partly of treatises and partly of epistles addressed to the heads of churches and to communities, but all that is left us of them consists of fragments preserved in Eusebius and others. A complete list of his works is given by Cave, from which we mention only the most important. 1. On Promises, in two books, was directed against Nepos, and two considerable fragments of it are still extant. (Euseb. H. E. iii. 28, vii. 24.) 2. A work addressed to Dionysius, bishop of Rome, in four books or epistles, against Sabellius. Dionysius here excused the hasty assertions of which he himself had been guilty in attacking Sabellius. A great number of fragments and extracts of it are preserved in the writings of Athanasius and Basilius. 3. A work addressed to Timotheus, " On Nature," of which extracts are preserved in Eusebius. (Praep. Evang. xiv. 23, 27.) Of his Epistles also numerous fragments are extant in the works of Eusebius. All that is extant of Dionysius, is collected in Gallandi's Bibl. Patr. iii. p. 481, &c., and in the separate collection by Simon de Magistris, Rome, 1796, fol. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 95, &c.) 3. Of ALEXANDRIA, a son of Glaucus, a Greek grammarian, who flourished from the time of Nero to that of Trajan. He was secretary and librarian to the emperors in whose reign he lived, and was also employed in embassies. He was the teacher of the grammarian Parthenius, and a pupil of the philosopher Chaeremon, whom he also succeeded at Alexandria. (Athen. xi. p. 501; Suid. s. v. dlovoatos; Eudoc. p. 133.) DIONYSIUS. 4. Of ANTIOCH, a sophist, who seems to have been a Christian, and to be the same person as the one to whom the nineteenth letter of Aeneas of Gaza is addressed. He himself is the reputed author of 46 letters, which are still extant. A Latin version of them was first printed by G. Cognatus, in his " Epistolae Laconicae," Basel, 1554, 12mo., and afterwards in J. Buchler's " Thesaurus Epist. Lacon.," 1606, 12mo. The Greek original was first edited by H. Stephens, in his Collection of Greek Epistles, Paris, 1577, 8vo. Meursius is inclined to attribute these Epistles to Dionysius of Miletus, without, however, assigning any reason for it. 5. Surnamed AREIOPAGEITA, an Athenian, who is called by Suidas a most eminent man, who rose to the height of Greek erudition. He is said to have first studied at Athens, and afterwards at Heliopolis in Egypt. When he observed in Egypt the eclipse of the sun, which occurred during the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, he is said to have exclaimed, " either God himself is suffering, or he sympathises with some one who is suffering." On his return to Athens he was made one of the council of the Areiopagus, whence he derives his surname. About A. D. 50, when St. Paul preached at Athens, Dionysius became a Christian (The Acts, xvii. 34), and it is said that he was not only the first bishop of Athens, but that he was installed in that office by St. Paul himself. (Euseb. H. E. iii. 4, iv. 23; Suidas.) He is further said to have died the death of a martyr under most cruel tortures. Whether Dionysius Areiopageita ever wrote anything, is highly uncertain; but there exists under his name a number of works of a mysticoChristian nature, which contain ample evidence that they are the productions of some NeoPlatonist, and can scarcely have been written before the fifth or sixth century of our era. Without entering upon any detail about those works, which would be out of place here, we need only remark, that they exercised a very great influence upon the formation and development of Christianity in the middle ages. At the time of the Carlovingian emperors, those works were introduced into western Europe in a Latin translation made by Scotus Erigena, and gave the first impulse to that mystic and scholastic theology which afterwards maintained itself for centuries. (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vii. p. 7, &c.; Bihr, Gesch. der Rom. Lit. in Karoling. Zeitalter, ~ 187.) 6. A son of AREIUS, the teacher and friend of Augustus, who also profited by his intercourse with the sons of Areius, Dionysius, and Nicanor. (Sueton. Aug. 89; comp. AREIUS.) 7. Surnamed ASCALAPHUS, seems to have written an exegesis of the Theodoris, a melic poem on Eros. (Etym. M. s. v. Alovemos; Athen. xi. p. 475.) 8. Of ARGOs, seems to have been an historian, as he is quoted by Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. i. p. 139) respecting the time at which Troy was taken. (Comp. Schol. ad Pind. Nem. ii. 1.) 9. Of ATHENS, is quoted by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (ii. 279) as the author of a work entitled Kv riGLs, that is, on conception or birth, which is also mentioned in the Etymologicum Magnum (s. v. TIpoLiKmvv''os), where, however, the reading Krrmo-Emc should be corrected into tKvqio-e-Iv, and not into K'riarealv, as Sylburg proposes. 10. A freedman of ATTICUS, whose full name
Page 1039 DIONYSIUS. therefore was T. Pomponius Dionysius. Both Cicero and Atticus were very much attached to him. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 8, 11, 13, 15.) 11. A native of BITHYNIA, a dialectic or Megaric philosopher, who was the teacher of Theodorus the atheist. (Strab. xii. p. 566; Diog. Laert. ii. 98.) 12. Of BYZANTIUM, appears to have lived before the time of the emperor Severus, that is, before A. D. 197, and is mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. XXpUvrroAis) and Suidas as the author of an dvair;ous BoaTropov. Suidas further calls him an epic poet, and states that he also wrote on the species of poetry called afpivoi. Some writers have believed that our Dionysius of Byzantium is thile same as the one whose Periegesis is still extant, but this opinion is without foundation, and based only on the opinion of Suidas. The dvdr'Aovus Booro'pov seems to have existed complete down to the 16th century, for P. Gyllius in his work on the Thracian Bosporus gave a considerable portion of it in a Latin translation. G. J. Vossius obtained a copy of a fragment of it, which his son Isaac had taken at Florence, and that fragment, which is now the only part of the Anaplus known to us, is printed in Da Cange's Constantinopolis Christiana, in Hudson's Geogr. Minor. vol. iii., and in Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 664, note 1. (Comp. Bernhardy in his edition of Dionys. Perieg. p. 492.) 13. DIONYSIUS CAssIus. [CAssIus, p. 626.] 14. DIONYSIUS CATO. [CATO, p. 634.] 15. Of CHALCIs, a Greek historian, who lived before the Christian era. He wrote a work on the foundation of towns ( -riOress) in five books, which is frequently referred to by the ancients. A considerable number of fragments of the work have thus been preserved, but its author is otherwise unknown. (Marcian. Heracl. Peripl. p. 5; Suid. s. v. XaNiiKLK; Harpocrat. s. v. 'HpaLurria and 'HpaTov T rXOS; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 558, 1024, iv.264, adAristoph. Nub. 397; Dionys. Hal. A. R. i. 72; Strab. xii. p. 566; Plut. de Malign. Herod. 22; Scymnus, 115; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 144; Zenob. Proverb. v. 64; Apostol. xviii. 25; Photius, s. vv. HIpagiLtciK, TeAgIuEo-lE; Eudoc. p. 438.) 16. Surnamed CHALCUS (i XaNtoGs), an ancient Attic poet and orator, who derived his surname from his having advised the Athenians to coin brass money for the purpose of facilitating traffic. (Athen. xv. p. 669.) Of his oratory we know nothing; but his poems, chiefly elegies, are often referred to and quoted. (Plut. Nic. 5; Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2; Athen. xv. pp. 668, 702, x. p. 443, xiii. p. 602.) The fragments extant refer chiefly to symposiac subjects. Aristotle censures him for his bad metaphors, and in the fragments extant we still perceive a great fondness of raising the importance of common things by means of far-fetched images and allegories. The time at which he lived is accurately determined by the statement of Plutarch, that Nicias had in his house a highly accomplished man of the name of Hieron, who gave himself out to be a son of Dionysius Chalcus, the leader of the Attic colony to Thurii in Italy, which was founded in B. c. 444. (Comp. Phot. s. V. ovppodJavreis, where we have probably to read XaAs instead of XaNAKLJ.) It is true, that other writers mention different persons as the leaders of that colony to Thurii, but Dionysius may DIONYSIUS. 1039 certainly have been one of them. (Osann, Beitrllge z. Griech. u. Rom. Lit. i. p. 79, &c.; Welcker, in the Rhein. Mus. for 1836, p. 440, &c.; Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec. p. 432, &c., where the fragments of Dionysius are collected.)' 17. Of CHARAX, in Susiana on the Arabian gulf, lived in the time of Augustus, who sent him to the east that he might record all the exploits of his grandson on his Parthian and Arabian expedition. (Plin. H. N. vi. 31.) 18. A slave of CICERo, and a person of considerable literary attainments, for which reason Cicero employed him to instruct his son Marcus, and was greatly attached to him. Cicero praises him in several passages for his attachment, learning, and honesty, and appears to have rewarded his virtues by emancipating him. At a later period, however, he complains of his want of gratitude, and at last he felt obliged to dismiss him, though he very much regretted the loss of so able a teacher. Subsequently, however, the parties became reconciled. (Cic. ad Att. iv. 15, 17, 18, v. 3, ix. 3, 12, 15, vi. 1, 2, vii. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 18, 26, viii. 4, 5, 10, x. 2, xiii. 2, 33, ad Fam. xii. 24, 30.) A son of this Dionysius is mentioned by Seneca. (Controv. i. 4.) 19. A slave of CICERO, who employed him as reader and librarian; but Dionysius robbed his master of several books, and then escaped to Illyricum. (Cic. ad Att. ix. 3, ad Fam. v. 9, 10, 11, 13, xiii. 77.) 20. Of COLOPHON, forged conjointly with Zopyrus some works which they published under the name of Menippus, the Cynic. (Diog. Laert. vi. 100; Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 1299.) 21. Of CORINTH, an epic poet, who wrote some metrical works, such as Advice for Life (67ro07eaim), on Causes (ai'a; Suid. s. v. Atovpaeios; Plut. Amat. 17), and Meteorologica. In prose he wrote a commentary on Hesiod. Suidas also mentions a periegesis of the earth, but this is in all probability the production of a different person, Dionysius Periegetes. (Eudoc. p. 132.) Some also believe that he was the author of a metrical work, Attacd, which was likewise the work of a different person. (Bernhardy, in his edit. of Dionys. Perieg. p. 492, &c.) 22. Bishop of CORINTH in the latter half of the second century after Christ, distinguished himself among the prelates of his time by his piety, his eloquence, and the holiness of his life. He not only watched with the greatest care over his own diocese, but shewed a deep interest in the welfare of other communities and provinces, to which he addressed admonitory epistles. He died the death of a martyr, about A. D. 178. None of his numerous epistles is now extant, but a list of them is preserved in Eusebius (H. E. iv. 23) and Hieronymus (de Script. 27), and a few fragments of them are extant in Eusebius (ii. 25, iv. 23). In one of them Dionysius complains that during his lifetime some of his epistles had been interpolated by heretics for the purpose of supporting their own views. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 44.) 23. An EPICUREAN philosopher, who succeeded Polystratus as the head of the Epicurean school at Athens. He himself was succeeded by Basilides, and must therefore have lived about B. c. 200. (Diog. LaErt. x. 25.) Brucker confounds him with the Stoic surnamed 46 Era06veOuos, who afterwards abandoned the Stoics and went over to the Cyrenaics. (Diog. Laert. vii. 4.)
Page 1040 1040 DIONYSIUS 24. A Greek GRAMMARIAN, who instructed Plato when a boy in the elements of grammar. (Diog. Laert. iii. 5; Appuleius, de Dogmeat. Plat. i. 2; Olympiod. Vit. Plat. p. 6, ed. Fischer.) He is probably the same person as the Dionysius who is mentioned in the beginning of Plato's dialogue 'Epao-Tal. 25. Of HALICARNASSUS, the most celebrated among the ancient writers of the name of Dionysius. He was the son of one Alexander of Halicarnassus, and was born, according to the calculation of Dodwell, between B. c. 78 and 54. Strabo (xiv. p. 656) calls him his own contemporary. His death took place soon after B. c. 7, the year in which he completed and published his great work on the history of Rome. Respecting his parents and education we know nothing, nor any thing about his position in his native place before he emigrated to Rome; though some have inferred from his work on rhetoric, that lie enjoyed a great reputation at Halicarnassus. All that we know for certain is, the information which he himself gives us in the introduction to his history of Rome (i. 7), and a few more particulars which we may glean from his other works. According to his own account, he went to Italy immediately after the termination of the civil wars, about the middle of 01. 187, that is, B. c. 29. Henceforth he remained at Rome, and the twentytwo years which followed his arrival at Rome were mainly spent by him in making himself acquainted with the Latin language and literature, and in collecting materials for his great work on Roman history, called Archaeologia. We may assume that, like other rhetoricians of the time, he had commenced his career as a teacher of rhetoric at Halicarnassus; and his works bear strong evidence of his having been similarly occupied at Rome. (De Comp. Verb. 20, lRhetor. 10.) There he lived on terms of friendship with many distinguished men, such as Q. Aelius Tubero, and the rhetorician Caecilius; and it is not improbable that he may have received the Roman franchise, but his Roman name is not mentioned anywhere. Respecting the little we know about Dionysius, see F. Matthiii, Ade Dionysio Hodic., Wittenberg, 1779, 4to.; Dodwell, de Aetate Dioneys. in Reiske's edition of Dionysius, vol. i. p. xlvi. &c.; and more especially C. J. Weismann, de Dionysii Hlkic. Vita et Script., Rinteln, 1837, 4to., and Busse, de Dionys. Hal. Vita et Ingeyio, Berlin, 1841, 4to. All the works of Dionysius, some of which are completely lost, must be divided into two classes: the first contains his rhetorical and critical treatises, all of which probably belong to an earlier period of his life-perhaps to the first years of his residence at Rome-than his historical works, which constitute the second class. a. Rhetorical and Critical Works.-All the productions of this class shew that Dionysius was not only a rhetorician of the first order, but also a most excellent critic in the highest and best sense of the term. They abound in the most exquisite remarks and criticisms on the works of the classical writers of Greece, although, at the same time, they are not without their faults, among which we may notice his hypercritical severity. But we have to remember that they were the productions of an early age, in which the want of a sound philosophy and of a comprehensive knowledge, and a partiality for or DIONYSIUS. against certain writers led him to express opinions which at a maturer age he undoubtedly regretted. Still, however this may be, he always evinces a well-founded contempt for the shallow sophistries of ordinary rhetoricians, and strives instead to make rhetoric something practically useful, and by his criticisms to contribute towards elevating and ennobling the minds of his readers., The following works of this class are still extant: 1. TeXvr7 purTopKYu, addressed to one Echecrates. The present condition of this work is by no means calculated to give us a correct idea of his merits and of his views on the subject of rhetoric. It consists of twelve, or according to another division, of eleven chapters, which have no internal connexion whatever, and have the appearance of being put together merely by accident. The treatise is therefore generally looked upon as a collection of rhetorical essays by different authors, some of which are genuine productions of Dionv sius, who is expressly stated by Quintilian (iii. 1. ~ 16) to have written a manual of rhetoric. Schott, the last learned editor of this work, divides it into four sections. Chap. 1 to 7, with the exclusion of the 6th, which is certainly spurious, may be entitled repi 7raevryvpKuccv, and contains some incoherent comments upon epideictic oratory, which are anything but in accordance with the known views of Dionysius as developed in other treatises; in addition to which, Nicostratus, a rhetorician of the age of Aelius Aristeides, is mentioned in chap. 2. Chapters 8 and 9, IrepI e'x1Aeaerziarvwv., treat on the same subject, and chap. 8 may be the production of Dionysius; whereas the 9th certainly belongs to a late rhetorician. Chapter 10, irept rcv ev peAeTras arl esou.iieovv,Ev, is a very valuable treatise, and probably the work of Dionysius. The 11th chapter is only a further developinent of the 10th, just as the 9th chapter is of the 8th. The rcXvs) pC ropucsr is edited separately with very valuable prolegomena and notes by H. A. Schott, Leipzig, 1804, 8vo. 2. Hepi aovveoaews dvopudrwv, addressed to Rufus Melitius, the son of a friend of Dionysius, was probably written in the first year or years of his residence at Rome, and at all events previous to any of the other works still extant. It is, however, notwithstanding this, one of high excellence. In it the author treats of oratorical power, and on the combination of words according to the different species and styles of oratory. There are two very good separate editions of this treatise, one by G. 1H. Schaefer (Leipzig, 1809, 8vo), and the other by F. Goiller (Jena, 1815, 8vo), in which the text is considerably improved from MSS. 3. Uepi ufLiufruews, addressed to a Greek of the name of Demetrius. Its proper title appears to have been vsro/ivPuaTa-1rso'oL irep1 Tjs Ijneoir7ews. (Dionys. Jud. de Thucyd. 1, Epist. ad Poimp. 3.) The work as a whole is lost, and what we possess under the title of T7e' dpialC pwv Kpris is probably nothing but a sort of epitome containing characteristics of poets, from Homer down to Euripides, of some historians, such as Herodotus, Thucydides, Philistus, Xenophon, and Theopompus, and lastly, of some philosophers and orators. This epitome is printed separately in Frotscher's edition of the tenth book of Quintilian (Leipzig, 1826, p. 271, &c.), who mainly follows the opinions of Dionysius. 4. ITepI rci dp aicov P7ro'pwv VTrouYsrUaTTLu-oeL, addressed to Ammaeus, contains criticisms on the most eminent Greek orators
Page 1041 DIONYSIUS. and historians, and the author points out their excellences as well as their defects, with a view to promote a wise imitation of the classic models, and thus to preserve a pure taste in those branches of literature. The work originally consisted of six sections, of which we now possess only the first three, on Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus. The other sections treated of Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines; but we have only the first part of the fourth section, which treats of the oratorical power of Demosthenes, and his superiority over other orators. This part is known under the title rrepi AEFCTriKjS AuocrO0EovVs SUELdTjrsos, which has become current ever since the time of Sylburg, though it is not found in any MS. The beginning of the treatise is mutilated, and the concluding part of it is entirely wanting. Whether Dionysius actually wrote on Hyperides and Aeschines, is not known; for in these, as in other instances, he may have intended and promised to write what he could not afterwards fulfil either from want of leisure or inclination. There is a very excellent German translation of the part relating to Demosthenes, with a valuable dissertation on Dionysius as an aesthetic critic, by A. G. Becker. (Wolfenbiittel and Leipzig, 1829, 8vo.) 5. A treatise addressed to Ammaeus, entitled 'Er-L-roAhX rpds 'A-EpaIcov 7rpr'iT, which title, however, does not occur in MSS., and instead of 7rpwdT' it ought to be called 7VtrroAi Se8vre'pa. This treatise or epistle, in which the author shews that most of the orations of Demosthenes had been delivered before Aristotle wrote his Rhetoric, and that consequently Demosthenes had derived no instruction from Aristotle, is of great importance for the history and criticism of the works of Demosthenes. 6. 'ETro-roA,) irpos UvaTov lojuTrnjiov, was, written by Dionysius with a view to justify the unfavourable opinion which he had expressed upon Plato, and which Pompeius had censured. The latter part of this treatise is much mutilated, and did not perhaps originally belong to it. See Vitus Loers, de Dionys. Hal judicio de Platonis oratione et genere dicendi, Treves, 1840, 4to. 7. IIepl TroO Oovumsi8ov Xapan7rpos icae rTV hoiricv 7TO ewvyypagcPos t8iwjiia'rwv, was written by Dionysius at the request of his friend Q. Aelius Tubero, for the purpose of explaining more minutely what he had written on Thucydides. As Dionysius in this work looks at the great historian from his rhetorical point of view, his judgment is often unjust and incorrect. 8. lepIh T c Trd 0ovIcKaiSov Is8iwjda'rv, is addressed to Ammaeus. The last three treatises are printed in a very good edition by C. G. Kriiger under the title Dionysii Historiographica, i. e. Epistolae ad Cn. Pomp., Q. Ael. Tuber. et Ammaeum, Halle, 1823, 8vo. The last of the writings of this class still extant is-9. AdEvapXos, avery valuable treatise on the life and orations of Deinarchus. Besides these works Dionysius himself mentions some others, a few of which are lost, while others were perhaps never written; though at the time he mentioned them, Dionysius undoubtedly intended to compose them. Among the former we may mention XapaKT~spes rWi dp'osviuv (Dionys. de Conpos. Verb. 11), of which a few fragments are still extant, and Upay/-aTreia V7rp 7 rs roAXLrics (pihoooqCpas 7rpos TOVS Ka'a'rpeXovras aTs 'i dSbiiws. (Dionys. Jud. de Thucyd. 2.) A few other works, such as "on the orations unjustly attributed to Lysias" (Lys. 14), "on the tropical expressions in Plato and Demosthenes" DIONYSIUS. 1041 (Dem. 32), and repl ris s icAhoy^s 7rYuC JVOPdrWV (de Comp. Verb, 1), were probably never written, as no ancient writer besides Dionysius himself makes any mention of them. The work 7rep1 Epy7 -vElas, which is extant under the name of Demetrius Phalereus, is attributed by some to Dionysius of Halicarnassus; but there is no evidence for this hypothesis, any more than there is for ascribing to him the /ios 'Oi4pov which is printed in Gale's Opuscula Mythologica. b. Historical Works.-In this class of compositions, to which Dionysius appears to have devoted his later years, he was less successful than in his critical and rhetorical essays, inasmuch as we everywhere find the rhetorician gaining the ascendancy over the historian. The following historical works of his are known: 1. Xpdvoi or Xpovucd. (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 320; Suid. s. v. Aiovvaeos; Dionys. A. R. i. 74.) This work, which is lost, probably contained chronological investigations, though not concerning Roman history. Photius (Bibl. Cod. 84) mentions an abridgment (evo'ts) in five books, and Stephanus of Byzantium (s. vv. 'Apiceia and KopiaAAa) quotes the same under the name of eMrroE/.). This abridgment, in all probability of the Xpivot, was undoubtedly the work of a late grammarian, and not, as some have thought, of Dionysius himself. The great historical work of Dionysius, of which we still possess a considerable portion, is - 2. 'Pwua'ic 'ApXaioXoyia, which Photius (Bibl, Cod. 83) styles i'vropimcK Ahoyoi. It consisted of twenty books, and contained the history of Rome from the earliest or mythical times down to the year B. c. 264, in which the history of Polybius begins with the Punic wars. The first nine books alone are complete; of the tenth and eleventh we have only the greater part; and of the remaining nine we possess nothing but fragments and extracts, which were contained in the collections made at the command of the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and were first published by A. Mai from a MS. in the library of Milan (1816, 4to.), and reprinted at Frankfurt, 1817, 8vo. Mai at first believed that these extracts were the abridgment of which Photius (Bibl. Cod. 84) speaks; but this opinion met with such strong opposition from Ciampi (Biblioth. Ital. viii. p. 225, &c.), Visconti (Journal des Savans, for June, 1817), and Struve (Ueber die von Mai aufgefund Stiicke des Dionys. von Halic. KInigsberg, 1820, 8vo.), that Mai, when he reprinted the extracts in his Script. Vet. Nova Collectio (ii. p. 475, &c., ed. Rome, 1827), felt obliged in his preface (p. xvii.) to recant his former opinion, and to agree with his critics in admitting that the extracts were remnants of the extracts of Constantine Porphyrogenitus from the 'Pwta'iý) 'ApXatohoyla. Respecting their value, see Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, ii. p. 419, note 916, iii. p. 524, note 934, Lectures on Rom. Hist. i. p. 47. Dionysius treated the early history of Rome with a minuteness which raises a suspicion as to his judgment on historical and mythical matters, and the eleven books extant do not carry the history beyond the year B. c. 441, so that the eleventh book breaks off very soon after the decemviral legislation. This peculiar minuteness in the early history, however, was in a great measure the consequence of the object he had proposed to himself, and which, as he himself states, was to remove the erroneous notions which the Greeks entertained with regard to Rome's great3x
Page 1042 1042 DIONYSIUS. ness, and to sliew that Rome had not become great by accident or mere good fortune, but by the virtue and wisdom of the Romans themselves. With this object in view, he discusses most carefully everything relating to the constitution, the religion, the history, laws, and private life of the Romans; and his work is for this reason one of the greatest importance to the student of Roman history, at least so far as the substance of his discussions is concerned. But the manner in which he dealt with his materials cannot always be approved of: he is unable to draw a clear distinction between a mere mythus and history; and where he perceives inconsistencies in the former, he attempts, by a rationalistic mode of proceeding, to reduce it to what appears to him sober history. It is however a groundless assertion, which some critics have made, that Dionysius invented facts, and thus introduced direct forgeries into history. He had, moreover, no clear notions about the early constitution of Rome, and was led astray by the nature of the institutions which he saw in his own day; and he thus transferred to the early times the notions which he had derived from the actual state of things-a process by which he became involved in inextricable difficulties and contradictions. The numerous speeches which he introduces in his work are indeed written with great artistic skill, but they nevertheless shew too manifestly that Dionysius was a rhetorician, not an historian, and still less a statesman. He used all the authors who had written before him on the early history of Rome, but he did not always exercise a proper discretion in choosing his guides, and we often find him following authorities of an inferior class in preference to better and sounder ones. Notwithstanding all this, however, Dionysius contains an inexhaustible treasure of materials for those who know how to make use of them. The style of Dionysius is very good, and, with a few exceptions, his language may be called perfectly pure. See Ph. F. Schulin, de Dionys. Hal. Historico, praecipuo Historiae Juris Fonte, Heidelberg, 1821, 4to.; An Inquiry into the Ciredit due to Dionuys. of Hal. as a Critic and Historian, in the Class. Journ. vol. xxxiv.; Kriiger, Praefaot. ad Historiogr. p. xii.; Niebuhr, Lectures on the Hist. of/Rome, i. pp. 46-53, ed. Schmitz. The first work of Dionysius which appeared in print was his Archaeologia, in a Latin translation by Lapus Biragus (Treviso, 1480), from a very good Roman MS. New editions of this translation, with corrections by Glareanus, appeared at Basel, 1532 and 1549; whereupon R. Stephens first edited the Greek original, Paris, 1546, fol., together with some of the rhetorical works. The first complete edition of the Archaeologia and the rhetorical works together, is that of Fr. Sylburg, Frankfurt, 1586, 2 vols. fol. (reprinted at Leipzig, 1691, 2 vols. fol.) Another reprint, with the introduction of a few alterations, was edited by Hudson, (Oxford, 1704,2 vols. fol.) which however is a very inferior performance. A new and much improved edition, though with many bad and arbitrary emendations, was made by J. J. Reiske, (Leipzig, 1774, &c.) in 6 vols. 8vo., the last of which was edited by Morus. All the rhetorical works, with the exception of the TEXVq ' PqropcK) and the 7rep1 rovvOle-ews dooc^drwv, were edited by E. Gros, (Paris, 1826, &c.) in 3 vols. 8vo. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. iv. p. 382, &c.; Westermann, Geschs. t. Griech. Bercdts. ~ 88.) DIONYSIUS. 26. Of HELIOPOLIS in Egypt, is mentioned by Artemidorus (Oneir. ii. 71) as the author of a work on dreams. 27. Of HERACLEIA, a son of Theophantus. In early life he was a disciple of Heracleides, Alexinus, and Menedemus, and afterwards also of Zeno the Stoic, who appears to have induced him to adopt the philosophy of the porch. At a later time he was afflicted with a disease of the eyes, or with a nervous complaint, and the unbearable pains which it caused him led him to abandon the Stoic philosophy, and to join the Eleatics, whose doctrine, that r)ov{i and the absence of pain was the highest good, had more charms for him than the austere ethics of the Stoa. This renunciation of his former philosophical creed drew upon him the nickname of e-ra7el/oei'oY, i. e. the renegade. During the time that he was a Stoic, he is praised for his modesty, abstinence, and moderation, but afterwards we find him described as a person greatly given to sensual pleasures. He died in his eightieth year of voluntary starvation. Diogenes LaiSrtius mentions a series of works of Dionysius, all of which, however, are lost, and Cicero censures him for having mixed up verses with his prose, and for his want of elegance and refinement. (Diog. Laert. vii. 166, 167, v. 92; Athen. vii. p. 281, x. p. 437; Lucian, Bis Accus. 20; Censorin. 15; Cic. A cad. ii. 22, de Fin. v. 31, Tuoscl. ii. 11, 35, iii. 9.) 28. A disciple of HERACLEITUS, is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (ix. 15) as the author of a commentary on the works of his master. 29. An HISTORIAN, who seems to have lived in the later period of the Roman empire, and is quoted by Jornandes. (De Reb. Get. 19.) 30. Surnamed IAMBUS, that is, the iambic poet, is mentioned by Suidas (s. v. 'Apirarocpdcves) among the teachers of Aristophanes of Byzantium, from which we may infer the time at which he lived. Clemens Alexandrinus (Stronzm. v. p. 674) quotes an hexameter verse of his, and according to Athenaeus (vii. p. 284), he also wrote a work on dialects. Plutarch (de Mus. 15) quotes him as an authority on harmony, from which it has been inferred that he is the author of a work on the history of music, of which Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. 'TSpsa) quotes the 23rd book. 31. Of MAGNESIA, a distinguished rhetorician, who taught his art in Asia between the years B. c. 79 and 77, at the time when Cicero, then in his 29th year, visited the east. Cicero on his excursions in Asia was accompanied by Dionysius, Aeschylus of Cnidus, and Xenocles of Adranmyttium, who were then the most eminent rhetoricians in Asia. (Cic. Brut. 91; Plut. Cic. 4.) 32. Of MILETUS, one of the earliest Greek historians, and according to Suidas (s.. v. 'Eca-raos), a contemporary of Hecataeus, that is, hie lived about B. c. 520; he must, however, to judge from the titles of his works, have survived B. c. 4185, the year in which Dareins died. Dionysius of Miletus wrote a history of Dareius Hystaspis in five books. Suidas further attributes to him a work entitled rd uerca Aappeiov in five books, and also a work IIEpoe-L, in the Ionic dialect. Whether they were actually three distinct works, or whether the two last were the same, and only a continuation of the first, cannot be ascertained on account of the inextricable confusion which prevails in the articles ALouvri-os of Suidas, in consequence of which our Dionysius has often been confounded with
Page 1043 DIONYSIUS. Dionysius of Mytilene. Suidas ascribes to the Milesian, "Troica," in three books, "Mythica," an " Historical Cycle," in seven books, and a " Periegesis of the whole world," all of which, however, probably belong to different authors. (Nitzsch, Hist. Homeri, i. p. 88; Bernhardy, in his edition of Dionys. Perieg. p. 498, &c., and ad Suidam, i. p.1395; Lobeck,Aglaoph. ii. p. 990,&c.; Welcker, Der Epische Cycl&s, p. 75, &c.) 33. Of MILETUS, a sophist of the time of the emperor Hadrian. He was a pupil of Isaeus the Assyrian, and distinguished for the elegance of his orations. He was greatly honoured by the cities of Asia, and more especially by the emperor Hadrian, who made him praefect of a considerable province, raised him to the rank of a Roman eques, and assigned to him a place in the museum of Alexandria. Notwithstanding these distinctions, Dionysius remained a modest and unassuming person. At one time of his life lie taught rhetoric at Lesbos, but he died at Ephesus at an advanced age, and was buried in the marketplace of Ephesus, where a monument was erected to him. Philostratus has preserved a few specimens of his oratory. (Vit. So3ph. i. 20. ~ 2, c. 22; Dion Cass. Ixix. 3; Eudoc. p. 130; Suidas.) 34. Of MYTILENE, was surnamed Scytobrachion, and seems to have lived shortly before the time of Cicero, if we may believe the report that he instructed M. Antonius Gnipho at Alexandria (Suet. de Illustr. Gram. 7), for Suetonius expresses a doubt as to its correctness for chronological reasons. Artemon (ap. Athen. xii. p. 415) states, that Dionysius Scytobrachion was the author of the historical work which was commonly attributed to the ancient historian Xanthus of Lydia, who lived about B. c. 480. From this it has been inferred, that our Dionysius must have lived at a much earlier time. But if we conceive that Dionysius may have made a revision of the work of Xanthus, it does not follow that he must needs have lived very near the age of Xanthus. Suidas attributes to him a metrical work, the expedition of Dionysus and Athena (r Alovvcrov Kal 'A6Wvras orrpaTia), and a prose work on the Argonauts in six books, addressed to Parmenon. He was probably also the author of the historic Cycle, which Suidas attributes to Dionysius of Miletus. The Argonautica is often referred to by the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, who likewise several times confounds the Mytilenean with the Milesian (i. 1298, ii. 207, 1144, iii. 200, 242, iv. 119, 223, 228, 1153), and this work was also consulted by Diodorus Siculus. (iii. 52, 66.) See Bernhardy, ad Dionys. Perieg. p. 490; Welcker, Der Ep. Cyclus, p. 87. 35. A writer on doiap'r'rntcd, who is mentioned by Athenaeus (vii. p. 326, xi. p. 516). 36. Of PERGAMUS, surnamed Atticus, a rhetorician, who is characterized by Strabo (xiii. p.625) as a clever sophist, an historian, and logographer, that is, a writer of orations. He was a pupil of Apollodorus, the rhetorician, who is mentioned among the teachers of Augustus. (Comp. Senec. Controv. i. 1.) Weiske (ad Longin. p. 218) considers him to be the author of the work r.Epl VSQovs commonly attributed to Longinus; but there is very little, if anything, to support this view. (Westermann, Gesch. d. Griech. Beredis. ~ 98, note 9.) 37. Of PHASELIS, is mentioned in the scholia on DIONYSIUS. 1043 Pindar, and was probably a grammarian who wrote on Pindar. The anonymous author of the life of Nicander speaks of two works of his, viz. "on the Poetry of Antimachus," and " on Poets." (Schol. ad Pind. Nem. xi. p. 787, ed. Heyne; ad Pyth. ii. 1.) 38. Surnamed PERIEGETES, from his being the author of a reptiyrrs rj 7ey^, in hexameter verse, which is still extant. Respecting the age and country of this Dionysius the most different opinions have been entertained, though all critics are agreed in placing him after the Christian era, or in the time of the Roman emperors, as must indeed be necessarily inferred from passages of the Periegesis itself, such as v. 355, where the author speaks of his dvaic'rs, that is, his sovereigns, which can only apply to the emperors. But the question as to which emperor or emperors Dionysius there alludes, has been answered in the most different ways: some writers have placed Dionysius in the reign of Augustus, others in that of Nero, and others again under M. Aurelius and L. Verus, or under Septimius Severus and his sons. Eustathius, his commentator, was himself in doubt about the age of his author. But these uncertainties have been removed by Bernhardy, the last editor of Dionysius, who has made it highly probable, partly from the names of countries and nations mentioned in the Periegesis, partly from the mention of the Huns in v. 730, and partly from the general character of the poem, that its author must have lived either in the latter part of the third, or in the beginning of the fourth, century of our era. With regard to his native country, Suidas infers from the enthusiastic manner in which Dionysius speaks of the river Rhebas (793, &c.), that he was born at Byzantium, or somewhere in its neighbourhood; but Eustathius (ad v. 7) and the Scholiast (ad v. 8) expressly call him an African, and these authorities certainly seem to deserve more credit than the mere inference of Suidas. The Periegesis of Dionysius contains a description of the whole earth, so far as it was known in his time, in hexameter verse, and the author appears chiefly to follow the views of Eratosthenes. It is written in a terse and neat style, and enjoyed a high degree of popularity in ancient times, as we may infer from the fact, that two translations or paraphrases of it were made by Romans, one by Rufus Festus Avienus [AVIENUS], and the other by the grammarian Priscian. [PRISCIANUS.] Eustathius wrote a very valuable commentary upon it, which is still extant, and we further possess a Greek paraphrase and scholia. The first edition of the Periegesis appeared at Ferrara, 1512, 4to, with a Latin translation. A. Manutius printed it at Venice, 1513, 8vo., together with Pindar, Callimachus, and Lycophron. H. Stephens incorporated it in his " Poetae Principes Heroici Carminis," Paris, 1566, fol. One of the most useful among the subsequent editions is that of Edw. Thwaites, Oxford, 1697, 8vo., with the commentary of Eustathius, the Greek scholia and paraphrase. It is also printed in the fourth volume of Hudson's Geogr. Minor. 1712, 8vo., from which it was reprinted separately, Oxford, 1710 and 1717, 8vo. But all the previous editions are superseded by that of G. Bernhardy (Leipzig, 1828, 8vo.), which forms vol. i. of a contemplated collection of the minor Greek geographers; it is accompanied by a very excellent and learned dissertation and the 3 x 2
Page 1044 1044 DIONYSIUS. ancient commentators. Besides the Periegesis, Eustathius states that other works also were attributed to our Dionysius, viz. Xtclad, pvtOLu 6d, and 0a o''apoendc. Concerning the first, compare the Scholiast on v. 714; Maxim. ad Dionys. Areopag. de Myst. Theol. 2; and Bernhardy (1. c.), p. 502. Respecting the dpvLOLad, which some attribute to Dionysius of Philadelphia, see Bernhardy, p. 503. The 3ao-oeaptcd, which means the same as AIOVVMtafcd (Suid. s. v. 2:4WTipLxos) is very often quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium. (See Bernhardy, pp. 507, &c. and 515.) 39. Bishop of ROME, is called a AdNys 'i Ical uavacdoimos ip by his contemporary, Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria. (Ap. Euseb. H. E. vii. 7.) He is believed to have been a Greek by birth, and after having been a presbyter, he was made bishop of Rome in A. D. 259, and retained this high dignity for ten years, till A. D. 269. During his administration of the Roman diocese, some bishops brought before him charges against Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, for being guilty of heretical opinions in his controversies with Sabellius. The bishop of Rome therefore convoked a synod, and with its consent he declared, in a letter to the accused, that he was guilty of heresies, and gave him a gentle reprimand. A fragment of this letter is preserved in Athanasius (de Decret. Synod. Nicaen. p. 421), and it was this letter which induced Dionysius of Alexandria to write his work against Sabellius, which was addressed to the bishop of Rome. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 97.) 40. Surnamed SCYTOBRaAcuoN. See No. 34. 41. Of SIDON, a Greek grammarian, who is sometimes simply called Sidonius. (Schol. Venet. ad lHon. II. i. 424, xiv. 40.) He seems to have lived shortly after the time of Aristarchus, and to have founded a school of his own. (Schol. ad II. i. 8.) He is frequently referred to in the Venetian Scholia, and also by Eustathius on Homer, as one of the critical commentators of the poet. (Comp. Varro, de L. L. x. 10, ed. Miller; Villoison, Proleg. cad Iomn. II. p. xxix.) 42. Of SINOPE. See below. 43. A SToIe philosopher, against whom Chrysippus wrote a work, but who is otherwise unknown. (Diog. Lai.rt. vi. 43; Eudoc. p. 138.) 44. Surnamed THRAx, or the Thracian, a celebrated Greek grammarian, who unquestionably derived his surname from the fact of his father Teres being a Thracian (Suidas); and it is absurd to believe, with the author of the Etymologicum Magnum (p. 277. 53), that he received it from his rough voice or any other circumstance. He himself was, according to some, a native of Alexandria (Suidas), and, according to others, of Byzantium; but he is also called a Rhodian, because at one time he resided at Rhodes, and gave instructions there (Strab. xiv. p. 655; Athen. xi. p. 489), and it was at Rhodes that Tyrannion was among the pupils of Dionysius. Dionysius also staid for some t me at Rome, where he was engaged in teaching, about B. c. 80. Further particulars about his life are not known. He was the author of numerous grammatical works, manuals, and commentaries. We possess under his name a r pEXV] 'ypantyaTIc4, a small work, which however became the basis of all subsequent grammars, and was a standard book in grammar schools for many centuries. Under such circumstances we cannot wonder that, in the course of time, such a work was much interpolated, DIONYSIUS. sometimes abridged, and sometimes extended ot otherwise modified. The form therefore, in which it has come down to us, is not the original one, and hence its great difference in the different MSS. It was first printed in Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. p. 20 of the old edition. Villoison (Anecd. ii. 99) then added some excerpta and scholia from a Venetian MS., together with which the grammar was afterwards printed in Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. vi. p. 311 of Harles's edition, and somewhat better in Bekker's Anecdota, ii. p. 627, &c. It is remarkable that an Armenian translation of this grammar, which has recently come to light, and was probably made in the fourth or fifth century of our era, is more complete than the Greek original, 'having five additional chapters. This translation, which was published by Cirbied in the ilIimoires et Dissertations sur les AntiqNitis nationales et itrangyres, 1824, 8vo., vol. vi., has increased the doubts about the genuineness of our Greek text; but it would be going too far to consider it, with Giittling, (Praef. ad Theodos. Gram. p. v. &c.; comp. Lersch, die Spraclsphilos. der Alten, ii. p. 64, &c.) as a mere compilation made by some Byzantine grammarian at a very late period. The groundwork of what we have is unquestionably the production of Dionysius Thrax. The interpolations mentioned above appear to have been introduced at a very early time, and it was probably owing to them that some of the ancient commentators of the grammar found in it things which could not have been written by a disciple of Aristarchus, and that therefore they doubted its genuineness. Dionysius did much also for the explanation and criticism of Homer, as may be inferred from the quotations in the Venetian Scholia (ad Hom. II. ii. 262, ix. 460, xii. 20, xiii. 103, xv. 86, 741, xviii. 207, xxiv. 110), and Eustathius. (Ad Horn. pp. 854, 869, 1040, 1299.) He does not, however, appear to have written a regular commentary, but to have inserted his remarks on Homer in several other works, such as that against Crates, and the srep lpirocors'rwV. (Schol. Ven. ad Homn. 11. ii. 3.) In some MSS. there exists a treatise irepI rd1vov vrCpmsrrcpiuwtV, which has been wrongly attributed to our grammarian: it is, further, more than doubtful whether he wrote a commentary on Euripides, as has been inferred from a quotation of the Scholiast on that poet. His chief merit consists in the impulse he gave to the study of systematic grammar, and in what he did for a correct understanding of Homer. The Etymol. M. contains several examples of his etymological, prosodical, and exegetical attempts. (pp. 308. 18, 747. 20, 365. 20.) Dionysius is also mentioned as the author of pseAETaT and of a work on Rhodes. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Tapirds; comp. Grdfenhan, Gesch. der Klass. Philol. i. p. 402, &c.) 45. A son or disciple of TiYPmoN, a Greek grammarian, who lived about B. c. 50. (Steph. Byz. s. v."Oa, Muppiwos, &c.) He was the author of a work 7rep1 dovoAd-arowv, which consisted of at least eleven books, and is often referred to by Stephanus of Byzantium and Harpocration. (Comp. Athen. vi. p. 255, xi. p. 503, xiv. p. 641.) [L. S.] DION Y'SIUS (Asoviutos), of SINOPE, an Athenian comic poet of the middle comedy. (Athen. xi. pp. 467, d., 497, c., xiv. p. 615, e.; Schol. Horn. II. xi. 515.) He appears, from indications in the fragments of his plays, to have been younger than Archestratus, t< have flourished about the same time as Nicostratus, the son of Aristophanes, and
Page 1045 DIONYSIUS. to have lived till the establishment of the Macedonian supremacy in Greece. We have the titles and some fragments of his 'AKcovnTLýsevos (Ath. xiv. p. 664, d.), which appears to have been translated by Naevius, @ Jearo<do'pos (a long passage in Athen. ix. p. 404, e.), 'Ociwvvwooi (Athen. viii. p. 381, c., xiv. p. 615, e.), AIu'LS (Schol. Hoem. II. xi, 515; Eustath. p. 859. 49), c6ovao-a or 4c(respa (Athen. xi. pp. 467, d., 497, d.; Stob. Serm. cxxv. 8.) Meursius and Fabricius are wrong in assigning the TaCS*ipya to Dionysius. It belongs to EuPoLis. (Meineke, Frag. Conm. Graec. i. pp. 419, 420, iii. pp. 547-555.] [P. S.] DIONY'SIUS, artists. 1. Of Argos, a statuary, who was employed together with Glaucus in making the works which Smicythus dedicated at Olym. pia. This fixes the artist's time; for Smicythus succeeded Anaxilas as tyrant of Rhegium in n. c. 476. The works executed by Dionysius were statues of Contest ('A7ycd) carrying cdir-jpes (Diet. of Ant. s. v.), of Dionysius, of Orpheus, and of Zeus without a beard. (Paus. v. 26. ~~ 3-6.) Hle also made a horse and charioteer in bronze, which were among the works dedicated at Olympia by Phormis of Maenalus, the contemporary of Gelon and Hiero. (Paus. v. 27. ~ 1.) 2. A sculptor, who made the statue of Hera which Octavian afterwards placed in the portico of Octavia. (Plin. xxxvi. 5, s. 4. ~ 10.) Junius takes this artist to be the same as the former, but Sillig argues, that in the time of the elder Dionysius the art of sculpturing marble was not brought to sufficient perfection to allow us to ascribe one of its masterpieces to him, 3. Of Colophon, a painter, contemporary with Polygnotus of Thasos, whose works he imitated in their accuracy, expression (7rd0os), manner ('Oos), in the treatment of the form, in the delicacy of the drapery, and in every other respect except in grandeur. (Aelian. V. H. iv. 3.) Plutarch (Tinmol. 36) speaks of his works as having strength and tone, but as forced and laboured. Aristotle (Poct. 2) says that Polygnotus painted the likenesses of men better than the originals, Pauson made them worse, and Dionysius just like them (odloiovs). It seems from this that the pictures of Dionysius were deficient in the ideal. It was no doubt for this reason that Dionysius was called Anthropographus, like DEMETRIUS. It is true that Pliny, from whom we learn the fact, gives a different reason, namely, that Dionysius was so called because he painted only men, and not landscapes (xxxv. 10. s. 37); but this is only one case out of many in which Pliny's ignorance of art has caused him to give a false interpretation of a true fact. Sillig applies this passage to the later Dionysius (No. 4), but without any good reason. 4. A painter, who flourished at Rome at the same time as Sopolis and Lala of Cyzicus, about B.c. 84. Pliny says of him and Sopolis, that they were the most renowned painters of that age, except Lala, and that their works filled the picture galleries ( xxv. 11, s. 40. ~ 43). [P. S.] DIONY'SIUS (Atosulosos), the name of several physicians and surgeons, whom it is sometimes difficult to distinguish with certainty. 1. A native of AEGAE (but of which place of this name does not appear), who must have lived in or before the ninth century after Christ, as he is quoted by Photius (Biblioth. ~~ 185, 211, pp. 129, 168, ed. Bekkcr), but how much earlier he DIONYSIUS. 1045 lived is uncertain. It is not known whether he was himself a physician, but he wrote a work entitled AucrvaKci, iii which he discussed various medical questions. It consisted of one hundred. chapters, the heads of which have been preserved by Photius, and shew that he wrote both in favour of each proposition, and also against it. The title of his book has been supposed to allude to his teaching his readers to argue on both sides of a question, and thus to catch their hearers, as it were, in a net. 2. A native of CYRTUS (Kvpro's) in Egypt, who was mentioned by Herennius Philo in his lost History of Medicine. Stephanus Byzantinus (s. v. Kv'pros) calls him 8siado-pos larpods. His date is uncertain, but if (as Meursius conjectures) he is the same person who is quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Msorb. Chron. ii. 13, p. 416), he may be supposed to have lived in the third century B. c. (Meursius, Dionysins, &c. in Opera, vol. v.) 3. A native of MILETUS, in Caria, must have lived in or before the second century after Christ, as he is quoted by Galen, who has preserved some of his medical formulae. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, iv. 7, vol. xii. p. 741; De Antid. ii. 11, vol. xiv. p. 171.) He may perhaps be the same person who is mentioned by Galen without any distinguishing epithet. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos. iv. 8, vol. xii. p. 760.) 4. Son of OxYMACHUs, appears to have written some anatomical work, which is mentioned by Rufus Ephesius. (De Appell. Part. Corp. Hum. p. 42.) He was either a contemporary or predecessor of Eudemus, and therefore lived probably in the fourth or third century B. c. 5. Of SAMos, whose medical formulae are quoted by Galen (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Gen. iv. 13, vol. xiii. p. 745), is supposed by Meursius (1. c.) to be the same person as the son of Musonius; but, as Kiuhn observes (Additam. ad Elench. Medicor. Vet. a Fabricio in " Biblioth. Graeca," exhib. fascic. xiv. p. 7), from no other reason, than because both are said to have been natives of Samos (nor is even this quite certain), whereas from the writings of the son of Musonius there is no ground for believing him to have been a physician, or even a collector of medical prescriptions. 6. SALLUSTIUS DIONYSIUS, is quoted by Pliny (H. N. xxxii. 26), and therefore must have lived in or before the first century after Christ. 7. CassIus DioNYSIUS. [CAssIus, p. 626.] 8. Dionysius, a surgeon, quoted by Scribonius Largus (Coempos. iMedicam. c. 212, ed. Rhod.), who lived probably at or before the beginning of the Christian era. 9. A physician, who was a contemporary of Galen in the second century after Christ, and is mentioned as attending the son of Caecilianus, to whom Galen wrote a letter full of medical advice, which is still extant. (Galen, Pro Puero lEpilept. Consil., in Opera, vol. xi. p. 357.) 10. A fellow-pupil of Heracleides of Tarentum, who must have lived probably in the third century B. c., and one of whose medical formulae is quoted by Galen. (De Compos. Medicam. sec. Locos, v. 3, vol. xii. p. 835.) 11. A physician who belonged to the medical sect of the Methodici, and who lived probably in the first century B. c. (Galen, de oMeth. Med. i. 7, vol. x. p. 53; Intrsod. c. 4, vol. xiv. p. 684.) 12. The physician mentioned by Galen (Com
Page 1046 1046 DIONYSUS. ment. in Hippocr. "Aphor." iv. 69, vol. xvii. pt. ii. p. 751) as a commentator on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, must have lived in or before the second century after Christ, but cannot certainly be identified with any other physician of that name. 13. A physician whose medical formulae are mentioned by Celsus (De Mled. vi. 6. 4; 18. 9, pp. 119, 136), must have lived in or before the first century after Christ, and may perhaps be the same person as No. 3, or 8. 14. A physician at Rome in the fifth century after Christ, who was also in deacon's orders, and a man of great piety. When Rome was taken by Alaric, A. D. 410, Dionysius was carried away prisoner, but was treated with great kindness, on account of his virtues and his medical skill. An epitaph on him in Latin elegiac verse is to be found in Baronius, Annal. Eccles. ad ann. 410, ~41. [W. A. G.] DIONYSOCLES (Aiovvoron;vjs), of Tralles, is mentioned by Strabo (xiv. p. 649) among the distinguished rhetoricians of that city. He was probably a pupil of Apollodorus of Pergamus, and consequently lived shortly before or at the time of Strabo. [L. S.] DIONYSODO'RUS (Asovvarwopos). 1. A Boeotian, who is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (xv. 95) as the author of a history of Greece, which came down as far as the reign of Philip of Macedonia, the father of Alexander the Great. It is usually supposed that he is the same person as the Dionysodorus in Diogenes LaSrtius (ii. 42), who denied that the paean which went by the name of Socrates, was the production of the philosopher. (Comp. Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. 917.) It is uncertain also whether he is the author of a work on rivers (Wepl 7rorafjcuv, Schol. ad Eurip. Hippol. 122), and of another entitled dT wrapa vols vpayeloels 7IapTrsse'a, which is quoted by a Scholiast. (Ad Eurip. Rhes. 504.) 2. A Greek rhetorician, who is introduced in Lucian's Symposium (c. 6). Another person of the same name is mentioned, in the beginning of Plato's dialogue " Euthydemus," as a brother of Euthydemus. (Comp. Xenoph. Memor. iii. 1. ~ 1.) 3. Of Troezene, a Greek grammarian, who is referred to by Plutarch (Arat. 1) and in the work of Apollonius Dyscolus "on Pronouns." [L. S.] DIONYSODO'RUS (Atovvo-'wpos), a geome. ter of Cydnus, whose mode of cutting a sphere by a plane in a given ratio is preserved by Eutocius, in his comment on book ii. prop. 5, of the sphere and cylinder of Archimedes. A species of conical sun-dial is attributed to him, and Pliny (H. N. ii. 109) says, that he had an inscription placed on his tomb, addressed to the world above, stating that he had been to the centre of the earth and found it 42 thousand stadia distant. Pliny calls this a striking instance of Greek vanity; but, as Weidler remarks, it is as near a guess as any that was made for a long time afterwards. (Weidler, Hist. Astron. p. 133; Heilbronner, in verb.) [A. DE M.] DIONYSODORUS. [MosCIoON.] DIONYSO'DOTUS (Alovvado'oros), a lyric poet of Lacedaemon, who is mentioned along with Alcman, and whose paeans were very popular at Sparta. (Athen. xv. p. 678.) [L. S.] DIONY'SUS (Aiovvoros or Aldcvvsos), the youthful, beautiful, but effeminate god of wine. He is also calledbothby Greeksand Romans Bacchus (Bdacos), that is, the noisy or riotous god, which was origi DIONYSUS. nally a mere epithet or surname of Dionysus, but does not occur till after the time of Herodotus. According to the common tradition, Dionysus was the son of Zeus and Semele, the daughter of Cadmus of Thebes (Hom. Iýjmn. vi. 56; Eurip. Bacck. init.; Apollod. iii. 4. ~ 3); whereas others describe him as a son of Zeus by Demeter, lo, Dione, or Arge. (Diod. iii. 62, 74; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 177; Plut. de Flum. 16.) Diodorus (iii. 67) further mentions a tradition, according to which he was a son of Ammon and Amaltheia, and that Ammon, from fear of Rhea, carried the child to a cave in the neighbourhood of mount Nysa, in a lonely island formed by the river Triton. Ammon there entrusted the child to Nysa, the daughter of Aristaeus, and Athena likewise undertook to protect the boy. Others again represent him as a son of Zeus by Persephone or Iris, or describe him simply as a son of Lethe, or of Indus. (Diod. iv. 4; Plut. Sympos. vii. 5; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. ii. 9.) The same diversity of opinions prevails in regard to the native place of the god, which in the common tradition is Thebes, while in others we find India, Libya, Crete, Dracanum in Samos, Naxos, Elis, Eleutherae, or Tees, mentioned as his birthplace. (Hom. Hymn. xxv. 8; Died. iii. 65, v. 75; Nonnus, Dionzys. ix. 6; Theocrit. xxvi. 33.) It is owing to this diversity in the traditions that ancient writers were driven to the supposition that there were originally several divinities which were afterwards identified under the one name of Dionysus. Cicero (de Nat. Deor. iii. 23) distinguishes five Dionysi, and Diodorus (iii. 63, &c.) three. The common story, which makes Dionysus a son of Semele by Zeus, runs as follows: Hera, jealous of Semele, visited her in the disguise of a friend, or an old woman, and persuaded her to request Zeus to appear to her in the same glory and majesty in which he was accustomed to approach his own wife Hera. When all entreaties to desist from this request were fruitless, Zeus at length complied, and appeared to her in thunder and lightning. Semele was terrified and overpowered by the sight, and being seized by the fire, she gave premature birth to a child. Zeus, or according to others, Hermes (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1137) saved the child from the flames: it was sewed up in the thigh of Zeus, and thus came to maturity. Various epithets which are given to the god refer to that occurrence, such as rvptyevus, /1npoPapS, irnpo-rpagrs and ignigena. (Strab. xiii. p. 628; Died. iv. 5; Eurip. Bacch. 295; Eustath. ad IHom. p. 310; Ov. Met. iv. 11.) After the birth of Dionysus, Zeus entrusted him to Hermes, or, according to others, to Persephone or Rhea (Orph. Lymn. xlv. 6; Steph. Byz. s. v. MaloTavpa), who took the child to Ino and Athamas at Orchomenos, and persuaded them to bring him up as a girl. Hera was now urged on by her jealousy to throw Ino and Athamas into a state of madness, and Zeus, in order to save his child, changed him into a ram, and carried him to the nymphs of mount Nysa, who brought him up in a cave, and were afterwards rewarded for it by Zeus, by being placed as Hyades among the stars. (Hygin. Fab. 182; Theon, ad Arat. Phkaen. 177; comp. IH YADES.) The inhabitants of Brasiae, in Laconia, according to Pausanias (iii. 24. ~ 3), told a different story about the birth of Dionysus. When Cadmus heard, they said, that Semele was mother of a son by Zeus, he put her and her child into a chest, and
Page 1047 DIONYSUS. threw it into the sea. The chest was carried by the wind and waves to the coast of Brasiae. Semele was found dead, and was solemnly buried, but Dionysus was brought up by Ino, who happened at the time to be at Brasiae. The plain of Brasiae was, for this reason, afterwards called the garden of Dionysus. The traditions about the education of Dionysus, as well as about the personages who undertook it, differ as much as those about his parentage and birthplace. Besides the nymphs of mount Nysa in Thrace, the muses, Lydae, Bassarae, Macetae, Mimallones (Eustath. ad Horn. pp. 982, 1816), the nymph Nysa (Diod. iii.69), and the nymphs Philia, Coronis, and Cleis, in Naxos, whither the child Dionysus was said to have been carried by Zeus (Diod. iv. 52), are named as the beings to whom the care of his infancy was entrusted. Mystis, moreover, is said to have instructed him'in the mysteries (Nonn. Dionys. xiii. 140), and Hippa, on mount Tmolus, nursed him (Orph. /ymn. xlvii. 4); Macris, the daughter of Aristaeus, received him from the hands of Hermes, and fed him with honey. (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1131.) On mount Nysa, Bromie and Bacche too are called his nurses. (Serv. ad Virg. Eclog. vi. 15.) Mount Nysa, from which the god was believed to have derived his name, was not only in Thrace and Libya, but mountains of the same name are found in different parts of the ancient world where he was worshipped, and where he was believed to have introduced the cultivation of the vine. Hermes, however, is mixed up with most of the stories about the infancy of Dionysus, and he was often represented in works of art, in connexion with the infant god. (Comp. Paus. iii. 18. ~ 7.) When Dionysus had grown up, Hera threw him also into a state of madness, in which he wandered about through many countries of the earth. A tradition in Hyginus (Poet. Astr. ii. 23) makes him go first to the oracle of Dodona, but on his way thither he came to a lake, which prevented his proceeding any further. One of two asses he met there carried him across the water, and the grateful god placed both animals among the stars, and asses henceforth remained sacred to Dionysus. According to the common tradition, Dionysus first wandered through Egypt, where he was hospitably received by king Proteus. He thence proceeded through Syria, where he flayed Damascus alive, for opposing the introduction of the vine, which Dionysus was believed to have discovered (EVpers, auTreiov). He now traversed all Asia. (Strab. xv. p. 687; Eurip. Bacch. 13.) When he arrived at the Euphrates, he built a bridge to cross the river, but a tiger sent to him by Zeus carried him across the river Tigris. (Paus. x. 29; Plut. de Flum. 24.) The most famous part of his wanderings in Asia is his expedition to India, which is said to have lasted three, or, according to some, even 52 years. (Diod. iii. 63, iv. 3.) He did not in those distant regions meet with a kindly reception everywhere, for Myrrhanus and Deriades, with his three chiefs Blemys, Orontes, and Oruandes, fought against him. (Steph. Byz. s. vv. BAXUUVE, rcIdos, rjipra, Adpia, "Eapes, Zapto0, MdaAho, rIdViat, aiiat.) But Dionysus and the host of Pans, Satyrs, and Bacchic women, by whom he was accompanied, conquered his enemies, taught the Indians the cultivation of the vine and of various fruits, and the worship of the gods; he also founded towns among them, gave them laws, and left behind him pillars and monuments in the happy DIONYSUS. 1047 land which he had thus conquered and civilized, and the inhabitants worshipped him as a god. (Comp. Strab. xi. p. 505; Arrian, Ind. 5; Diod, ii. 38; Philostr. Vit. Apollon. ii. 9; Virg. Aen. vi. 805.) Dionysus also visited Phrygia and the goddess Cybele or Rhea, who purified him and taught him the mysteries, which according to Apollodorus (iii. 5. S1.) took place before he went to India. With the assistance of his companions, he drove the Amazons from Ephesus to Samos, and there killed a great number of them on a spot which was, from that occurrence, called Panaema. (Plut. Quaest. Gr. 56.) According to another legend, he united with the Amazons to fight against Cronus and the Titans, who had expelled Ammon from his dominions. (Diod. iii. 70, &c.) HIe is even said to have gone to Iberia, which, on leaving, he entrusted to the government of Pan. (Plut. de Flum. 16.) On his passage through Thrace he was ill received by Lycurgus, king of the Edones, and leaped into the sea to seek refuge with Thetis, whom he afterwards rewarded for her kind reception with a golden urn, a present of Hephaestus. (Hom. II. vi. 135, &c., Od. xxiv. 74; Schol. ad Homn. II. xiii. 91. Comp. Diod. iii. 65.) All the host of Bacchantic women and Satyrs, who had accompanied him, were taken prisoners by Lycurgus, but the women were soon set free again. The country of the Edones thereupon ceased to bear fruit, and Lycurgus became mad and killed his own son, whom he mistook for a vine, or, according to others (Serv. adAen. iii. 14) he cut off his own legs in the belief that he was cutting down some vines. When this was done, his madness ceased, but the country still remained barren, and Dionysus declared that it would remain so till Lycurgus died. The Edones, in despair, took their king and put him in chains, and Dionysus had him torn to pieces by horses. After then proceeding through Thrace without meeting with any further resistance, he returned to Thebes, where he compelled the women to quit their houses, and to celebrate Bacchic festivals on mount Cithaeron, or Parnassus. Pentheus, who then ruled at Thebes, endeavoured to check the riotous proceedings, and went out to the mountains to seek the Bacchic women; but his own mother, Agave, in her Bacchic fury, mistook him for an animal, and tore him to pieces. (Theocrit. Id. xxvi.; Eurip. Bacch. 1142; Ov. AMet. iii. 714, &c.) After Dionysus had thus proved to the Thebans that he was a god, he went to Argos. As the people there also refused to acknowledge him, he made the women mad to such a degree, that they killed their own babes and devoured their flesh. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 2.) According to another statement, Dionysus with a host of women came from the islands of the Aegean to Argos, but was conquered by Perseus, who slew many of the women. (Paus. ii. 20. ~ 3, 22. ~ 1.) Afterwards, however, Dionysus and Perseus became reconciled, and the Argives adopted the worship of the god, and built temples to him. One of these was called the temple of Dionysus Cresius, because the god was believed to have buried on that spot Ariadne, his beloved, who was a Cretan. (Paus. ii. 23. ~ 7.) The last feat of Dionysus was performed on a voyage from Icaria to Naxos. He hired a ship which belonged to Tyrrhenian pirates; but the men, instead of landing at Naxos, passed by and steered towards Asia to sell him there. The god, however, on perceiving this, changed the mast and oars
Page 1048 3048 DIONYSUS. into serpents, and himself into a lion; he filled the vessel with ivy and the sound of flutes, so that the sailors, who were seized with madness, leaped into the sea, where they were metamorphosed into dolphins. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 3; Hom. Hymsn. vi. 44; Ov. Met. iii. 582, &c.) In all his wanderings and travels the god had rewarded those who had received him kindly and adopted his worship: he gave them vines and wine. After he had thus gradually established his divine nature throughout the world, he led his mother out of Hades, called her Thyone, and rose with her into Olympus. (Apollod. 1. c.) The place, where he had come forth with Semele from Hades, was shewn by the Troezenians in the temple of Artemis Soteira (Paus. ii. 31. ~ 2); the Argives, on the other hand, said, that he had emerged with his mother from the Alcyonian lake. (Paus. ii. 37. ~ 5; Clem. Alex. Adm.ad Gr. p. 22.) There is also a mystical story, that the body of Dionysus was cut up and thrown into a cauldron by the Titans, and that he was restored and cured by Rhea or Demeter. (Paus. viii. 37. ~ 3; Diod. iii. 62; Phurnut. NJ. D. 28.) Various mythological beings are described as the offspring of Dionysus; but among the women, both mortal and immortal, who won his love, none is more famous in ancient history than Ariadne. [ARIADNE.] The extraordinary mixture of traditions which we have here had occasion to notice, and which might still be considerably increased, seems evidently to be made up out of the traditions of different times and countries, referring to analogous divinities, and transferred to the Greek Dionysus. We may, however, remark at once, that all traditions which have reference to a mystic worship of Dionysus, are of a comparatively late origin, that is, they belong to the period subsequent to that in which the Homeric poems were composed; for in those poems Dionysus does not appear as one of the great divinities, and the story of his birth by Zeus and the Bacchic orgies are not alluded to in any way: Dionysus is there simply described as the god who teaches man the preparation of wine, whence he is called the " drunken god " (gatvo'evos), and the sober king Lycurgus will not, for this reason, tolerate him in his kingdom. (Hom. II. vi. 132, &c., Od. xviii. 406, comp. xi. 325.) As the cultivation of the vine spread in Greece, the worship of Dionysus likewise spread further; the mystic worship was developed by the Orphici, though it probably originated in the transfer of Phrygian and Lydian modes of worship to that of Dionysus. After the time of Alexander's expedition to India, the celebration of the Bacchic festivals assumed more and more their wild and dissolute character. As far as the nature and origin of the god Dionysus is concerned, he appears in all traditions as the representative of some power of nature, whereas Apollo is mainly an ethical deity. Dionysus is the productive, overflowing and intoxicating power of nature, which carries man away from his usual quiet and sober mode of living. Wine is the most natural and appropriate symbol of that power, and it is therefore called 1"the fruit of Dionysus." (Alovva-ov icapros; Pind. Fragmn. 89, ed. Bdckh.) Dionysus is, therefore, the god of wine, the inventor and teacher of its cultivation, the giver of joy, and the disperser of grief and sorrow. (Bacclhiyl. ap. Athen. ii. p. 40; Pind. Fragm. 5; Eu DIONYSUS. rip. Bacch. 772.) As the god of wine, he is also both. an inspired and an inspiring god, that is, a god who has the power of revealing the future to man by oracles. Thus, it is said, that he had as great a share in the Delphic oracle as Apollo (Eurip. Bacch. 300), and he himself had an oracle in Thrace. (Paus. ix. 30. ~ 5.) Now, as prophetic power is always combined with the healing art, Dionysus is, like Apollo, called iarpds, or y07wrs (Eustath. ad Hono. p. 1624), and at his oracle of Amphicleia, in Phocis, he cured diseases by revealing the remedies to the sufferers in their dreams. (Paus. x. 33. ~ 5.) Hence he is invoked as a SEos oc-wriO against raging diseases. (Soph. Oed. Tyr. 210; Lycoph. 206.) The notion of his being the cultivator and protector of the vine was easily extended to that of his being the protector of trees in general, which is alluded to in various epithets and surnames given him by the poets of antiquity (Paus. i. 31. ~ 2, vii. 21. ~ 2), and he thus comes into close connexion with Demeter. (Paus. vii. 20. ~ 1; Pind. Istihm. vii. 3; Theocrit. xx. 33; Diod. iii. 64; Ov. Fast. iii. 736; Plut. Quaest. Gr. 36.) This character is still further developed in the notion of his being the promoter of civilization, a law-giver, and a lover of peace. (Eurip. Baech. 420; Strab. x. p. 468; Diod. iv. 4.) As the Greek drama had grown out of the dithyrambic choruses at the festivals of Dionysus, he was also regarded as the god of tragic art, and as the protector of theatres. In later times, he was worshipped also as a Meds yS&Ios, which may have arisen from his resemblance to Demeter, or have been the result of an amalgamation of Phrygian and Lydian forms of worship with those of the ancient Greeks. (Paus. viii. 37. ~ 3; Arnob. adv. Gent. v. 19.) The orgiastic worship of Dionysus seems to have been first established in Thrace, and to have thence spread southward to mounts Helicon and Parnassus, to Thebes, Naxos, and throughout Greece, Sicily, and Italy, though some writers derived it from Egypt. (Paus. i. 2. ~ 4; Diod. i. 97.) Respecting his festivals and the mode of their celebration, and especially the introduction and suppression of his worship at Rome, see Dict. of Ant. s. vv. Aypiwh'ia, 'AvOeorj'pLa, 'AAcia, Aidpa, and Dionysia. In the earliest times the Graces, or Charites, were the companions of Dionysus (Pind. 01. xiii. 20; Plut. Quaest. Gr. 36; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 424), and at Olympia he and the Charites had an altar in common. (Schol. ad Pind. 01. v. 10; Paus. v. 14 in fin ) This circumstance is of great interest, and points out the great change which took place in the course of time in the mode of his worship, for afterwards we find him accompanied in his expeditions and travels by Bacchantic women, called Lenae, Maenades, Thyiades, Mimallones, Clodones, Bassarae or Bassarides, all of whom are represented in works of art as raging with madness or enthusiasm, in vehement motions, their heads thrown backwards, with dishevelled hair, and carrying in their hands thyrsus-staffs (entwined with ivy, and headed with pine-cones), cymbals, swords, or serpents. Sileni, Pans, satyrs, centaurs, and other beings of a like kind, are also the constant companions of the god. (Strab. x. p. 468; Diod. iv. 4. &c.; Catull. 64. 258; Athen i. p. 33; Paus. i. 2. ~ 7.) The temples and statues of Dionysus were very numerous in the ancient world. Among the sar
Page 1049 DIOPEITHES. DIOPHANES. 1049 crifices which were offered to him in the earliest the latter were supported, but not with arms in the times, human sacrifices are also mentioned. (Paus. first instance, by Philip of Macedon, who, when vii. 21. ~ 1; Porphyr. de Abstin. ii. 55.) Subse- the Athenians remonstrated, proposed that their quently, however, this barbarous custom was sof- quarrel with Cardia should be referred to arbitratened down into a symbolic scourging, or animals tion. This proposal being indignantly rejected, were substituted for men, as at Potniae. (Paus. viii. Philip sent troops to the assistance of the Cardians, 23. ~ 1, ix. 8.. 1.) The animal most commonly and Diopeithes retaliated by ravaging the maritime sacrificed to Dionysus was a ram. (Virg. Georg. district of Thrace, which was subject to the Maceii. 380, 395; Ov.Fast. i. 357.) Among the things donians, while Philip was absent in the interior of sacred to him, we may notice the vine, ivy, lau- the same country on his expedition against Teres rel, and asphodel; the dolphin, serpent, tiger, lynx, and Cersobleptes. Philip sent a letter of remonpanther, and ass; but he hated the sight of an strance to Athens, and Diopeithes was arraigned owl. (Paus. viii. 39. ~ 4; Theocrit. xxvi. 4; by the Macedonian party, not only for his aggresPlut. Sympos. iii. 5; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 87; Virg. sion on the king's territory, but also for the means Eclog. v. 30; Hygin. Po't. Astr. ii. 23; Philostr. (unjust doubtless and violent, but common enough Imag. ii. 17; Vit. Apollon. iii. 40.) The earliest with all Athenian generals at the time,) to which images of the god were mere Hermae with the he resorted for the support of his mercenaries. He phallus (Paus. ix. 12. ~ 3), or his head only was was defended by Demosthenes in the oration, still represented. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1964.) In extant, on the Chersonese, B. c. 341, and the delater works of art he appears in four different fence was successful, for he was permitted to retain forms: 1. As an infant handed over by Hermes to his command. After this, and probably during his nurses, or fondled and played with by satyrs the war of Philip with Byzantium (B. c. 340), and Bacchae. 2. As a manly god with a beard, Diopeithes again invaded the Macedonian territory commonly called the Indian Bacchus. He there in Thrace, took the towns of Crobyle and Tiristasis appears in the character of a wise and dignified and enslaved the inhabitants, and when an ambasoriental monarch; his features jare expressive of sador, named Amphilochus, came to negotiate for sublime tranquillity and mildness; his beard is the release of the prisoners, he seized his person in long and soft, and his Lydian robes (I3aa$r-dpa) defiance of all international law, and compelled him are long and richly folded. His hair sometimes to pay nine talents for his ransom. (Arg. ad Dem. floats down in locks, and is sometimes neatly wound de Cliers.; Dum. de Chers. passim; Phil. Ep. ad around the head, and a diadem often adorns his At/i. pp. 159, 160, 161.) The enmity of Diopeiforehead. 3. The youthful or so-called Theban thes to Philip appears to have recommended him Bacchus, was carried to ideal beauty by Praxiteles. to the favour of the king of Persia (Artaxerxes The form of his body is manly and with strong III.), who, as we learn from Aristotle, sent him outlines, but still approaches to the female form some valuable presents, which did not arrive, howby its softness and roundness. The expression of ever, till after his death. (Arist. Rhet. ii. 8. 11; the countenance is languid, and shews a kind of comp. Phil. Ep. ad Ath. p. 160; Dem. Philipp. iii. dreamy longing; the head, with a diadem, or a p. 129, in Ep. Phil. p. 153; Pseudo-Dem. Philipp. wreath of vine or ivy, leans somewhat on one iv. p. 140; Diod. xvi. 75; Arr. Anab. ii. 14; side; his attitude is never sublime, but easy, like Paus. i. 29.) [E. E.] that of a man who is absorbed in sweet thoughts, DIO'PHANES (Atloadvs). 1. Of Mytilene, or slightly intoxicated. He is often seen leaning one of the most distinguished Greek rhetoricians on his companions, or riding on a panther, ass, of the time of the Gracchi. For reasons unknown tiger, or lion. The finest statue of this kind is in to us, he was obliged to quit his native place, and the villa Ludovisi. 4. Bacchus with horns, either went to Rome, where he instructed Tiberius Gracthose of a ram or of a bull. This representation chus, and became his intimate friend. After T. occurs chiefly on coins, but never in statues. Gracchus had fallen a victim to the oligarchical (Welcker, Zeitschrift, p. 500, &c.; Hirt. My/thol. faction, Diophanes and many other friends of Bi'derb. i. p. 76, &c.) [L. S.] Gracchus were also put to death. (Cic. Brut. 27; DIOPEITHES (Ato7rELs s). 1. A half-fanatic, Strab. xiii. p. 617; Plut. T. Gracci. 8, 20.) Anhalf-impostor, who made at Athens an apparently other much later rhetorician of the same name octhriving trade of oracles. He was much satirized curs in Porphyry's life of Plotinus. by the comic poets, and may perhaps be identified 2. Is quoted as the author of a history of Ponwith the Locrian juggler mentioned in Athenaeus, tus, in several books. (Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. (i. p. 20, a.) If so, he must be distinguished from iii. 241; Eudoc. p. 31.) [L. S.] the Diopeithes of whom we read in Suidas as the DIO'PHANES (Atoi<vis) a native of Nicaea, author of a law which made it a capital offence for in Bithynia, in the first century B. c., who abridged an inhabitant of the city to spend the night in the the agricultural work of Cassius Dionysius for the Peiraeus, and who was brought to trial for an in- use of king Deiotarus. (Varr. De Re Rust. i. 1. 10; voluntary breach of his own enactment. (Aristoph. Colum. De Re Rust. i. 1. 10; Plin. H. N. Index to Eq. 1081, Vesp. 380, Av. 988; Schol. ad 11. cc.; lib. viii.) His work consisted of six books, and Meineke, F'sag. Comn. Graec. i. p. 154, ii. pp. 364, was afterwards further abridged by Asinius Pollio. 583, 704; Suid. s. vv. ropyc'v, A07srdEs6Os,, EmTrr- (Suid. s. v. IwcAiwv,.) Diophanes is quoted several asmg/a, 'fnidrO.) times in the Collection of Greek Writers, De Re 2. An Athenian general, father of the poet Rustica. [W. A. G.] Menander, was sent out to the Thracian Cherso- DIO'PHANES MYRINAEUS, the author of nesus about B. c. 344, at the head of a body of a worthless epigram in the Greek Anthology. Athenian settlers or KX51poXoLi. (Dem. de Chers. (Brunck, Anal. ii. 259; Jacobs, ii. 236.) Jacobs p. 91, PUlipp. iii. p. 114; Pseud.-Dem. desIaloonn. thinks, that he is a late writer, and ought not to pp. 86, 87.) Disputes having arisen about their be identified with the Diophanes who is mentioned boundaries between these settlers and the Cardians, by Cicero and Plutarch as the instructor of Tibe
Page 1050 1050 DIOPHANTUS. rius Gracchus, nor with the Diophanes whom Varro mentions. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 886.) [P. S.] DIOPHANTUS (Astocavros). 1. A native of Arabia, who however lived at Athens, where he was at the head of the sophistical school. He was a contemporary of Proaeresius, whom he survived, and whose funeral oration he delivered in A. D. 368. (Eunapius, Dioplhant. p. 127, &c., Proaeres. p. 109.) 2. An Attic orator and contemporary of Demosthenes, with whom he opposed the Macedonian party. He is mentioned as one of the most eminent speakers of the time. (Dem. de Fals. Leg. pp. 368, 403, 436, c. Lept. p. 498; Harpocrat. and Suid. s. v. MeAdvw7ros.) Reiske, in the Index to Demosthenes, believes him to be the same as the author of the psephisma mentioned by Demosthenes (de Fals. Leg. p. 368), and also identical with the one who, according to Diodorus (xvi. 48), assisted the king of Persia in his Egyptian war, in B. c. 350. 3. Of Lacelaemon, is quoted by Fulgentius (Miythol. i. 1) as the author of a work on Antiquities, in fourteen books, and on the worship of the gods. Whether he is the same as the geographer, Diophantus, who wrote a description of the northern countries (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 250, p. 454, b.), which is also quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. "Agtot), or the Diophantus who wrote a work 7roATLKd' (Steph. Byz. s. v. AtCrUvorTvo), cannot be decided. 4. A slave of Straton, who was manumitted by the will of his master. (Diog. Laert. v. 63.) He seems to be the same as the Diophantus mentioned in the will of Lycon. (Id. v. 71.) 5. Of Syracuse, a Pythagorean philosopher, who seems to have been an author, for his opinion on the origin of the world is adduced by Theodoretus. (Therap. iv. p. 795.) [L. S.] DIOPHANTUS (AiAdPavros), an Athenian comic poet of the new comedy. (Antiatticista, p. 115, 21: pEpeIv PE dT oILov Erl rod vrJciELi. Ati(avros Merou701 oiEvY.) [P. S.] DIOPHANTUS (Ato'pavos), of Alexandria, the only Greek writer on Algebra. His period is wholly unknown, which is not to be wondered at if we consider that he stands quite alone as to the subject which he treated. But, looking at the improbability of all mention of such a writer being omitted by Proclus and Pappus, we feel strongly inclined to place him towards the end of the fifth century of our era at the earliest. If the Diophantus, on whose astronomical work (according to Suidas) Hypatia wrote a commentary, and whose arithmetic Theon mentions in his commentary on the Almagest, be the subject of our article, he must have lived before the fifth century: but it would be by no means safe to assume this identity. Abulpharagius, according to Montucla, places him at A. D. 365. The first writer who mentions him, (if it be not Theon) is John, patriarch of Jerusalem, in his life of Johannes Damascenus, written in the eighth century. It matters not much where we place him, as far as Greek literature is concerned: the question will only become of importance when we have the means of investigating whether or not he derived his algebra, or any of it, from an Indian source. Colebrooke, as to this matter, is content that Diophantus should be placed in the fourth century. (See the Penny Cyclopaedia, art. JVia G(Anita.) DIOPIANTUS. It is singular that, though his date is uncertain to a couple of centuries at least, we have some reason to suppose that he married at the age of 33, and that in five years a son was born of this marriage, who died at the age of 42, four years before his father: so that Diophantus lived to 84. Bachet, his editor, found a problem proposed in verse, in an unpublished Greek anthology, like some of those which Diophantus himself proposed in verse, and composed in the manner of an epitaph. The unknown quantity is the age to which Diophantus lived, and tne simple equation of condition to which it leads gives, when solved, the preceding information. But it is just as likely as not that the maker of the epigram invented the dates. When the manuscripts of Diophantus came to light in the 16th century, it was said that there were thirteen books of the 'Arithmetica:' but no more than six have ever been produced with that title; besides which we have one book, ' De Multangulis Numeris,' on polygonal numbers. These books contain a system of reasoning on numbers by the aid of general symbols, and with some use of symbols of operation; so that, though the demonstrations are very much conducted in words at length, and arranged so as to remind us of Euclid, there is no question that the work is algebraical: not a treatise on algebra, but an algebraical treatise on the relations of integer numbers, and on the solution of equations of more than one variable in integers. Hence such questions obtained the name of Diophantine, and the modern works on that pecuculiar branch of numerical analysis which is called the theory of numbers, such as those of Gauss and Legendre, would have been said, a century ago, to be full of Diophantine analysis. As there are many classical students who will not see a copy of Diophantus in their lives, it may be desirable to give one simple proposition from that writer in modern words and symbols, annexing the algebraical phrases from the original. Book i. qu. 30. Having given the sum of two numbers (20) and their product (96), required the numbers. Observe that the square of the half sum should be greater than the product. Let the difference of the numbers be 2s (ssol 0'); then the sum being 20 (ic') and the half sum 10 (1) the greater number will be s+10 (reardXo ov V /oet6 wv sod eivs KIal Io 1) and the less will be 10-s (p a AEsdb so0 'od, which he would often write go5 1 4s sos a). But the product is 96 (r's) which is also 100--s2 (p' IeiL'e oUVIdUEWS pitas, or p' 0 Sd a). Hence s='2 (ylie-rai d sos Lo 3') &c. A young algebraist of our day might hardly be inclined to give the name of algebraical notation to the preceding, though he might admit that there was algebraical reasoning. But if he had consulted the Hindu or Mahommedan writers, or Cardan, Tartaglia, Stevinus, and the other European algebraists, who preceded Vieta, he would see that he must either give the name to the notation above exemplified, or refuse it to everything which preceded the seventeenth century. Diophantus declines his letters, just as we now speak of m th or (m+1) th; and JLO is an abbreviation of uovds or o'ovdcs, as the case may be. The questionwhether Diophantus was an original inventor, or whether he had received a hint from India, the only country we know of which could then have given one, is of great difficulty. We cannot enter into it at leingth: the very great simi
Page 1051 DIOSCORIDES. larity of the Diophantine and Hindu algebra (as far as the former goes) makes it almost certain that the two must have had a common origin, or have come one from the other; though it is clear that Diophantus, if a borrower, has completely recast the subject by the introduction of Euclid's form of demonstration. On this point we refer to the article of the Penny Cyclopaedia already cited. There are many paraphrases, so-called translations, and abbreviations of Diophantus, but very few editions. Joseph Auria prepared an edition (Gr. Lat.) of the whole, with the Scholia of the monk Maximus Planudes on the first two books; but it was never printed. The first edition is that of Xylander, Basle, 1575, folio, in Latin only, with the Scholia and notes. The first Greek edition, with Latin, (and original notes, the Scholia being rejected as useless,) is that of Bachet de Meziriac, Paris, 1621, folio. Fermat left materials for the second and best edition (Gr. Lat.), in which is preserved all that was good in Bachet, and in particular his Latin version, and most valuable comments and additions of his own (it being peculiarly his subject). These materials were collected by J. de Billy, and published by Foermat's son, Toulouse, 1670, folio. An English lady, the late Miss Abigail Baruch Lousada, whose successful cultivation of mathematics and close attention to this writer for many years was well known to scientific persons, left a complete translation of Diophantus, with notes: it has not yet been published, and we trust, will not be lost. [A. De M.] DIOPHANTUS or DIOPHANTES (Atdavros or Aiodsa'rsr), a medical writer of Lycia (Galen, De Compos. IMedicam. sec. Locos, ix. 4, vol. xiii. p. 281), several of whose medical formulae are quoted by Galen (vol. xii. p. 845; xiii. 507, 805; xiv. 175, 181), and who must, therefore, have lived in or before the second century after Christ. [W.A.G.] DIO'RES, a painter, who is mentioned by Varro with Micon, the contemporary of Polygnotus, in such a manner as to imply that he lived at the same time. The text of the passage, however, is so corrupt, that the name is not made out with certainty. (Varro, L. L. ix. 12, ed. Miller; MIcoN.) [P. S.] DIOSCO'RIDES (ALoOKopifsa). 1. A Byzantine grammarian, a brother of Hipparchus and Nicolans, and a disciple of Lachares at Athens. He lived in the reign of the emperors Marcianus and Leo. (Suid. s. v. NiucdAaos; Eudoc. p. 309.) 2. Of Cyprus, a sceptic philosopher, and a pupil of Timon. (Diog. Laert. ix. 114, 115.) 3. A disciple of Isocrates, who is said by Athenaeus (i. p. 11) to have interpolated the Homeric poems. Suidas (s. v. "OjLpos) attributes to him a work entitled ol' rap' 'O pcpy vs4pot. As he is thus known to have been engaged in the study of Homer, it is not improbable that he was also the author of the 7'repl roO Tav sfjpcws icaO'60 "O pov 6love, from which a fragment is quoted by Athenaeus (i. p. 8; comp. Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1270.) The adroavuuovEuara, mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (i. 63) and Athenaeus (xi. p. 507), may likewise have been his work, though everything is uncertain. We have further mention of a work on the constitution of Lacedaemon ascribed to Dioscorides (Athen. iv. p. 140; Plut. Lye. 11, Ages. 35), and of another repI voLiawzVs (Schol. ad Aristoph. Av. 1283; Suid. and Phot. s. v. aoKvra'dn; Eudoc. p. 280); but whether they were the productions of DIOSCORIDES. 1051 the pupil of Isocrates, or of the Stoic Dioscorides is uncertain. 4. The father of Zeno of Tarsus, the Stoic, who succeeded Chrysippus. The latter dedicated to Dioscorides several of his works, as we learn from Diogenes (vii. 190, 193, 198, 200, 202) and Suidas (s. v. Z7'vwv). 5. A writer on astrology, an opinion of whose is quoted by Censorinus. (De Die Nat. 17; comp. Varro, de L. L. Fragm. p. 369, ed. Bipont.) [L. S.] DIOSCO'RIDES (Atooicopi's]), the author of thirty-nine epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. i. 493; Jacobs, i. 244; xiii. 706, No. 142) seems, from the internal evidence of his epigrams, to have lived in Egypt, about the time of Ptolemy Euergetes. His epigrams are chiefly upon the great men of antiquity, especially the poets. One of them (No. 35) would seem, from its title in the Vatican MS., Atocrcopisov Nuco-oAl'Tov, to be the production of a later writer. The epigrams of Dioscorides were included in the Garland of Meleager. (Jacobs, xiii. pp. 886, 887.) [P. S.] DIOSCO'RIDES, artists. [DIosCURIDuES. DIOSCO'RIDES (ALosKovpiL-rs or AlocrKopl&ys), the name of several physicians and botanical writers, whom it is not easy to distinguish from each other with certainty. 1. PEDACIUS or PEDANIUS (ITiediLios orITleldCVo) DIOSCORIDES, the author of the celebrated Treatise on Materia Medica, that bears his name. It is generally supposed, says Dr. Bostock, that he was a native of Anazarba, in Cilicia Campestris, and that he was a physician by profession. It appears pretty evident, that he lived in the [first or] second century of the Christian era, and as he is not mentioned by Pliny, it has been supposed that he was a little posterior to him. The exact age of Dioscorides has, however, been a question of much critical discussion, and we have nothing but conjecture which can lead us to decide upon it. Hie has left behind him a Treatise on Materia Medica, nTep'T Ans 'larpiucls, in five books, a work of great labour and research, and which for many ages was received as a standard production. The greater correctness of modern science, and the new discoveries which have been made, cause it now to be regarded rather as a work of curiosity than of absolute utility; but in drawing up a history of the state and progress of medicine, it affords a most valuable document for our information. His treatise consists of a description of all the articles then used in medicine, with an account of their supposed virtues. The descriptions are brief, and not unfrequently so little characterized as not to enable us to ascertain with any degree of accuracy to what they refer; while the practical part of his work is in a great measure empirical, although his general principles (so far as they can be detected) appear to be those of the Dogmatic sect. The great importance which was for so long a period attached to the works of Dioscorides, has rendered them the subject of almost innumerable commentaries and criticisms, and even some of the most learned of our modern naturalists have not thought it an unworthy task to attempt the illustration of his Materia Medica. Upon the whole, we must attribute to him the merit of great industry and patient research; and it seems but just to ascribe a large portion of the errors and inaccuracies into which he has fallen, more to the imperfect state of science when he wrote, than to any defect in the character and talents of the writer.
Page 1052 1052 DIOSCORIDES. His work has been compared with that of Theophrastus, but this seems to be doing justice to neither party, as the objects of the two authors were totally different, the one writing as a scientific botanist, the other merely as a herbalist; and accordingly we find each of these celebrated men superior to the other in his own department. With respect to the ancient writers on Materia Medica who succeeded Dioscorides, they were generally content to quote his authority without presuming to correct his errors or supply his deficiencies. That part of his work which relates to the plants growing in Greece has ben very much illustrated by the late Dr. John Sibthorp, who, when he was elected one of the Radcliffe Travelling Fellows of the University of Oxford, travelled in Greece and the neighbouring parts for the purpose of collecting materials for a " Flora Graeca." This magnificent work was begun after his death, under the direction of the late Sir J. E. Smith (1806), and has been lately finished, in ten volumes folio, by Professor Lindley. With respect to the plants and other productions of the East mentioned by Dioscorides, much still remains to be done towards their illustration, and identification with the articles met with in those countries in the present day. A few specimens of this are given by Dr. Royle, in his " Essay on the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine" (Lond. 8vo. 1837), and probably no man in England is more fitted to undertake the task than himself. Besides the celebrated treatise on Materia Medica,, the following works are generally attributed to Dioscorides: iHepi AAcr7T7pipwv,apuacwva, De Venenis; Iepi 'Iop/o'Awv, De Venenatis Aninmalibus; IHep EdTropie-rWV 'AcrA(V T- Kial t vvOTWE'v 'apýidaCl, De facile Parabilibs tam Simplicibus quam Compositis Medicamentis; and a few smaller works, which are considered spurious. His works first appeared in a Latin translation (supposed to be by Petrus de Abano) in 1478, fol. Colle, in black letter. The first Greek edition was published by Aldus Manutius, Venet. 1499, fol., and is said to be very scarce. Perhaps the most valuable edition is that by J. A. Saracenus, Greek and Latin, Francof. 1598. fol., with a copious and learned commentary. The last edition is that by C. Sprengel, in two vols. 8vo. Lips. 1829, 1830, in Greek and Latin, with a useful commentary, forming the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth vols. of Kiihn's Collection of the Greek Medical Writers. The work of Dioscorides has been translated and published in the Italian, German, Spanish, and French languages; there is also an Arabic Translation, which is still in MS. in several European libraries. For further information respecting Dioscorides and the editions of his work, see Le Clerc, Hist. de la MiEd.; Haller, Biblioth. Botan.; Sprengel, Htist. de la 1 Md.; Fabric. Biblioth. Graeca; Bostock's History of Medicine; Choulant, Handbuchl der Bilcherkundefiir die Aeltere Medicin. 2. DIOSCORIDES PHACAS (IPaKos) a physician who was one of the followers of Herophilus (Galen, Gloss. Hippocr. prooem. vol. xix. p. 63), and lived in the second or first century B. c. According to Suidas (s. v. Atoowc.), who, however, confounds him with Dioscorides of Anazarba, he lived at the court of Cleopatra in the time of Antony, B. c. 41-30, and was surnamed Phacas on account of the moles or freckles on his face. He is probably the same physician who is mentioned by Galen (Gloss. Hippocr. s. e. 'IvSIucv, vol. xix. p. 105), and Paulus Aegi DIOSCURI. neta (De Re Med. iv. 24), as a native-of Alexandria. He wrote several medical works, which are not now extant. (Suid. 1. c.; Erotian. Gloss. Hippocr. p. 8.) 3. DIOSCORIDES, a Grammarian at Rome, who, if not actually a physician, appears, at any rate, to have given great attention to medical literature. He lived in the beginning of the second century after Christ, probably in the reign of Hadrian, A. D. 117-138, and superintended an edition of the works of Hippocrates, which was much esteemed. He is, however, accused by Galen of having made considerable alterations in the text, and of changing the old readings and modernizing the language. He was a relation of Artemidorus Capito, another editor of Hippocrates, and is several times quoted by Galen. (Galen, Comrment. in Hippocr. " DeNt. Hom." i. 1; ii. 1, vol. xv. pp. 21, 110; Comnent. in Hippocr. " De Humor." i. prooem. vol. xvi. p. 2; Comment. in Hippocr. "Epidem. VI." i. prooem. vol. xvii. part i. p. 795; Gloss. Hippocr. in v. dmrespdaro-ero, vol. xix. p. 83.) [W. A. G.] DIOSCO'RIUS (AtlooKdpios) of Myra, was the instructor in grammar of the daughters of the emperor Leo, at Byzantium, and also prefect of the city and of the praetorians. (Suid. s. v.) [P. S.] DIO'SCORUS (AirdKopos). 1. A physician, probably born at Tralles in Lydia, in the sixth century after Christ. His father's name was Stephanus, who was a physician (Alex. Trall. de Re Med. iv. 1, p. 198); one of his brothers was the physician Alexander Trallianus; another was the architect and mathematician, Anthemius; and Agathias mentions that his two other brothers, Metrodorus and Olympius, were both eminent in their several professions. (Hist. v. p. 149.) 2. Another physician of the same name, must have lived some time in or before the second century after Christ, as one of his medical formulae is quoted by Galen. (De Compos. Jhedicam. sec. Locos, viii. 7, vol. xiii. p. 204.) [W. A.G.] DIOSCURUS, a togatus of the praetorian forum, was one of the commission of ten appointed by Justinian in A. D. 528, to compile the Constitutionum Codex. (Const. Haec quae necessario, ~ 1, Const. Sumnna Reip. ~ 2.) [J. T. G.] DIOSCU'RI (Adrmcovpot), that is, sons of Zeus, the well-known heroes, Castor and Pollux, or Polydeuces. The singular form ALro'ieoupos, or Aradcopos, occurs only in the writings of grammarians, and the Latins sometimes use Castores for the two brothers. (Plin. H. N. x. 43; Serv. ad Virg. Georg. iii. 89; Horat. Carm. iii. 29, 64.) According to the Homeric poems (Od. xi. 298, &c.) they were the sons of Leda and Tyndareus, king of Lacedaemon, and consequently brothers of Helena. (Hom. 11. iii. 426.) Hence they are often called by the patronymic Tyndaridae. (Ov. Fast. v. 700, Met. viii. 301.) Castor was famous for his skill in taming and managing horses, and Pollux for his skill in boxing. Both had disappeared froms the earth before the Greeks went against Troy. Although they were buried, says Homer, yet they came to life every other day, and they enjoyed honours like those of the gods. According to other traditions both were the sons of Zeus and Leda, and were born at the same time with their sister Helena out of an egg (Hom. Hymn. xiii.5; Theocrit. xxii.; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. x. 150; Apollon. Rhod. i. 149; Hygin. Fab. 155; Tzetz. ad Ly.copl. 511; Serv. ad Aen. iii. 328), or without their sister, and either out of an egg or in the
Page 1053 DIOSCURI. DIOSCURI. 1053 natural way, but in such a manner that Pollux was the first born. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 88, 511.) According to others again, Polydeuces and Helena only were children of Zeus, and Castor was the son of Tyndareus. Hence, Polydeuces was immortal, while Castor was subject to old age and death like every other mortal. (Pind. Nerm. x. 80, with the Schol.; Theocrit. xxiv. 130; Apollod. iii. 10. ~ 7; Hygin. Fab. 77.) They were born, according to different traditions, at different places, such as Amyclae, mount Taygetus, the island of Pephnos, or Thalamae. (Theocrit. xxii. 122; Virg. Georg. iii. 89; Serv. ad Aen. x. 564; Hom. Hymn. xiii. 4; Paus. ii. 1. ~ 4, 26. ~ 2.) The fabulous life of the Dioscuri is marked by three great events: 1. Their expedition against Athens. Theseus had carried off their sister Helena from Sparta, or, according to others, he had promised Idas and Lynceus, the sons of Aphareus, who had carried her off, to guard her, and he kept her in confinement at Aphidnae, under the superintendence of his mother Aethra. While Theseus was absent from Attica and Menestheus was endeavouring to usurp the government, the Dioscuri marched into Attica, and ravaged the country round the city. Academus revealed to them, that Helena was kept at Aphidnae (Herod. ix. 73), and the Dioscuri took the place by assault. They carried away their sister Helena, and Aethra was made their prisoner. (Apollod. 1, c.) Menestheus then opened to them also the gates of Athens, and Aphidnus adopted them as his sons, in order that, according to their desire, they might become initiated in the mysteries, and the Athenians paid divine honours to them. (Plut. Thes. 31, &c.; Lycoph. 499.) 2. Their part in the expedition of the Argonauts, as they had before taken part in the Calydonian hunt. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 149; Paus. iii. 24. ~ 5; Hygin. Fab. 173.) During the voyage of the Argonauts, it once happened, that when the heroes were detained by a vehement storm, and Orpheus prayed to the Samothracian gods, the storm suddenly subsided, and stars appeared on the heads of the Dioscuri. (Diod. iv. 43; Plut. de Plac. Philos. ii. 18; Senec. Quaest. Nat. i. 1.) On their arrival in the country of the Bebryces, Polydeuces fought against Amycus, the gigantic son of Poseidon, and conquered him. During the Argonautic expedition they founded the town of Dioscurias. (Hygin. Fab. 175; P. Mela, i. 19; comp. Strab. xi. p. 496; Justin. xlii. 3; Plin. H. N. vi. 5.) 3. Their battle with the sons of Aphareus. The Dioscuri were charmed with the beauty of the daughters of Leucippus, Phoebe, a priestess of Athena, and Hilaeira or Elaeira, a priestess of Artemis: the Dioscuri carried them off, and married them. (Hygin. Fab. 80; Ov. Fast. v. 700; Schol. ad Pind. Nem. x. 112.) Polydeuces became, by Phoebe, the father of Mnesileus, Mnesinous, or Asinous, and Castor, by Hilaeira, the father of Anogon, Anaxis, or Aulothus. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 511.) Once the Dioscuri, in conjunction with Idas and Lynceus, the sons of Aphareus, had carried away a herd of oxen from Arcadia, and it was left to Idas to divide the booty. He cut up a bull into four parts, and declared, that whichever of them should first succeed in eating his share should receive half the oxen, and the second should have the other half. Idas, thereupon, not only ate his own quarter, but devoured that of his bro ther's in addition, and then drove the whole herd to his home in Messene. (Pind. Nem. x. 60; Apollod. iii. 11. ~ 2; Lycoph. 1. c.) The Dioscuri then invaded Messene, drove away the cattle of which they had been deprived, and much more in addition. This became the occasion of a war between the Dioscuri and the sons of Aphareus, which was carried on in Messene, or Laconia. In this war, the details of which are related differently, Castor, the mortal. fell by the hands of Idas, but Pollux slew Lynceus, and Zeus killed Idas by a flash of lightning. (Pind. Apollod. II. cc.; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1514; Theocrit. xxii.; Hygin. Fab. 80, Poet. Astr. ii. 22.) Polydeuces then returned to his brother, whom he found breathing his last, and he prayed to Zeus, to be permitted to die with him. Zeus left him the option, either to live as his immortal son in Olympus, or to share his brother's fate, and to live, alternately, one day under the earth, and the other in the heavenly abodes of the gods. (Hom. II. iii. 243; Pind. Nem. x. in fin.; Hygin. Fab. 251.) According to a different form of the story, Zeus rewarded the attachment of the two brothers by placing them among the stars as Gemnii. (Hygin. Poet. Ast. 1. c.; Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. 465.) These heroic youths, who were also believed to have reigned as Kings of Sparta (Paus. iii. 1. ~ 5), received divine honours at Sparta, though not till forty years after their war with the sons of Aphareus. (Paus. iii. 13. ~,1.) MUller (Dor. ii. 10. ~ 8) conceives that the worship of the Dioscuri had a double source, viz. the heroic honours of the human Tyndaridae, and the worship of some ancient Peloponnesian deities, so that in the, process of time the attributes of the latter were transferred to the former, viz. the name of the sons of Zeus, the birth from an egg, and the like. Their worship spread from Peloponnesus over Greece, Sicily, and Italy. (Paus. x. 33. ~ 3, 38. ~ 3.) Their principal characteristic was that of sh eol awTrpes, that is, mighty helpers of man, whence they were sometimes called dvaces or avamc-res. (Plut. Thes. 33; Strab. v. p. 232; Aelian, V. H. i. 30, iv. 5; Aristoph, Lysistr. 1301; Paus.i. 31. ~ 1, viii. 21, in fin.) They were, however, worshipped more especially as the protectors of travellers by sea, for Poseidon had rewarded their brotherly love by giving them power over wind and waves, that they might assist the shipwrecked. (Hygin.Poet.Astr. I.c; Eurip.Helen. 1511; Honm. Hymn. xiii. 9; Strab. i. p. 48; Horat. Carin.. i. 3. 2.) Out of this idea arose that of their being the protectors of travellers in general, and consequently of the law of hospitality also, the violation of which was punished severely by them. (Paus. iii. 16. ~ 3; Bdckh, Explicat. ad Pind. p. 135.) Their characters as 7rn4 d-yaods and hnrolrdaeos were combined into one, and both, whenever they did appear, were seen riding on magnificent white steeds. They were further regarded, like Hermes and Heracles, as the presidents of the public games (Pind. O.iii. 38, Nen. x. 53), and at Sparta their statues stood at the entrance of the race-course. (Paus. iii. 14. ~ 7.) They were further believed to have invented the war-dance, and warlike music, and poets and bards were favoured by them. (Cic. de Orat. ii. 86; Val. Maxim. i. 8. ~ 7.) Owing to their warlike, character, it was customary at Sparta for the two kings, whenever they went out to war, to be accompanied by symbolic representations of the Dioscuri (Sdocavea
Page 1054 1054 DIOTIMA. Dict. of Ant. s. v.), and afterwards, when one king only took the field, he took with him only one of those symbols. (Herod. v. 75.) Sepulchral monuments of Castor existed in the temple of the Dioscuri near Therapne (Pind. Nem. x. 56; Paus. iii. 20. ~ 1), at Sparta (Paus. iii. 13. ~ 1; Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 5.), and at Argos. (Plut. Quaest. Gr. 23.) Temples and statues of the Dioscuri were very nunierous in Greece, though more particularly in Peloponnesus. Respecting their festivals, see Diet. of Ant. s. vv. 'AvaiKEr, AlorIoUpia. Their usual representation in works of art is that of two youthful horsemen with egg-shaped hats, or helmets, crowned with stars, and with spears in their hands. (Paus. iii. 18. ~ 8, v. 19. ~ 1; Catull. 37. 2; Val. Flace. v. 367.) At Rome, the worship of the Dioscuri or Castores was introduced at an early time. They were believed to have assisted the Romans against the Latins in the battle of Lake Regillus; and the dictator, A. Postumius Albus, during the battle, vowed a temple to them. It was erected in the Forum, on the spot where they had been seen after the battle, opposite the temple of Vesta. It was consecrated on the 15th of July, the anniversary day of the battle of Regillus. (Dionys. vi. 13; Liv. ii. 20, 42.) Subsequently, two other temples of the Dioscuri were built, one in the Circus Maximus, and the other in the Circus Flaminius. (Vitruv. iv. 7; P. Vict. Reg. Urb. xi.) From that time the equites regarded the Castores as their patrons, and after the year B. c. 305, the equites went every year, on the 15th of July, in a magnificent procession on horseback, from the temple of Mars through the main streets of the city, across the Forum, and by the ancient temple of the Dioscuri. In this procession the equites were adorned with olive wreaths and dressed in the trabea, and a grand sacrifice was offered to the twin gods by the most illustrious persons of the equestrian order. (Dionys. 1. c.; Liv. ix. 46; Val. Max. ii. 2. ~ 9; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. illustr. 32.) [L. S.] DIOSCU'RIDES or DIOSCO'RIDES (Atorcovpilns). 1. Of Samos, the maker of two mosaic pavements found at Pompeii, in the so-called villa of Cicero. They both represent comic scenes, and are inscribed with the artist's name, AIOIKOTPIAH2 AMIO2 EIOIH2UE. They are entirely of glass, and are among the most beautiful of ancient mosaics. They are fully described by Winckelmann. (GeschMicte d. Kunst, bk. vii. c. 4. ~ 18, bk. xii. c. 1. ~~ 9-11, Narclricht. v. d. neuest. IHercul. Entdeck. ~ 54, 55.) A woodcut of one of them is given in the Useful Knowledge Society's " Pompeii," ii. p. 41. (See also Alus. Borbon. iv. 34.) 2. An engraver of gems in the time of Augustus, engraved a gem with the likeness of Augustus, which was used by that emperor and his successors as their ordinary signet. (Plin. xxxvii. 1, s. 4; Suet. Oct. 50.) In these passages most of the editions give Dioscorides; but the true reading, which is preserved in some MSS., is confirmed by existing gems bearing the name AIO.KOTPIAOT. There are several of these gems, but only six are considered genuine. (Meyer's note on Winckelmann, Geschichte d. Ksunst, bk. xi. c. 2. ~ 8.) [P.S.] DIOTI'MA (Atori(a), a priestess of Mantineia, and the reputed instructor of Socrates. Plato, in his Symposium (p.201, d.), introduces her opinions on the nature, origin, and objects of life, which in DIOTIMUS. fact form the nucleus of that dialogue. Some critics believe, that the whole story of Diotima is a mere fiction of Plato's, while others are inclined to see in it at least some historical foundation, and to regard her as an historical personage. Later Greek writers call her a priestess of the Lycaean Zeus, and state, that she was a Pythagorean philosopher who resided for some time at Athens. (Lucian, Eunuch. 7, Imag. 18; Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8; comp. Hermann, Gesch. u. System. d. Plat. Philos. i. p. 523, note 591; Ast, Leben u. /ScJriften Platos, p. 313.) [L. S.] DIOTI'MUS (AitrTIos). 1. A grammarian of Adramyttium in Mysia, exercised the profession of a teacher at Gargara in the Troad-a hard lot, which Aratus, who appears to have been contemporary with him, bemoans in an extant epigram. He is probably the same whose voluminous common-place book (7ravTomaird dva-yvc'euara) is quoted by Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v. HIaecraapydSai). Schneider would refer to him the epigrams under the name of Diotimus in the Anthology. See below. (Anthol. i. p. 253; Jacobs, ad loc.; Macrob. Sat. v. 20; Steph. Byz. s. v. Fdpyapa; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. p. 561, iv. p. 473.) 2. An Athenian, who wrote a history of Alexander the Great. The period at which he lived is not known. He is quoted, together with Aristus of Salamis, by Athenaeus (x. p. 436, e.). 3. The author of a Greek poem, called 'HpamcXAEa, in hexameter verse, on the labours of Hercules. Three verses of it are preserved by Suidas (s. v. Evp'Vgareos), and by Michael Apostolius, the Byzantine, in his collection of proverbs. (Jacobs, Anthol. vol. xiii. p. 888; see Athen. xiii. p. 603, d.) 4. Of Olympia, an author or collector of riddles (7p<IPot), is mentioned by one of the interlocutors in the I/)eipnosospuistee of Athenaeus (x. p. 448, c.) as 6 E7rapos sc,u1cv, and lived therefore at the beginnling of the third century of our era. 5. A Stoic philosopher, who is said to have accused Epicurus of profligacy, and to have forged fifty letters, professing to have been written by Epicurus, to prove it. (Diog. Lahrt. x. 3; Menag. ad loc.) According to Athenaeus, who is evidently alluding to the same story in a passage where AiroiiAos apparently should be substituted for OEdisgos, he was convicted of the forgery, at the suit of Zeno the Epicurean, and put to death. (Ath. xiii. p. 611, b.) We learn from Clement of Alexandria (Strom. ii. 21), that he considered happiness or well-being (eecro-r) to consist, not in any one good, but in the perfect accumulation of blessings (riavreAetdea eTiv d-ya6wv), which looks like a departure from strict Stoicism to the more sober view of Aristotle. (Eth. Nicosm. i. 7, 8.) [E. E.] DIOTI'MUS (ALTripAos). Under this name there are several epigrams in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. i. 250; Jacobs, i. 183), which seem, however, to be the productions of different authors, for the first epigram is entitled Aioriuov MiXstiov, and the eighth AioelTov 'A6qm'vaiov r70U Aiorei60ovs. This latter person would seem to be the same as the Athenian orator, Diotimus, who was one of the ten orators given up to Antipater. (Suid. s. v. 'AvriTrarpos; Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Orat. p. 845, a.) How many of the epigrams belong to this Diotimus, and to whom the rest ought to be assigned, is quite uncertain. Schneider refers them to thle grammarian Diotimus, of Adranmyttiums
Page 1055 DIPHILUS. The epigrams under the name of Diotimus were inclhded in the Garland of Meleager. (Jacobs, xiii. 888.) [P. S.] DIOTI'MUS (ALori-Los), a physician of Thebes, whose absurd and superstitious remedies are quoted by Pliny (H. N. xxviii. 23), and who must, therefore, have lived in or before the first century after Christ. [W. A. G.] DIOTO'GENES (Atoro0eiVs), a Pythagorean philosopher, who wrote a work 7rep'l o'CtOroS, of which three fragments are preserved in Stobaeus (tit. v. 69, xliii. 95, 130), and another 7repi 3aeiAse'a, of which two considerable fragments are likewise extant in Stobaeus (xlviii. 61, 62). [L.S.] DIO'TREPHES (Aitopiaps, Thucyd. viii. 64), was sent, B. c. 411, by the oligarchical revolutionists in the Athenian army at Samos, to take charge of the subject states in the neighbourhood of Thrace, and took the first step in pursuance of their policy towards the allies by establishing oligarchy at Thasos. Nicostratas, the general who fell at Mantineia, was son of a Diotrephes (Thuc. iv. 119): this therefore perhaps was a Diotrephes, son of Nicostratus. If so, it is an additional reason for thinking him distinct from Diitrephes, the destroyer of Mycalessus. [DIITREPHES.] [A. H. C.] DIO'TREPHES (Awirpipis), a rhetorician of high repute in his day (roepq-Ts)s 'voeoos), born at Antioch on the Maeander. Hybreas, who was contemporary with Strabo, was his pupil. (Strab. xiii. p. 630, xiv. p. 659.) [E. E.] DIOXIPPE, (AmiTLrr,) the name of four mythological beings. (Hygin. Praef., Fab. 154, 163, 181; Apollod. ii. 2. ~ 5.) [L. S.] DIOXIPPUS (AtU(t4Tnros), an Athenian comic poet of the new comedy (Suid. s. v.), wrongly called Dexippus in another passage of Suidas, (s. v. KwpuKa'os) and by Eudocia (p. 132). Suidas and Eudocia mention his AvnLropvo~oa'd!s, of which a line and a half are preserved by Athenaeus (iii. p. 100, e.), 'Io-r-opioypdos (Ath. 1. c.), which Vossius conjectures was intended to ridicule the fabulous Greek historians (de Hist. Graec. pp. 433, 434, ed. Westermann), Ana&mKano5/evom, of which nothing remains, and TLXdpyvpos. (Ath. ix. p. 472, b., xi. pp. 496, f., 502, d.) To these must be added, from Suidas and Photius (s. v. Kwpvicuaos), the O~qeaupdos. (Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec. i. p. 485, iv. pp. 541-543.) [P. S.] DIOXIPPUS, physician. [DEXIPPUS.] DIPHILUS (AitlAoy), commanded the thirtythree Athenian ships which, at the time of the passage of the second armament to Sicily, were posted at Naupactus to prevent, if possible, the transport of reinforcements to the Syracusans. He was attacked near Erineus by a squadron, chiefly Corinthian, of slightly inferior numbers; and though the victory, in a technical sense, was, if anywhere, on his side, yet he sank but three of the enemy's ships, and had six of his own disabled; and that Phormio's countrymen should, in the scene of his achievements, effect no more, was, as was felt by both parties, a severe moral defeat. (Thuc. vii. 34.) [A. H. C.] DI'PHILUS (Aigpikos). 1. The author of a poem entitled O~ve77t, and of scurrilous poems in choliambics. (Schol. Pind. Olymp. x. 83; Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 96.) From the latter passage it appears that he lived before Eupolis and Aristophanes. (Meineke, Hist. Grit. Com. Graec. pp. 448, 449; Vossius, de Hilst. Graec. p. 434, ed. Westermann.) DIPHILUS. 1055 2. One of the principal Athenian comic poets of the new comedy, and a contemporary of Menander and Philemon, was a native of Sinope. (Strab. xii. p. 546; Anon. de Comn. pp. xxx. xxxi.) He was a lover of the courtezan Gnathaena, and seems sometimes to have attacked her in his comedies, when under the influence of jealousy. (Machon and Lynceus Samius, ap. Athen. xiii. pp. 579, f., 580, a., 583, f.) He was not, however, perfectly constant. (Alciph. Ep. i. 37.) He is said to have exhibited a hundred plays (Anon. 1. c.), and sometimes to have acted himself. (Athen. xiii. p. 583, f.) Though, in point of time, Diphilus belonged to the new comedy, his poetry seems to have had more of the character of the middle. This is shewn, among other indications, by the frequency with which he chooses mythological subjects for his plays, and by his bringing on the stage the poets Archilochus, Hipponax, and Sappho. (Ath. xi. p. 487, a., xiii. p. 599, d.) His language is simple and elegant, but it contains many departures from Attic purity. Respecting his metres, see Meineke. (Hist. Crit. pp. 443, 444, 448.) The following are the plays of Diphilus, of which we have fragments or titles: "Ayyvota (Ath. ix. p. 401, a., xv. p. 700, d.), which was also ascribed to CALLIADES: 'ASexqpoi (Ath. xi. p. 499, d. e.; Poll. x. 72; Stob. Flor. cviii. 9): 'ANeihrxpia (Etym. Mag. p. 61, 10), which was also the title of a play of Antiphanes, by others ascribed to Alexis: "Apnearps (Suid. s.v. 'A,vanias): Alpr7roTEL'IS, of which there was a second edition by Callimachus under the title of E'voi3Xos or 2-rpaTiWT-rs (Ath. xi. p. 496, e., xv. 700, e.; Antiatticista, pp. 95. 17, 100. 31, 101. 29): the principal character in this play seems to have been such as Pyrgopolinices in the Miles Gloriosus of Plautus, which was perhaps taken from the play of Diphilus: 'Avdyvpos (Schol. Ven. ad II. i'. 123; corrupted in Etym. Magn. p. 744. 48, and Eustath. p. 740.20): 'Ava-'woeo,eoi (Ath. xi. p. 499, c.; Antiatt. p. 84. 25): "Asrao-ros (Ath. ix. p. 370, e.): 'Asroedrs?, (Harpocrat. p. 41. 3; Antiatt. p. 101. 10): 'AxroAtroeo-a, also ascribed to Sosippus, whose name is otherwise unknown (Ath. iv. pp. 132, e., 133, f.; Poll. x. 12): Baaeslov (Ath. x. p. 446, d.; Antiatt. p. 108. 32): Botirtos (Athli. x. p. 417, e.): rdaos (Ath. vi. p. 254, e.; and perhaps in Diog. Laert. ii. 120, AzpSAou should be substituted for wcqi5LAovi; see Menagius, ad loc. and Meineke, Hist. Grit. pp. 425, 426): Aava'les (Erot. gloss. Harpoc. p. 116): Alanap'rdvovo'a (Ath. iii. p. 111, e.): 'EycaXovvrTss (Antiatt. p. 110. 18): 'EicdrT (Ath. xiv. p. 645, a.; and perhaps Poll. x. 72; see Meineke, p. 453): 'EAeP7jpopod,'res (Ath. vi. p. 223, a.). 'EAAe3opi0d1epop (Antiatt. p. 100. 12): "E^Ttropos (Ath. vi. pp. 226, e., 227, e., vii. p. 316, f.; Etym. Mag. p. 490. 40, a gap being supplied from the Cod. Barocc. ap. Bekker, Anecd. p. 1445; Harpocrat. p. 130. 22): 'Eveayiov-es (Ath. iv. p. 165, f.) or 'Evanyiorf-aTa (Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 960; Photius and Suidas, s. v. wAos): 'Entmcano'ýzevos (Poll. x. 137): 'ETrtposnIj, or more correctly 'ETrTpoTrevsS (Antiatt. p. 69): 'ETrtc'Apos (Poll. x. 99): Zw-ypd os (Ath. vi. p. 230, f., vii. p. 291, f.; Stob. Flor. cv. 5): 'HpacAMijs (Ath. x. p. 421, e.): "Hpws (Ath. ix. p. 371, a.): O@ronavp6s (Stob. Flor. xii. 12): OmjorEs (Ath. vi. p. 262, a., x. p. 451, b.): KMOapwdos (Poll. x. 38, 62): KA7posJeiuoI, of which the Casina of Plautus is a translation (Prolog. 31): Arvc(,la (Ath. vi. p. 307, f., comp. iv. p. 168, b.):
Page 1056 1056 DIPHRIDAS. Mawtvoevos (Poll. x. 18): MvIpctin-ov (Ath. iii. p. 124, d.): latibepao-ra (Ath. x. p. 423, e.): IlakhaKS (Etym. Mag. p. 206, 16): Ilapdao'ros (Ath. vi. pp. 236, b., 238, f., 247, d., x. p. 422, b.): IneALdes (Ath. iv. p. 156, f.): Ilfpado-rs, probably for TWOpav'orrqs (Ath. xiii. p. 484, e.): IlIhveotdppos (Antiatt. p. 101. 4; and perhaps Eustath. ad Homn. p. 1479. 46): roAhvurpa&ypwv (Ath. vi. p. 225, a.; Phot. s. v. 'pa'yaos): niVppa (Ammon. Di/T. Verb. p. 61): dacWr(p (Ath. xi. p. 487, a., xiii. p. 599, d.): KLceXlKo'S (Poll. ix. 81), which, however, belongs perhaps to Philemon:.X~eta (Etym. Mag. p. 683, 24, corrected by Gaisford): vvawroOv'qr-KovTES, which was translated by Plautus under the title of Commorientes, and partly followed by Terence in his Adelphi. (Terent. Prol. Adelph. 10; see Meineke, IMenand. et Philem. Reliq. p. 1)::vroTpoPpo (Harpoc. p. 55. 8): uvpis, of which there were two editions (Ath. vi. p. 247, a. c., xiv. p. 657, e.; Phot. s. v. (pi/mot; Harpocr. p. 182. 3): TeAo-ias (Ath. xiv. p. 640, d.): 4,p(ap (Stob. Flor. cxvi. 32): PtAdbaeAPos or,iAadseA oi (Antiatt. p. 80. 29, 110. 17): XpvaoXoos (Phot. s. v. doraia). There are other fragments, which cannot be assigned to their proper places. The Rudens of Plautus is a translation of a play of Diphilus (Prol. 32), but the title of the Greek play is not known. (Meineke, Frag. Corn. Grace. i. pp. 445-457, iv. pp. 375-430.) 3. A grammarian, of Laodiceia, wrote upon the TYheriaca of Nicander. (Ath. vii. p. 314, d., and in other passages; Casaubon, ad Ath. vii. c. 18, p. 547; Schol. ad Theocr. x. 1, p. 141.) 4. A tragedian, exhibited at Rome in the time of Cicero, whom he grievously offended by applying to Pompey, at the Apollinarian games (B.c. 59), the words " Nostra miseria ti es Magnus," and "other allusions, which the audience made him repeat again and again. (Cic. ad Alt. ii. 19. ~ 3; Val. Max. vi. 2. ~ 9.) [P. S.] DIPHILUS, philosophers. 1. Of Bosporus, a Megaric philosopher, a disciple of Euphantus and Stilpo. (Diog. Lairt. ii. 113.) 2. A Stoic, of Bithynia, son of Demetrius, and contemporary with Panaetius. (Ibid. v. 84.) 3. Another Stoic, surnamed Labyrinthus, the teacher of Zeno, the son of Aristaenetus. (Lucian, Conviv. 6 et passim.) [P. S.] DI'PHILUS, an architect, who wrote on mechanical powers. (Vitruv. vii. Praef.) He seems to have been the same who tried the patience of Cicero. (Epist. ad Q. F. iii. 1, 1, iii. 9.) [P. S.] DIPHILUS (AiltXPos). 1. A physician of Siphnus, one of the Cyclades, who was a contemporary of Lysimachus, king of Thrace, about the beginning of the third century B.c. (Athen.ii.p. 51.) He wrote a work entitled, IhepI Trv IpocrO popoEvewv "voIS Noaoot ial Tos 'Tryalvoviyl, " On Diet fit for Persons in good and bad Health" (Athen. iii. ~ 24. p. 82), which is frequently quoted by Athenaeus, but of which nothing remains but the short fragments preserved by him. (ii. pp. 51, 54,55,56, &c.) 2. A native of Loadiceia, in Phrygia, mentioned by Athenaeus (vii. p. 314) as having written a commentary on Nicander's Theriaca, and who must, therefore, have lived between the second century before and the third century after Christ. [W. A. G.] DI'PHRIDAS (ALcpiias), a Lacedaemonian, was sent out to Asia, in B. c. 391, after the death of Thibron, to gather together the relics of his army, and, having raised fresh troops, to protect DIRCE. the states that were friendly to Sparta, and prosecute the war with Struthas. With manners no less agreeable than those of his predecessor, he had more steadiness and energy of character. He therefore soon retrieved the affairs of Lacedaemon, and, having captured Tigranes, the son-in-law of Struthas, together with his wife, he obtained a large ransom for their release, and was thus enabled to raise and support a body of mercenaries. (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. ~~ 21, 22.) Diphridas, the Ephor, who is mentioned by Plutarch (Ages. 17) as being sent forward to meet Agesilaus, then at Narthacium in Thessaly, and to desire him to advance at once into Boeotia,. c. 394. (Comp. Xen. Iell. iv. 3. ~ 9.) The name Diphridas, as it seems, should be substituted for Diphilas in Diod. xiv. 97. [E. E.] DIPOENUS and SCYLLIS (AI7rovosI Kal 2chhAAts), very ancient Greek statuaries, who are always mentioned together. They belonged to the style of art called Daedalian. [DAEDALUS.] Pausanias says that they were disciples of Daedalus, and, according to some, his sons. (ii. 15. ~ 1, iii. 17. ~ 6.) There is, however, no doubt that they were real persons; but they lived near the end, instead of the beginning, of the period of the Daedalids. Pliny says that they were born in Crete, during the time of the Median empire, and before the reign of Cyrus, about the 50th Olympiad (B. c. 580: the accession of Cyrus was in B. c. 559). From Crete they went to Sicyon, which was for a long time the chief seat of Grecian art. There they were employed on some statues of the gods, but before these statues were finished, the artists, complaining of some wrong, betook themselves to the Aetolians. The Sicyonians were immediately attacked by a famine and drought, which, they were informed by the Delphic oracle, would only be removed when Dipoenus and Scyllis should finish the statues of the gods, which they were induced to do by great rewards and favours. The statues were those of Apollo, Artemis, Heracles, and Athena (Plin. H.N. xxxvi. 4.~ 1), whence it seems likely that the whole group represented the seizure of the tripod, like that of AMYCLAEUS. Pliny adds that Ambracia, Argos, and Cleonae, were full of the works of Dipoenus. (~ 2.) He also says (i 1, 2), that these artists were the first who were celebrated for sculpturing in marble, and that they used the white marble of Paros. Pausanias mentions, as their works, a statue of Athena, at Cleonae (/. c.), and at Argos a group representing Castor and Pollux with their wives, Elaeira and Phoebe, and their sons, Anaxis and Mnasinotis. The group was in ebony, except some few parts of the horses, which were of ivory. (Paus. ii. 22. ~ 6.) Clement of Alexandria mentions these statues of the Dioscuri, and also statues of Hercules of Tiryns and Artemis of Munychia, at Sicyon. (Protrep. p. 42. 15; comp. Plin. 1. c.) The disciples of Dipoenus and Scyllis were Tectaeus and Angelion, Learchus of Rhegium, Dorycleidas and his brother Medon, Dontas, and Theocles, who were all four Lacedaemonians. (Paus. ii. 32. ~ 4, iii. 17. ~ 6, v. 17. ~ 1, vi. 19. ~ 9.) [P. S.] DIRCE (Alpwc), a daughter of Helios and wife of Lycus. Respecting her story, see AMPHION, p. 151, a. Her body was changed by Dionysus, in whose service she had been engaged, into a well on mount Cithaeron. (Hygin. Fab. 7.) A small river near Thebes likewise received its name from her. (Paus. ix. 25. ~ 3.) [L. S.]
Page 1057 DIVITIACUS. DIS, contracted from Dives, a name sometimes given to Pluto, and hence also to the lower world. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 26; Virg. Aen. vi. 127; comp. PLUTO.) [L. S.] DISA'RIUS, a physician, who may be supposed to have lived in the fifth century after Christ, and who is introduced by Macrobius in his Saturnalia (vii. 4) as discoursing on dietetics and the process of digestion. [W. A. G.] DITALCO. [VTRIATHUS.] DIVES, L. BAE'BIUS, was praetor in B. c. 189, and obtained the southern part of Spain for his province. On his way thither he was surrounded by Ligurians, who cut to pieces a great part of his forces: he himself was wounded, and escaped to Massilia, where however he died on the third day after. (Liv. xxxvii. 47, 50, 57.) [L. S.] DIVES, L. CANULEIUS, was appointed praetor in B. c. 171, and obtained Spain for his province. But before he went to his post, several Spanish tribes sent embassies to Rome to complain of the avarice and insolence of their Roman governors. Hereupon L. Canuleius Dives was commissioned to appoint five recuperatores of senatorian rank to inquire into each particular case of extortion, and to allow the accused to choose their own pleaders. In consequence of the investigations which were thus commenced, two men who had been praetors in Spain withdrew into voluntary exile. The pleaders, probably bribed by the guilty, contrived to suppress the whole inquiry, as men of rank and influence were involved in it. L. Canuleius likewise is not free from the suspicion of having assisted the pleaders, for he joined them in dropping the matter, and forth with assembled his troops, and proceeded to his province. After his arrival in Spain, another interesting embassy was sent to Rome. Roman armies had for many years been stationed in Spain, and numbers of the soldiers had married Spanish women. At the time when Canuleius was in Spain, the number of persons who had sprung from such marriages is said to'bave amounted to upwards of 4000, and they now petitioned the senate to assign to them a town, where they might settle. The senate decreed that they should give in their names to Canuleius, and that, if he would manumit them, they were to settle as colonists at Carteia, where they were to form a colonia libertinorum. (Liv. xlii. 28, 31, xliii. 2, 3.) [L. S.] DI'VICO, a commander of the Helvetians in the war against L. Cassius, in B. c. 107. Nearly fifty years later, B. c. 58, when J. Caesar was preparing to attack the Helvetians, they sent an embassy to him,,headed by the aged Divico, whose courageous speech is recorded by Caesar. (B. G. i. 13; comp. Oros. v. 15; Liv. Epit. 65.) [L. S.] DIVITI'ACUS, an Aeduan noble, and brother of Dumnorix, is mentioned by Cicero ( deDisv. i. 41) as belonging to the order of Druids, and professing much knowledge of the secrets of nature and of divination. He was a warm adherent of the Romans and of Caesar, who, in consideration of his earnest entreaties, pardoned the treason of Dumnorix in B. c. 58. In the same year he took the most prominent part among the Gallic chiefs in requesting Caesar's aid against Ariovistus [see p. 287]; he had, some time before, gone even to Rome to ask the senate for their interference, but without success. It was probably during this visit that lie was the guest of Cicero (de Die. 1. c.). Throughout, Caesar DOCIMUS 1057 placed the greatest confidence in him, and in B. c. 57, pardoned, at his intercession, the Bellovaci, who had joined with the rest of the Belgians in their conspiracy. (Caes. B. G. i. 3, 16-20, 31, 32, ii. 5, 14, 15. vi. 12, vii. 39; Plut. Caes. 19; Dion Cass. xxxviii. 34, &c.) [E. E.] DIURPANEUS. [DECEBALUS.] DIUS (A^os), the author of a history of the Phoenicians, of which a fragment concerning Solomon and Hiram is preserved in Josephus. (c. Apion. i. 17.) There was also a Pythagorean philosopher Dius, who wrote a work Trepl KacAovV s, of which two fragments are preserved in Stobaeus. (Tit. lxv. 16, 17.) [L. S.] DIYLLUS (AivAXos), an Athenian, who wrote a history of Greece and Sicily in 26 or 27 books. It was divided apparently into several parts, the first of which extended from the seizure of the Delphic temple by Philomelus (where the history of Callisthenes ended) to the siege of Perinthus, by Philip (B. c. 357-340), and the second from B. c. 340 to 336, the date of Philip's death. The work was carried on, according to Diodorus, down to B.c. 298, from which period Psaon, of Plataea, continued it. If we accede to Casaubon's substitution of AilUNos for Ailasvos, in Diog. Laert. v. 76, we must reckon also a work on drinking-parties (ouvjmrooiaicd) among the writings of Diyllus. The exact period at which he flourished cannot be ascertained, but he belongs to the age of the Ptolemies. (Diod. xvi. 14, 76, xxi., Frangm. 5, p. 490; Plut. de Herod. Mal. 26; Ath. iv. p. 155, a, xiii. p. 593, f; Maussac. ad Harupocrat. s. v. 'Apoiv-iwe; Wesseling, ad Diod. xvi. 14; Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. sub ann. 357, 339, 298, p. 377.) [E. E.) DIYLLUS (AiuAAo's), a Corinthian statuary, who, in conjunction with Amyclaeus, executed the greater part of the bronze group which the Phocians dedicated at Delphi. (Paus. x. 13. ~ 4; AMYCLAEUS; CHIONIs.) [P. S.] DO'CIMUS (AoB'icos), one of the officers in the Macedonian army, who after the death of Alexander supported the party of Perdiccas. After the death of Perdiccas he united with Attalus and Alcetas, and was taken prisoner together with the former when their combined forces were defeated by Antigonus in Pisidia, B. c. 320. (Diod. xviii. 45, Polyaen. iv. 6. ~ 7.) The captives were confined in a strong fort, but, during the expedition of Antigonus against Eumenes, they contrived to overpower their guards, and make themselves masters of the fortress. Docimus, however, having quitted the castle to carry on a negotiation with Stratonice, the wife of Antigonus, was again made prisoner. (Diod. xix. 16.) He appears after this to have entered the service of Antigonus, as we find him in 31.3 B. c. sent by that prince with an army to establish the freedom of the Greek cities in Caria. (Diod. xix. 75; Droysen, Hellenismus, vol. i. p. 358.) In the campaign preceding the battle of Ipsus, he held the strong fortress of Synnada in Phrygia in charge for Antigonus, but was induced to surrender it into the hands of Lysimachus. (Diod. xx. 107; Pausan. i. 8. 6 1.) It is probable that he had been governor of the adjoining district for some time: and he had founded there the city called after him Docimeium. (Steph. Byz. s. v. AoKmAELoV, Droysen, Hellenismus, vol. ii. p. 665; Eckhel, iii. p. 151.) His name is not mentioned after the fall of Antigonus. [E. H. B.] 3Y
Page 1058 1058 DOLABELLA. DO'CIMUS or DOCI'MIUS. To a supposed Graeco-Roman jurist of this name has been sometimes attributed the authorship of a legal work in alphabetical order, called by Harmenopulus (~ 49) Tdo iuIcpdv cara orotoLXiov, and usually known by the name of Synopsis Minor. It is principally borrowed from a work of Michael Attaliata. A fragment of the work relating to the authority of the Leges Rhodiae, was published by S. Schardius (Basel 1561), at the end of the Naval Laws, and the same fragment appears in the collection of Leunclavius (J. G. R. ii. p. 472). Pardessus has published some further fragments of the Synopsis Minor (Collection de Lois lMaritimes, i. pp. 164, 195-204), and Zachariae has given some extracts from it (Hist. Jur. G. R. p. 76); but the greater part of the work is still in manuscript. Bach conjectures that the compilation of the Rhodian laws themselves was made by Docimus (Hist. Jur. Rom. lib. iv. c. 1, sect. 3. ~ 26, p. 638); but Zachariae is of opinion, that the only reason for attributing to him the authorship of the Synopsis Minor was, that the manuscript of Vienna, from which the fragment in Schardius and Leunclavius was published, once belonged to a person named Docimus. [J. T. G.] DOION (Awodv), a son of Zeus by Europa, from whom the oracle of Dodona was believed to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v. AUScldv.) Other traditions traced the name to a nymph of the name of Dodone. [L. S.] DOLABELLA, sometimes written Dolobella, the name of a family of the patrician Cornelia gens. (Ruhnken, ad Vell. Pat. ii. 43.) 1. P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA MAXIMUS, was consul in B. c. 283 with Cn. Domitius Calvinus, and in that year conquered the Senones, who had defeated the praetor L. Caecilius, and murdered the Roman ambassadors. Owing to the loss of the consular Fasti for that time we do not hear of his triumph, though he undoubtedly celebrated his victory by a triumph. In B. c. 279 he, together with C. Fabricius and Q. Aemilius, went to Pyrrhus as ambassadors to effect an exchange of prisoners. (Eutrop. ii. 6; Florus, i. 13; Appian, Samnit. 6, Gall. 11; Dionys. Excerpt, p. 2344, ed. Reiske, and p. 75, ed. Frankfurt.) 2. CN. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, was inaugurated in B. c. 208 as rex sacrorum in the place of M. Marcius, and he held this office until his death in B. c. 180. (Liv. xxvii. 36, xl. 42.) 3. L. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, was duumnvir navalis in B. c. 180. In that year his kinsman, Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, the rex sacrorum, died, and our Dolabella wanted to become his successor. But C. Servilius, the pontifex maximus, before inaugurating him, demanded of him to resign his office of duumvir navalis. When Dolabella refused to obey this command, the pontifex inflicted a fine upon him. Dolabella appealed against it to the people. Several tribes had already given their vote that Dolabella ought to obey, and that he should be released from the fine if he would resign the office of duumvir navalis, when some sign in the heavens broke up the assembly. This was a fresh reason for the pontiff's refusing to inaugurate Dolabella. As duumvir navalis he and his colleague, C. Furius, had to protect the eastern coast of Italy with a fleet of twenty sail against the Illyrians. (Liv. xl. 42; xii. 5.) 4. CN. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, was curule DOLABELLA. aedile in B. c. 165, in which year he and his colleague, Sex. Julius Caesar, had the Hecyra of Terence performed at the festival of the Megalesia. In B. c. 159 he was consul with M. Fulvius Nobilior. (Title of Terent. HIecyr.; Suet. Vit. Terent. 5.) 5. CN. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, a grandson of No. 4, and a son of the Cn. Cornelius Dolabella who was put to death in B. c. 100, together with the tribune Appuleins Saturninus. During the civil war between Marius and Sulla, Dolabella sided with the latter, and in B. c. 81, when Sulla was dictator, Dolabella was raised to the consulship, and afterwards received Macedonia for his province. He there carried on a successful war against the Thracians, for which he was rewarded on his return with a triumph. In B. c. 77, however, young Julius Caesar charged him with having been guilty of extortion in his province, but he was acquitted. (Oros. v. 17; Plut. Sulla, 28, &c.; Appian, B. C. i. 100; Suet. Caes. 4, 49, 55; Veil. Pat. ii. 43; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 78; Val. Max. viii. 9. ~ 3; Cic. in Pison. 19, Brut. 92, de Leg. Agr. ii. 14; Tacit. de Orat. 34; Gellius, xv. 28; Ascon. in Scaur. p. 29, in Cornel. p. 73, ed. Orelli.) 6. CN. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, was praetor urbanus, in B. c. 81, when the cause of P. Quintius was tried. Cicero charges him with having acted on that occasion unjustly and against all established usages. The year after he had Cilicia for his province, and C. Malleolus was his quaestor, and the notorious Verres his legate. Dolabella not only tolerated the extortions and robberies committed by them, but shared in their booty. He was especially indulgent towards Verres, and, after Malleolus was murdered, he made Verres his proquaestor. After his return to Rome, Dolabella was accused by M. Aemilius Scaurus of extortion in his province, and on that occasion Verres not only deserted his accomplice, but furnished the accuser with all the necessary information, and even spoke himself publicly against Dolabella. Many of the crimes committed by Verres himself were thus put to the account of Dolabella, who was therefore condemned. He went into exile, and left his wife and children behind him in great poverty. (Cic. pro Quint. 2, 8; in Verr. i. 4, 15, 17, 29; Ascon. in Cornel. p. 110, ed. Olelli, who however confounds him with No. 5.) 7. P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, was praetor urbanus in B. c. 67; if, as is usually supposed, this be the year in which Cicero spoke for Aulus Caecina. (Cic. pro Caec. 8.) He seems to be the same person as the Dolabella who is mentioned by Valerius Maximus, (viii. 1, Ambustae, ~ 2,) as governor of Asia, with the title of proconsul. (Comp. Gell. xii. 7, where he bears the praenomen Cneius; Amm. Marc. xxix. 2.) 8. P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, perhaps a son of No. 7, was one of the most profligate men of his time. He was born about B. c. 70, and is said to have been guilty, even in early youth, of some capital offences, which might have cost him his life, had not Cicero defended and saved him with great exertions. In n. c. 51, he was appointed a member of the college of the quindecimviri, and the year following he accused Appius Claudius of having violated the sovereign rights of the people. While this trial was going on, Fabisa
Page 1059 DOLABELLA. the wife of Dolabella, left her husband. She had been compelled to take this step by the conduct of her husband, who hoped by a marriage with Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, to prevent Cicero from assisting App. Claudius in his trial by favourable testimonies from Cilicia. Cicero himself, on the other hand, was anxious to oblige App. Claudius, and was therefore by no means inclined to give his own daughter in marriage to the accuser of Claudius; he had, besides, been contemplating to bring about a marriage between Tullia and Tib. Claudius Nero. But Cicero's wife was gained over by Dolabella, and, before Cicero could interfere, the engagement was made, and the marriage soon followed. Cicero seems to have been grieved by the affair, for he knew the vicious character of his son-in-law; but Cloelius endeavoured to console him by saying, that the vices of Dolabella were mere youthful ebullitions, the time of which was now gone by, and that if there remained any traces of them, they would soon be corrected by Cicero's influence, and the virtuous conduct of Tullia. App. Claudius was acquitted in the mean time, and as thus the great outward obstacle was removed, Cicero tried to make the best of what he had been unable to prevent. In his letters written about that time, and afterwards, Cicero speaks of Dolabella with admiration and affection, and he may have really hoped that his son-in-law would improve; but the consequences of his former recklessness and licentiousness, even if he had wished to mend, drove him to new acns of the same kind. The great amount of debts which he had contracted, and the urgent demands of his creditors, compelled him in B. c. 49 to seek refuge in the camp of Caesar. This was a severe blow to Cicero, who speaks of the step with great sorrow. When Caesar marched into Spain against Pompey's legates, Dolabella had the command of Caesar's fleet in the Adriatic, but was unable to effect anything of consequence. After the battle of Pharsalus, in which he had taken a part, Dolabella returned to Rome. He had hoped that Caesar would liberally reward his services, or that proscriptions, like those of Sulla, would afford him the means of obtaining money; but in vain. His creditors were as loud and troublesome in their demands as before, and he at last had recourse to a new expedient. He caused himself to be adopted into the plebeian family of Cn. Lentulus-whence he is afterwards sometimes called Lentulus-in order to be able to obtain the tribuneship. He was accordingly made tribune in B. c. 48; and, in spite of the decree of the senate, that everything at Rome should remain unchanged till Caesar's return from Alexandria, Dolabella came forward with a rogation, that all debts should be cancelled, and with some other measures of a similar character. His colleagues, Asinius and L. Trebellius, opposed the scheme, and vehement and bloody struggles ensued between the two parties which were thus formed at Rome. Antony, who had been left behind by Caesar as his vicegerent, and bore no hostility towards Dolabella, did not take any strong measures against him till he was informed of an amour existing between his wife Antonia and Dolabella. The day on which Dolabella's rogations were to be put to the vote, a fresh tumult broke out in the city, in which the party of Dolabella was defeated; but peace was nevertheless not quite restored till the autumn, when Cae DOLABELLA. 1059 sar returned to Rome. Caesar of course greatly disapproved of Dolabella's conduct, but he did not think it prudent to bring him to account, or to punish him for it. However, he got him away from Rome by taking him with him to Africa about the close of the year, and afterwards also in his Spanish campaign against the two sons of Pompey. In the course of the latter of these expeditions Dolabella was wounded. Caesar promised him the consulship for the year B. c. 44, although Dolabella was then only twenty-five years old, and had not yet held the praetorship; but Caesar afterwards altered his mind, and entered himself upon the consulship for that year; however, as he had resolved upon his campaign against the Parthians, he promised Dolabella the consulship, in his absence, on the 1st of January, B. c. 44. Antony, who was then augur, threatened to prevent such an appointment, and when the comitia were held, he carried his threat into effect. On the 15th of March the senate was to have decided upon the opposition of Antony; but the murder of Caesar on that day changed the aspect of everything. Dolabella immediately took possession of the consular fasces, and not only approved of the murder, but joined the assassins, and thus obtained the office of which he had already usurped the insignia. In order to make a still greater display of his hatred of Caesar, he caused the altar which had been erected to his honour and the column in the forum to be pulled down; and many persons who went thither with the intention of offering sacrifices to Caesar, and of paying him divine honours, were thrown from the Tarpeian rock, or nailed on the cross. These apparent republican sentiments and actions gave great delight to Cicero and the republican party; but no sooner did Antony open the treasury to Dolabella, and give him Syria for his province, with the command against the Parthians, than all his republican enthusiasm disappeared at once. As Cassius had likewise a claim to the province of Syria, Dolabella left Rome before the year of his consulship had come to its close. But he did not proceed straightway to Syria; for, being greatly in want of money, he marched through Greece, Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia Minor, collecting and extorting as much as he could on his way. C. Trebonius, one of Caesar's murderers, who had then arrived at Smyrna as proconsul of Asia, did not admit Dolabella into the city, but sent him provisions outside the place. Dolabella pretended to go to Ephesus, and Trebonius gave him an escort to conduct him thither; but when the escort returned to Smyrna, Dolabella too went back, and entered Smyrna by night. Trebonius was murdered in his bed, in February, B. c. 43; or, according to Cicero, lie was tortured for two days before he was put to death. Dolabella now began extorting money and troops from the towns of Asia Minor with a recklessness which knew no scruples whatever in regard to the means for securing his end. When his proceedings became known at Rome, he was outlawed and declared a public enemy. Cassius, who had in the mean time arrived in Asia, made war upon him, and took Laodiceia, which Dolabella had occupied. The latter, in order not to fall into the hands of his enemies, ordered one of his soldiers to kill him, B. c. 43. It is extraordinary to see the forbearance with which Cicero treated Dolabella, who, after his marriage wvith Tullia, a. c. 49, improved so little 3, v 2
Page 1060 1060 DOLIUS. in his conduct, that two years after, Tullia left him when she was expecting to become mother of a second child by him. Cicero, who certainly loved his daughter most tenderly, and was aware of the unworthy and contemptible conduct of Dolabella, yet kept up his connexion with him after the divorce, and repeatedly assures him of his great attachment. It is difficult to account for this mode of acting on the part of Cicero, unless we suppose that his desire to keep upon good terms with a man who possessed influence with Caesar outweighed all other considerations. Cicero's fondness for him continued for a short time after Caesar's murder, that is, so long as Dolabella played the part of a republican; but a change took place in Cicero's feelings as soon as Dolabella allied himself with Antony, and at the time when his crimes in Asia became known, Cicero spoke of him with the utmost bitterness and contempt. (See the numerous passages of Cicero relating to Dolabella in Orelli, Onom. ii. p. 175,&c.; comp. Fabric. Vit. Cic. p. 91, with Orelli's note: Dion Cass. xli. 40, xlii. 29, &c., xliii. 51, xliv. 22, 51, xlv. 15, xlvii. 29; Suet. Caes. 36, 85; Appian, B. C. ii. 41, 122, 129, iii. 3, 7, &c., 24, 26; Liv. Epit. 113, 119; Vell. Pat. ii. 58, 60, 69; Plut. Anton. 9, 10, 11; Caes. Bell. Alex. 65; Oros. vi. 18.) 9. P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, a son of No. 8 by his first wife, Fabia. In B. c. 30 he was with Octavianus at Alexandria, and feeling himself attracted by the charms of Cleopatra, he betrayed to her that it was her conqueror's intention to carry her to Italy. In A. D. 10, he was consul with C. Junius Silanus. On coins he is designated as triumvir monetalis. (Plut. Anton. 84; Fast. Cap.; Vaillant, Cornel. 65.) 10. P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, a son of No. 9, "was proconsul of Africa in the reign of Tiberius, A. D. 23 and 24. In the course of the administration of his province he gained a complete victory over the Numidian Tacfarinas; but although he had formerly been a very great flatterer of Tiberius, yet he did not obtain the ornaments of a triumph, in order that his predecessor in the province of Africa, Junius Blaesius, an uncle of Sejanus, might not be thrown into the shade. In A. D. 27 he joined Domitius Afer in the accusation against his own relative, Quintilius Varus, (Tac. Ann. iii. 47, 68, iv. 23, &c. 66.) 11. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, was sent in A. D. 70 by the emperor Otho into the colony of Aquinum, to be kept there in a sort of libera custodia, for no other reason, but because he belonged to an ancient family, and was related to Galba. After the death of Otho he came back to Rome, but one of his most intimate friends, Plancius Varus, denounced him to the praefect of the city, who being a man of a mild but weak temperament, was inclined to pardon him, until Triaria, the wife of Vitellius, prevailed upon him not to sacrifice the safety of the princeps to his feeling of clemency. Vitellius, too, became alarmed through her, as Dolabella had married Petronia, a former wife of Vitellius. The emperor, therefore, enticed him to Interamnium, and there ordered him to be put to death. This was the first act of wanton cruelty in the reign of Vitellius. (Tac. Hist. i. 88, ii. 63.) [L. S.] DO'LIUS, (Adoios), an aged slave of Penelope, whom she had received from her father on her marrying Odysseus, and who took care of her garden. DOMITIA. On the return of Odysseus from his wanderings, Dolius and his six sons welcomed him, and was ready to join his master against the relatives of the suitors. (Horn. Od. iv. 735; xxiv. 498.) [L. S.] DOLON (Ad'owv), the name of two mythical personages, both Trojans. (Hom. II. x. 314, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 90.) [L. S.] DOLOPS (AoAos), a son of Hermes, who had a sepulchral monument in the neighbourhood of Peiresiae and Magnesa, which was visible at a great distance, and at which the Argonauts landed and offered up sacrifices. (Apollon. Rhod. i. 584; Orph. Arg. 459.) There are two other mythical personages of this name. (Hom. II. xv. 525, &c.; Hygin. Fab. Praef. p. 2.) [L. S.] DOMATI'TES (Aoa-sT1irns), that is, the domestic, a surname of Poseidon, at Sparta, which is, perhaps, synonymous with erXcvpLom. (Paus. iii. 14. ~ 7.) [L. S.] DOMIDU'CA and DOMIDU'CUS, Roman surnames of Jupiter and Juno, who, as the gods of marriage, were believed to conduct the bride into the house of the bridegroom. (August. de Civ. Dei, vii. 3, ix. 6.) [L. S.] DOMI'TIA, a sister of Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus [AHENOBARBUS, No. 10], and consequently an aunt of the emperor Nero. She was the wife of Crispus Passienus, who afterwards deserted her and married Agrippina, the mother of Nero. It is natural, therefore, that Tacitus should call her an enemy of Agrippina. After the murder of his mother, Nero ordered Domitia, who was already of an advanced age, to be poisoned, in order that he might get possession of the property, which she possessed at Baiae, and in the neighbourhood of Ravenna, on which estates he built magnificent gymnasia. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 19, 21; Suet. Ner. 34; Dion Cass. lxi. 17; Quintil. vi. 1. ~ 50, 3. ~74, x. 1. ~ 24.) [L. S.] DOMI'TIA LE'PIDA, a sister of Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus [AHENOBARBUS, No. 10], and of Domitia, and, consequently, like her an aunt of the emperor Nero. She was married to M. Valerius MessallaBarbatus, by whom she became the mother of Messallina, the wife of the emperor Claudius. There existed a rivalry of female vanity between her and Agrippina, the mother of Nero. Both women were equally bad and vicious in their conduct; Agrippina however succeeded, in A. D. 55, in inducing her son to sentence his aunt to death. (Tac. Ann. xi. 37, &c., xii. 64, &c.; Suet. Claud. 26, Nero, 7.) [L. S.] DOMI'TIA LONGI'NA, a daughter of Domitius Corbulo, was married to L. Lamia Aemilianus, from whom she was carried away by Domitian about the time of Vespasian's accession. Immediately after Vespasian's return from the east, Domitian lived with her and his other mistresses on an estate near the Mons Albanus. Subsequently, however, he married her, and in A. D. 73 she bore him a son. But she was unfaithful to him, and kept up an adulterous intercourse with Paris, an actor. When this was discovered, in A. D. 83, Domitian repudiated her on the advice of Ursus, and henceforth lived with Julia, the daughter of his brother. Soon after, however, he formed a reconciliation with Domitia, because he said the people wished it; but he nevertheless continued his intercourse with Julia. Domitia never loved Domitian, and she knew of the conspiracy against his life; as she was informed that her own life was in
Page 1061 DOMITIANUS. danger, she urged the conspirators on, and Domitian was murdered in A. D. 96. (Dion Cass. 1xvii. 3, 1xvi. 3, 15; Suet. Domit. 3, 22.) The coin annexed contains on the obverse the head of Domitia, with the legend DOMITIA AVGVSTA IMP. Domir. [L. S.] DOMI'TIA GENS, plebeian, the members of which towards the end of the republic were looked upon as belonging to one of the most illustrious gentes, (Cic. Phil. ii. 29; Plin. H. N. vii. 57; Val. Max. vi. 2. ~ 8.) During the time of the republic, we meet with only two branches of this gens, the AHENOBARBI and CALVINI, and, with the exception of a few unknown personages mentioned in isolated passages of Cicero, there is none without a cognomen. [L. S.] DOMITIA'N US, or with his full name T. FLAvius DOMITIANus AUGUSTUS, was the younger of Vespasian's sons by his first wife Domitilla. He succeeded his elder brother Titus as emperor, and reigned from A. D. 81 to 96. He was born at Rome, on the 24th of October, A. D. 52, the year in which his father was consul designatus. Suetonius relates that Domitian in his youth led such a wretched life, that he never used a silver vessel, and that he prostituted himself for money. The position which his father then occupied precludes the possibility of ascribing this mode of life to poverty, and if the account be true, we must attribute this conduct to his bad natural disposition. When Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, Domitian, who was then eighteen years old, hap-' pened to be at Rome, where he and his friends were persecuted by Vitellius; Sabinus, Vespasian's brother, was murdered, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that Domitian escaped from the burning temple of the capitol, and concealed himself until the victory of his father's party was decided. After the fall of Vitellius, Domitian was proclaimed Caesar, and obtained the city praetorship with consular power. As his father was still absent in the east, Domitian and Mucianus undertook the administration of Italy until Vespasian returned. The power which was thus put into his hands was abused by the dissolute young man in a manner which shewed to the world, but too plainly, what was to be expected, if he should ever succeed to the imperial throne: he put several persons to death, merely to gratify his desire of taking vengeance on his personal enemies; he seduced many wives, and lived surrounded by a sort of harem, and arbitrarily deposed and appointed so many magistrates, both in the city and Italy, that his father with a bitter sarcasm wrote to him, " I wonder that you do not send some one to succeed me." Being jealous of the military glory of his father and brother, he resolved upon marching against Civilis in Gaul, in spite of the advice of all his friends to remain at Rome; but he did not advance further than Lugdunum, for on his arrival there he received intelligence of Cerealis having already conquered the rebel. DOMITIANUS. 1061 When his father at length arrived at Rome, Domitian, who was conscious of his evil conduct, is said not to have ventured to meet him, and to have pretended not to be in the perfect possession of his mind. Vespasian, however, knew his disposition, and throughout his reign kept him as much as possible away from public affairs; but in order to display his rank and station, Domitian always accompanied his father and brother when they appeared in public, and when they celebrated their triumph after the Jewish war, he followed them in the procession riding on a white warsteed. He lived partly in the same house with his father, and partly on an estate near the Mons Albanus, where he was surrounded by a number of courtezans. While he thus led a private life, he devoted a great part of his time to the composition of poetry and the recitation of his productions. Vespasian, who died in A.D. 79, was succeeded by his elder son Titus, and Domitian used publicly to say, that he was deprived of his share in the government by a forgery in his father's will, for that it had been the wish of the latter that the two brothers should reign in common. But this was mere calumny: Domitian hated his brother, and made several attempts upon his life. Titus behaved with the utmost forbearance towards him, but followed the exanple of his father in not allowing Domitian to take any part in the administration of public affairs, although he was invested with the consulship seven times during the reigns of his father and brother. The early death of Titus, in A. D. 81, was in all probability the work of Domitian. Suetonius states that Domitian ordered the sick Titus to be left entirely alone, before he was quite dead; Dion Cassius says that he accelerated his death by ordering him while in a fever to be put into a vessel filled with snow; and other writers plainly assert, that Titus was poisoned or murdered by Domitian. On the ides of September, A. D. 81, the day on which Titus died, Domitian was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. During the first years of his reign he continued, indeed, to indulge in strange passions, but Suetonius remarks that he manifested a pretty equal mixture of vices and virtues. Among the latter we must mention, that he kept a very strict superintendence over the governors of provinces, so that in his reign they are said to have been juster than they ever were afterwards. He also enacted several useful laws: he forbade, for example, the castration of male children, and restricted the increasing cultivation of the vine, whereby the growth of corn was neglected. He endeavoured to correct the frivolous and licentious conduct of the higher classes, and shewed great liberality and moderation on many occasions. He further took an active part in the administration of justice; which conduct, praiseworthy as it then was, became disgusting afterwards, when, assisted by a large class of delatores, he openly made justice the slave of his cruelty and tyranny; for, during the latter years of his reign he acted as one of the most cruel tyrants that ever disgraced a throne, and as Suetonius remarks, his very virtues were turned into vices. The cause of this change in his conduct appears, independent of his natural bias for what was bad, to have been his boundless ambition, injured vanity, jealousy of others, and cowardice, which were awakened and roused by the failure of his
Page 1062 1062 DOMITIANUS. undertalkings and other occurrences of the time. In A. D. 84 he undertook an expedition against the Chatti, which does not seem to have been altogether unsuccessful, for we learn from Frontinus (Strateg. 1. 3), that he constructed the frontier wall between the free Germans and those who were subject to Rome, so that he must at any rate have succeeded in confining the barbarians within their own territory. After his return to Rome he celebrated a triumph, and assumed the name of Germanicus. In the same year Agricola, whose success and merits excited his jealousy, was recalled to Rome, ostensibly for the purpose of celebrating a triumph; but he was never sent backl to his post, which was given to another person. [AGRICOLA.] The most dangerous enemy of Rome at that time was Decebalus, king of the Dacians. Domitian himself took the field against him, but the real management of the war was left to his generals. Simultaneously with this war another was carried on against the Marcomanni and Quadi, who had refused to furnish the Romans with the assistance against Decebalus, which they -were bound to do by a treaty. The Romans were defeated by them, and the consequence was, that Domitian was obliged to conclude peace with Decebalus on very humiliating terms, A. D. 87. [DECEBALUS.] Another dangerous occurrence was the revolt of L. Antonius in Upper Germany; but this storm was luckily averted by an unexpected overflow of the Rhine over its banks, which prevented the German auxiliaries, whom Antonius expected, from joining him; so that the rebel was easily conquered by L. Appius Norbanus, in A. D. 91. An insurrection of the Nasamones in Africa was of less importance, and was easily suppressed by Flaccus, the governor of Numidia. But it is the cruelty and tyranny of Domitian that have given his reign an unenviable notoriety. His natural tendencies burst forth with fresh fury after the Dacian war. His fear and his injured pride and vanity led him to delight in the misfortunes and sufferings of those whom he hated and envied; and the most distinguished men of the time, especially among the senators, had to bleed for their excellence; while, on the other hand, he tried to win the populace and the soldiers by large donations, and by public games and fights in the circus and amphitheatre, in which even women appeared among the gladiators, and in which he himself took great delight. For the same reason he increased the pay of the soldiers, and the sums he thus expended were obtained from the rich by violence and murder; and when in the end he found it impossible to obtain the means for paying his soldiers, he was obliged to reduce their number. The provinces were less exposed to his tyranny, and it was especially Rome and Italy that felt his iron grasp. The expression of thought and sentiment was suppressed or atrociously persecuted, unless men would degrade themselves to flatter the tyrant. The silent fear and fearful silence which prevailed during the latter years of Domitian's reign in Rome and Italy are briefly but energetically described by Tacitus in the introduction to his Life of Agricola, and his vices and tyranny are exposed in the strongest colours by the withering satire of Juvenal. All the philosophers who lived at Rome were expelled; from whichl, however, we cannot infer, ac some DOMITIANUS. writers do, that lie hated all philosophical and scientific pursuits; the cause being in all probability no other than his vanity and ambition, which could not bear to be obscured by others. Christian writers attribute to him a persecution of the Christians likewise; but there is no other evidence for it, and the belief seems to have arisen from the strictness with which he exacted the tribute from the Jews, and which may have caused much suffering to the Christians also. As in all similar cases, the tyrant's own cruelty brought about his ruin. Three officers of his court, Parthenius, Sigerius, and Entellus, whom Domitian intended to put to death (this secret was betrayed to them by Domitia, the emperor's wife, who was likewise on the list), formed a conspiracy against his life. Stephanus, a freedman, who was employed by the conspirators, contrived to obtain admission to the emperor's bed-room, and gave him a letter to read. While Domitian was perusing the letter, in which the conspirators' plot -was revealed to him, Stephanus plunged a dagger into his abdomen. A violent struggle ensued between the two, until the other conspirators arrived. Domitian fell, after having received seven wounds, on the 18th of September, A. D. 96. Apollonius of Tyana, who was then at Ephesus, at the momnent Domitian was murdered at Rome, is said to have run across the market-place, and to have exclaimed, " That is right, Stephanus, slay the murderer!" There are few rulers who better deserve the name of a cruel tyrant than Domitian. The last three years of his reign form one of the most frightful periods that occur in the history of man; but he cannot be called a brutal monster or a madman like Caligula and Nero, for he possessed talent and a cultivated mind; and although Pliny and Quintilian, who place his poetical productions by the side of those of the greatest masters, are obviously guilty of servile flattery, yet his poetical works cannot have been entirely without merit. His fondness and esteem for literature are attested by the quinquennial contest which he instituted in honour of the Capitoline Jupiter, and one part of which consisted of a musical contest. Both prose writers and poets in Greek as well as in Latin recited their productions, and the victors were rewarded with golden crowns. He further instituted the pension for distinguished rhetoricians, which Quintilian enjoyed; and if we look at the comparatively flourishing condition of Roman literature during that time, we cannot Ilelp thinking that it was, at least in great measure, the consequence of the influence which he exercised and of the encouragement which he afforded. It is extremely probable that we still possess one of the literary productions of Domitian in the Latin paraphrase of Aratus's Phaenomena, which is usually attributed to Germanicus, the grandson of Augustus. The arguuments for this opinion have been clearly set forth by Rutgersius ( Var. Lect. iii. p. 276), and it is CoIN OF DUOMIAN.
Page 1063 DOMITIUS. also adopted by Niebuhr. (Tac. Hist. iii, 59, &c., iv. 2, &c., Apric. 39, 42, 45; Suet. Domitian.; Dion Cass. lib. Ixvi. and lxvii.; Juvenal, Satir.; Quintil. iv. 1. ~ 2, &c., x. 1. ~ 91, &c.; Niebuhr, Lectures on Roman Hist. ii. pp. 234-250.) [L. S.] DOMITIA'NUS, L. DOMI'TIUS. A few coins are extant in second brass, which exhibit on the obverse a laurelled head, with the legend, IMP. C. L. DOMITIUS. DOMITIANUS. AUG.; on the reverse, the representation of a Genius, with GENIO. PonPLI. ROMANI.; and below, the letters ALE., indicating that they were struck at Alexandria. We find also a very rare Alexandrian third brass, with a rayed head, and the words AOMITIANOC. CEB. These pieces have been generally supposed to belong to the Domitianus mentioned by Trebellius Pollio, as the general who vanquished the two Macriani, who is described as a man of lofty ambition, deducing his origin from the son of Vespasian, and is believed to be the same with the Domitianus put to death by Aurelian, according to Zosimus, in consequence of a suspicion that he was meditating rebellion. Eckhel, however, has demonstrated, from numismatical considerations, that the Latin medals, at least, cannot be earlier than the epoch of Diocletian, or his immediate successors, and therefore must commemorate the usurpation of some pretender unknown to history. (Trebell. Poll. Gallien. duo, c. 2; Triqint. Tyrann.. 12; Zosim. i. 49; Eckhel, vol. viii. p. 41.) [W. R.] DOMITILLA, FLA'IA. 1. The first wife of Vespasian, by whom he had three children, Titus, Domitian, and a daughter Domitilla. She had originally been the mistress of a Roman eques, Statilius Capella, and a freedwoman. Subsequently however she received the Latinitas, and was at last made ingenua. She as well as her daughter died before Vespasian was proclaimed emperor. (Suet. Vesp. 3.) Her portrait is given in the coin annexed, which was struck after her death. a ~ "2. The wife of Flavius Clemens. [CLEMENS, T. FLAVIus.] Philostratus ( Vit. Apollon. viii. 25) calls her a sister of the emperor Domitian, which is impossible, as Domitilla, the sister of Domitian, had died even before Vespasian's accession. Dion Cassius (lxvii. 14) calls her merely a orvyy77 fs of Domitian, and it has been conjectured that in Philostratus we must read adeXTAL8v instead of d3eAQPri. It may be that our Domitilla was a daughter of Vespasian's daughter of the same name. After the murder of her husband Clemens, Stephanus, the freedman and murderer of Domitian, was her procurator. (Suet. Domit. 17; comp. Reimarus, ad Dion Cuss. 1. c.) [L. S.] DOMI'TIUS AFER. [AFER.] DOMI'TIUS BALBUS. [BALBUS, No. 6.] DOMI'TIUS CAECILIA'NUS. [CAECILIANUS, p. 526, b.] DOMI'TIUS CALLI'STRATUS. [CALLIsTRATUS, p. 579, b.] DOMITIUS CELER. [CELER.] DOMI'TIUS CO'RBULO. [CoRBULO.] DOMNA. 1063 DOMI'TIUS DEXTER. [DEXTER.] DOMI'TIUS FLORUS. [FLORUS.] DOMI'TIUS LA'BEO. [LABEO.] DOMI'TIUS MARSUS. [MARSUS.] DOMITIUS ULPIA'NUS. [ULPIANUS. DOMNA, JU'LIA, daughter of Bassianus,wife of the emperor Septimius Severus, mother of Caracalla and Geta, grand-aunt of Elagabalus and Alexander. (See the stemma of CARACALLA.) Born of obscure parents in Emesa, she attracted the attention of her future husband long before his elevation to the purple, in consequence, we are told, of an astrological prediction, which declared that she was destined to be the wife of a sovereign. Already cherishing ambitious hopes, and trusting implicitly to the infallibility of an art in which he possessed no mean skill, Severus, after the death of Marcia, wedded the humble Syrian damsel, with no other dowry than her horoscope. The period at which this union took place has been a matter of controversy among chronologers, since the statements of ancient authorities are contradictory and irreconcileable. Following Dion Cassius as our surest guide, we conclude that it could not have been later than A. D. 175, for he records that the marriage couch was spread in the temple of Venus, adjoining the palatium, by the empress Faustina, who in that year quitted Rome to join M. Aurelius in the east, and never returned. Julia, being gifted with a powerful intellect and with a large measure of the adroit cunning for which her countrywomen were so celebrated, exercised at all times a powerful sway over her superstitious husband, persuaded him to take up arms against Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus, thus pointing out the direct path to a throne, and, after the prophecy had been completely fulfilled, maintained her dominion unimpaired to the last. At one period, when hard pressed by the enmity of the all-powerful Plautianus, she is said to have devoted her time almost exclusively to philosophy. By her commands Philostratus undertook to write the life of Apollonius, of Tyana, and she was wont to pass whole days surrounded by troops of grammarians, rhetoricians, and sophists. But if she studied wisdom she certainly did not practise virtue, for her profligacy was a matter of common notoriety and reproach, and she is said even to have conspired against the life of her husband, who from gratitude, weakness, fear, or apathy, quietly tolerated her enormities. After his death, her influence became greater than ever, and Caracalla entrusted the most important affairs of state to her administration. At the same time, she certainly possessed no controul over his darker passions, for it is well known that he murdered his own brother, Geta, in her arms, and when she ventured to give way to grief for her child, the fratricide was scarcely withheld from turning the dagger against his mother also. Upon learning the successful issue of the rebellion of Macrinus, Julia at first resolved not to survive the loss of her son and of her dignities, but having been kindly treated by the conqueror, she for a while indulged in bright anticipations. Her proceedings, however, excited a suspicion that she was tampering with the troops: she was abruptly commanded to quitAnitioch, and,returning to her former resolution, she abstained from food, and perished, A. D. 217. Her body was transported to Rome, and deposited in the sepulchre of Caius and Luciu.s Caesar, but afterwards removed by her sister,
Page 1064 1064 DOMNINUS. Maesa, along with the bones of Geta, to the cemetery of the Antonines. There can be little doubt that Domna was her proper Syrian name, analogous to the designations of i Maesa, Soaenzias, and Mammaea, borne by other members of the same family. The idea that it is to be regarded as a contraction for domina, and was. employed because the latter would have been offensive to a Roman ear, scarcely requires refutation. (See Reimarus on Dion Cass. lxxiv. 3.) One accusation, of the foulest description, has been brought against this princess by several ancient historians. Spartianus and Aurelius Victor expressly affirm that Julia not only formed an incestuous connexion with Caracalla, but that they were positively joined in marriage: the story is repeated by Eutropius and Orosius also, while Herodian hints at such a report (iv. 16), when he relates that she was nicknamed Jocasta by the licentious rabble of Alexandria. But the silence of Dion Cassius, who was not cnly alive, but occupied a prominent public station &d ring the whole reign, on the subject, is a sufficient reason for rejecting the tale altogether. It is absolutely impossible that he should have been ignorant of such a rumour, if actually in circulation, and it is equally certain, from the tone of his narrative, that he would not have suppressed it had it been deserving of the slightest credit. On the other hand, the vouchers for the fact are in themselves totally destitute of authority upon all points which admit of doubt or controversy, and in the present case were so illinformed as to suppose that Julia was only the 'step-mother of Caracalla. (Dion Cass. lxxiv. 3, lxxv. 15, lxxvi. 4, 16, lxxvii. 2, 10, 18, lxviii. 4, 23, 24; Herodian, iv. 13, 16, v. 3; Spartian. Sept. Sev. 3, 18, Caracall. 3, 10; Capitolin. Clod.Albin. 3, Macrin. 9; Lamprid. Ale. Sev. 5; Victor, Epit. 21; de Caes. 21; Eutrop. viii. 11; Oros. vii. 18; Philostrat. Vit. Sophist. Vit. Apollon. i. 3; Tzetzes, Chil. vi. H. 45.) [W. R.] COIN OF DOMNA JULIA. DOMNI'NUS (Aopuv-Tos), 1. AChristian, who apostatized to Judaism in the persecution under Severus, about A. D. 200, and to whom Serapion, bishop of Antioch, addressed a treatise intended to recall him to the faith. (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 12; comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. vii. p. 166.) 2. Of Laodiceia, in Syria, was a disciple of Syrianus, and a fellow-pupil of Proclus the Lycian, and must, therefore, have flourished about the middle of the fifth century after Christ. He appears to have been peculiarly bigoted to his own opinions, and is said to have corrupted the doctrines of Plato by mixing up with them his private notions. This called forth a treatise from Proclus, intended as a statement of the genuine principles of Platonism (IIpayearsia KaOapTrers rc) v ho'/y/aTrwev o7 Tl\cirwvos), a work which Fabricius, apparently by an oversight, ascribes to Domninus himself. (Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. p. 171; Damasc. ap. Said. s. v. hopluios.) DONATUS. 3. OfAntioch, an historian, quoted frequently in the chronicle of Joannes Malelas. Bentley thinks (Ep. ad Mill. p. 73), that he was bishop of Antioch, and wrote a history of events from the beginning of the world to the time of Justinian, to the 33d year of whose reign (A. D. 560) the chronicle of Malelas extends. (Voss. delHist. Gracec. p. 435, ed. Westermann; Fabric. Bibl. G'raec. vol. iii. p. 171, vii. p. 445.) [E. E.] DOMNI'NUS, a Graeco-Roman jurist, who probably flourished shortly before Justinian, or in the commencement of that emperor's reign. He may be the same person to whom was addressed a rescript of the emperor Zeno. (Basil. vii. p. 711, Cod. 10, tit. 3, s. 7.) He was a commentator upon the Gregorian, Hermogenian, and Theodosian Codes. (Reiz, ad Theophilum, pp. 1243, 1245.) Theodorus, a contemporary of Justinian, calls him his " very learned teacher" (Basil. vi. p. 217); but Zachariae imagines that Domninus could scarcely have been, in a literal sense, the teacher of Theodorus, who survived Justinian, and lived under Tiberius. (Zachariae, Anecdota, p. xlviii.) By Suarez (Notit. Basil. ~ 42), Domninus is called Leo Domninus; but this seems to be a mistake. (Assemani, Bibl. Jzur. Orient. lib. ii. c, 20, p. 405.) By Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli (Praenot. Mystag. pp. 372, 402), a Domninus, Nomicus, JCtus, is quoted as having commented upon the Novellae Constitutiones of Constantinus and Leo; but the untrustworthiness of Papadopoli, in this case, is exposed by Heimbach. (Anecdota, i. p. 222). The names Domnus and Domninus are sometimes confounded in manuscripts. They are formed from the word Dominus, and, like other words denoting title (as Patricius), became converted into family names. (Menage, Amoeqn. Jur. p. 171.) A jurist Domnus is mentioned by Libanius, who addressed letters to him. (Liban. Ep. iii. 277, 1124, ed. Wolff.) [J. T. G.] DOMNUS. [DoMNINUS.] DOMNUS (AOdUos), is mentioned in the Commentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates that are incorrectly attributed to Oribasius (p. 8, ed. Basil. 1535), as having written a commentary on this work. He was probably quite a late author, perhaps living in the fifth or sixth century after Christ; bu; it is uncertain whether lie was the same person as either of the following physicians of the same name. 2. A Jewish physician, the tutor to Gesius, in the fourth century after Christ, by whom his own reputation was eclipsed, and his pupils enticed away. (Suid. s. v. Pienos.) 3. A heathen physician at Constantinople, in the fourth century after Christ, of whose death, in the time of the plague, an account is given by St. Ephraem Syrus. (Opera, vol. i. p. 91, ed. Rom. 1589, fol.) [W. A. G.] DONA'TIUS VALENS. [VALENS.] DONA'TUS, was bishop of Casa Nigra, in Numidia, in the early part of the fourth century (A. D. 312), and from him, together with another prelate of the same name, the successor of Majorinus in the disputed election to the see of Carthage, the Donatists derived their appellation. This was the first important schism which distracted tlhe Christian church; and, although in a great nmeasure confined within the limits of Africa, proved, for three centuries, the source of great confusion, scandal, and bloodshed. The circumstances which Sgave rise to the division, and the first steps in the
Page 1065 DONATUS. PONATUS. 1065 dispute, are given in another article. [CAECILiANUs.] Condemned, punished, but eventually tolerated by Constantine, fiercely persecuted by Constans, and favoured by Julian, the followers of this sect appear to have attained to their highest point of prosperity at the commencement of the fifth century, about which period they were ruled by four hundred bishops, and were little inferior in numbers to the Catholics of the province. The genius and perseverance of Augustin, supported by the stringent edict of Honorius (A. D. 414), vigorously enforced by the civil magistrates, seem to have crushed them for a time; but they revived upon the invasion of Genseric, to whom, from their disaffection to a hostile government, they lent a willing support; they were of sufficient importance, at a later date, to attract the attention, and call forth the angry denunciations of Pope Gregory the Great, and are believed to have kept their ground, and existed as an independent community, until the final triumph of the Saracens and Mohommedanism. We ought to observe, that even the most violent enemies of the Donatists were unable to convict them of any serious errors in doctrine or discipline. Agreeing with their opponents upon all general principles and points of faith, they commenced simply by refusing to acknowledge the authority of Caecilianus, and were gradually led on to maintain, that salvation was restricted to their own narrow pale, because they alone had escaped the profanation of receiving the sacraments from the hands of traditors, or of those who, having connived at such apostacy, had forfeited all claims to the character of Christians. Asserting that they alone constituted the true universal church, they excommunicated not only those with whom they were directly at variance, but all who maintained any spiritual connexion with their adversaries; and adopting to the full extent the high pretensions of Cyprian with regard to ecclesiastical unity and episcopal power, insisted upon rebaptizing every one who became a proselyte to their cause, upon subjecting to purification all places of public worship which had been contaminated by the presence of their opponents, and upon casting forth the very corpses and bones of the Catholics from their cemeteries. This uncharitable spirit met with a fitting retribution; for, at the epoch when their influence was most widely extended, dissensions arose within their own body; and about one-fourth of the whole party, separating from the sect under the denomination of Maximianists, arrogated to themselves, exclusively, the prerogatives claimed by the larger faction, and hurled perdition against all who denied or doubted their infallibility. Our chief authorities for all that concerns the Donatists are the works of Optatus Milevitanus and Augustin. In the edition of the former, published by the learned and industrious Du Pin, will be found a valuable appendix of ancient documents relating to this controversy, together with a condensed view of its rise and progress, while the most important passages in the writings of Augustin have been collected by Tillemont, in that portion of his Ecclesiastical Memoirs (vol. vi.) devoted to this subject. For the series of Imperial Laws against the Donatists from A. D. 400 to 428, see Cod. Theod. xvi. tit. 5. [W. R.] DONA'TUS AE'LIUS, or, with all his titles as they are found in MSS., Acdius Donatus Vir CGirus Orator Urbis Romae, was a celebrated grammarian and rhetorician, who-taught at Rome in the middle of the fourth century, and was the preceptor of Saint Jerome. Iis most famous work is a system of Latin Grammar, which has formed the groundwork of most elementary treatises upon the same subject, from the period when he flourished down to our own times. It has usually been published in the form of two or more distinct and separate tracts: 1. Ars s. Editio Prima, de literis, syllabis, pedibus, et tonis; 2. Editio Secunda, de octo partibus orationis; to which are commonly annexed, De barbarismio; De soloecismo; De ceteris viiiis; De metaplusmo; De scheinmaiibus; De rcopis; but in the recent edition of Lindemann these are all more correctly considered as constituting one connected whole, and are combined under one general title, taken from the Santenian MS. preserved in the Royal Library of Berlin, Donati Ars G'rammatica trib/s libris comiprehensa. It was the common schoolbook of the middle ages; insomuch, that in the English of Longlande and Chaucer a donat or donet is equivalent to a lesson of any kind, and hence came to mean an introduction in general. Thus among the works of Bishop Pecock are enumerated The DONAT into Christian religion, and The folower to the DONAT, while Cotgrave quotes an old French proverb, Les diables estoient encores a leur DONAT, i. e. The devils were but yet in their grammar. These, and other examples, are collected in Warton's Hisiory of English Poetry, sect. viii. In addition to the Ars Grammatica, we possess introductions (enarrationes) and scholia, by Donatus, to five out of the six plays of Terence, those to the Heautontimorumenos having been lost. The prefaces contain a succinct account of the source from which each piece was derived, and of the class to which it belongs; a statement of the time at which it was exhibited; notices respecting the distribution of the characters; and sundry particulars connected with stage technicalities. The commentaries are full of interesting and valuable remarks and illustrations; but from the numerous repetitions and contradictions, and, above all, the absurd and puerile traits here and there foisted in, it is manifest that they have been unmercifully interpolated and corrupted by later and less skilfhl hands. Some critics, indeed, have gone so far as to believe that Donatus never committed his observations to writing, and that these scholia are merely scraps, compiled from the notes of pupils, of dictata or lectures delivered viva voce; but this idea does not well accord with the words of St. Jerome in the first of the passages to which a reference is given at the end of this article. Servius, in his annotations upon Virgil, refers, in upwards of forty different places, to a Donatus, wyho nmust have composed a commentary upon the Eclogues, Georgics, and Aeneid. " Scholia in Aeneida" bearing the name of Donatus, and corresponding, for the most part, with the quotations of Servius, are still extant, but, from their inferior tone and character, have been generally ascribed to Tiberius Claudius Donaltus, who is noticed below. They are divided into twelve books, to which a supplemental thirteenth was to have been added; the concluding portions of the fourth and eighth, and the commencement of the sixth and twelfth, are wanting. Their chief object is to point out the beauties and skill of the poet, rather than to explain his difficulties; but the writer, in a letter sub
Page 1066 1066 DONATUS. joined to the twelfth book, announces his intention, should a life already far advanced be prolonged, of compiling, from ancient authorities, a description of the persons, places, herbs, and trees, enumerated in the poem. The popularity of the " Ars Grammatica," especially of the second part, " De octo partibus Orationis," is sufficiently evinced by the prodigious number of editions which appeared during the infancy of printing, most of them in gothic characters, without date, or name of place, or of printer, and the typographical history of no work, with the exception of the Scriptures, has excited more interest among bibliographers, or given them more trouble. Even before the invention of printing from movable types, several editions seem to have been thrown off from blocks, and fragments of these have been preserved in various collections. The three parts will be found in the collection of Putschius (Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui, Hanov. 4to. 1605), together with the commentary of Sergius on0 the prima and secundaeditio; and that of ServiusMarius Honoratus, on the secunda editio only (see pp. 1735, 1743, 1767, 1779, 1826); and also in Lindemann's " Corpus Grammaticorum Latinorum Veterum," vol. i. Lips. 1831. Of the commentary on Terence, at least four editions, separate from the text, appeared during the fifteenth century. That which is believed to be the first is a folio, in Roman characters, without place, date, or printer's name, but was probably published at Cologne, about 1470-1472; the second at Venice, by Spira, fol. 1472; the third at Rome, by Sweynheym and Pannartz, fol. 1472; the fourth at Milan, by Zarotus, fol. 1476. It will be found attached to all complete editions of the dramatist. The commentaries upon the Aeneid were first discovered by Jo. Jovianus Pontanus, were first published from the copy in his library, by Scipio Capycius, Neap. fol. 15 15, and were inserted by G. Fabricius in the " Corpus Interpretum Virgilianorum." The text is very corrupt and imperfect, but it would appear that MSS. still exist which present it in a more pure and complete form, although these have never been collated, or at least given to the world. (See Burmann, in the pref. to his ed. of Virgil.) (Hieron. advers. Ruf. vol. iii. p. 92, ed. Bas., in Euseb. Chron. ad ann. ccclv p. c.; in Eccles. c. i.; see also Lud. Schopfen, De Terentio et Donato, 8vo, Bonn. 1824, and Specimen emend. in Ael. Donati comment. Terent. 4to, Bonn. 1826. Osann, Beitrlige zur Griechischen und Romischen Litteraturgeschichte, Leip. 1839.) [W. R.] DO'NATUS, TIBE'RIUS CLAU'DIUS. We find prefixed to all the more complete editions of Virgil a life of the poet, in twenty-five chapters, bearing the title," Tiberii Claudii Donati ad Tiberium Claudianum Maximum Donatianum filium de P. Virgilii Maronis Vita." Nothing whatsoever is known with regard to this Donatus; but it has been conjectured that some grammarian, who flourished about the commencement of the fifth century, may have drawn up a biography which formed the groundwork of the piece we now possess, but which, in its actual shape, exhibits a worthless farrago of childish anecdotes and frivolous fables, compounded by ignorant and unskilful hands. Indeed, scarcely two MSS. can be found in which it does not wear a different aspect, and the earlier editors seem to have moulded it into its present form, by collecting DORIEUS. and combining these various and often heterogeneous materials. [W. R.] DONTAS (ArcsTas), a Lacedaemonian statuary, was the disciple of Dipoenus and Scyllis, and therefore flourished about B. c. 550. He made the statues which were afterwards placed in the treasury of the Megarians at Olympia. They were of cedar inlaid with gold, and formed a group representing the contest of Heracles with the river Achelous, and containing figures of Zeus, DeYaneira, Acheloiis, and Heracles, with Ares assisting Achelobus, and Athena supporting Heracles. The latter statue seems, however, not to have been part of the original group, but a separate work by Medon. (Comp. Paus. v. 17. 1.) The group in the pediment of the Megarian treasury, representing the war of the gods and the giants, seems also to have been the work of Dontas; but the passage in Pansanias is not quite clear. (Paus. vi. 19. ~ 9; BMckh, Corp. Inscrip. i. p. 47, &c.) [P. S.] DORCEUS (AopcEmis), a son of Hippocoon, who had a heroum at Sparta conjointly with his brother Sebrus. The well near the sanctuary was called Dorceia, and the place around it Sebrion. (Paus. iii. 15. ~ 2.) It is probable that Dorceus is the same personage as the Dorycleus in Apollodorus (iii. 10. ~ 5), where his brother is called Tebrus. [L. S.] DORIEUS (Awptis), eldest son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, by his first wife [ANAXANDRIDES], was however born after the son of the second marriage, Cleomenes, and therefore excluded from immediate succession. He was accounted the first in personal qualities of Sparta's young men, and feeling it an indignity to remain under the rule of one so inferior to him in worth, and so narrowly before him in claim to the throne, he left his country hastily, and without consulting the oracle of Delphi, to establish for himself a kingdom elsewhere. He led,.his colony first, under the guidance of some Theraeans, to Libya: the spot he here chose, Cinyps by name, was excellent; but he was driven out ere long by the Libyans and Carthaginians, and led the survivors home. He now, under the sanction of the oracle, set forth to found a Heracleia in the district pronounced to be the property of Hercules, and to. have been reserved by him for any descendant who might come to claim it, Eryx, in Sicily. In his passage thitherward, along the Italian coast, he found the people of Croton preparing (B. c. 510) for their conflict with Sybaris, and induced, it would seem, by the connexion between Croton and Sparta (Miuller, Dor. bk. x. 7. ~ 12), he joined in the expedition, and received, after the fall of the city, a plot of land, on which he built a temple to Athena, of the Crathis. Such was the story given to Herodotus by the remnants of the Sybarites, who were his fellow-citizens at Thurii, denied however by the Crotoniats, on the evidence, that while Callias, the Elean prophet, had received from them various rewards, still enjoyed there by his posterity, in return of his service in the war, nothing of the sort recalled the name of Dorieus. This, however, if Dorieus was bent on his Sicilian colony, is quite intelligible. He certainly pursued his course to Eryx, and there seems to have founded his Heracleia; but ere long, he and all his brother Spartans with him, a single man excepted [EURYLEON], were cut off in a battle with the Egestaeans, and, as it seems, the Carthaginians. He left howcves
Page 1067 DORIEUS. DORIMACHUS. 1067 behind him a son, Euryanax, who accompanied his DORILLUS (Ao'piAAos) or DORIALLUS cousin Pausanias in the campaign (B. c. 479) (AopianAos), an Athenian tragic poet, who was against Mardonius. Why this son did not succeed ridiculed by Aristophanes. Nothing more is rather than Leonidas, on the death of Cleomenes, known of him. (Suid., Hesych., and Etym. Mag. is not clear; Muller suggests, comparing Plut. s. v. AopiaAeos; Aristoph. Lemn. Fr. 336, Dindorf, Agis, c. 11, that a Heracleid, leaving his country Schol. in Aristoph. Ran. v. 519; Fabric. Bibl. to settle elsewhere lost his rights at home. (Herod. Graec. ii. p. 297.) [P. S.] v. 41-66; ix. 10, 53, 55; Diod. iv. 23; Paus. DORI'MACHUS (AopfigaXos), less properly iii. 16. ~ 4, and 3. ~ 8.) [A. H. C.] DOIRY'MACHUS (AopuaXOs), a native of DORIEUS (AwpLevs), the son of Diagoras Trichonium, in Aetolia, and son of Nicostratus, [DIAGORAS], one of the noblest of the noble was sent out, in B. c. 221, to Phigalea, on the Heracleid family, the Eratids of Ialysus, in Messenian border, with which the Aetolians had a Rhodes. He was victor in the pancratium in league of sysmpolity, ostensibly to defend the place, three successive Olympiads, the 87th, 88th, and but in reality to watch affairs in the Peloponnesus 89th, B. c. 432, 428 and 424, the second of which with a view of fomenting a war, for which his is mentioned by Thucydides (iii. 8); at the restless countrymen were anxious. A number of Nemean games he won seven, at the Isthmian freebooters flocked together to him, and he coneight victories. He and his kinsman, Peisidorus, nived at their plundering the territory of the Meswere styled in the announcement as Thurians, so senians, with whom Aetolia was in alliance. All that, apparently, before 424 at latest, they had left complaints he received at first with neglect, and their country. (Paus. vi. 7.) The whole family afterwards (when he had gone to Messene, on were outlawed as heads of the aristocracy by the pretence of investigating the matter) with insult. Athenians (Xen. Hell. i. 5. ~ 19), and took refuge The Messenians, however, and especially Sciron, in Thurii; and from Thurii, after the Athenian one of their ephori, behaved with such spirit that disaster at Syracuse had re-established there the Dorimachus was compelled to yield, and to promise Peloponnesian interest, Dorieus led thirty galleys satisfaction for the injuries done; but he had been to the aid of the Spartan cause in Greece. He treated with indignity, which he did not forget, arrived with them at Cnidus in the winter of 412. and he resolved to bring about a war, with Messe(Thuc. viii. 35.) He was, no doubt, active in the nia. This he was enabled to do through his kinsrevolution which, in the course of the same winter, man Scopas, who administered the Aetolian was effected at Rhodes (Thuc. viii. 44); its revolt government at the time, and who, without waiting from the Athenians was of course accompanied by for any decree of the Assembly, or for the sanction the restoration of the family of Diagoras. (B. c. 411.) of the select council ('A7rdOIcAmro; see Polyb. xx. We find him early in the summer at Miletus, join- 1; Liv. xxxv. 34), commenced hostilities, not ing in the expostulations of his men to Astyochus, against Messenia only, but also against the Epeiwho, in the Spartan fashion, raised his staff as if rots, Achaeans, Acarnanians, and Macedonians. to strike him, and by this act so violently excited In the next year, B. c. 220, Dorimachus invaded the Thurian sailors that he was saved from vio- the Peloponnesus with Scopas, and defeated Aralence only by flying to an altar. (Thuc. viii. 84.) tus, at Caphyae. [See p. 255, a.] He took part And shortly after, when the new commander, also in the operations in which the Aetolians were Mindarus, sailed for the Hellespont, he was sent joined by Scerdilaiidas, the Illyrian,-the capture with thirteen ships to crush a democratical move- and burning of Cynaetha, in Arcadia, and the ment in Rhodes. (Diod. xiii. 38.) Some little baffled attempt on Cleitor,-and he was one of the time after the battle of Cynossema he entered the leaders of the unsuccessful expedition against Hellespont with his squadron, now fourteen in Aegeira in B. c. 219. In the autumn of the same number, to join the main body; and being de- year, being chosen general of the Aetolians, he scried and attacked by the Athenians with twenty, ravaged Epeirus, and destroyed the temple at was forced to run his vessels ashore, near Rhoe- Dodona. In B. c. 218 he invaded Thessaly, in teum. Here he vigorously maintained himself the hope of drawing Philip away from the siege of until Mindarus came to his succour, and, by the Palus, in Cephallenia, which he was indeed obliged advance of the rest of the Athenian fleet, the to relinquish, in consequence of the treachery of action became general: it was decided by the Leontius, but lie took advantage of the absence of sudden arrival of Alcibiades with reinforcements. Dorimachus to make an incursion into Aetolia, (Xen. Hell. i. 1. ~ 2; Diod. xiii. 45.) Four years advancing to Thermum, the capital city, and plunafter, at the close of B. c. 407, he was captured, dering it. Dorimachus is mentioned by Livy as with two Thurian galleys, by the Athenians, and one of the chiefs through whom M. Valerius Laesent, no doubt, to Athens: but the people, in vinus, in B. c. 211, concluded a treaty of alliance admiration of his athletic size and noble beauty, with Aetolia against Philip, from whom he vainly dismissed their ancient enemy, though already attempted, in B. c. 210, to save the town of Echiunder sentence of death, without so much as ex- nus, in Thessaly. In B.c. 204 lie and Scopas were acting a ransom. (Xen. Hell. i. 5. ~ 19.) Pausa- appointed by the Aetolians to draw up new laws nias, (1. c.,) on the authority of Androtion, further to meet the general distress, occasioned by heavy relates, that at the time when Rhodes joined the debts, with which the two commissioners themAthenian league formed by Conon, Dorieus chanced selves were severely burdened. In B. C. 196 to be somewhere in the reach of the Spartans, and Dorimachus was sent to Egypt to negotiate terms was by them seized and put to death. [A. H. C.] of peace with Ptolemy V. (Epiphanes), his mission DORIEUS (AwpIesi), the author of an epigram probably having reference to the conditions of upon Milo, which is preserved by Athenaens (x. amity between Ptolemy and Antiochus the Great, p. 412, f.) and in the Greek Anthology. (Brunck, to whom the Aetolians were now looking for supAnal. ii. 63; Jacobs, ii. 62.) Nothing imore is port against Rome. (Polyb. iv. 3-13, 16-19, 57, 58, known of him, [P. S.] 67, 77; v. i. 3, 4-9. 11, 17; ix. 42; xiii, 1; xviii
Page 1068 108 DOROTHEUS. 37; xx. 1; Fragm. Hfist. 68; Liv. xxvi. 24; Brandstiiter, Gesch. des Aetol. Landes, p. 342, &c.) [E. E.] DO'RION (Aopupwv). 1. A critic and grammarian in the time of Hadrian. He lived at Sardis, and was a friend of Dionysius of Miletus, the rhetorician. (Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 22. ~ 4.) 2. A rhetorician referred to by the elder Seneca. (Suas. 2, Controv. i. 8, iv. 24.) 3. A native probably of Egypt, is recorded by Athenaeus, from whom alone our knowledge of him is derived, as a musician, a wit, a bon vivant, and the author of a treatise on his favourite delicacy-fish. His profession and his propensity are together marked by the name Xo-raSouvcrs-1Ts, applied to him by the comic poet Mnesimachus, in his play of" Philip." (Ap. Athen. viii. p. 338, b.; Meineke, Fragm. Com. vol. iii. p. 578.) He is mentioned too in a fragment of Machon, also preserved by Athenaeus (viii. p. 337, c.; Casaub. ad loc.); and there is an anecdote of him at the court of Nicocreon of Salamis (Athen. viii. p. 337, f.), which shews that he did not lose anything for want of asking. He was in favour also with Philip of Macedon, who had him in his retinue at Chaeroneia, in B. c. 338. (Athen. iii. p. 118, b., vii. pp. 282, d., 287, c., 297, c., 300, f., 304, f., 306, f., 309, f., 312, d., 315, b., 319, d., 320, d., 322, f., 327, f., x. p. 435, c.) There was a Dorion too, probably a different person, from whose work, called rEwpyucov, a mythological account of the origin of the word orvmc is quoted by Athenaeus (iii. p. 78, a.). [E. E.] DORIS (Awpis), a daughter of Oceanus and Thetis, and the wife of her brother Nereus, by whom she became the mother of the Nereides. (Apollod. i. 2. ~ 2; Hesiod. Theog. 240, &c.; Ov. Met. ii. 269:) The Latin poets sometimes use the name of this marine divinity for the sea itself. (Virg. Eclog. x. 5.) One of Doris's daughters, or the Nereides, likewise bore the name of Doris. (Hom. II. xviii. 45.) [L. S.] DORIS (Aw'pts), a Locrian, daughter of Xenetus, wife of the elder, and mother of the younger Dionysius. (Diod. xiv. 44; Plut. Dion, 3.) She died before her husband, who seems to have lamented her loss in one of his tragedies. (Lucian. adv. Indoct. 15.) [E. H. B.] DORO'THEUS (Awpo'Oeos). A considerable number of works are mentioned by ancient writers as the productions of Dorotheus, without our being able to determine whether they belong to one or to different persons. The following, however, must be distinguished:1. The author of a work on the history of ALEXANDER the Great, of which Athenaeus (vii. p.276) quotes the sixth book. As Athenaeus mentions no characteristic to distinguish him from other persons of the same name, we cannot say who lhe was, or whether he is the author of any of the other works which are known only as the productions of Dorotheus: viz. a Sicilian history (2LcEALK6), from the first book of which a fragment is preserved in Stobaeus (Flor. xlix. 49) and Apostolius (Proverb. xx. 13); a history of Italy ('IraAicd), from the fourth book of which a statement is quoted by Plutarch (Parall. lin. 20; comp. Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 12); HavUKic--rr, of which Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. i. p. 144) quotes the first book; and lastly, Me7TaLopCpxEreos, which is referred to by Plutarch. (Parall. Mlin. 25.) 2. Of ASCALON, a Greek grammarian frequently DOROTHEUS. referred to by Athenaeus, who quotes the 108th book of a work of his, entitled AEhewv ovvaywyi. (Athen. vii. p. 329, ix. p. 410, xi. p. 481, xiv. p. 658; comp. Schol. ad Horn. II. ix. 90, x. 252; Enstath. ad Horn. 11. xxiii. 230, p. 1297.) This work may be the same as the one repl TWv Ev`ws eIlpJiiEvwv A EWv Kaard oroiX7Eov (Phot. Bibl. Cod. 156), which seems to have been only a chapter or section of the great work. Another work of his bore the title repl 'AMvida'vous Kal rept T-rs mrapda vewripoms KWoutcKOs a'rTv'sTS. (Athen. xiv. p. 662.) 3. Of ATHENS, is mentioned among the authors consulted by Pliny. (H.N. Elench. lib. xii. and xiii.) 4. A CHALDAEAN, is mentioned as the author of a work irepl AiOwv by Plutarch (de FYum. 23), who quotes the second book of it. He may be the same as the Dorotheus referred to by Pliny (H. N. xxii. 22), though the latter may also be identical with the Athenian, No. 3. 5. Bishop of MARTIANOPLE, lived about A. D. 431, and was a most obstinate follower of the party and heresies of Nestorius. He was so violent in his opinions, that shortly before the synod of Ephesus, he declared that any man who believed that the Virgin Mary was the mother of God was deserving of eternal damnation. He took part in the synod of Ephesus. which deposed him on account of his insisting upon the correctness of the Nestorian views; and a synod which was held soon after at Constantinople expelled him from his see. When Saturninus was appointed his successor, a popular tumult broke out at Martianople, in consequence of which Dorotheus was exiled by an imperial edict to Caesareia in Cappadocia. There are extant by him four Epistles printed in a Latin translation in Lupus. (Epistol. Ephesinae, No. 46, 78, 115, 137; comp. Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 328.) 6. Archimandrita of PALESTINE, lived about A. D. 600, and is said to have been a disciple of Joannes Monachus, on whom he waited during an illness, which lasted for several years. He is believed to have afterwards been made bishop of Brixia on account of his great learning. He wrote a work, in three books, on obscure passages in the Old and New Testament, which however is a mere compilation made from the works of Gregory the Great, for which reason it is printed among the works of the latter, in the Roman edition of 1591, and the subsequent ones. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 444; Fabr. Bibl. Gr. xi. p. 103.) 7. Of SIDON, was the author of astrological poems (dro-rAeroxarra), of which a few fragments are still extant. They are collected in Iriarte's Catalog. Cod. MSS. Bibliothl. Mat. i. p. 224, and in Cramer's Anecdota, iii. pp. 167, 185. Manilius, among the Romans, and several Arab writers on astrology, have made considerable use of these Apotelesmata. Some critics are inclined to consider Dorotheus of Sidon as identical with the Chaldaean. 8. Of TYRE, has been frequently confounded with Dorotheus, a presbyter of Antioch in the reign of Diocletian, who is spoken of by Eusebius. (H. E. vii. 32.) He must further be distinguished from another Dorotheus, who was likewise a contemporary of Diocletian. (Euseb. H. E. viii. 1, 6.) Our Dorotheus is said to have flourished about A.. D. 303, to have suffered much from the persecutions of Diocletian, and to have been sent into exile. When this persecution ceased, he returned to his see, in which he seems to have remained till the time of the emperor Julian, by whose emissa
Page 1069 DOROTHEUS. ries he was seized and put to death, at the age of 107 years. This account, however, is not found i in any of his contemporaries, and occurs only in an anonymous writer who lived after the sixth t century of our era, and from whom it was incorpo- ( rated in the Martyrologia. Dorotheus is further j said to have written several theological works, and we still possess, under his name, a " Synopsis de - Vita et Morte Prophetarum, Apostolorum et Discipulorum Domini," which is printed in Latin in the third vol. of the Biblioth. Patrum. A specimen of the Greek original, with a Latin translation, is given by Cave (Hist. Lit. i. p. 115, &c.), and the whole was edited by Fabricius, at the end of his " Monumenta Variorum de Mosis, Prophetarum et Apostolorum Vita," 1714, 8vo. It is an ill-digested mass of fabulous accounts, though it contains a few things also which are of importance in ecclesiastical history. (Cave, Hist. Lit. i. p. 115, &c.) There are a few other ecclesiastics of this name, concerning whom little or nothing is known. A list of them is given by Fabricius. (Bibl. Graec. "vii. p. 452, note p.) [L. S.] DORO'THEUS, a celebrated jurist of quaestorian rank, and professor of law at Berytus, was one of the principal compilers of Justinian's Digest, and was invited by the emperor from Berytus to Constantinople for that purpose. (Const. Tant. ~ 9.) He also had a share, along with Tribonian and Theophilus, in the composition of the Institutes. (Prooem. Inst. 93.) He was one of the professors to whom the Const. Omnem, regulating the new system of legal education was addressed in A. D. 533, and in the following year was employed, conjointly with Tribonian, Menna, Constantinus, and Joannes, to form the second edition of the Code, by the insertion of the fifty decisions, and by such other alterations as were necessary for its improvement. (Const. Cordi. ~ 2.) Ant. Augustinus (cited by Suarez, Notit. Basil. ~ 29) in his Prolegomena to the Novells of Justinian, asserts that Mat. Blastares ascribes to Dorotheus a Greek interpretation of the Digest, not so extended as that of Stephanus, nor so concise as that of Cyrillus. The passage, however, as represented by Augustinus, is not to be found in the Prooemium of the Synstagma of Blastares, as edited by Bishop Beveridge in the second volume of his Synodicon. Fabrotus (Basil. vi. p. 259, in marg.) asserts without ground, " Dorotheus scripsit To' rAXdros;" i. e. a Greek translation of the text of the Digest. That Dorotheus commented upon the Digest appears from Basil. ed. Fabrot. iv. pp. 336, 337, 338, and Basil. ed. Heimbach, i. pp. 623, 763; ii. p. 138. Dorotheus occasionally cites the Code of Justinian. (Basil. iv. pp. 375, 379.) Bach (Hist. Jur. Rom. lib. iv. c. 1. sect. 3. ~ 9, p. 630) asserts, that he wrote the Index of the Code, but vouches no authority for this assertion, which is doubted by Pohl. (Ad Suares. Not. Bas. p. 71, n. r.) The following list of passages in the Basilica (ed. Fabrot.), where Dorotheus is cited, is given by Fabricius: (Bibl. Gr. xii. p. 444:) iii. 212, 265; iv. 336, 337, 338, 368, 370, 371, 372, 374, 376, 378, 379, 380, 381, 383, 384, 385, 398, 399, 401, 402, 403, 704; v. 39, 144, 173, 260, 290, 325, 410, 414, 423, 433, 434; vi. 49, 259, 273; vii. 95, 101, 225. Dorotheus died in the lifetime of Stephanus, by whom he is termed d pasapl-rs in Basil. iii. 212. DORUS. 1069 Some have believed that a jurist of the same name flourished in a later age, for the untrustworthy Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli (Praenot. lMystag. p. 408) cites a scholium of Dorotheus Monathus on the title de testibus in the Compendium Legum Leonis et Constantini. [J. T. G.] DORO'THEUS (AwpdOeos) a Greek physician, who wrote a work entitled 'T7roepv'aera, Coommentarii, which is quoted by Phlegon Trallianus (De Mirab. c. 26), but is no longer in existence. He must have lived some time in or before the second century after Christ, and may perhaps be the same person who is mentioned by Pliny, and said to have been a native of Athens, and also the same as Dorotheus Helius, who is twice mentioned by Galen. (De Antid. ii. 14; vol. xiv. pp.183, 187.) 2. A physician of this name, who was a Christian, and also in deacon's orders, appears to have consulted Isidorus Pelusiotes, in the fifth century after Christ, on the reason why incorporeal beings are less subject to injury and corruption than corporeal; to which question he received an answer in a letter, which is still extant. (Isid. Pelus. Epist. v. 191, ed. Paris, 1638.) [W. A. G.] DORO'THEUS, a painter, who executed for Nero a copy of the Aphrodite Anadyomene of Apelles. He lived therefore about A. D. 60. (Plin. xxxv. 10, s. 36. ~ 15; APELLES.) [P. S.] DORPANEUS. [DECEBALUS.] DORSO, the name of a family of the patrician Fabia gens. 1. C. FABIUS DoRso, greatly distinguished himself at the time when the Capitol was besieged by the Gauls. (B. c. 390.) The Fabian gens was accustomed to celebrate a sacrifice at a fixed time on the Quirinal hill, and accordingly, at the appointed time, C. Dorso, who was then a young man, descended from the Capitol, carrying the sacred things in his hands, passed in safety through the enemy's posts, and, after performing the sacrifice, returned in safety to the Capitol. (Liv. v. 46, 52; Val. Max. i. 1. ~ 11.) The tale is somewhat differently related by other writers. Dion Cassius (Fragm. 29, ed. Reimar.) speaks of the sacrifice as a public one, which Fabius, whom he calls Caeso Fabius, had to perform as one of the pontiffs. Florus (i. 13) also calls him a pontiff, who was sent by Manlius, the commander on the Capitol, to celebrate the sacred rite on the Quirinal. Appian, on the other hand, who quotes Cassius Hemina as his authority, says that the sacrifice was performed in the temple of Vesta. (Celt. 6.) 2. M. FABIUS DORSO, son probably of No. 1, was consul in B. c. 345 with Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus, in which year Camillus was appointed dictator to carry on the war with the Aurunci. He made war with his colleague against the Volsci and took Sora. (Liv. vii. 28; Diod. xvi. 66.) 3. C. FABIus DoRso LICINUS, son or grandson of No. 2, was consul in B. c. 273 with C. Claudius Canina, but died in the course of this year. It was in his consulship that colonies were founded at Cosa and Paestum, and that an embassy was sent by Ptolemy Philadelphus to Rome. (Vell. Pat. i. 14; Eutrop. ii. 15.) DORUS (AcSpos), the mythical ancestor of the Dorians; he is described either as a son of Hellen, by the nymph Orse's, and a brother of Xuthus and Aeolus (Apollod. i. 7. ~ 3; Diod. iv. 60); or as a son of Apollo, by Phthia, and a brother of Laodocus and Polypoites (Apollod. i. 7. } 6),
Page 1070 1070 DOSITHEUS. whereas Servius (ad Aen. ii. 27) calls him a son of Poseidon. He is said to have assembled the people which derived its name from him (the Dorians) around him in the neighbourhood of Parnassus. (Strab. viii. p. 383; Herod. i. 56, comp. Miiller, Dor. i. 1.. 1.) [L. S.] DORYCLEIDAS (AopvKhXeias), a Lacedaemonian statuary, the brother of Medon, made the gold and ivory statue of Themis, in the temple of Hera at Olympia. He was a disciple of Dipoenus and Scyllis, and therefore flourished about B. c. 550. (Paus. v. 17. ~ 1.) [P. S.] DORYCLUS (AopvKcXos), the name of two mythical personages. (Hom. II. xi. 489; Virg. Aen. v. 620.) [L. S.] DO'RYLAS, the name of two mythical personages. (Ov. Met. v. 130, xii. 380.) [L. S.] DORYLA'US (Aopvs;aos). 1. A general of Mithridates, who conducted an army of 80,000 men into Greece in u. c. 86 to assist Archelaus in the war with the Romans. (Appian, ilLithr. 17, 49; Plut. Sull. 20; comp. above, p. 262, a.) 2. An ambassador of Deiotarus. (Cic. pro Deiotar. 15.) DORY'PHORUS (Aopvupjpos), one of the most influential freedmen and favourites of the emperor Nero, who employed him as his secretary, and lavished enormous sums upon him. But in A. D. 63 Nero is said to have poisoned him, because he opposed his marriage with Poppaea. (Tacit. Ann. xiv. 65; Dion Cass. lxi. 5.) [L. S.] DOSFADAS (Awco-idas), of Rhodes, the author of two enigmatic poems in the Greek Anthology, the verses of which are so arranged that each poem presents the profile of an altar, whence each of them is entitled Awiootda fo3wds. (Brunck, Anal. i. 412; Jacobs, i. 202.) The language of these poems is justly censured by Lucian. (Lexijih. 25.) Dosiadas is also one of the authors to whom the "Egg of Simmias" is ascribed. [BESANTINUS.] The time at which he lived is unknown. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. iii. 810-812; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. vii. pp. 211-224, xiii. pp. 888, 889.) [P. S.] DOSI'THEUS (Awo-iOEos), a Greek historian, of whom four works are mentioned: 1. -u/ceAutcd, of which the third book is quoted. (Plut. Parall. Min. 19.) 2. AvStMcad, of which likewise the third book is quoted. (Plut. Parall. Min. 30.) 3. 'IraAicda (ibid. 33, 34, 37, 40), and 4. IneonrinSa. (Ibid. 33; Steph. Byz. s. v. Acpiov.) But nothing further is known about him. [L. S.] DOSI'THEUS (AwaiOeos), of Colonus, a geometer, to whom Archimedes dedicates his books on the sphere and cylinder, and that on spirals. Censorinus is held to say (c. 18), that he improved the octa-eteris of Eudoxus: and both Geminus and Ptolemy made use of the observations of the times of appearance of the fixed stars, which he made in the year B. c. 200. Pliny (LI. N. xviii. 31) mentions him. (Fabric. Bibl. Grace. vol. iv. p. 15.) [A. De M.] DOSITHEUS, surnamed, probably from his occupation, MAGISTER, was a schoolmaster and grammarian, teaching Greek to Roman youths. He lived under Septimius Severus and Ant. Caracalla, about the beginning of the third century of our era. This appears by a passage in his 'Epuveia'ra, where he states that he copied the Geneologia of Hyginus in the consulship of Maximus and Aprus, which occurred A. D. 207. There is extant of this author, in two manu DOSITHEUS. scripts, a work entitled 'EpPvevmara divided into three books. Parts of it have never been published, and do not deserve to be published; for all that is the author's own is worthless, ill-expressed, and disfigured by excessive boastfulness. The first book (unpublished) consists of a Greek grammar, written in Latin, and treating of the parts of speech. The second book consists chiefly of imperfect vocabularies and glossaries, Greek-Latin and Latin-Greek. The glossaries were published by H. Stephanus, fol. 1573, and have since been several times reprinted. The third book contains translations from Latin authors into Greek, and vice versa, the Latin and Greek being placed on opposite columns. From the extracts thus preserved this part of the work deserves attention. It consists of six divisions, or chapters; 1. The first chapter is entitled Divi Hadriani Sententiae et Epistolae, and contains legal anecdotes of Hadrian, mostly without much point, his answers to petitioners, a letter written by him to his mother, and a notice of a law concerning parricide. The law referred to directs the murderer of his father to be sewn alive in a sack, along with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape, and to be thrown into the nearest sea or river. Reinesius (Defens. Variar. Led. p. 90) refers this law to a later age than that of Hadrian, and thinks that it was first introduced by Constantine, A. D. 319 (Cod. 9, tit. 17), but this supposition is inconsistent either with the genuineness of the fragment, or with the date when Dositheus lived, as collected from his own testimony. The Divi Hadriani Sententiae et Epislolae were first published by Goldastus, 8vo, 1601, and may be found in Fabricius. (Bibl. Graeca xii. pp. 514-554, edit. 1724.) The same work has been edited by Schulting, in his Jurisprudentia Antejustiniana, and by Bocking in the Bonn Corpeus Juris Romani Antejustiniani. 2. The second chapter contains eighteen fables of Aesop. 3. The third chapter has been usually entitled, after Pithoeus, Fragmentum Regularum, or, after Roever, Fragmentum veteris jurieconsulti de juris speciebus et de manumissionibus. Of this, the Latin text alone was first published by Pithoeus, 4to, Paris, 1 573, at the end of his edition of the Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum. The Greek and Latin text together were published by Roever, 8vo, Lug. Bat. 1739. The Latin text appears in the Jurisp. Antejust. of Schulting. The Greek and Latin together (revised by Beck, not, as is commonly stated, by Biener) are given in the Berlin Jus Civile Antejustinianeum, and by Boecking in the Bonn Corp. Jur. Romi. Antejust. There are able observations on this fragment by Cujas(Observ. xiii. 31), and by Valckenar (Miscell. Observ. x. p. 108). It has also been learnedly criticised by Schilling, in his unfinished Dissertatio Critica de Fragmnento Juris Romani Dositlteano, Lips. 1819, and by Lachmann, in his Versuch i1ber Dositheus, 4to, Berlin, 1837. This fragment, which has recently excited considerable attention, contains some remarks upon the division of jus into civile, naterale, and pentium, the division of persons into freeborn and freedmen, and the law of manumissions. It cannot be doubted that the Greek text has been translated from a Latin original. Schilling, against the probable inference to be derived from internal evidence, supposes it to have been a compilation, by Dositheus, from several jurists, and in this opinion is followed by Zimmern (R. R.
Page 1071 DOSSENUS. G.. ~ 7). The fragment resembles the commencement of elementary legal works, as those of Ulpian and Gaius, with which we are already acquainted; and it is not likely that a petty grammarian would have employed himself in making a legal compilation. By Cujas and others, it has been attributed to Ulpian, but it seems, from some reasons, to have been of rather earlier date. It is, however, at least as late as Hadrian, for the author quotes Neratius Priscus and Julianus. As Doritheus himself calls the work Regulae, it is supposed by Lachmann, who supports his conjecture by strong arguments, to have been an extract from "Pauli Regularnm Libri vii. The Latin text that has come down to us appears to be a miserable retranslation from the Greek, and many have been the conjectures as to the mode in which it was formed. Lachmann seems to have been successful in solving the enigma. He thinks that the Greek text was intended as a theme for re-translation into Latin by the pupils of Dositheus, and that the present Latin text was formed by placing the words of the original text, out of their original order, under the corresponding words of the Greek version. Proceeding on this idea, Lachmann has attempted, and, on the whole, with success, out of the disjointed Latin, to restore the original. 4. The fourth chapter is imperfect, but contains extracts from the Genealogia of Hyginus, which were first published by Augustinus van Staveren. 5. The fifth chapter, which wants the commencement, contains a narrative of the Trojan war, formed from summaries of books vii.-xxiv. of Homer's Iliad. 6. The sixth chapter contains a scholastic conversation of no value. The whole of the third book was published separately by Bicking, 16mo. Bonn, 1832. [J. T. G.] DOSI'THEUS (Aoo-ieos), a Greek physician, who must have lived in or before the sixth century after Christ, as Aetius has preserved (Tetrab. ii. Serm. iv. cap. 63, p. 424) one of his medical formulae, which is called " valde celeber," and which is also inserted by Nicolaus Myrepsus in his Antidotarium. (Sect. xli. cap. 78, p. 792.) Another of his prescriptions is quoted by Paulus Aegineta. (De Re Med. vii. 11, p. 660.) [W. A. G.]I DOSSENNUS FA'BIUS, or DORSENNUS, an ancient Latin comic dramatist, censured by Horace on account of the exaggerated buffoonery of his characters, and the mercenary carelessness with which his pieces were hastily produced. Two lines of this author, one of them from a play named Acharistio, are quoted by Pliny in proof of the estimation in which the Romans of the olden time held perfumed wines, and his epitaph has been preserved by Seneca"' Hospes resiste et sophiam Dosenni lege." Munk, while he admits the existence of a Dossennus, whom he believes to have composed palliatae, maintains that this name (like that of Macchus) was appropriated to one of the standard characters in the Atellane farces. (Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 173, where some of the oldest MSS. have Dorsenus; Plin. H. N. xiv. 15; Senec. Epist. 89; Munk, deFabulis Atellan. pp. 28, 35,122.) [W.R.] DOSSE'NUS, L. RU'BRIUS, of whom there are several coins extant, but who is not mentioned by any ancient writer. A specimen of one of these coins is given below, containing on the obverse a head of Jupiter, and on the reverse a quadriga, resembling a triumphal carriage, from which DOXIPATER. 1071 it may be inferred that this Dossenus had obtained a triumph for some victory. DOTIS (Acoris), a daughter of Elatus or Asterius, by Amphictyone, from whom the Dotian plain, in Thessaly, was believed to have derived its name. Dotis was the mother of Phlegyas, by Ares. (Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 5, where in some editions we have a wrong reading, Xpvdo-s, instead of AwrL8os; Steph. Byz. s. v. Aw-nrov.) [L. S.] DOXA'PATER, GREGO'RIUS,a Graeco-Roman jurist, who is occasionally mentioned in the scholia on the Basilica. (Basil. vol. iii. p. 440, vii. 16. 317.) He is probably the same person with the Gregorius of Basil. ii. p. 566, and vii. p. 607. Montfaucon (Palaeograph. Graec. lib. i. c. 6, p. 62, lib. iv. c. 6, p. 302; Diar. Ital. p. 217; Bibl. MSSt. p. 196), shews that a Doxapater, who was Diaconus Magnae Ecclesiae and Nomophylax (besides other titles and offices), edited a Nomocanon, or synopsis of ecclesiastical law, at the command of Joannes Comnenus, who reigned A. D. 1118-1143. The manuscript of this work is in the library of the fathers of St. Basil, at Rome. Pohl (ad Suares Notit. Basil. p. 139, n. 8) seems to make Montfaucon identify the author of this Nomocanon with the Lord Gregorius Doxapater, the jurist of the Basilica, who is not mentioned by Montfaucon. Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. lib. v. c. 25) attributes the authorship of this Nomocanon to Doxapater Nilus, who, under Rogerius, in Sicily, about A. D. 1143, wrote a treatise, de quinque Patriarchalibus Sedibus, 'first published by Stephen le Moyne, in his Varia Sacra, i. p. 211. Fabricius is probably correct, and it is not likely that Doxapater Nilus and Gregorius Doxapater were the same person. The untrustworthy Papadopoli (Praenot. Mystag. p. 372), speaks of a Doxapater, Sacellarius, as the last of the Greek jurists, and cites his scholia upon the Novells of Isaacus Angelus, who reigned A. D. 1185-1195. (Heimbach, de Basil. Origin. p. 81.) [J. T. G.] DOXI'PATER (AoNthrarpos), or DOXO'PATER, JOANNES, a Greek grammarian or rhetorician, under whose name we possess an extensive commentary on Aphthonius, which was printed for the first time by Aldus, in 1509, and again by Wals in his Rhetores Graeci, vol. ii. The commentary bears the title 'OUhXia els 'A<pOdviov, and is extremely diffuse, so that it occupies upwards of 400 pages. It is full of long quotations from Plato, Thucydides, Diodorus, Plutarch, and from several of the Christian Fathers. The explanations given seem to be derived from earlier commentators of Aphthonius. There is another work of a similar character which bears the name of Doxipater. It is entitled rlpoAe-yoaeIa TVTs pSjroppic&js, and, as its author mentions the emperor Michael Calaphates, he must have lived after the year A. D. 1041. It is printed in the Biblioth. Coislin. p. 590, &c.; in Fabric. Bibl. Graec. ix. p. 586 of the old edition, and in Walz, Rhetor. Graec. vol. vi. (Walz, Prolegom. ad vol. ii. p. ii., and vol. vi. p. xi.) [L. 8.]
Page 1072 3072 DRACON. DRACON (Apacwv), the author of the first written code of laws at Athens, which were called S/Lofi, as distinguished from the vooi, of Solon. (Andoc. de Myst. p. 11; Ael. V. H. viii. 10; Perizon. ad loc.; Menag. ad Diog. Lac'rt. i. 53.) In this code he affixed the penalty of death to almost all crimes-to petty thefts, for instance, as well as to sacrilege and murder-which gave occasion to the remarks of Herodicus and Demades, that his laws were not those of a man, but of a dragon (8pdaKco), and that they were written not in ink, but in blood. We are told that he himself defended this extreme harshness by saying that small offences deserved death, and that he knew no severer punishment for great ones. (Aristot. iRet. ii. 23. ~ 29; Plut. Sol. 17; Gell. xi. 18; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. p. 23, and the authorities there referred to.) Aristotle, if indeed the chapter be genuine (Pol. ii. ad fin.; Gattling, ad loc.) says, that Dracon did not change the constitution of Athens, and that the only remarkable characteristic of his laws was their severity. Yet we know from Aeschines (c. Timarch. ~~ 6, 7) that he provided in them for the education of the citizens from their earliest years; and, according to Pollux (viii. 125) he made the Ephetae a court of appeal from the dipXwv arIev's in cases of unintentional homicide. On this latter point Richter (ad Fabric. 1. c.), Schi;mann, and C. F. Hermann (Pol. Ant. ~ 103) are of opinion that Dracon established the Ephetae, taking away the cognizance of homicide entirely from the Areiopagus; while Miiller thinks (Emen. ~~ 65, 66), with more probability, that the two courts were united until the legislation of Solon. From this period (B. c. 594) most of the laws of Dracon fell into disuse (Gell. 1. c.; Plut. Sol. 1. c.); but Andocides tells us (1. c.), that some of them were still in force at the end of the Peloponnesian war; and we know that there remained unrepealed, not only the law which inflicted death for murder, and which of course was not peculiar to Dracon's code, but that too which permitted the injured husband to slay the adulterer, if taken in the act. (Lys. de Caed. Erat. p. 94; Paus. ix. 36; Xenarch. ap. Ai/en. xiii. p. 569, d.) Demosthenes also says (c. Timocr. p. 765) that, in his time, Dracon and Solon were justly held in honour for their good laws; and Pausanias and Suidas mention an enactment of the former legislator adopted by the Thasians, providing that any inanimate thing which had caused the loss of human life should le cast out of the country. (Paus. vi. 11; Suid. s.,?. NilKcw.) From Suidas we learn that Dracon died at Aegina, being smothered by the number of hats and cloaks showered upon him as a popular mark of honour in the theatre. (Suid. s. vv. ApdrcWV, rEpla7yeipd0/ieoi; Kuster, ad Suid. s. v. 'AfpdSpva.) His legislation is referred by general testimony to the 39th Olympiad, in the fourth year of which (B. c. 621) Clinton is disposed to place it, so as to bring Eusebius into exact agreement with the other authorities on the subject. Of the immediate occasion which led to these laws we have no account. C. F. Hermann (. c.) and Thirlwall (Greece, vol. ii. p. 18) are of opinion, that the people demanded a written code to replace the mere customary law, of which the Eupatridae were the sole expounders; and that the latter, unable to resist the demand, gladly sanctioned the rigorous enactments of Dracon as adapted to check the democratic movement which DRACON. had given rise to them. This theory certainly gets rid of what Thirlwall considers the difficulty of conceiving how the legislator could so confound the gradations of moral guilt, and how also (as we may add) he could fall into the error of making moral guilt the sole rule of punishment, as his own defence of his laws above mentioned might lead us to suppose he did. Yet the former of these errors is but the distortion of an important truth (Aristot. Eth. Nic. vi. 13. ~ 6); while the latter has actually been held in modern times, and was more natural in the age of Dracon, especially if, with Wachsmuth, we suppose him to have regarded his laws in a religious aspect as instruments for appeasing the anger of the gods. And neither of these errors, after all, is more strange than his not foreseeing that the severity of his enactments would defeat its own end, and would surely lead (as was the case till recently in England) to impunity. [E. E.] DRACON (Apdtcov), an Achaean of Pellene, to whom Dercyllidas (B. c. 398) entrusted the government of Atarneus, which had been occupied by a body of Chian exiles, and which he had reduced after a siege of eight months. Here Dracon gathered a force of 3000 targeteers, and acted successfully against the enemy by the ravage of Mysia. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. ~ 11; Isocr. Paney. p. 70, d.) [E. E.] DRACON (Apdicwv). 1. A musician of Athens, was a disciple of Damon, and the instructor of Plato in music. (Plut. de MAs. 17; Olympiod. Vit. Plat.) 2. A grammarian of Stratonicea, flourished in the reign of Hadrian. Suidas mentions several works of his, of which only one (rep'Ti irpwv) is extant. It is said to be an extract from a larger work, and has been edited by Godfr. Hermann, Leipzig, 1812. 3. Of Corcyra, a writer, whose work 7rep xiO)wv is quoted by Athenaeus (xv. p. 692, d.). Casaubon (ad loc.) proposes 7repi dSWE as a conjecture. [E. E.] DRACON (Apdacwv) I., eighteenth in descent from Aesculapius, who lived in the fifth and fourth centuries B. c. He was the son of Hippocrates II. (the most celebrated physician of that name), the brother of Theesalus, and the father of Hippocrates commonly called IV. (Jo. Tzetzes, Chil. vii. Hist. 155, in Fabric. Bibl. Graeca, vol. xii. p. 682, ed. vet.; Suid. s. v. 'Ir'roipda`Trs; Galen, De Difficult. Respir. ii. 8, vol. vii. p. 854; Comment. in Hippocr. " De Himoor." i. 1, vol. xvi. p. 5; Comment. in Hippocr. " Praedict. L." ii. 52, vol. xvi. p. 625; Cosmment. in Hipcpocr. " De Nat. Hlorn." ii. 1, vol. xv. p. 111; Thessali, Orat. ad Aram, and Sorani Vita Hizppocr. in Hippocr. Opera, vol. iii. pp. 842, 855.) Galen tells us that some of the writings of Hippocrates were attributed to his son Dracon. DRACON II. Was, according to Suidas (s. v. Apadiwv), the son of Thessalus, and the father of Hippocrates (probably Hippocrates IV.). If this be correct, he was the nineteenth of the family of the Asclepiadae, the brother of Gorgias and Hippocrates III., and lived probably in the fourth century B. c. DRAcoN III. is said by Suidas (s. v. Apdiwv) to have been' the son of Hippocrates (probably Hippocrates IV.), and to have been one of the physicians to Roxana, the wife of Alexander the Great, in the fourth century B. c. There is, however, certainly some confusion in Suidas, and perhaps the origin of the mistakes
Page 1073 DRACONTIUS. may be his making Dracon I. and Dracon II. two distinct persons, by calling Dracon II. the grandson, instead of the son, of Hippocrates II. [W.A.G.] DRACO'NTIDES (Apaccowrinls), one of the thirty tyrants established at Athens in B. c. 404. (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. ~ 2.) He is in all probability the same whom Lysias mentions (c. Erat. p. 126), as having framed at that time the constitution, according t6 which the Athenians were to be governed under their new rulers; and he is perhaps also the disreputable person alluded to by Aristophanes as having been frequently condemned in the Athenian courts of justice. ( Vesp. 157; Schol. ad loc., comp. 438.) [E. E.] DRACO'NTIUS, a Christian poet, of whose personal history we know nothing, except that he was a Spanish presbyter, flourished during the first half of the fifth century, and died about A. D. 450. His chief production, entitled Hlexa'meron, in heroic measure, extending. to 575 lines, contains a description of the six days of the creation, in addition to which we possess a fragment in 198 elegiac verses addressed to the younger Theodosius, in which the author implores forgiveness of God for certain errors in his greater work, and excuses himself to the emperor for having neglected to celebrate his victories. Although the Hexaemeron is by no means destitute of spirit, and plainly indicates that the writer had studied carefully the models of classical antiquity, we can by no means adopt the criticism of Isidorus: " Dracontius composuit heroicis versibus IHexa'meron creationis mundi et luculenter, quod composuit, scripsit," if we are to understand that any degree of clearness or perspicuity is implied by the word licuienter, for nothing is more characteristic of this piece than obscurity of thought and perplexity of expression. Indeed these defects are sometimes pushed to such extravagant excess, that we feel disposed to agree with Barthius (Advers. xxiii. 19), that Dracontius did not always understand himself. It is to be observed that the Hexae'meron exists under two forms. It was published in its original shape along with the Genesis of Claudius Marius Victor, at Paris, 8vo. 1560; in the "Corpus Christianorum Poetarum," edited by G. Fabricius, Basil. 4to. 1564; with the notes of Weitzius, Franc 8vo. 1610; in the "Magna Bibliotheca Patrum," Colon. fol. 1618, vol. vi. par. 1; and in the " Bibliotheca Patrum," Paris, fol. 1624, vol. viii. In the course of the seventh century, however, Eugenius, bishop of Toledo, by the orders of king Chindasuindus, undertook to revise, correct, and improve the Six Days; and, not content with repairing and beautifying the old structure, supplied what he considered a defect in the plan by adding an account of the Seventh Day. In this manner the performance was extended to 634 lines. The enlarged edition was first published by Sirmond along with the Opuscula of Eugenius, Paris, 8vo. 1619. In the second volume of Sirmond's works (Ven. 1728), p. 890, we read the letter of EugeIius to Chindasuindus, from which we learn that the prelate engaged in the task by the commands of that prince; and in p. 903 we find the Elegy addressed to Theodosius. The Eugenian version was reprinted by Rivinus, Lips. 8vo. 1651, and in the " Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum," Lugdun. vol. ix. p. 724. More recent editions have appeared by F. Arevalus, Rom. 4to. 1791, and by J. B. Carpzovius, Helmst. 8vo. 1794. DREPANIUS. 1073 (Isidorus, de Scrip. Eccl. c. 24; Honorius, de Scrip. Eccles. lib. iii. c. 28; Ildefonsus, de Scrip. Eccles. c. 14, all of whom will be found in the Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica of Fabricius.) The Dracontius mentioned above must not be confounded with the Dracontius to whom Athanasius addressed an epistle; nor with the Dracontius on whom Palladius bestowed the epithets of evSoeos and 4avteaa-O'r; nor with the Dracontius, bishop of Pergamus, named by Socrates and Sozomenus. [W. R.] DREPA'NIUS. It became a common practice, in the times of Diocletian and his immediate successors, for provincial states, especially the cities of Gaul, at that period peculiarly celebrated as the nursing-mother of orators, to despatch deputations from time to time to the imperial court, for the purpose of presenting congratulatory addresses upon the occurrence of any auspicious event, of returning thanks for past benefits, and of soliciting a renewal or continuance of favour and protection. The individual in each community most renowned for his rhetorical skill would naturally be chosen to draw up and deliver the complimentary harangue, which was usually recited in the presence of the prince himself. Eleven pieces of this description have been transmitted to us, which have been generally published together, under the title of " Duodecim Panegyrici veteres," the speech of Pliny in honour of Trajan being included to round off the number, although belonging to a different age, and possessing very superior claims upon our notice, while some editors have added also the poem of Corippus in praise of the younger Justin. [CoruIpus.] Of the eleven which may with propriety be classed together, the first bears the name of Claudius Mamertinus, who was probably the composer of the second also [MAMERTINUS]; the third, fourth, sixth, and seventh are all ascribed to Eumenius, with what justice is discussed elsewhere [EUMENIus]; the ninth is the work of Nazarius, who appears to have written the eighth likewise; the tenth belongs to a Mamertinus different from the personage mentioned above; the eleventh is the production of Drepanius, but the author of the fifth, in honour of the nuptials of Constantine with Fausta, the daughter of Maximianus (A. D. 307), is altogether unknown. Discourses of this description must for the most part be as devoid of all sincerity and truth as they are, from their very nature, destitute of all genuine feeling or passion, and hence, at best, resolve themselves into a mere cold display of artistic dexterity, where the attention of the audience is kept alive by a succession of epigrammatic points, carefully balanced antitheses, elaborate metaphors, and welltuned cadences, where the manner is everything, the matter nothing. To look to such sources for historical information is obviously absurd. Success would in every case be grossly exaggerated, defeat carefully concealed, or interpreted to mean victory. The friends and allies of the sovereign would be daubed with fulsome praise, his enemies overwhelmed by a load of the foulest calumnies. We cannot learn what the course of events really was, but merely under what aspect the ruling powers desired that those events should be viewed, and frequently the misrepresentations are so flagrant that we are unable to detect even a vestige of truth lurking below. We derive from these effusions some knowledge with regard to the personal history 3z
Page 1074 1074 DREPANIUS. of particular individuals which is not to be obtained elsewhere, and from the style we can draw some conclusions with regard to the state of the language and the tone of literary taste at the commencement of the fourth century; but, considered as a whole, antiquity has bequeathed to us nothing more worthless. LATINUS PACATUS DREPANIUS was a native of Aquitania, as we learn from himself and from Sidonius, the friend of Ausonius, who inscribes to him several pieces in very complimentary dedications, and the correspondent of Symmachus, by whom he is addressed in three epistles still extant. He was sent from his native province to congratulate Theodosius on the victory achieved over Maximus, and delivered the panegyric which stands last in the collection described above, at Rome, in the presence of the emperor, probably in the autumn of A. D. 391. If we add to these particulars the facts, that he was elevated to the rank of proconsul, enjoyed great celebrity as a poet, and was descended from a father who bore the same name with himself, the sources from which our information is derived are exhausted. The oration, while it partakes of the vices which disfigure the other members of the family to which it belongs, is less extravagant in its hyperboles than many of its companions, and although the language is a sort of hybrid progeny, formed by the union of poetry and prose, there is a certain splendour of diction, a flowing copiousness of expression, and even a vigour of thought, which remind us at times of the florid graces of the Asiatic school. How far the merits of Drepanius as a bard may have justified the decision of the critic who pronounces him second to Virgil only (Auson. Praef. Epigruamm. Idyll. vii.), it is impossible for us to determine, as not a fragment of his efforts in this department has been preserved. He must not be confounded with Florus Drepanius, a writer of hymns. The Editio Princeps of the Panegyrici Veteres is in quarto, in Roman characters, withlout place, date, or printer's name, but is believed to have appeared at Milan about 1482, and includes, in addition to the twelve orations usually associated together, the life of Agricola by Tacitus, and fragments of Petronius Arbiter, with a preface by Franc. Puteolanus, addressed to Jac. Antiquarius. Another very ancient impression in 4to., without place, date, or printer's name, containing the twelve orations alone, probably belongs to Venice, about 1499. The most useful editions are those of Schowarzhis, 4to., Ven. 1728; of Jaegerus, which presents a new recension of the text, with a valuable commentary, and comprehends the poem of Corippus, 2 tom. 8vo., Noremberg. 1779; and of Arntzenoius, which excludes Drepanius, with very copious notes and apparatus criticus, 2 tom. 4to., Traj. ad Rhen. 1790-97. The edition published at Paris, 12mo., 1643, with notes by many commentators, bears the title " XIV Panegyrici Veteres," in consequence of the addition of Panegyrics by Ausonius and Ennodius. In illustration we have T. G. Walch, Dissertatio de Panegyricis vetenrum, 4to., Jenae, 1721; T. G. Moerlin, de Panegyricis veterum programma, 4to., Noremb. 1738; and Heyne, Censura XII Panegyricoruzm veterumn, in his Opuscula Academica, vol. vi. p. 80. (Sidon. Apollin. Epist. viii. 12; comp. Panegyr. DROMICHAETES. cc. 2 and 24; Auson. Praef. Epigramsnsm., Lud. Sept. Sap., Teclhnopaegn., Gramaticomast., Idyll. vii.; Symmach. Epist. viii. 12, ix. 58, 69.) [W. R.] DRI'MACUS (ApitcaKos), a fabulous leader of revolted slaves in Chios. The Chians are said to have been the first who purchased slaves, for which they were punished by the gods, for many of the slaves thus obtained escaped to the mountains of the island, and from thence made destructive inroads into the possessions of their former masters. After a long and useless warfare, the Chians concluded a treaty with Drimacus, the brave and successful leader of the slaves, who put an end to the ravages. Drimacus now received among his band only those slaves who had run away through the bad treatment they had experienced. But afterwards the Chians offered a prize for his head. The noble slave-leader, on hearing this, said to one of his men, " I am old and weary of life; but you, whom I love above all men, are young, and may yet be happy. Therefore take my head, carry it into the town and receive the prize for it." This was done accordingly; but, after the death of Drimacus, the disturbances among the slaves became worse than ever; and the Chians then, seeing of what service he had been to them, built him a heroum, which they called the heroum of the 'pcws ed'ev's-. The slaves sacrificed to him a portion of their booty; and whenever the slaves meditated any outrage, Drimacus appeared to their masters in a dream to caution them. (Athen. vi. p. 265.) [L. S.] DRIMO (Aptuco), the name of two mythical personages. (Hygin. Fab. Praef. p. 2; Eustath. ad Horn. p. 776.) [L. S.] DROMEUS (Apoepe's). 1. Of Mantineia, a victor in the Olympian games, who gained the prize in the pancratium in 01. 75. (Paus. vi. 6. S2, 11. ~ 2.) 2. Of Stymphalus, twice won the prize at Olympia in the dolichos, but it is not known in what years. He also gained two prizes at the Pythian, three at the Isthmian, and five at the Nemean games. He is said to have first introduced the custom of feeding the athletes with meat. There was a statue of his at Olympia, which was the work of Pythagoras. (Paus. vi. 7. ~ 3; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8, 19.) [L. S.] DROMICHAETES (AppomXaim?73). 1. A king of the Getae, contemporary with Lysimachus, king of Thrace, and known to us only by his victory over that monarch. Hie first defeated and took prisoner Agathocles, the son of Lysimachus, but sent him back to his father without ransom, hoping thus to gain the favour of Lysimachus. The latter, however, thereupon invaded the territories of Dromichaetes in person, with a large army; but soon became involved in great difficulties, and was ultimately taken prisoner with his whole force. Dromichaetes treated his captive in the most generous manner, and after entertaining him in regal style, set him at liberty again on condition of Lysimachus giving him his daughter in marriage and restoring the conquests he had made from the Getae to the north of the Danube. (Diod. Exce. Peiresc. xxi. p. 559, ed. Wess., Exc. Vatic. xxi. p. 49, ed. Dind.; Strab. vii. pp. 302, 305; Plut. Demzetr. 39, 52; Polyaen. vii. 25; Memnon, c. 5, ed. Orell.) Pausanias, indeed, gives a different account of the transaction, according to which Lysimachus himself escaped, but his son Agathocles having fallen
Page 1075 DRUSILLA. into the power of the enemy, he was compelled to purchase his liberation by concluding a treaty on the terms already mentioned. (Paus. i. 9. ~ 6.) The dominions of Dromichaetes appear to have extended from the Danube to the Carpathians, and his subjects are spoken of by Pausanias as both numerous and warlike. (Pans 1. c.; Strab. vii. pp. 304, 305; Niebuhr, Kleine Scriften, p. 379; Droysen, Nachfolg. Alex. p. 589.) 2. A leader of Thracian mercenaries (probably of the tribe of the Getae) in the service of Antiochus II. (Polyaen. iv. 16.) 3. One of the generals of Mithridates, probably a Thracian by birth, who was sent by him with an army to the support of Archelaus in Greece. (Appian. Mithr. 32, 41.) [E. H. B.] DROMOCLEIDES (Apopochese1rs) of Sphettus, an Attic orator of the time of Demetrius Phalereus, who exercised a great influence upon public affairs at Athens by his servile flattery of Demetrius Poliorcetes. (Plut. Demetr. 13, 14, Praecept. Polit. p. 798.) [L. S.] DROMOCRIDES, or, as some read, Dromocleides, is mentioned by Fulgentius (Mytihol. ii. 17) as the author of a Theogony, but is otherwise unknown. (Fabric. Bibl. Gracec. i. p. 30.) [L. S.] DROMON (ApolIuvi). 1. An Athenian comic poet of the middle comedy, from whose YdAcXrpia two fragments are quoted by Athenaeus (vi. p. 240, d., ix. p. 409, e.). In the former of these fragments mention is made of the parasite Tithymallus, who is also mentioned by Alexis, Timocles, and Antiphanes, who are all poets of the middle comedy, to which therefore it is inferred that Dromon also belonged. A play of the same title is ascribed to EUBULUS. (Meineke, Frag. Conm. Graec. i. p. 418, iii. pp. 541, 542.) '2. A slave of the Peripatetic philosopher, Straton, who emancipated him by his will. (Diog. Laert. v. 63.) He is included in the lists of the Peripatetics. (Fabric.Bibl. Graec. iii. p. 492.) [P.S.] DRUSILLA. 1. LIVIA DRUSILLA, the mother of the emperor Tiberius and the wife of Augustus. [LIVIA.] 2. DRUSILLA, a daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina, was brought up in the house of her grandmother Antonia. Here she was deflowered by her brother Caius (afterwards the emperor Caligula), before he was of age to assume the toga virilis, and Antonia had once the misfortune to be an eye-witness of the incest of these her grandchildren. (Suet. Caligula, 24.) In A. D. 33, the emperor Tiberius disposed of her in marriage to L. Cassius Longinus (Tac. Ann. vi. 15), but her brother soon afterwards carried her away from her husband's house, and openly lived with her as if she were his wife. In the beginning of his reign, we find her married to M. Aemilius Lepidus, one of his minions. The emperor had debauched all his sisters, but his passion for Drusilla exceeded all bounds. When seized with illness, he appointed her heir to his property and kingdom; but she died early in his reign, whereupon his grief became frantic. He buried her with the greatest pomp, gave her a public tomb, set up her golden image in the forum, and commanded that she should be worshipped, by the name Panthea, with the same honours as Venus. Livius Geminius, a senator, swore that he saw her ascending to heaven in the company of the gods, and was rewarded with a million sesterces for his story. Men knew not DRUSUS. 1075 what to do. It was impiety to mourn the goddess, and it was death not to mourn the woman. Several suffered death for entertaining a relative or guest, or saluting a friend, or taking a bath, in the days that followed her funeral. (Dion Cass. lix. 11; Senec. Consol. ad Polyb. 36.) 3. JULIA DRUSILLA, the daughter of the emperor Caius (Caligula) by his wife Caesonia. Sihe was born, according to Suetonius (Caligula, 25), on the day of her mother's marriage, or, according to Dio (lix. 29), thirty days afterwards. On the day of her birth, she was carried by her father round the temples of all the goddesses, and placed upon the knee of Minerva, to whose patronage he commended her maintenance and education. Josephus (Ant. Jud. xix. 2) relates, that Caligula pronounced it to be a doubtful question whether he or Jupiter had the greater share in her paternity. She gave early proof of her legitimacy by the ferocity and cruelty of her disposition, for, while yet an infant, she would tear with her little nails the eyes and faces of the children who played with her. On the day that her father was assassinated, she was killed by being dashed against a wall, A. D. 41, when she was about two years old. 4. DRUSILLA, daughter of Herodes Agrippa I., king of the Jews, by his wife Cypros, and sister of Herodes Agrippa II., was only six years old when her father died in A. D. 44. She had been already promised in marriage to Epiphanes, son of Antiochus, king of Comagene, but the match was broken off in consequence of Epiplhanes refusing to perform his promise of conforming to the Jewish religion. Hereupon Azizus, king of Enmesa, obtained Drusilla as his wife, and performed the condition of becoming a Jew. Afterwards, Felix, the procurator of Judaea, fell in love with her, and induced her to leave Azizus-a course to which she was prompted not only by the fair promises of Felix, but by a desire to escape the annoyance to which she was subjected by the envy of her sister Berenice, who, though ten years older, vied with her in beauty. She thought, perhaps, that Felix, whom she accepted as a second husband, would be better able to protect her than Azizus, whom she divorced. In the Acts, of the Apostles (xxiv. 24), she is mentioned in such a manner that she may naturally be supposed to have been present when St. Paul preached before her second husband in A. D. 60. Felix and Drusilla had a son, Agrippa, who perished in an eruption of Vesuvius. (Josephus, Ant. Jud. xix. 7, xx. 5.) Tacitus (Hist. v. 9) says, that Felix married Drusilla, a granddaughter of Cleopatra and Antony. The Drusilla he refers to, if any such person ever existed, must have been a daughter of Juba and Cleopatra Selene, for the names and fate of all the other descendants of Cleopatra and Antony are known from other sources; but the account given by Josephus of the parentage of Drusilla is more consistent than that of Tacitus with the statement of Holy Writ, by which it appears that Drusilla was a Jewess. Some have supposed that Felix married in succession two Drusillae, and countenance is lent to this otherwise improbable conjecture by an expression of Suetonius (Claud. 28), who calls Felix trium reginarumn maritum. [J. T. G.] DRUSUS, the name of a distinguished family of the Livia gens. It is said by Suetonius (Ti/) 3), that the first Livius )Drusus acquired the cogno" 3z2
Page 1076 1076 DRUSUS. DRUSUS. men Drusus for himself and his descendants, by pian, Gall. iv. fr. 11, ed. Schweigh.), that they having slain in close combat one Drausus, a chief- seem to have been annihilated as an independent tain of the enemy. This Livius Drusus, he goes people, and we never afterwards read of them as on to say, was propraetor in Gaul, and, according being engaged in war against Rome. On this to one tradition, on his return to Rome, brought supposition, however, according to the ordinary from his province the gold which had been paid to duration of human life, M. Livius Drusus, the the Senones at the time when the Capitol was be- patronus senatus of B. c. 122, must have been, not sieged. This account seems to be as little deserving the abnepos, but the adnepos, or grandson's grandof credit as the story that Camillus prevented the son's son, of the first Drusus, and hence Pighius gold from being paid, or obliged it to be restored (1. c.) proposes to read in Suetonius adnepos in in the first instance, place of abnepos. Of the time when the first Livius Drusus flou- Suetonius (Tib. 2) mentions a Claudius Drusus, rished, nothing more precise is recorded than that who erected in his own honour a statue with a M. Livius Drusus, who was tribune of the plebs diadem at Appii Forum, and endeavoured to get with C. Gracchus in B.C. 122, was his abnepos. This all Italy within his power by overrunning it with word, which literally means grandson's grandson, his clientelae. If we may judge from the position may possibly mean indefinitely a more distant de- which this Claudius Drusus occupies in the text of scendant, as atavus in Horace (Carm. i. 1) is used Suetonius, he was not later than P. Claudius indefinitely for an ancestor. Pulcher, who was consul in B. c. 249. It is not Pighius (Annales, i. p. 416) conjectures, that easy to imagine any rational origin of the cognothe first Livius Drusus was a son of M. Livius men Drusus in the case of this early Claudius, Denter, who was consul in B. c. 302, and that which would be consistent with the account of the Livius Denter, the son, acquired the agnomen of origin of the cognomen given by Suetonius in the Drusus in the campaign against the Senones under case of the first Livius Drusus. The asserted Cornelius Dolabella, in B. c. 283. He thinks that origin from the chieftain Drausus may be, as Bayle the descendants of this Livius Denter Drusus (Dictionnaire, s. v. Drusus) surmises, one of those assumed Drusus as a family cognomen in place of fables by which genealogists strive to increase the Denter. There is much probability in this conjec- importance of families. The connexion of the ture, if the origin of the name given by Suetonius family of Drusus with the first emperors probably be correct; for the Senones were so completely reflected a retrospective lustre upon its republican subdued by Dolabella and Domitius Calvinus (Ap- greatness. (Virg. Aen. yi. 825.) STEMMA DRUSORUM. 1. M. Livius Drusus. 2. M. Livius Drusus Aemilianus (qu. Mamilianus). 3. C. Livius Drusus, Cos. B. c. 147. 4. M. Livius Drusus, Cos. B. c. 12; 5. C. Livius Drusus. married Cornelia. 6. M. Livius Drusus, Livia; married 1.? Q. Servilius Caepio. = married 2.? M. Porcius Cato. Trib. P1.; killed B. c. 91; married Servilia, sister of Q. Servilius Q. Servilius Servilia; married 1. M. Servilia; M. Cato Porcia; Caepio. Caepio, Junius Brutus [m. 2. D. married Utic. married ITrib. Mil. Junius Silanus]. Lucullus. L.Domit. I B. c. 72. Aheno7. Livius Drusus Claudianus. M. Junius Brutus, tyrannic. barbus. adopted by No. 6.? 8. M. Livius Drusus Libo, Consul B. c. 15; 9. Livia Drusilla, afterwards named Julia Augusta; adopted by No. 7?; married Pompeia? m. 1. Tiberius Claudius Nero [2. Augustus Caesar]. I I I 10. L. Scribonius Libo Drusus, 11. Nero Claudius Drusus 12. Tiberius Nero Caesar son of No. 8.? (senior), afterwards Drusus (emperor TIBERIUS); m. Germanicus; married An- 1. Vipsania Agrippina. tonia, minor. I I 13. Germanicus 14. Livia; 15. Ti. Claudius Drusus Caesar 16. Drusus Caesar (juCaesar; married m. 1. C.Caesar; (emperor CLAUDIUS); married nior); died A. D. 23, Agrippina. 2. No. 16. 1. Urgulanilla. leaving a daugh. Julia, a 6
Page 1077 DRUSUS. DRUSUS. 1077 a I - -,-. 17. Nero, m. Julia, daughter of No. 16; died A D. 30. 18. Drusus; died A. D. 33. 19. Caius Cae- 20. Agrippi- 21. Drusilla; sar (emperor na, mother of m. 1. L.Cassius, CALIGULA); the emperor 2. M. Lepidus; m. 3. Caesonia. NERO. died A. D. 38. 25. Julia Drusilla; died A. D. 41. 22. Julia Livilla. 23. Drusus; a22. Three other died A. D. children; died 20. young. 24. Claudia. OTHER DRUSI. 26. D. Drusus, Consul suffectus B. c. 137.? (Dig. 1. tit. 13. ~. 2.) 27. C. Drusus, historian. (Suet. Augustus, 94.) 1. M. Livius DRtusus, the father, natural or adoptive, of No. 2. (Fast. Capit.) 2. M. LIvius M. F. DRUsUS AEMILIANUS, the father of No. 3. (Fast. Capit.) Some modern writers call him Mamilianus instead of Aemilianus, for transcribers are not agreed as to the correct reading of the Capitoline marbles, which are broken into three fragments in the place where his name is mentioned under the year of his son's consulship. (Compare the respective Fasti of Marliani, the fabricator Goltzius, Sigonius, and Piranesi, ad A. U. c. 606.) 3. C. LIviUS M. AEMILIANI F. M. N. DRUSuS, was consul in B. c. 147 with P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus. Of his father nothing is known, but it may be inferred with much probability that M. Drusus Aemilianus belonged to the Aemilia gens, and was adopted by some M. Livius Drusus. It is possible, however, that M. Livius Drusus, the grandfather, had by different wives two sons named Marcus, and that one of them was the son of Aemilia, and was called, from his mother, Aemilianus. (Diet. ofAnt. p. 641, s. v. Nomen.) There was a Roman jurist, named C. Livius Drusus, who has, by many writers, been identified with the subject of the present article. Cicero (Tusc. Qu. v. 38) mentions Drusus the jurist before mentioning Cn. Aufidius, and speaks of Drusus as from tradition (acceplimus), whereas he remembered having seen Aufidius. The jurist Drusus, in his old age, when deprived of sight, continued to give advice to the crowds who used to throng his house for the purpose of consulting him. Hence it has been rather hastily inferred, that Drusus the jurist was anterior to Aufidius, and was never seen by Cicero, and could not have been the son of the Drusus who was consul in B. c. 147. Others are disposed to identify the jurist with the son, No. 5, and there is certainly no absurdity in supposing the son of one who was consul in. c. 1 47 to have died at an advanced age before Cicero (born B. c. 106) happened to meet him, or was old enough to remember him. Seeing, however, that Cicero was an active and inquisitive student at 16, and considering the inferences as to age that may be collected from the years when No. 4 and No. 6, the brother and nephew of No. 5, held offices, the argument founded upon Tusc. Qu. v. 38 seems to be rather in favour of identifying the jurist with our present No. 3; but, in truth, there are not sufficient data to decide the question. (Rutilius, Vitae JClorum 19; Guil. Grotius, de Vit. JCtorum, i. 4. ~ 8.) The jurist, whether father or son, composed works of great use to students of law (Val. Max. viii. 7), although his name is not mentioned by Pomponius in the fragment de OrigineJuris. There is a passage in the Digest (19. tit. 1. s. 37. ~ 1), where Celsus cites and approves an opinion, in which Sex. Aelius and Drusus coincide, to the effect that the seller might bring an equitable action for damages (arbitrium) against the buyer, to recover the expenses of the keep of a slave, whom the buyer, without due cause, had refused to accept. (Maiansius, ad XXX JCtos. ii. p. 35.) Priscian (Ars Gram. lib. viii. p. 127, ed. Colon. 1528) attributes to Livius the sentence, " Impubes libripens esse non potest, neque antestari." It is probable that the jurist Livius Drusus is here meant, not only from the legal character of the fragment, but because Priscian, whenever he quotes Livius Andronicus or the historian Livy, gives a circumstantial reference to the particular work. (Dirksen, Brucisthicke aus den Schriften der Rimischen Juristen, p. 45.) 4. M. LivIus C. F. M. AEMILIANI N. DRUSUS, son of No. 3, was tribune of the plebs in the year B. c. 122, when C. Gracchus was tribune for the second time. The senate, alarmed at the progress of Gracchus in the favour of the people, employed his colleague Drusus, who was noble, well educated, wealthy, eloquent, and popular, to oppose his measures and undermine his influence. Against some of the laws proposed by Gracchus, Drusus interposed his veto without assigning any reason. (Appian, B. C. i. 23.) He then adopted the unfair and crooked policy of proposing measures like those which he had thwarted. He steered by the side of Gracchus, merely in order to take the wind out of his sails. Drusus gave to the senate the credit of every popular law which he proposed, and gradually impressed the populace with the belief that the optimates were their best friends. The success of this system earned for him the designation patronus senatus. (Suet. Tib. 3.) Drusus was able to do with applause that which Gracchus could not attempt without censure. Gracchus was blamed for proposing that the Latins should have full rights of citizenship. Drusus was lauded for proposing that no Latin should be dishonoured by rods even in time of actual military service. Gracchus, in his agrarian laws, reserved a rent payable into the public treasury, and was traduced. Drusus relieved the grants of public land from all payment, and was held up as a patriot. Gracchus proposed a law for sending out two colonies, and named among the founders some of the most respectable citizens. He was abused as a popularity-hunter. Drusus introduced a law for establishing no fewer than twelve colonies, and
Page 1078 1078 DRUSUS. DRUSUS. for settling 3000 poor citizens in each. He was applauded, and was assisted in carrying the measure. These twelve colonies are supposed by Niebuhr (Ilist. of Rome, iv. p. 349) to be the same with those mentioned by Cicero (pro Caecina, 35). In all these measures, the conduct of Drusus was seen to be exempt from sordid motives of gain. He took no part in the foundation of colonies, reserved no portions of land to himself, and left to others the management of business in which the disbursement of money was concerned. Gracchus, on the other hand, was anxious to have the handling of money, and got himself appointed one of the founders of an intended colony at Carthage. The populace, ever suspicious in pecuniary matters, when they saw this, thought that all his fine professions were pretexts for private jobs. Besides, Drusus cleverly took advantage of his absence to wound him through the side of Fulvius Flaccus. Flaccus was hot-headed and indiscreet, and Drusus contrived to throw the obloquy of his indiscretion and misconduct upon Gracchus. Thus was the policy of the senate and Drusus completely successful. Gracchus was outbidden and discredited, and his power was for ever gone. (Plut. C. Gracchus, 8--11; Cic. Brut. 28, de Fin. iv. 24.) The policy and legislation of Drusus in his tribunate bear some resemblance to those of his son, who was killed in his tribunate 31 years afterwards. Hence it is sometimes difficult to determine whether passages in the classical authors relate to the father or the son, and in some cases it is probable that the father and the son have been confounded by ancient writers. In a case of doubt the presumption is that the son [No. 6] is intended, since his tragical death, followed close by the Marsic war, has rendered the vear of his tribunate a conspicuous era in Roman history. We read nothing more of Drusus, until he obtained the consulship in B. c. 112. He probably passed through the regular gradations of office as aedile and praetor. He may be the praetor urbanus, whose decision, that an action of mandatum lay against an heir as such, is mentioned ad Heren. ii. 13, and he may be the Drusus praetor, an instance of whose legal astuteness is recorded in a letter of Cicero to Atticus (vetus illud Drusi praetoris, &c. vii. 2); but we should rather be disposed to refer these passages to some member of the family (perhaps No. 2 or No. 1), who attained the praetorship, but did not reach the higher office of consul. Drusus obtained Macedonia as his province, and proceeded to make war upon the Scordisci. He was so successful in his military operations, that he not only repelled the incursions of this cruel and formidable enemy upon the Roman territory in Macedonia, but drove them out of part of their own country, and even forced them to retire from Thrace to the further or Dacian side of the Danube. (Florus, iii. 4.) Upon his return, he was welcomed with high honours (Liv. Epit. Ixiii.), and his victory was received with the warmer satisfaction from its following close upon the severe defeat of C. Cato in the same quarter. (Dion Cass. Frag. Peirese. 93, ed. Reimar, i. p. 40.) It is very likely that he obtained a triumph, for Suetonius (Tib. 3) mentions three triumphs of the Livia gens, and only two (of Livius Salinator) are positively recorded. There is, however, no proof that Drusus triumphed. The Fasti Triumphales of this year are wanting, and Vaillant (Nuim. Ant. Fam. Ronm. ii. p. 52) has been misled into the quotation of a conjectural supplement as an authority. In a passage in Pliny (iH. N. xxxiii. 50), which has been relied upon as proving that Drusus triumphed, the words triumphalAem senems do not refer to the Drusus mentioned immediately before. Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. vii. p. 119, ed. Reiske) mentions a Drusus who died in his office of censor, upon which his colleague, Aemilius Scaurus, refused to abdicate, until the tribunes of the plebs ordered him to be taken to prison. It is highly probable that our Drusus is intended, and that his censorship fell in the year B. c. 109, when the remains of the Capitoline marbles shew that one of the censors died during his magistracy. (Fasti, p. 237, Basil. 1559.) 5. C. Livius C. F. M. AEMILIANI N. DRUSUS, was a son of No. 3. Pighius (Annales, iii. 20), contrary to all probability, confounds him with Livius Drusus Claudianus, the grandfather of Tiberius. [See No. 7.] He approached his brother, No. 4, in the influence of his character and the weight of his eloquence. (Cic. Brut. 28.) Some have supposed him to be the jurist C. Livinu Drusus, referred to by Cicero (Tusc. Qu. v. 38) and Valerius Maximus (viii. 7), but see No. 3. Diodorus (Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. ii. p. 115, ed. Mai) mentions the great power which the two Drusi acquired by the nobility of their family, their good feeling, and their courteous demeanour. It seems to have been thought, that they could do anything they liked, for, after a certain law had been passed, some one wrote under it in jest, " This law binds all the people but the two Drusi." It is far more likely that two brothers than that, as Mai supposes, a father and son (viz. No. 4 and No. 6) should be thus referred to; and, from the context, we doubt not that No. 4 and the present No. 5, contemporaries of the Gracchi, are designated. 6. M. Livius M. F. C. N. DRusus, was a son of No. 4. His ambitious temper manifested itself with precocious activity. From boyhood he never allowed himself a holiday, but, before he was of an age to assume the toga virilis, he frequented the forum, busied himself in trials, and sometimes exerted his influence so effectually with the judices as to induce them to give sentence according to his wish. (Senec. de Brev. Vit. 6.) His character and morals in his youth were pure and severe (Cic. de Qf/ i. 30), but a self-sufficient conceit was conspicuous in his actions. When quaestor in Asia, he would not wear the insignia of office: " ne quid ipso esset insignius." (Aurel. Vict. doe Vir. II. 66.) When lie was building a house upon the Palatine mount, the architect proposed a plan to prevent it from being overlooked. " No," said he, "rather construct it so that all my fellow-citizens may see everything I do." This house has a name in history: it passed from Drusus into the family of Crassus, and can be traced successively into the hands of Cicero, Censorinus, and Rutilius Sisenna. (Vell. Paterc. ii. 15.) Velleius Paterculus slightly differs from Plutarch (Reip. Gerend, Praecepta, ix. p. 194, ed. Reiske) in relating this anecdote, and the reply to the architect has been erroneously attributed to an imaginary Julius Drusus Publicola, from a false reading in Plutarch of 'IondAos for Aiodi"os, and a false translation of the epithet 6 a qawyceyds
Page 1079 DRUSUS. DRUSUS. 1079 Drusus inherited a large fortune from his father, the consul; but, in order to obtain political influence, he was profuse and extravagant in his expenditure. The author of the treatise de Viris Illustribus, usually ascribed to Aurelius Victor, says that, from want of money, he sometimes stooped to unworthy practices. Magulsa, a prince of Mauretania, had taken refuge in Rome from the resentment of Bocchus, and Drusus was induced by a bribe to betray him to the king, who threw the wretched prince to an elephant. When Adherbal, son of the king of the Numidians (Micipsa), fled to Rome, Drusus kept him a prisoner in his house, hoping that his father would pay a ransom for his release. These two statements occur in no other author, and the second is scarcely reconcilable with the narrative of Sallust. The same author states, that Drusus was aedile, and gave magnificent games, and that when Remmius, his colleague in the aedileship, suggested some measure for the benefit of the commonwealth, he asked sarcastically, " What's our commonwealth to you?" Pighius, however (Anna/es, iii. p. 82), and others, considering that M. Drusus, the son, died in his tribuneship-an office usually held before that of aedile-are of opinion, that Aurelius Victor has confounded several events of the father's life with those of the son. It appears from Cicero (Brut. 62, pro Mil. 7), that Drusus was the uncle of Cato of Utica, and the great-uncle of Brutus. These relationships were occasioned by successive marriages of his sister Livia. We agree with Manutius (ad Cic. de Fin. iii. 2) in thinking, in opposition to the common opinion, that she was first married to Q. Servilius Caepio [CAEP10, No. 8, p. 535, a.], whose daughter was the mother of Brutus, that she was divorced from Caepio, and then married the father of Cato of Utica; for Cato, according to Plutarch (Cato Min. 1) was brought up in the house of his uncle Drusus along with the children of Livia and Caepio, who was then living, and who survived Drusus. (Liv. Epit lxxiii.) As Cato of Utica was born B c. 95 (Plut. Cat. Min. 2, 3, 73; Liv. Epit. 114; Sallust. Catil. 54), and as Drusus, who died B. c. 91, survived his sister, we must suppose, unless her first marriage was to Caepio, that an extraordinary combination of events was crowded into the years B. c. 95-91: viz. 1st. the birth of Cato; 2nd. the death of his father; 3rd. the second marriage of Livia; 4th. the births of at least three children by her second husband; 5th. her death; 6th. the rearing of her children in the house of Drusus; 7th. the death of Drusus. Q. Servilius Caepio was the rival of Drusus in birth, fortune, and influence. (Flor. iii. 17.) Originally they were warm friends. As Caepio married Livia, the sister of Drusus, so Drusus married Servilia, the sister of Caepio (-ydgwv eraxNaey, Dion Cass. Frag. Peiresc. 110, ed. Reimar. vol. i. p. 45). Dion Cassius may be understood to refer to domestic causes of quarrel; but, according to Pliny, a rupture was occasioned between them from competition in bidding for a ring at a public auction; and to this small event have been attributed the struggles of Drusus for pre-eminence, and ultimately the kindling of the social war. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 6.) The mutual jealousy of the brothersin-law proceeded to such great lengths, that on one occasion Drusus declared he would throw Caepio down the Tarpeian rock. (De Vir. Ill. 66.) Drusus was early an advocate of the party of the optimates. When Saturninus was killed in B. c. 100, he was one of those who took up arms for the safety of the state (Cic. pro Rabir. Perd. reo. 7), and supported the consul Marius, who was now, for once, upon the side of the senate. (Liv. Epit. xix.) In the dispute between the senate and the equites for the possession of the judicia, Caepio took the part of the equites, while Drusus advocated the cause of the senate with such earnestness and impetuosity, that, like his father, he seems to have been termed patronus senatus. (Cic. pro Mil. 7; Diod. xxxvi. fr. fin. ed. Bipont. x. p. 480.) The equites had now, by a lex Sempronia of C. Gracchus, enjoyed the judicia from B. c. 122, with the exception of the short interval during which the lex Servilia removed the exclusion of the senate [see p. 880, a]. It must be remembered that the Q. Servilius Caepio who proposed this shortlived law (repealed by another lex Servilia of Servilius Glaiucia) was perhaps the father of Q. Servilius Caepio, the brother-in-law of Drusus, but was certainly a different person and of different politics. [See p. 535, a.] The equites abused their power, as the senate had done before them. As farmers of the public revenues, they committed peculation and extortion with an habitual impunity, which assumed in their own view the complexion of a right. When accused, they were tried by accomplices and partizans, and " it must be a hard winter when wolf devours wolf." On the other hand, in prosecutions against senators of the opposite faction, the equites had more regard to political animosity than to justice. Even in ordinary cases, where party feeling was not concerned, they allowed their judicial votes to be purchased by bribery and corrupt influence. The recent unjust condemnation of Rutilius Rufus had weakened the senate and encouraged the violence of the equites, when, in B. c. 91, Drusus was made tribune of the plebs in the consulate of L. Marcius Philippus and Sex. Julius Caesar. (Flor. 1. c.) Under the plea of an endeavour to strengthen the party of the senate, Drusus determined to gain over the plebs, the Latins, and the Italic socii. The ardour of his zeal was increased by the attack which his enemy Caepio directed against the nobility by prosecuting some of their leaders. From the conflicting statements and opposite views of Roman writers as to his motives and conduct, his character is in some respects a problem. Even partyspirit was at fault in estimating aman whose measures were regarded as revolutionary, while his political sentiments were supposed to be profoundly aristocratic. Velleius Paterculus (ii. 13; compare what is said by the Pseudo-Sallust in Epist. 2 ad C. Caes. de Rep. Ord.) applauds him for the tortuous policy of attempting to wheedle the mob, by minor concessions to their demands, into a surrender of important claims to the optimates; but we cannot help thinking (comp. Flor. iii. 18; Liv. Epit. lxx. lxxi.), that he cared as much for self as for party-that personal rivalries mingled with honest plans for his country's good and enlightened views above the capacity of the times-that, at last, he was soured by disappointment into a dangerous conspirator,-and that there were moments when visions of sole domination floated, however indistinctly, before his eyes. He was eager in the pursuit of popularity, and indefatigable in the endeavour to gain and exercise influence. It was one
Page 1080 1080 DRUSUS. of the objects of his restless and self-sufficient spirit to become the arbiter of parties, and he acted from immediate impulses, without considering nicely the result of his conduct. There was deep meaning in the witticism of Granius, the public crier, who, when Drusus saluted him in the ordinary phrase, " Quid agis, Grani?" asked in reply, " Immo vero, tu Druse, quid agis?" (Cic. pro Plane. 14.) To conciliate the people, Drusus renewed several of the propositions and imitated the measures of the Gracchi. He proposed and carried laws for the distribution of corn, or for its sale at a low price, and for the assignation of public land (leges frumentariae, agrariae, Liv. Epit. lxxi.). The establishment of several colonies in Italy and Sicily, which had long been voted, was now effected. (Appian, de Bell. Civ. i. 35.) Nothing could surpass the extravagance of the largesses to which he persuaded the senate to accede. (Tac. Ann. iii. 27.) lie declared that he had been so bountiful, that nothing was left to be given, by any one else, but air and dirt, "coelum aut coenum." (De Vir. Ill. 66; Flor. iii. 17.) It was probably the exhaustion of the public treasury produced by such lavish expenditure that induced him to debase the silver coinage by the alloy of one-eighth part of brass. (Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 18.) Presumptuous, arrogant, and rash, he assumed a station to which he was not entitled by authority and experience, notwithstanding the splendour of his birth and the power of his eloquence. But his energy went far (as energy like his always will do) in silencing opposition, and begetting submission to his will. Once, when the senate invited his attendance at their place of meeting, he -sent a message in answer: " Let them come to me-to the Curia Hostilia, near the Rostra," and they were so abject as to obey. (Val. Max. ix. 5. ~ 2: " Cum senatus ad eum misisset, ut in Curiam veniret. 'Quare non potius,' inquit, ' ipse in Hostiliam, propinquam Rostris, id est, ad me venit?" This passage is remarkable for the opposition between Curia and Hostilia; whereas it is ordinarily stated that, in classical writers, Curia, without more, denotes the Curia Hostilia.) Such conduct naturally produced a reaction of feeling among some proud men, who had a high sense of their own importance, saw the false position in which their party was placed, and disliked pushing effrontery. In Cicero (de Orat. iii. 1, 2) we find a description of a scene full of turbulence and indecorum, where Philippus, the consul, inveighs against the senate, while Drusus and the orator Crassus withstand him to the face. From the known politics of the persons concerned, this scene is exceedingly difficult to explain; but we believe that it occurred at a period in the career of Drusus when he had not yet identified himself with the formidable cabals of the Latins and Italians, and when, in spite of his popular measures, he still retained the confidence of the senate, from his resistance to the equites. We believe that the haughty Philippus upbraided the senate for their complaisance to Drusus in favouring the plebs, and that it was the unmeasured rebuke of the aristocrat which roused the esprit de corps of the senator Crassus. We know from other sources that Philippus opposed the passing of the agrarian laws of Drusus, and interru)pted the tribune while he was haranguing the assembly; whereupon Drusus sent DRUSUS. one of his clients, instead of the regular viator, to arrest the consul. (Val. Max. ix. 5. ~ 2; Florus, iii. 17, and Auct. de Vir. Ill. vary slightly from each other and from Valerius Maximus.) This order was executed with extreme violence, and Philippus was collared so tightly, that the blood started from his nostrils; upon which Drusus, taunting the luxurious epicurism of the consul, cried out, "Psha! it is only the gravy of thrushes." (Schottus, ad Auct. de Vir. Ill. 66.) Having thus bought over the people (who used to rise and shout when he appeared), and having, by promising to procure for them all the rights of citizenship, induced the Latini and Italic socii to assist him, Drusus was able, by force and intimidation, to carry through his measures concerning the judicia (" legem judiciariam pertulit," Liv. Epit. lxxi.). Some writers, following Liv. Epit. Ixxi., speak of his sharing the judicia between the senate and the equites; but his intention seems to have been entirely to transfer the judicia to the senate; for, without any positive exclusion of the equites and lower orders, as long as senators were eligible, it is probable that no names but those of senators would be placed by the praetors upon the lists of judices. (Puchta, Institutionen, i. ~ 71.) We accept the circumstantial statement of Appian (B. C. i. 35), according to which the law of Drusus provided that the senate, now reduced below the regular number of 300, should be reinforced by the introduction of an equal number of new members selected from the most distinguished of the equites; and enacted that the senate, thus doubled in number, should possess the judicia. The law seems to have been silent as to any express exclusion of the equites; but it might be implied from its language that such exclusion was contemplated, and, so far as its positive enactment referred to the new members, they were entitled to be placed on the list of judices, qua senators, not qu equites. Nor was there any prospective regulation for supplying from the equestrian order vacancies in the judicial lists. To this part of the law was added a second part, appointing a commission of inquiry into the bribery and corruption which the equites had practised while in exclusive possession of the judicia. (Appian, I. c.; compare Cic. pro Rubiro Post. 7, pro Cluent. 56.) After Drusus had so far succeeded, the reaction set in rapidly and strongly. The Romans, who were usually led as much by feeling as by calculation, required to be manuaged with peculiar tact and delicacy; but Drusus had a rough way of going to work, which, even in the momnent of success, set in array against him the vanity and prejudices of public men; and in his measures themselves there appeared to be a species of trimming,, which, while it seemed intended to displease none, was ultimately found to be unsatisfactory to all, It may be that he was actuated by a single-minded desire to do equal justice to all, and to remedy abuses wherever they might lurk, careless of the offence which his reforms might give; but even his panegyrists among the ancients do not view his character in this light. Whatever else were his motives (and we believe them to have been complex-mzlta varie moliebatur), he appeared to be the slave of many masters. Mob-popularity is at best but fleeting, and those of the people who had not been favoured with tlhe distribution of lands were discontented at the luck of their more
Page 1081 DRUSUS. fortunate competitors. The Roman populace hated the foreigners who were striving to obtain equal franchise with themselves. The great body of the equites, who were very numerous, felt all the invidiousness of raising a select few to the rank of senators, while the rest would not only suffer the mortification of exclusion, but be practically deprived of that profitable share which they had previously enjoyed in the administration of justice. But worse than all was the apprehended inquisition into their past misdeeds. The senators viewed with dislike the proposed elevation to their own level of nearly 300 equites, now far below them in rank, and dreaded the addition of a heterogeneous mass, which was likely to harmonize badly with the ancient body. Moreover, they now suspected the ambition of Drusus, and did not choose to accept the transfer of the judicia at his hands. The Latins and socii demanded of him with stern importunity the price of their recent assistance; and their murmurs at delay were deepened when they saw the Roman populace dividing the ager publicus, and depriving them of those possessions which they had hitherto occupied by stealth or force. They even began to tremble for their private property. (Appian, 1. c.; Auct. de Vir. i. 111. 66.) In this state of affairs, the united dissatisfaction of all parties enabled the senate, upon the proposition of Philippus, who was augur as well as consul, to undo, by a few short lines, what had lately been done. (Cic. de Leg. ii. 6, 12.) The senate now, in pursuance of that anomalous constitution which practically allowed a plurality of supreme legislative powers, voted that all the laws of Drusus, being carried against the auspices, were null and void from the beginning. " Senatui videtur, M. Drusi legibus populuum nona teneri." (Cic. proe Cornel. fr. ii. vol. iv. P. ii. p. p. 449; Asconius, ine Cic. pro Cornel. p. 68, ed. Orelli.) The lex Caecilia Didia required that a law, before being put to the vote in the comitia, should be promulgated for three nundinae (17 days), and directed that several distinct clauses should not be put to the vote in a lump. If w\e may trust tlhe suspected oration prc Doamo (c. 16 and c. 20), the senate resolved that, in the passing of the laws of Drusus, the provisions of the lex Caecilia Didia had not been observed. It is difficult to suppose that the largesses oa corn and land, so far as they had been carried inato effect, were revoked; but probably the establishmentt of colonies was stopped in its progress, and undoubtedly the lex judiciaria was completely defeated. From the expressions of some ancien authors, it might be imagined that the lex judiciaria liad never been carried; but this is to be ex plained by considering that, during its short apparent existence, it never came into actual operation and that, according to the resolution of the senate it was null ab initio for 'want of essential pre-requii sites of validity. From the narrative of Velleiu Paterculus (ii. 13, 14) and Asconias (I. c.), i auight be inferred (contrary to the opinion of seve ral modern scholars), that it was in ithe lifetie o Drusus that the senate declared his laws null, ana the fact is now establisihed by a fragment of Dio dorus Siculus brought to light by -Mai (Script. Ves Nova Collectio, ii. p. 116); from which \ve leare that Drusus told the senate, that hle could hav prevented them from passing their resolutions, ha ie chosen to exert his power, and that the hou would come when they would rue their suiicid DRUSUS. 1081 act. As to the-precise order of these events, which took place within the period of a few minths, we are in want of detailed information. The 70th and 71st books of Livy are unfortunately lost, and the abbreviated accounts of minor historians are not always easily reconcilable with each other and with the incidental notices contained in other classical authors. Drusus, who had been sincere in his promises, felt grievously the difficulty of performing them. Weariness and vexation of spirit overtook him. He found that, with all his followers, he had not one true friend. He repented himi of his unquiet life, and longed for repose; but it was too late to retreat. The monstrous powers that he had brought into life urged him onward, and he became giddy with the prospect of danger and confusion that lay before him. (Senec. de Brev. Vit. 6.) Then came the news of strange portents and fearful auguries from all parts of Italy to perplex and confound his superstitious soul. (Oros. v. 18; Obsequ. 114. He was himself an augcour and pontifex; pro Domao. 46. Hence the expression sodalis meus in the mouth of Cotta, Cic de PNat. Deor. iii. 32.) Then came the exasperating thought of the ingratitude of the senate, and the determination to make them feel the energy which they had slighted. Thus agitated by uneasy passions, he scrupled not to meddle with the two-edged weapons of intrigue, sedition, and conspiracy, which he had neither force nor skill to wield. HIe was like the Gracchi with their lustre faded. (Gcraccborum obsoletus nitor, Auct. ad Hieren, iv. 34.) He adopted the factious practice (of which the example was first set by C. Gracchus), of holding separate mieetings of his followers, and he made distinctions among them according to their supposed fidelity. One he would admit to a private interview, another he would invite to a conference where several were present, and there were some whom he did not ask to attend except on those occasions vwhean all his adherents were summoned in a body. In furtherance of a common object, the secret conclave plotted, and the more -general association worked and organized, while the crowded meeting and thie armed mob intimidated by the demonstration and exercise of physical force. (Senec. de Besnf, vi. 34; Liv. Epit. f Ixxxi.) In Mai's extracts from Diodorus (1. c.) is preserved a remarkable oathl (unaccountably headed - Ipecos <anI r.ov), by which members of the associaI tion bound themniselves together. After calling by name on thie Roman gods, demrigods, and heroes, t the oath proceeds: " I swear that I will have the - same friinds andl foes with Drusus; that I will - spare neitler substance, nor parent, nor child, nor - life of any, so it be not for thle good of Drusus and, of those who have taken this oath; that if I become a citizen by the law of Drusus, I will hold - Rome my country, and Drusus my greatest benes factor; and that I will administer this oath to as t many more as I be able. So may weal or woe be -mine as I keep this oath or not." The ferment If soon became so great, thlat the public peace was d more than threatened. Standards and eagles were - seen in the streets, and Rome was like a battlet. field, in which the contending armies were enn camped. (Florus, 1. c.) e The end could not much longer be postponed. d At -a public assembly of the tribes, when the impa-.r tienco and disappointment of the multitude were dl loudly expressed, Drusus was seized with a faint
Page 1082 1082 DRUSUS. ing fit, and carried home apparently lifeless. Some said that his illness was a pretence to gain time. It did in fact give him a brief respite, and public prayers for his recovery were put up throughout Italy. Some said, that the fit was occasioned by an overdose of goat's-blood, which he had swallowed, in order, by his pale countenance, to accredit a report that Caepio had attempted to poison him. Feverish anxiety, coupled with great mental and bodily exertion, had probably brought on a return of his old disorder, epilepsy, which was supposed to have been cured by a voyage he once made to Anticyra, for the purpose of taking hellebore upon the spot where it grew. (De Vir. Ill. 66; Plin. H. N. xxviii. 41, xxv. 21; Gell. xvii. 15.) Affairs now approached a crisis. The social war was manifestly bursting into flame; and the consuls, looking upon Drusus as a chief conspirator, resolved to meet his plots by counterplots. He knew his danger, and, whenever he went into the city, kept a strong body-guard of attendants close to his person. The accounts of his death vary in several particulars. Appian says, that the consuls invited a party of Etruscans and Umbrians into the city to waylay him under pretence of urging their claims to citizenship; that he became afraid to appear abroad, and received his partizans in a dark passage in his house; and that, one evening at dusk, when dismissing the crowds who attended, he suddenly cried out that he was wounded, and fell to the ground with a leather-cutter's knife sticking in his groin. The writer de Viris Illustribus relates that, at a meeting on the Alban mount, the Latins conspired to kill Philippus; that Drusus, though he warned Philippus to beware, was accused in the senate of plotting against the consul's life; and that he was stabbed upon entering his house on his return from the Capitol. (Compare also Veil. Paterc. ii. 14.) Assassinated as he was in his own hall, the image of his father was sprinkled with his blood; and, while he was dying, he turned to those who surrounded him, and asked, with characteristic arrogance, based perhaps upon conscious honesty of purpose, " Friends and neighbours, when will the commonwealth have a citizen like me again?" Though he was cut off in the flower of manhood, no one considered his death premature. It was even rumoured that, to escape from inextricable embarrassments, he had died by his own hand. The assassin was never discovered, and no attempts were made to discover him. Caepio and Philippus (Ampelius, 26) were both suspected of having suborned the crime; and when Cicero (de Nat. Deor. iii. 33) accuses Q. Varius of the murder, he probably does not mean that it was the very hand of Varius which perpetrated the act. Cornelia,.the mother of Drusus, a matron worthy of her illustrious name, was present at the deathscene, and bore her calamity-a calamity the more bitter because unsweetened by vengeance-with the same high spirit, says Seneca (Cons. ad Marc. 16), with which her son had carried his laws. After the fall of Drusus, his political opponents treated his death as a just retribution for his injuries to the state. This sentiment breathes through a fragment of a speech of C. Carbo, the younger (delivered B. c. 90), which has been celebrated by Cicero (Orator, 63) for the peculiarity of its trochaic rythm: " O Marce Druse (patrem appello), tu dicere solebas sacram esse rempublicam: quicunm DRUSUS. que earn violavissent, ab omnibus esse ei poenas persolutas. Patris dictum sapiiens temeritas fili comprobavit." (Niebuhr, History of Rome, vol. iv. Lecture xxxii.; Bayle, Diet. s. v. Drusus; De Brosses, Vie du Consul Philippe in Mimoires de l'Acadimie des Inscriptions, xxvii. p. 406.) 7. LIVIus DRusus CLAUDIANUS, the father of Livia, who was the mother of the emperor Tiberius. He was one of the gens Claudia, and was adopted by a Livius Drusus. (Suet. Tib. 3; Vell. Paterc. ii. 75.) It was through this adoption that the Drusi became connected with the imperial family. Pighius (Annales, iii. p. 21), by some oversight which is repugnant to dates and the ordinary laws of human mortality, makes him the adopted son of No. 3, and confounds him with No. 5, and, in this error, has been followed by Vaillant. (Num. Ant. Fam. Rom. ii. 51.) There is no such inconsistency in the supposition that he was adopted by No. 7, who is spoken of by Suetonius as if he were an ancestor of Tiberius. (Augustinus, Fam. Rom. (Livii) p. 77; Fabretti, Inscr. c. 6, No. 38.) The father of Livia, after the death of Caesar, espoused the cause of Brutus and Cassius, and, after the battle of Philippi, being proscribed by the conquerors, he followed the example of others of his own party, and killed himself in his tent. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 44; Veil. Paterc. ii. 71.) It is likely that he is the Drusus who, in B. c. 43, encouraged Decimus Brutus in the vain hope that the fourth legion and the legion of Mars, which had fought under Caesar, would go over to the side of his murderers. (Cic. ad Fam. xi. 19. ~ 2.) In other parts of the correspondence of Cicero, the name Drusus occurs several times, and the person intended may be, as Manutius conjectured, identical with the father of Livia. In B. c. 59, it seems that a lucrative legation was intended for a Drusus, who is called, perhaps in allusion to some discreditable occurrence, the Pisaurian. (Ad Att. ii. 7. ~ 3.) A Drusus, in B. C. 54, was accused by Lucretius of praevaricatio, or corrupt collusion in betraying a cause which he had undertaken to prosecute. Cicero defended Drusus, and he was acquitted by a majority of four. The tribuni aerarii saved him, though the greater part of the senators and equites were against him; for though by the lex Fufia each of the three orders of judices voted separately, it was the majority of single votes, not the majority of majorities, that decided the judgment. (Ad Att. iv. 16. ~~ 5, 8, ib. 15. ~ 9, ad Qu. Fr. ii. 16. ~ 3. As to the mode of counting votes, see Ascon. in Cic. pro Mil. p. 53, ed. Orelli.) In B. c. 50, M. Caelius Rufus, who was accused of an offence against the Scantinian law, thinks it ridiculous that Drusus, who was then probably praetor, should be appointed to preside at the trial. Upon this ground it has been imagined that there was some stigma of impurity upon the character of Drusus. (Ad Fam. viii. 12. ~ 3, 14. ~ 4.) He possessed gardens, which Cicero was very anxious to purchase. (Ad Att. xii. 21. ~ 2, 22. ~ 3, 23. ~ 3, xiii. 26. ~ 1.) 8. M. LIvius DRusus LIBO was probably aedile about B. c. 28, shortly before the completion of the Pantheon, and may be the person who is mentioned by Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 15. s. 24) as having given games at Rome when the theatre was covered by Valerius, the architect of Ostium. He was consul in B. c. 15. As his name denotes, he was originally a Scribonius Libo, and was adopted
Page 1083 DRUSUS. by a Livius Drusus. Hence he is supposed to have been adopted by Livius Drusus Claudianus [No. 7], whose name, date, want of male children, and political associations with the party opposed to Caesar, favour the conjecture. He is also supposed to have been the father of the Libo Drusus, or Drusus Libo [No. 10], who conspired against Tiberius. As Pompey the Great would appear from Tacitus (Ann. ii. 27) to have been the proavus of the conspirator, Scribonia his amita, and the young Caesars (Caius and Lucius) his consobrini, Drusus Libo, the father, is supposed to have marrried a granddaughter of Pompey. Still there are difficulties in the pedigree, which have perplexed Lipsius, Gronovius, Ryckius, and other learned commentators on the cited passage in Tacitus. M. de la Nauze thinks that the father was a younger brother of Scribonia, the wife of Augustus, and that he married his grandniece, the daughter of Sextus Pompeius. According to this explanation, he was about 26 years younger than his elder brother, L. Scribonius Libo, who was consul B. c. 34, and whose daughter was married to Sextus Pompeius. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 16; Appian, B. C. v. 139.) There is extant a rare silver coin of M. Drusus Libo, bearing on the obverse a naked head, supposed by some to be the head of his natural, by others of his adoptive, father. On the reverse is a sella curulis, between cornucopiae and branches of olive, with the legend M. LivI L. F. Dtusus Lino, headed by the words Ex. S.C. It may be doubted whether the letters L. F. do not denote that Lucius was the praenomen of the adoptive father. (Morell. Thes. Num. ii. p. 586; Drumann's Rom. iv. p. 591, n. 63; De la Nauze, in Mimoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, xxxv. p. 600.) 9. LIVIA DRUSILLA. [LIViA.] 10. L. ScmoNRIBONIUS Lo DRusus, or, as he is called by Velleius Paterculus (ii. 130), DRusus Lino, is supposed to have been the son of No. 8, to which article we refer for a statement of the difficulty experienced by commentators in attempting to explain his family connexions. Firmius Catus, a senator, in A. D. 16, taking advantage of (he facility and stupidity of his disposition, his taste for pleasure and expense, and his family pride, induced him to seek empire with its attendant wealth, and to consult soothsayers and magicians as to his chances of success. He was betrayed by Catus through Flaccus Vescularius to the emperor Tiberius, who nevertheless made him praetor, and continued to receive him at table without any mark of suspicion or resentment. At length he was openly denounced by Fulcinius Trio, for having required one Junius to summon shades from the infernal regions. Hereupon he strove at first to excite compassion by a parade of grief, illness, and supplication. As if he were too unwell to walk, he was carried in a woman's litter to the senate on the day appointed for opening the prosecution, and stretched his suppliant hands to the emperor, who received him with an unmoved countenance, and, in stating the case to be proved against him, affected a desire neither to suppress nor to exaggerate aught. Finding that there was no hope of pardon, he put an end to his own life, though his aunt Scribonia had tried in vain to dissuade him from thus doing another's work; but he thought that to keep himself alive till it pleased DRUSUS. 1083 Tiberius to have him slain would rather be doing another's work. Even, after his death, the prosecution was continued by the emperor. His property was forfeited to his accusers. His memory was dishonoured, and public rejoicings were voted upon his death. Cn. Lentulus proposed that thenceforth no Scribonius should assume the cognomen Drusus. (Tac. Ann. ii. 27-32; Suet. Tib. 25; Dion Cass. vii. 15; Senec. Epist. 70.) 11. NERO CLAUDIUS DRUSUS (commonly called by the moderns Drusus Senior, to distinguish him from his nephew, the son of Tiberius), had originally the praenomen Decimus, which was afterwards exchanged for Nero; and, after his death, received the honourable agnomen Germanicus, which is appended to his name on coins. Hence care should be taken not to confound him with the celebrated Germanicus, his son. His parents were Livia Drusilla (afterwards Julia Augusta) and Tiberius Claudius Nero, and through both of them he inherited the noble blood of the Claudii, who had never yet admitted an adoption into their gens. From the adoption of his maternal grandfather [No. 7] by a Livius Drusus, he became legally one of the representatives of another illustrious race. He was a younger brother of Tiberius Nero, who was afterwards emperor. Augustus, having fallen in love with his mother, procured a divorce between her and her husband, and married her himself. Drusus was born in the house of Augustus three months after this marriage, in B.c. 38, and a suspicion prevailed that Augustus was more than a step-father. Hence the satirical verse was often in men's mouths, To evETrvxodes lMa rl pi[Ai.va 7ratioa. Augustus took up the boy, and sent him to Nero his father, who soon after died, having appointed Augustus guardian to Tiberius and Drusus. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 44; Vell. Pat. ii. 62; Suet. Aug. 62, Claud. 1; Prudentius, de Simulacro Liriae.) Drusus, as lihe grew up, was more liked by the people than was his brother. He was free from dark reserve, and in him the character of the Claudian race assumed its most attractive, as in Tiberius its most odious, type. In everything he did, there was an air of high breeding, and the noble courtesy of his manners was set off by singular beauty of person and dignity of form. He possessed in a high degree the winning quality of always exhibiting to wards his friends an even and consistent demeanour, without capricious alternations of familiarity and distance, and he seemed adapted by nature to sustain the character of a prince and statesman. (Tac. Ann. vi. 51; Vell. Pat. iv. 97.) It was known that he had a desire to see the commonwealth restored, and the people cherished the hope that he would live to give them back their ancient liberties. (Suet. Claud. 1; Tac. Ann. i. 33.) He wrote a letter to his brother, in which he broached the notion of compelling Augustus to resign the empire; and this letter was betrayed by Tiberius to Augustus (Suet. Tib. 50.) But notwithstanding this indication that the affection of Tiberius was either a hollow pretence, or yielded to his sense of duty to Augustus, the brothers maintained during their lives an appearance, at least, of fraternal tenderness, which, according to Valerius Maximus (v. 5. ~ 3), had only one parallelthe friendship of Castor and Pollux! In the domestic relations of life, the conduct of Drusus was exemplary. He married the beautiful and illus
Page 1084 1084 DRUSUS. trious Antonia, a daughter-and, according to the preponderance of authority [ANTONIA, No. 5], the younsger daughter-of M. Antonius the triumvir by Octavia, the sister of Augustus. Their mutual attachment was unusually great, and the unsullied fidelity of Drusus to the marriage-bed became a theme of popular admiration and applause in a profligate age. It is finely referred to by Pedo Albinovanus in his beautiful poem upon the death of Drusus: Tu concessus amor, tu solus et ultimus illi, Tu requies fesso grata laboris eras. He must have been young when he married; for, though he died at the age of thirty, he had several children who died before him, besides the three, Germanicus, Livia, and Claudius, who survived their father. He began public life early. In B. c. 19, he obtained permission, by a decree of the senate, to fill all magistracies five years before the regular time. (Dion Cass. liv. 10.) In the beginning of B. c. 16, we find him presiding with his brother at a gladiatorial show; and when Augustus, upon his departure for Gaul, took Tiberius, who was then praetor, along with him, Drusus was left in the city to discharge, in his brother's place, the important duties of that office. (Dion Cass. liv. 19.) In the following year lie was made quaestor, and sent against the Rhaetians, who were accused of having committed depredations upon Roman travellers and allies of the Romans. The mountainous parts of the country were inhabited by banditti, who levied contributions from the peaceful cultivators of the plains, and plundered all who did not purchase freedom from attack by special agreement. Every chance male who fell into their hands was murdered. Drusus attacked and routed them near the Tridentine Alps, as they were about to make a foray into Italy. His victory was not decisive, but he obtained praetorian honours as his reward. The Rhaetians, after being repulsed from Italy, continued to infest the frontier of Gaul. Tiberius was then despatched to join Drusus, and the brothers jointly defeated some of the tribes of the Rhaeti and Vindelici, while others submitted without resistance. A tribute was imposed upon the country. The greater part of the population was carried off, while enough were left to till the soil without being able to rebel. (Dion Cass. liv. 22; Strab. iv. fin.; Florus, iv. 12.) These exploits of the young step-sons of Augustus are the theme of a spirited ode of Horace. (Carm. iv. 4, ib. 14.) On the return of Augustus to Rome from Gaul, in B. c. 13, Drusus was sent into that province, which had been driven into revolt by the exaction of the Roman governor, Licinius, who, in order to increase the amount of the monthly tribute, had divided the year into fourteen months. Drusus made a new assessment of property for the purpose of taxation, and in B. c. 12 quelled the tumults which had been occasioned by his financial measures. (Liv. Epit. cxxxvi. cxxxvii.) The Sicambri and their allies, under pretence of attending an annual festival held at Lyons at the altar of Augustus, had fomented the disaffection of the Gallic chieftains. In the tumults which ensued, their troops had crossed the Rhine. Drusus now drove them back into the Batavian island, and pursued them in their own territory, laying waste the greater part of their country. He then followed the course of the Rhine, sailed to the ocean, sub DRUSUS. dued the Frisians, laid upon them a moderate tribute of beeves-hides, and passed by shallows into the territory of the Chauci, where his vessels grounded upon the ebbing of the tide. From this danger he was rescued by the friendly assistance of the Frisians. Winter now approached. He returned to Rome, and in B3. c. 11 was made praetor urbanus. Drusus was the first Roman general who penetrated to the German ocean. It is probable that he united the military design of reconnoitering the coast with the spirit of adventure and scientific discovery. (Tac. Germ. 34.) From the migratory character of the tribes he subdued, it is not easy to fix their locality with precision; and the difficulty of geographical exactness is increased by the alterations which time and the elements have made in the face of the country. Mannert and others identify the Dollart with the place where the fleet of Drusus went ashore; but the Dollart first assumed its present form in A.D. 1277; and Wilhelm (Feldzaige der Nero Claudius Drusus im Nirdlicien Teutschland) makes the Jahde, westward of the mouth of the Weser, the scene of this misadventure. It is by no means certain by what course Drusus reached the ocean, although it is the general opinion that he had already constructed a canal uniting the eastern arm of the Rhine with the Yssel, and so had opened himself a way by the Zuydersee. This opinion is confirmed by a passage in Tacitus (Ann. ii. 8), where Germanicus, upon entering the Fossa Drusiana, prays for the protection of his father, who had gone the same way before him, and then sails by the Zuydersee (Lacus Flevus) to the ocean, up to the mouth of the Ems (Amisia). To this expedition of Drusus may perhaps be referred the naval battle in the Ems mentioned by Strabo (vii. init.), in which the Bructeri were defeated, and the subjugation of the islands on the coast, especially Byrchamis (Borkum). (Strab. vii. 34; Plin. H. N. iv. 13.) Ferdinand Wachter (Ersch und Gruber's Encycloplidie, s. v. Drusus) thinks, that the canal of Drusus must have been too great'a work to be completed at so early a period, and that Drusus could not have had time to run up the Ems. He supposes, that Drusus sailed to the ocean by one of the natural channels of the river, and that the inconvenience he experienced and the geographical knowledge he gained led him to avail himself of the capabilities afforded by the Lacus Flevus for a safer junction with the ocean; that his works on the Rhine were probably begun in this campaign, and were not finished until some years afterwards. The precise nature of those works cannot now be determined. They appear to have consisted not only of a canal (fossa), but of a dyke or mound (agger, moles) across the Rhine. Suetonius seems to use even the word fossae in the sense of a mound, not a canal. " Trans Tiberim fossas novi et immensi operis effecit, quae nunc adhuc Drusinae vocantur." (Claud. i.) Tacitus (Ann. xiii. 53) says, that Paullinus Pompeius, in A. D. 58, completed the agger coercendo RTReno which had been begun by Drusus sixty-three years before; and afterwards relates that Civilis, by destroying the moles formed by Drusus, allowed the waters of the Rhine to rush down and inundate the side of Gaul. (Hist.v. 19.) The most probable opinion seems to be, that Drusus dug a canal from the Rhine near Arnheim to the Yssel, near Doesberg (which bears a trace of his name), and that he also
Page 1085 DRTJSUS. widened the bed of the narrow outlet which at that time connected the Lacus Flevus with the ocean. These were his fossae. With regard to his agger or moles, it is supposed that he partly dammed up the south-western arm of the Rhine (the Vahalis or Waal), in order to allow more water to flow into the north-eastern arm, upon which his canal was situated. But this hypothesis as to the situation of the dylke is very doubtful. Some modern authors hold that the Yssel ran into the Rhine, and did not run into the Zuydersee, and that the chief work of Drusus consisted in connecting the Yssel with a river that ran from Zutphen into the Zuydersee. He did not tarry long at Rome. On the commencement of spring he returned to Germany, subdued the Usipetes, built a bridge over the Lippe, invaded the country of the Sicambri, and passed on through the territory of the Cherusci as far as the Visurgis (Weser). This he was able to effect from meeting with no opposition from the Sicambri, who were engaged with all their forces in fighting against the Chatti. He would have gone on to cross the Weser had he not been deterred (such were the ostensible reasons) by scarcity of provisions, the approach of winter, and the evil omen of a swarm of bees which settled upon the lances in front of the tent of the praefectus castrorum. (Jul. Obsequens, i. 132.) Ptolemy (ii. 11) mentions the po-Frata Aposdrov, which, to judge from the longitude and latitude he assigns to them (viz. long. 330. 45'. lat. 520. 40'.), were probably erected on the spot where the army reached the Weser. No doubt Drusus found it prudent to retreat. In retiring, he was often in danger from the stratagems of the enemy, and once was nearly shut up in a dangerous pass near Arbalo, and narrowly escaped perishing with his whole army. But the careless bravery of the Germans saved him. His enemies had already by anticipation divided the spoil. The Cherusci chose the horses, the Suevi the gold and silver, and the Sicambri the prisoners. Thinking that the Romans were as good as taken, after immolating twenty Roman centurions as a preparatory sacrifice, they rushed on without order, and were repulsed. It was now they, and their horses, and sheep, and neck-chains (torques), that were sold by Drusus. Henceforward they confined themselves to distant attacks. (Dion Cass. liv. 20; Florus, iv. 12; Plin. I.N. xi. 18.) Drusus had breathing time to build two castles, one at the confluence of the Luppia and the Aliso, and the other near the country of the Chatti on the Rhine. The latter is probably the modern Cassel over against Mayence. The former is thought by some who identify the Aliso with the Alm, to be the modern Elsen Neuhaus in the district of Paderborn; by others, who identify the Aliso with the Lise, to be Lisborn near Lippstadt in the district of Miinster. Drusus now returned to Rome with the reputation of having conquered several tribes beyond the Rhine (Liv. Epit. cxxxviii.), and received as his reward a vote of the senate granting him an ovation with the insignia of a triumph, and decreeing that at the end of his praetorship he should have proconsular authority. But Augustus would not allow him to bear the title of imperator, which had been conferred upon him by the army in the field. In the next year, B. c. 10, Drusus was again at his post. The Chatti left the territory which had DRUSUS. 1085 been assigned to them by the Romans. After having long refused to become allies of the Sicambri, they now consented to join that powerful people; but their united forces were not a match for Drusus. Some of the Chatti he subdued; others he could do no more than harass and annoy. He attacked the Nervii, who were headed by Senectius and Anectius (Liv. Epit. cxxxix); and it was probably in this campaign that he built a castle upon the Taunus. (Tac. Ann. i. 56.) He then returned to Rome with Augustus and Tiberius, who had been in Lugdunensian Gaul, watching the result of the war in Germany, and upon his arrival he was elected to the consulship, which was to commence on the Kalends of January, B. c. 9. Drusus could not rest in peace at Rome., To worry and subjugate the Germans appeared to be the main object of his life. Without waiting for the actual commencement of his consulship (Pedo Albin. 1. 139) he returned to the scene of battle, undeterred by evil forebodings, of which there was no lack. There had been horrible storms and inundations in the winter months, and the lightning had struck three temples at Rome. (Ib. 1. 401; Dion Cass. lv.) He attacked the Chatti, won a hard-fought battle, penetrated to the country of the Suevi, gave the Marcomanni (who were a portion of the Suevi) a signal defeat, and with the arms taken as spoil erected a mound as a trophy. It was now perhaps that he gave the Suevi Vannius as their king. (Tac. Ann. xii. 29.) I-He then turned his forces against the Cherusci, crossed the Weser (R), and carried all before him to the Elbe. (Messalla Corvin. deAig. Prog. 89; Ped. Albin. 1. 17, 113; Aur. Vict. Epit. i.; Orosius, iv. 21.) The course that Drusus took on his way to the Elbe cannot be determined. Florus (iv. 12) speaks of his makling roads through ( patefecit) the Hercynian forest, and Wilhelm (IFeldzige, &c. p. 50) thinks that he advanced through Thuringia. Drusus endeavoured in vain to cross the Elbe. (Dion Cass. iv. init.; Eutrop. iv. 12.) A miraculous event occurred: a woman of dimensions greater than human appeared to him, and said to him, in the Latin tongue, " Whither goest thou, insatiable Drusus? The Fates forbid thee to advance. Away! The end of thy deeds and thy life is nigh." Dion Cassius cannot help believing the fact of the apparition, seeing that the prophetic warning was so soon fulfilled! Thus deterred by the guardian Genius of the land, Drusus hastened back to the Rhine, after erecting trophies on the banks of the Elbe. Suetonius (Claud. 1) varies from Dion Cassius in the particulars of this legend, and some of the moderns endeavour to explain it by referring the denunciation to a German prophetess or Wala. On his retreat, wolves howled round the camp, two strange youths appeared on horseback among the intrenchments, the screams of women were heard, and the stars raced about in thie sky. (Ped. Albin. 1. 405.) Such were the superstitious fears which oppressed the minds of the Romans, who would rather flatter themselves that they were submitting to supernatural forces than avoiding the human might of dangerous enemies. Between the Elbe and the Sala (probably the Thuringian Saal), death overtook Drusus. According to the Epitomiser of Livy (cxl.) (whose last books contained a full account of these transactions), the horse of Drusus fell upon his leg, and Drusus died of the fracture on the thirtieth day after the accident. Of the
Page 1086 1086 DRUSUS. DRUSUS, numerous writers who mention the death of Drusus, no one besides alludes to the broken leg. Suetonius, whose history is a rich receptacle of scandal, mentions the incredible report that Drusus was poisoned by Augustus, after having disobeyed an order of the emperor for his recall. It is indeed probable enough that the emperor thought he had advanced far enough, and that it would be unwise to exasperate into hostility the inoffensive tribes beyond the Elbe. Tiberius, Augustus, and Livia were in Pavia (Ticinum) when the tidings of the dangerous illness of Drusus reached them. Tiberius with extraordinary speed crossed the Alps, performing a journey of 200 Roman miles through a difficult and dangerous country, without stopping day or night, and arrived in time to close the eyes of his brother. (Plin. H. N. xii. 20; Val. Max. v. 5; Ped. Albin. 1. 89; Senec. Consol. ad Polyb. 34.) Drusus, though at the point of death, had yet presence of mind enough to command, that Tiberius should be received with all the distinction due to a consular and an imperator. The summer camp where Drusus died was called Scelerata, the Accursed. The corpse was carried in a marching military procession to the winterquarters of the army at Moguntiacum (Mayence) upon the Rhine, Tiberius walking all the way as chief mourner. The troops wished the funeral to be celebrated there, but Tiberius brought the body to Italy. It was burnt in the field of Mars, and the ashes deposited in the tomb of Augustus, who composed the verses that were inscribed upon his sepulchral monument, and wrote in prose a memorial of his life. In a funeral oration held by Augustus in the Flaminian Circus, he exclaimed, " I pray the gods to make my adopted sons Caius and Lucius like Drusus, and to vouchsafe to me as honourable a death as his." Among the honours paid to Drusus the cognomen Germanicus was decreed to him and his posterity. A marble arch with trophies was erected to his memory on the Appian Way, and the representation of this arch may be seen upon extant coins, as for example, in the coin annexed, which was struck by order of Augustus. He had a cenotaph on the Rhine, an altar near the Lippe (Tac. Ann. ii. 7), and Eusebius (COhronicon ad A. D. 43) speaks of a Drusus, the nephew of the emperor Claudius, who had a monument at Mayence; but here Drusus Senior seems to be meant, and there is probably a confusion between the son and the father of Germanicus. It is to the latter that the antiquaries of Mayence refer the Eichelstein and the Drusilock. Besides the coins of Drusus, several ancient signet-rings with his effigy have been preserved (Lippert, Dactyliothek, i. No. 610-12, ii. No. 241 and No. 255); and among the bronzes found at Herculaneum there is one which is supposed to contain a full-length likeness of Drusus. In the preceding narrative the dates have been collected from Dion Cassius and the Epitomiser of Livy. In assigning the precise date of events not mentioned by those writers, it is often necessary to have recourse to uncertain conjecture. The misery that Drusus must have occasioned among the German tribes was undoubtedly excessive. Some antiquaries have imagined that the German imprecation " Das dich der Drus hole" may be traced to the traditional dread of this terrible conqueror. The country was widely devastated, and immense multitudes were carried away from their homes and transplanted to the Gallic bank of the Rhine. Such was the horror occasioned by the advance of the Romans, that the German women often dashed their babes against the ground, and then flung their mangled bodies in the faces of the soldiers. (Oros. vi. 21.) Drusus himself possessed great animal courage. In battle he endeavoured to engage in personal combat with the chieftains of the enemy, in order to earn the glory of the spolia opima. He had no contemptible foe to contend against, and though he did not escape unscathed-though, as Varus soon had occasion to feel, the Germanic spirit was not quelled-he certainly accomplished an important work in subjugating the tribes between the Rhine and the Weser, and erecting fortresses to preserve his conquests. According to Florus, he erected upwards of fifty fortresses along the banks of the Rhine, besides building two bridges across that river, and establishing garrisons and guards on the Meuse, the Weser, and the Elbe. He impressed the Germans not less by the opinion of his intellect and character than by the terror of his arms. They who resisted had to dread his unflinching firmness and severity, but they who submitted might rely on his good faith. He did not, like his successor Varus, rouse and inflame opposition by tyrannous insolence or wanton cruelty to the conquered. Whether, educated as he was in scenes of bloodshed, he would have fulfilled the expectations of the people, had he lived to attain the empire, it is impossible to pronounce. He was undoubtedly, in his kind, one of the great men of his day. To require that a Roman general, in the heat of conquest, should shew mercy to people who, according to Roman ideas, were ferocious and dangerous barbarians, or should pause to balance the cost against the glory of success, would be to ask more than could be expected of any ordinary mortal in a similar position. It is not fair to view the characters of one age by the light of another; for he who has lived, says Schiller, so as to satisfy the best of his own time, has lived for all times. (Bayle, Dict. s. v.; Ferd. Wachter, in Ersch und Gruber's Encyclopiidie, s. v.; Wilhelm, die Feldziie des Nero Claudius Drusus in dem Nirdl. Deutschland, Halle, 1826.) 12. TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR, the emperor Tiberius. [TIBERIUS.] 13. GERMANICUS CAESAR. [GERMANICUS.] 14. LIVIA. [LIVIA.] 15. TI. CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CAESAR, the emperor Claudius. [CLAUDIUs, p. 775, b.] 16. DRusus CAESAR, commonly called by modern writers Drusus Junior, to distinguish him from his uncle Drusus, the brother of Tiberius (No. 11), was the son of the emperor Tiberius by his first wife, Vipsania, who was the daughter of Agrippa by Pomponia, the daughter of Atticus. Thus, his great-grandfather was only a Roman knight, and his descent on the mother's side was by no means so splendid as that of his cousin Germanicus, who
Page 1087 DRUSUS. was a grandson of the triumvir Antony and great-nephew of Augustus. He married Livia, the sister of Germanicus, after the death of her first husband, Caius Caesar, the son of Augustus and Scribonia; but his wife was neither so popular nor so prolific as Agrippina, the wife of Germanicus. However, she bore him three children-two sons, who were twins, and a daughter. Of the twins, one died shortly after his father, and the other, Tiberius, was murdered by the emperor Caligula. The daughter, Julia, was first married to Nero, son of Germanicus, and, after his death, she carried the noble blood of the Drusi into the equestrian family of the Rubellii, by uniting herself with C. Rubellius Blandus. (Tac. Ann. vi. 27; Juv. Sat. viii. 40.) As long as Germanicus lived, the court was divided between the parties of Germanicus and Drusus, and Tiberius artfully held the balance of favour even between them, taking care not to declare which should be his successor. Notwithstanding so many circumstances which were likely to produce alienation and jealousy, it is one of the best traits in the character of Drusus, that he always preserved a cordial friendship for Germanicus, and, upon his death, was kind to his children. (Tac. Ann. ii. 43, iv. 4.) When Piso, relying on the ordinary baseness of human nature, after the death of Germanicus, endeavoured to secure the protection of Drusus, Drusus replied to his overtures with a studied ambiguity, which appeared to be a lesson of the emperor's craft, for his own disposition was naturally frank and unguarded. (Ann. iii. 8.) Though he had not the dissimulation of Tiberius, he was nearly his equal in impurity and in cruelty. He delighted in slaughter, and such was his ferocity, that the sharpest sword-blades took from him the name of Drusine blades. (Dion Cass. 1vii. 13.) He was not only a drunkard himself, but he forced his guests to drink to excess. Plutarch relates how a physician was treated, who was detected in an attempt to keep himself sober by taking bitteralmonds as an antidote to the effects of wine. (Sympos. i. 6.) Tiberius behaved harshly to his son, and often upbraided him, both in public and private, for his debaucheries, mingling threats of disinheritance with his upbraidings. In A. D. 10 he was quaestor. After the death of Augustus, A. D. 14, (in whose praise he read a funeral oration before the rostra,) he was sent into Pannonia to quell the mutiny of the legions. This task he performed with address, and with the vigour of innate nobility. He ordered the execution of the leaders, and the superstitious fears produced in the minds of the soldiers by an opportune eclipse of the moon aided his efforts. (Tac. Ann. i. 24-30.) After his return to Rome, he was made consul in A. D. 15, and, at the gladiatorial games which he gave in conjunction with Germanicus (his brother by adoption), he made himself so remarkable by his sanguinary taste for vulgar blood, as even to offend the squeamishness of Roman spectators. (Ann. i. 76.) He degraded the dignity of his office by his excesses, and by his fondness for players, whom he encouraged in their factious riots, in opposition to his father's laws. In one of his ordinary ebullitions of passion, he pummelled a Roman knight, and, from this exhibition of his pugilistic propensities, obtained the nickname of Castor. (Dion Cass. lvii. 14.) In the following year Tiberius sent him to Illyricum, not only to teach him DRUSUS. 1087 the art of war, and to make him popular with the soldiery, but to remove him from the dissipations of the city. It is not easy to determine the exact scene of his operations, but he succeeded in fomenting dissension among the Germanic tribes, and destroyed the power of Maroboduus. For these successes an ovation was decreed to him by the senate. In the year A. D. 21, he was consul a second time, and the emperor was his colleague. In A. D. 22, he was promoted to the still higher dignity of the " tribunicia potestas," a title devised by Augustus to avoid the obloquy attending the name of king or dictator. By this title subsequent emperors counted the years of their reign upon their coins. It rendered the power of intercession and the sacrosanct character of tribunus plebis compatible with patrician birth. To confer it upon Drusus was clearly to point him out as the intended successor to the empire. (Ann. iii. 56.) On one occasion Drusus, who regarded Sejanus as a rival, gave way to the impetuosity of his temper, and struck the favourite upon the face. The ambition of Sejanus had taught him to aspire to the empire, and to plot against all who stood in his way. The desire of vengeance was now added to the stimulus of ambition. He turned to Livia, the wife of Drusus, seduced her affections, persuaded the adulteress to become the murderer of her husband, and promised that he would marry her when Drusus was got rid of. Her physician Eudemus was made an accomplice in the conspiracy, and a poison was administered to Drusus by the eunuch Lygdus, which terminated his life by a lingering disease, that was supposed at the time to be the consequence of intemperance. (Suet. Tib. 62.) This occurred in A. D. 23, and was first brought to light eight years afterwards, upon the information of Apicata, the wife of Sejanus, supported by the confessions, elicited by torture, of Eudemus and Lygdus. (Ann. iv. 3, 8, 11.) The funeral of Drusus was celebrated with the greatest external honours, but the people were pleased at heart to see the chance of succession revert to the house of Germanicus. Tiberius bore the death of his only son with a cool equanimity which indicated a want of natural affection. The annexed coin contains on the obverse the head of Drusus, with DRvsvs CAESAR Ti. AUG. F. DivI AUG. N., and on the reverse PONTIF. TnUBVN. POTEST. ITERt. 17. NERO. [NERO.] 18. DRusus, a son of Germanicus and Agrippina. In A. D. 23, he assumed the toga virilis, and the senate went through the form of allowing him to be a candidate for the quaestorship five years before the legal age. (Tac. Ann. iv. 4.) Afterwards, as we learn from Suetonius (Caligula, 12), he was made augur. He was a youth of an unamiable disposition, in which cunning and ferocity were mingled. His elder brother Nero was higher in
Page 1088 1088 DRUSUS. the favour of Agrippina, and stood between him and the hope of succession to the empire. This produced a deep hatred of Nero in the envious and ambitious mind of Drusus. Sejanus, too, was anxious to succeed Tiberius, and sought to remove out of the way all who from their parentage would be likely to oppose his schemes. Though he already meditated the destruction of Drusus, he first chose to take advantage of his estrangement from Nero, and engaged him in the plots against his elder brother, which ended in the banishment and death of that wretched prince. (Ann. iv. 60.) Tiberius had witnessed with displeasure the marks of public favour which were exhibited towards Nero and Drusus as members of the house of Germanicus, and gladly forwarded the plans that were contrived for their destruction. He declared in the senate his disapprobation of the public prayers which had been offered for their health, and this indication was enough to encourage accusers. Aemilia Lepida, the wife of Drusus, a woman of the most abandoned character, made frequent charges against him. (Ann. vi. 40.) The words which he spoke, when heated with wine or roused to anger, were reported to the palace, and represented by the emperor to the senate, in A. D. 30, in a document which contained every charge that could be collected, heightened by invective. Drusus, like his elder brother, was condemned to death as an enemy of the state; but Tiberius kept him for some years imprisoned in a small chamber in the lowest part of the palace, intending to put him forward as a leader of the people, in case any attempt to seize the supreme command should be made by Sejanus. Finding, however, that a beliet prevailed that he was likely to be reconciled to Agrippina and her son, with his usual love of baffling expectations, and veiling his intentions in impenetrable obscurity, he gave orders, in A. D. 33, that Drusus should be starved to death. Drusus lived for nine days after this cruel sentence, having prolonged his miserable existence by devouring tlhe tow with which his mattress was stuffed. (Suet. Tib. 54; Tac. Ann. vi. 23 ) An exact account had been kept by Actius, a centurion, and Didymus, a freedman, of all that occurred in his dungeon during his long incarceration. In this journal were set down the names of the slaves who had beaten or terrified him when he attempted to leave his chamber, the savage rebukes administered to him by the centurion, his secret murmurs, and the words he uttered when perishing with hunger. Tiberius, after his death, went to the senate, inveighed against the shameful profligacy of his life, his desire to destroy his relatives, and his disaffection to the state; and proceeded, in proof of these charges, to order the journal of his sayings and doings to be read. This was too much, even for the Roman senate, degraded as it was. The senators were struck with astonishment and alarm at the contemptuous indecency of such an exposure by a tyrant formerly so dark, and deep, and wary in the concealment of his crimes; and they interrupted the horrid recital, under the pretence of uttering exclamations of detestation at the misconduct of Drusus. (Ann. vi. 24.) In A. D. 31, a pretender had appeared among the Cyclades and in Greece, whose followers gave out that he was Drusus, the son of Germanicus, escaped from prison, and that he was proceeding to join the armies of his father, and to invade DRYAS. Egypt and Syria. This affair might have had serious consequences, had it not been for the activity of Poppaeus Sabinus, who, after a sharp pursuit, caught the false Drusus at Nicopolis, and extracted from him a confession that he was a son of M. Silanus. (Ann. v. 10; Dion Cass. Iviii. 7.) 19. CAIUS CAESAR CALIGULA, the emperor Caligula. [CALIGULA, p. 563, b.] 20. AGRIPPINA. [AGRIPPINA, p. 81, a.] 21. DRUSILLA. [DRUSILLA, No. 2.] 22. JULIA LivILLA. [JULIA.] 23. DRUSUS, one of the two children of the emperor Claudius by his wife Urgulanilla. He died at Pompeii before attaining puberty, in A. u. 20, being choked by a pear which, in play, he had been throwing up and catching in his mouth. This occurred but a few days after he had been engaged to marry a daughter of Sejanus, and yet there were people who reported that he had been fraudulently put to death by Sejanus. (Suet. Claudius, 27; Tac. Ann. iii. 29.) 24. CLAUDIA. [CLAUDIA, No. 15, p. 762, b.] 25. DRUSILLA. [DRUSILLA, No. 3.] 26. DECIMUS DRusus. In Dig. 1. tit. 13. ~ 2, the following passage is quoted from Ulpian:Ex quaestoribus quidam solebant provincias sortiri ex Senzatzs-consulto, quod factum est Decimo Druso et Porcina Consulibus. It has been commonly supposed that Ulpian here refers to a general decree of the senate, made in the consulship he names, and directing the mode of allotting provinces to quaestors in general. We rather believe him to mean that it was usual for the senate, from time to time, to make special decrees relating to the allotment of provinces to particular quaestors, and that he intends to give the date of an early instance in which this rwas aone. (Comp. Cic. Philipp. ii. 20.) Had the former meaning been intended, Ulpian would probably have said ex eo Senatus-consulto, quod factum est. It is uncertain who Decimus Drusus was, and when he was consul. The brothers Kriegel, in the Leipzig edition of the Corpus Juris, erroneously refer his consulship to A. U. c. 745 (i.. c. 9), when Nero Claudius Drusus (the brother of the emperor Tiberius) and Crispinus were consuls. Pighius (Annal. ad A. U. C. 677) proposes the unauthorized reading D. Bruto et Aemilio for D. Druso et 1Porcinaa and in this conjecture is followed by Bach. (Hist. Jur. Rom. p. 208, ed. 6ta.) Ant. Augustinus (de Nom.. Prop. Pandect. in Otto's Thesaurus, i. p. 258) thinks the consulship must have occurred in the time of the emperors, but it is certain that provinces were assigned to quaestors, ex S. C., during the republic. The most probable opinion is that of Zepernick (Ad Siccamam de Judicio Centumvirali, p. 100, n.), who holds that D. Drusus was consul suffectus with Lepidus Porcina in B. c. 137, after the forced abdication of Hostilius Marcinus. 27. C. Dausus. Suetonius (Augzust. 94) gives a miraculous anecdote of the infancy of Augustus, for which he cites an extant work of C. Drusus,Ut scriptum apud C. Drusum extat. Of this writer nothing is known, but it is not unlikely that he was connected with the imperial family. [J. T. G. DRY'ADES. [NYMPHAE.] DRYAS (Ap'as), a son of Ares, and brother of Tereus, was one of the Calydonian hunters. He was murdered by his own brother, who had received an oracle, that his son Itys should fall by thle hand of a relative. (Apollod. i. 8. ~ 2; Hygin,
Page 1089 DUB1US. DUCAS. 1089 Fab. 45.) There are five other mythical person- When the Frisians had occupied and taken inages of this name. (Apollod. ii. 1. ~ 5; Horn. to cultivation a tract of land near the banks of II. vi. 130; Apollod. iii. 5. ~ 1; Hom 11. i. 263; the Rhine, Dubius Avitus demanded of them to Hesiod. Scut. Herc. 179.) [L. S.] quit it, or to obtain the sanction of the emperor. DRYMON (Apu',awv). There are two persons Two ambassadors accordingly went to Rome; but, of this nane; the one is mentioned by Tatian (p. although they themselves were honoured and dis137, ed. Oxford, 1700) and Eusebius (Praep. tinguished by the Roman franchise, the Frisians 7Evang. x. p. 495) as an author who lived before were ordered to leave the country they had occuthe time of Homer. But the reading in Tatian is pied, and those who resisted were cut down by uncertain, and we have no clue for any further in- the Roman cavalry. The same tract of country vestigation about him. The second Drymon is was then occupied by the Ampsivarii, who had mentioned by lamblichus among the celebrated been driven out of their own country. by the Pythagoreans. (De Vit. Pythl. 36; comp. Fabric. Chauci, and implored the Romans to allow them a Bibl. Graec. i. p. 29, &c.) [L. S.] peaceful settlement. Dubius Avitus gave them a DRY'OPE (Apod'7?n), a daughter of king haughty answer, but offered to their leader. BoioDryops, or, according to others, of Eurytus. calus, who was a friend of Rome, a piece of land. While she tended the flocks of her father on Boiocalus declined the offer, which he looked upon Mount Oeta, she became the playmate of the as a bribe to betray his countrymen; and the Hlamadryades, who taught her to sing hymns to Ampsivarii immediately formed an alliance with the gods and to dance. On one occasion she was the Tenchteri and Bructeri to resist the Romans seen by Apollo, who, in order to gain possession of by force of arms. Dubius Avitus then called in her, metamorphosed himself into a tortoise. The the aid of Curtilius Mancia and his army. He nymphs played with the animal, and Dryope took invaded the territory of the Tenchteri, who were it into her lap. The god then changed himself so frightened that they renounced the alliance with into a serpent, which frightened the nymphs away, the Ampsivarii, and their example was followed so that he remained alone with Dryope. Soon by the Bructeri, whereby the Ampsivarii were after she married Andraemon, the son of Oxylus, obliged to yield. (Tac. Ann. xiii. 54, 56; Plin. but she became, by Apollo, the mother of Am- H. N. xxxiv 18.) [L. S.] phissus, who, after he had grown up, built the DUCAS, MICHAEL (MtXa Xh o Aovicas), the town of Oeta, and a temple to Apollo. Once, grandson of another Michael Ducas, who lived when Dryope was in the temple, the Hamadryades during the reign of John Palaeologus the younger, carried her off and concealed her in a forest, and and a descendant of the imperial family of the in her stead there was seen in the temple a well Ducases, lived before and after the capture of Conand a poplar. Dryope now became a nymph, and stantinople by Sultan Mohammed II. in 1453. Amphissus built a temple to the nymphs, which This Michael Ducas was a distinguished historian, no woman was allowed to approach. (Ov. Met. ix. who held probably some high office under Con325, &c.; Anton. Lib. 32; Steph. Byz. s. v. stantine XII., the last emperor of Constantinople. ApUov-r'.) Virgil (Aen. x. 551) mentions another After the capture of this city, he fled to Dorino personage of this name. [L. S.] Gateluzzi, prince of Lesbos, who employed him in DRYOPS (Apuoi), a son of the river-god Sper- various diplomatic functions, which he continued cheius, by the Danaid Polydora (Anton. Lib. 32), to discharge under Domenico Gateluzzi, the son or, according to others, a son of Lycaon (probably and successor of Dorino. In 1455 and 1456, he a mistake for Apollo) by Dia, the daughter of brought the tribute of the princes of Lesbos and Lycaon, who concealed her new-born infant in a Lemnos to Adrianople, and he also accompanied hollow oak tree (&psy; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. i. his master Domenico to Constantinople, where he 1283; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480). The Asinaeans was going to pay homage to Sultan Mohammed II. in Messenia worshipped him as their ancestral Owing to the prudence of Dorino and Domenico, hero, and as a son of Apollo, and celebrated a fes- and the diplomatic skill of Ducas, those two tival in honour of him every other year. His princes enjoyed a happy dependence; but Domeheroum there was adorned with a very archaic nico having died, his son and successor, Nicholas, statue of the hero. (Paus. iv. 34. ~ 6.) He had incurred the hatred of Mohammed, who conquered been king of the Dryopes, who derived their name Lesbos and united it to the Turkish empire in from him, and were believed to have occupied the 1462. Ducas survived this event, but his further country from the valley of the Spercheius and life is not known. The few particulars we know Thermopylae, as far as Mount Parnassus. (Anton. of him are obtained from his " History." This Lib. 4; Horn. Hymn. vi. 34.) work begins with the death of John Palaeologus I., There are two other mythical personages of this and goes down to the capture of Lesbos in 1462; name. (Hom. II. xx. 454; Diet. Cret. iv. 7; Virg. it is divided into forty-five extensive chapters; the Aen. x. 345.) [L. S.] first begins with a very short chronicle from Adam DRYPETIS (ApMrniirs or Apmiwerms), daughter to John Palaeologus I., which seems to have been of Dareius, the last king of Persia, was given in prefixed by some monk; it finishes abruptly with marriage to Hephaestion by Alexander, at the some details of the conquest of Lesbos; the end is same time that he himself married her sister, Sta- mutilated. Ducas wrote most barbarous Greek, tira, or Barsine. (Arrian, Anab. vii. 4. ~ 6; Diod. for lie not only made use of an extraordinary numxvii. 107.) She was murdered, together with her her of Turkish and other foreign words, but he sister, soon after the death of Alexander, by the introduced grammatical forms and peculiarities of orders of Roxana and with the connivance of Per- style which are not Greek at all. He is the most diccas. (Plut. Alex. c. ult.) [E. H. B.] difficult among the Byzantine historians, and it DU'BIUS AVI'TUS, was praefect of Gaul seems that he was totally unacquainted with the and Lower Germany in the reign of the emperor classical Greek writers. His defects, however, are Nero, and the successor of Paulinus in that post. merely in his language and style. He is a most 4A
Page 1090 1090 DUILIA. faithful historian, grave, judicious, prudent, and impartial, and his account of the causes of the ruin of the Greek empire is full of sagacity and wisdom. Ducas, Chalcondylas, and Phranza, are the chief sources for the last period of the Greek empire; but Ducas surpasses both of them by his clear narrative and the logical arrangement of his matters. He was less learned than Chalcondylas, but, on the other hand, he was without doubt thoroughly acquainted with the Turkish language, no small advantage for a man who wrote the history of that time. The editio princeps of the work is by Bulliaud (Bullialdus), " Historia Byzantina a Joanne Palaeologo I. ad Mehemetem II. Accessit Chronicon breva (XpovudYv adverotor), etc. Versione Latina et Notis ab Ismael Bullialdo," Paris, 1649, foL, reprinted atVenice, 1729, fol. It has been also edited by Immanuel Bekker, Bonn, 1834, 8vo. Bekker perused the same Parisian codex as Bulliaud, but he was enabled to correct many errors by an Italian MS., being an Italian translation of Ducas, with a continuation in the same language, which was found about twenty years ago by Leopold Ranke in one of the libraries at Venice. This MS. was first published by Mustodoxi in the 19th volume of the "Antologia." It also forms a valuable addition to the edition of Bekker. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. viii. pp. 33, 34; Hankins, Script. Byzant. pp. 640-644; Hammer, Geschichle des Osman. Reiches, vol. ii. p. 69, not. b. p. 72.) [W. P.] DUCE'NNIUS GE'MIINUS. [GEMINUs.] DUCE'TIUS (AoviErtio), a chief of the Sicelians, or Sicels, the native tribes in the interior of Sicily. He is styled king of the Sicelians by Diodorus (xi. 78), and is said to have been of illustrious descent. After the expulsion of the family of Gelon from Syracuse (B. c. 466), Ducetius succeeded in uniting all the Sicelians of the interior into one nation, and in order to give them a common centre founded the city of Palice in the plain below Menaenum. (Diod. xi. 88.) He had previously made war on the Catanaeans, and expelled from that city the new colonists who had been sent there by Hiero, who thereupon took possession of Inessa, the name of which they changed to Aetna; but Ducetius subsequently reduced this city also. (Diod. xi. 76, 91.) An attack upon a small place in the territory of Agrigentum involved him in hostilities not only with the Agrigentines, but the Syracusans also, who defeated him in a great battle. The consequence of this was that he was deserted by all his followers, and fearing to be betrayed into the hands of the enemy, he took the daring resolution of repairing at once to Syracuse as a suppliant, and placing himself at their mercy. The Syracusans spared his life, but sent him into an honourable exile at Corinth. (Diod. xi. 91, 92.) Here however he did not remain long, but having assembled a considerable band of colonists, returned to Sicily, and founded the city of Calacte on the north coast of the island. He was designing again to assert his supremacy over all the Sicelian tribes when his projects were interrupted by his death, about 440, B. c. (Diod. xii. 8, 29; Wesseling, ad loc.) [E. H. B.] DUI'LIA or DUILLIA GENS, plebeian. The plebeian character of this gens is attested by the fact of M. Duilius being tribune of the plebs in B. c. 471, and further by the statement of Dionysius (x. 58), who expressly says, that the de DUILIUS. cemvir K. Duilius and two of his colleagues were plebeians. In Livy (iv. 3) we indeed read, that all the decemvirs had been patricians; but this must be regarded as a mere hasty assertion which Livy puts into the mouth of the tribune Canuleius, for Livy himself in another passage (v. 13) expressly states, that C. Duilius, the military tribune, was a plebeian. The only cognomen that occurs in this gens is LONGUS. [L. S.] DUILIUS. 1. M. DUILIUS, was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 471, in which year the tribunes were for the first time elected in the comitia of the tribes. In the year following, M. Duilius and his colleague, C. Sicinus, summoned Appius Claudius Sabinus, the consul of the year previous, before the assembly of the people, for the violent opposition he made to the agrarian law of Sp. Cassius. [CLAUDIus, No. 2.) Twenty-two years later, B. c. 449, when the commonalty rose against the tyranny of the decemvirs, he acted as one of the champions of his order, and it was on his advice that the plebeians migrated from the Aventine to the Mons Sacer. When the decemvirs at length were obliged to resign, and the commonalty had returned to the Aventine, M. Duilius and C. Sicinus were invested with the tribuneship a second time, and Duilius immediately proposed and carried a rogation, that consuls should be elected, from whose sentence an appeal to the people should be left open. He then carried a plebiscitum, that whoever should leave the plebs without its tribunes, or create any magistrate without leaving an appeal to the people open against his verdicts, should be scourged and put to death. M. Duilius was a noble and high-minded champion of his order, and acted throughout that turbulent period with a high degree of moderation and wisdom. He kept the commonalty as well as his more vehement colleagues within proper bounds, for after sentence had been passed on the decemvirs, and when the tribunes appeared to wish to carry their revenge still further, Duilius declared that there had been enough punishment and hostility, and that, in the course of that year, lie would not allow any fresh accusation to be brought forward, nor any person to be thrown into prison. This declaration at once allayed the fears of the patricians. When the tribunes for the next year were to be elected, the colleagues of Duilius agreed among themselves to continue in office for another year; but Duilius, who happened to preside at the election, refused to accept any votes for the reelection of his colleagues. They were obliged to submit to the law, and M. Duilius resigned his office and withdrew. (Liv. ii. 58, 61, iii. 52-54, 59, 64; Diod. xi. 68; Dionys. xi. 46; Cic. de Re Publ. ii. 31.) S2. K. DUILIUS, was elected together with two other plebeians as decemvir for the year B. c. 450, and as in that year a war broke out with the Aequians and Sabines, K. Duilius and four of his colleagues were sent to Mount Algidus against the Aequians. After the abolition of the decemvirate, and when some of the decemvirs had been punished, Duilius escaped from sharing their fate by going into voluntary exile, whereupon his property, like that of the others who withdrew from Rome, was publicly sold by the quaestors. (Liv. iii. 35. 41, 58; Dionys. x. 58, xi. 23, 46.) 3. K. DUILIUS, was consul in B. c. 336, and two years later triumvir fcr the purpose of conducting a colony to Cales, a town of the Ausonians
Page 1091 DUILIUS. against which a war had been carried on during his consulship, and which had been reduced the year after. (Liv. viii. 1 6; Diod. xvii. 28, where he is erroneously called Ka(awv OaX'pios; Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21.) 4. M. DUILIUS, was tribune of the plebs in B. c. 357, in which year he and his colleague, L.Maenius, carried a rogation de unciario foenore, and another which prevented the irregular proceedings in the camps of the soldiers, such as the enactment of a law by the soldiers out of Rome, on the proposal of a consul. (Liv. vii. 16, 19.) 5. C. DUILIUS, perhaps a brother of No. 4, was appointed, in B. c. 352, by the consuls one of the quinqueviri mensarii, for the liquidation of debts, and he and his colleague conducted their business with such skill and moderation, that they gained the gratitude of all parties. (Liv. vii. 21.) 6. C. DULIus, probably a grandson of No. 4, was consul with Cn. Cornelius Asina in B. c. 260. In that year the coast of Italy was repeatedly ravaged by the Carthaginians, against whom the Romans could do nothing, as they were yet without a navy. The Romans then built their first fleet of one hundred quinqueremes and twenty triremes, using for their model a Carthaginian vessel which had been thrown on the coast of Italy. The sum total of the Roman ships is stated differently, for, according to Orosius (iv. 7), it amounted to 130, and according to Florus (ii. 2) to 160. This fleet is said to have been built in the short space of sixty days. According to some authorities (Zonar. viii. 10; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ilaustr. 38; Oros. 1. c.), Duilius obtained the command of this fleet, whereas, according to Polybius (i. 22), it was given to his colleague Cn. Cornelius. The same writer states, that at first Cn. Cornelius sailed with 17 ships to Messana, but allowed himself to be drawn towards Lipara, and there fell into the hands of the Carthaginians. (Comp. Polyaen. vi. 16. ~ 5.) Soon after, when the Roman fleet approached Sicily, Hannibal, the admiral of the Carthaginians, sailed out against it with 50 ships, but he fell in with the enemy before he was aware of it, and, after having lost most of his ships, he escaped with the rest. The Romans then, on hearing of the misfortune of Cn. Cornelius, sent to Duilius, who commanded the land army, and entrusted to him the command of their fleet. According to Zonaras (viii. 11), Duilius, who commanded the fleet from the beginning, when he perceived the disadvantages under which the clumsy ships of the Romans were labouring, devised the well-known grappling-irons (iopaces), by means of which the enemy's ships were drawn towards his, so that the sea-fight was, as it were, changed into a land-fight. (Polyb. i. 22, &c.; Frontin. Strateg. ii. 3. ~ 24.) When Duilius was informed that the Carthaginians were ravaging.the coast of Myle in Sicily, he sailed thither with his whole armament, and soon met the Carthaginians, whose fleet consisted of 130, or, according to Diodorus (xxiii. 2, Excerpt. Vatic.), of 200 sail. The battle which ensued off Myle and near the Liparean islands, ended in a glorious victory of the Romans, which they mainly owed to their grappling-irons. In the first attack the Carthaginians lost 30, and in the second 50 more ships, and Hannibal escaped with difficulty in a little boat. According to Eutropius and Orosius, the loss of the Carthaginians was not DUMNORIX. 1091 as great as Polybius states. After the victory was completed, Duilius landed in Sicily, relieved the town of Egesta, which was closely besieged by the enemy, and took Macella by assault. Another town on the coast seems likewise to have been taken by him. (Frontin. Strateg. iii. 2. ~ 2.) Hereupon he visited the several allies of Rome in Sicily, and among them also king Hiero of Syracuse; but when he wanted to return home, the Carthaginians endeavoured to prevent his sailing out of the harbour of Syracuse, though without success. (Frontin. Strateg. i. 5. ~ 6.) On his return to Rome, Duilius celebrated a splendid triumph, for it was the first naval victory that the Romans had ever gained, and the memory of it was perpetuated by a column which was erected in the forum, and adorned with the beaks of the conquered ships (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 5; Sil. Ital. Pun. vi. 663, &c.; Quintil. i. 7. 12), while Duilius himself shewed his gratitude to the gods by erecting a temple to Janus in the forum Olitorium. (Tac. Ann. ii. 49; comp. a somewhat different account in Servius, on Virg. Georg. iii. 29, who says, that Duilius erected two columnae rostratae, one in the forum and the other at the entrance of the circus.) The column in the forum existed in the time of Pliny and Quintilian, but whether it was the original one has been questioned. It is generally believed that the original inscription which adorned the basis of the column is still extant. It was dug out of the ground in the 16th century, in a mutilated condition, and it has since often been printed with attempts at restoration. There are, however, in that inscription some orthographical peculiarities, which suggest, that the present inscription is a later restoration of the original one. This suspicion was expressed by the first editor, P. Ciacconius, and has been repeated by Niebuhr (Hist. of Rome, iii. p. 579), who, in a later publication (Lectures on Rom. Hist. i. p. 118, ed. Schmitz) remarks, " The present table which contains the inscription is not the original one, for it is a piece of Greek marble, which was unknown at Rome in the time of Duilius. The original column was struck by lightning in the time of Tiberius, and was faithfully restored by Germanicus." Duilius was further rewarded for this victory, by being permitted, whenever he returned home from a banquet at night, to be accompanied by a torch and a flute-player. One more interesting fact is mentioned in connexion with his consulship, viz. in that year the senate of Rome forbade the interment of dead bodies within the city. (Serv. ad Aen. xi. 206.) According to the Capitoline Fasti, Duilius was censor in B. c. 258, and in 231 dictator for the purpose of holding the comitia. (Comp. Liv. Epit. 17; Cic. de Senect. 13, Orat. 45, pro Plane. 25.) [L. S.] DUMNORIX, a chieftain of the Aedui, entered into the ambitious designs of Orgetorix, the Helvetian, whose daughter he married. After the death of Orgetorix, the Helvetians still continuing their plan of migration and conquest, Dumnorix, who, with a view to sovereign power among his own people, was anxious to extend his influence in all possible quarters, obtained for them a passage through the territory of the Sequani. Caesar soon discovered that he had done so, and also that he had prevented the Aeduans from supplying the provisions they were bound to furnish to the Roman army. In consequence, however, of the en
Page 1092 1092 DURIS. treaties of his brother, Divitiacus, his life was spared, though Caesar had him closely watched. This occurred in B. c. 58. When Caesar was on the point of setting out on his second expedition into Britain, in B. c. 54, he suspected Dumnorix too much to leave him behind in Gaul, and he insisted therefore on his accompanying him. Dumnorix, upon this, fled from the Roman camp with the Aeduan cavalry, but was overtaken and slain. (Cacs. B. G. i. 3, 9, 16-20, v. 6, 7; Plut. Caes. 18; Dion Cass. xxxviii. 31, 32.) [E. E.] DURIS (Aoipts), of Samos, a descendant of Alcibiades (Plut. Alcib. 32), and brother of Lynceus, lived in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. The early part of his life fell in the period when the Athenians sent 2000 clernchi to Samos, by whom the inhabitants of the island were expelled, B. c. 352. During the absence from his native country, Duris, when yet a boy, gained a victory at Olympia in boxing, for which a statue was erected to him there with an inscription. (Paus. vi. 13. ~ 3.) The year of that victory is unknown, but it took place previous to the return of the Samians to their island, in B. c. 324. He must have been staying for some time at Athens, as he and his brother Lynceus are mentioned among the pupils of Theophrastus. (Athen. iv. p. 128.) After his return to Samos, he obtained the tyranny, though it is unknown by what means and how long he maintained himself in that position. He must, however, have survived the year B. c. 281, as in one of his works (ap. Plin. H. N. viii. 40) he mentioned an occurrence which belongs to that year. Duris was the author of a considerable number of works, most of which were of an historical nature, but none of them has come down to us, and all we possess of his productions consists of a number of scattered fragments. His principal work was-1. A history of Greece, 4 rcWv 'EAA-viLKucv LoTropla (Diod. xv. 60), or, as others simply call it, lo-ropiat. It commenced with the death of the three princes, Amyntas, the father of Philip of Macedonia, Agesipolis of Sparta, and Jason of Pherae, that is, with the year B. c. 370, and carried the history down at least to B. c. 281, so that it embraced a period of at least 89 years. The number of books of which it consisted is not known, though their number seems to have amounted to about 28. Some ancient writers speak of a work of Duris entitled MaKeSo6vKa', and the question as to whether this was a distinct work, or merely a part of or identical with the ltrrop.ai, has been much discussed in modern times. Grauert (Histor. Analect. p. 217) and Clinton maintain, that it was a separate work, whereas Vossius and Droysen (Gesch. d. Nachfolg. Alex. p. 671, &c.) have proved by the strongest evidence, that the Macedonica is the same work as the tcrropiai. 2. Ilepl 'AyaOtKcAEa 0TepOIalc, in several books, the fourth of which is quoted by Suidas. 3.:apJiiwv dpoi, that is, Annals of the history of Samos, is frequently referred to by the ancients, and consisted of at least twelve books. 4. leph Evpnrtisou Kal loqoKicx'ovs (Athen. iv. p. 184), seems to be the same as wrept Tpayqpalas. (Athen. xiv. p. 636.) 5. Isepit Vo'pwv. (Etym. M. p. 460. 49.) 6. repi cdyw'vwv. (Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 613; Photius, s. v. EAtivov o-rTgpavos.) 7. nep) (wypaqias. (Diog. Laert. i. 38, ii. 19.) 8. nispl ropevLriKls (Plin. Elench. lib. 33, 34), may, however, have been the same as the preceding work. 9. ALvidKa. (Phot. s. v. Aacla; Schol. ad Aristoph. DURMIUS. Vesp. 1030.) Duris as an historian does not appear to have enjoyed any very great reputation among the ancients. Cicero (ad Alt. vi. 1) says of him merely homo in historia satis diligens, and Dionysius (de Compos. Verb. 4) reckons him among those historians who bestowed no care upon the form of their compositions. His historical veracity also is questioned by Plutarch (Pericl. 28; comp. Demosth. 19, Alcib. 32, Eum. 1), but he does not give any reasons for it, and it may be that Plutarch was merely struck at finding in Duris things which no other writer had mentioned, and was thus led to doubt the credibility of his statements. The fragments of Duris have been collected by J. G. Hulleman, 1" Duridis Samii quae supersunt," Traject. ad Rhen. 1841, 8vo. (Comp. W. A. Schmidt, de Fontib. vet. auctor. in enarrand. expedit. a Gallis in Maced. et Graec. susceptis, p. 17, &c.; Panofka, Res Samiorums, p. 98, &c.; Hulleman, 1. c. pp. 1 -66.) [L. S.] DURIS ELA'ITES (AopiYs 'Eanir7s), that is, of Elaea in Aeolis, the author of an epigram in the Greek Anthology (ii. 59, Brunck and Jacobs) on the inundation of Ephesus, which happened in the time of Lysimachus, about 322 B. c. It is probable, from the nature of the event, that the poet lived near the time when it took place. Nothing more is known of him. He is a different person from DuRIs of Samos. (Jacobs, xiii. p. 889.) Diogenes Laertius (i. 38) mentions a Duris who wrote on painting, whom Vossius (de Hist. Graec. p. 134, ed. Westermann) supposes to be the same who is mentioned by Pliny (xxxiii. Ind.), and in another passage of Diogenes (ii. 19). [P. S.] M. DU'RMIUS, a triumvir of the mint under Augustus, of whomn there are several coins extant. The first two given below contain on the obverse the head of Augustus; and the boar and the lion feeding upon the stag, in the reverses, have refera" & aY ence to the shows of wild beasts, in which Augustus took great delight. The reverse of the third coin contains a youthful head, and the inscription HONORI probably refers to the games in honour of Virtus and Honor celebrated in the reign of Augustus. (Comp. Dion Cass. liv. 18; Eckhel, v. pp. 203, 204.)
Page 1093 DYNAMIUS. DYSPONTEUS. 1093 DURO'NIA GENS, plebeian. Of this obscure that Dynamius was compelled to quit his native gens no cognomen, and only four members are city in consequence of being charged, not unjustly known, viz. it would seem, with adultery, that he took refuge 1. DURONIA, the mother of P. Aebutius. Her under the assumed name of Flavinius at Lerida, second husband was T. Sempronius Rutilus, who where he practised as a rhetorician, and that he seems to have had a dislike to his stepson Aebutius. there wedded a wealthy Spanish bride. Late in His mother, perhaps with a view to get rid of him life he paid a short visit to the place of his birth, in some way, wanted to get him initiated in the but soon returned to his adopted country, where Bacchanalian orgies at Rome; but Aebutius be- he died. (Auson. Prof xxiii.) trayed the Bacchanalia to the consuls, who pro- 2. A grammarian of uncertain date, the author tected him against his mother, and Duronia was of an "Epistola ad Discipulun" to be found in the thus the cause of the discovery and suppression of " Paraenetici Scriptores Veteres " of Melchior those orgies, in B. c. 186. (Liv. xxxix. 9, 11, 19.) Goldast. (Insul. 4to, 1604.) He is believed by 2. L. DURONIUS, was praetor in B. c. 181, and some to be the same with No. 3. obtained Apulia for his province, to which the 3. Of Arles, born of a noble family in the midIstri were added, for ambassadors from Tarentum die of the sixth century, and at the early age of and Brundusium had complained of the piracy of thirty appointed governor of the province of Marthe Istri. He was at the same time commissioned seilles, where he soon became notorious for tyranny to make inquiries concerning the Bacchanalia, of and extortion, persecuting with especial hostility which some remaining symptoms had been observed the bishop Theodorus, whom he drove into banishthe year before. This commission was in all proba- ment, confiscating at the same time the revenues bility given him for no other reason but because of the see. As he advanced in life, however, a those symptoms had been observed in the districts singular change was wrought in his character by which had been assigned to him as his province, remorse or some motive now unknown. He beSubsequently he sailed with ten vessels to Illyri- came the obedient instrument of pope Gregory, the cum, and the year after, when he returned to zealous champion of the rights of Rome, lavished Rome, he reported that the Illyrian king Genthius his ill-gotten hoards on the endowment of monaswas the cause of the piracy which was carried on teries, and ended his life in a cloister about A. D. in the Adriatic. (Liv. xl. 18, 19, 42.) 601. In youth he composed several poetical 3. M. DURONIUS, a Roman senator, who was pieces, which are warmly lauded by Fortunatus of ejected from the senate in B. c. 97 by the censors, Poitiers; but the only productions of his pen now M. Antonius, the orator, and L. Valerius Flaccus; extant are the Vita S. Marii, abbot of Bevon, an for Duronius in his tribuneship (probably in the abridgment of which is given in the Acta of Bolyear B. c. 98) had abolished a lex szunptuaria, and landus under the 27th of January; and the Vita had used very frivolous and reckless expressions on S. lMaximi, originally abbot of Lerins, but afterthat occasion. In revenge he brought an accusa- wards bishop of Riez, contained in the collection tion for ambitus against the censor M. Antonius. of Surius under 27 Nov., and in a more correct (Val. Max. ii. 9. ~ 5; Cic. de Orat. ii. 68; comp. form in the "Chronologia S. Insulae Lerinensis," by 64.) Vincentius Barralis, Lugdun. 4to, 1613. [W.R.] 4. C. DunoNIUs, is mentioned by Cicero (ad DYRRHA'CHIUS (Avppaxos), a son of PoAtt. v. 8) as a friend of Milo. [L. S.] seidon and Melissa, from whom the town of DyrraDYMAS (Auaye), a son of Aegimius, and bro- chium derived its name; for formerly it was called ther of Pamphylus and Hyllus. The three tribes Epidamnus, after the father of Melissa. (Paus. vi. into which each Doric state was divided, derived 10, in fin.; Steph. Byz. s. v. AvsidiXov.) [L. S.] their names from these three brothers, and were DYSAULES (Avuoavks), the father of Tricalled accordingly Hylleis, Dymanes, and Pam- ptolemus and Eubuleus, and a brother of Celeus. phyli. Dymas and Pamphyhns were believed to According to a tradition of Phlius, which Pausahave lived from the time of Heracles until the con- nias disbelieved, he had been expelled from Eleusis quest of Peloponnesus, when both fell. (Apollod. by Ion, and had come to Phlius, where he introii. 8. ~ 3; Schol. ad Pind. Pyth. li. 121, where the duced the Eleusinian mysteries. His tomb was third brother is called Dorus; Paus. vii. 16. ~ 3.) shewn at Celeae, which he is said to have named There are three other mythical personages of this after his brother Celeus. (Paus. i. 14. ~ 2, ii. 14. name. (Hom. II. xvi. 719; Apollod. iii. 12. ~ 5; ~ 2.) [L. S.] Ov. Met. xi. 761; Hom. Od. vi. 22; Virg. Aen. ii. DYSPONTEUS or DYSPO'NTIUS (Avo310, 428.) [L. S.] 7roVrTEV or AveroS'nTos), according to Pausanias DYNA'MIUS. 1. A legal pleader of Bordeaux, (vi. 22. ~ 6), a son of Oenomaus, but according to known to us through a short poetical memoir in Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. Avonrdvmaov), a son elegiac verse, composed after his decease by his of Pelops, was believed to be the founder of the friend Ausonius. From this little piece we learn town of Dyspontium, in Pisatis. [L. S.] END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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Page [unnumbered] DR. WILLIAM SMITH'S CLASSICAL ENCYCLOPEDIA. I Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. By various "Writers. Edited by Dr. WILLIAM SMITH. Second Edition. 500 Engravings on Wood. 1 thick vol. 8vo. 42s. II Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. By various Writers. Edited by Dr. WILLIAM SMITH. 564 Engravings on Wood. Complete in 3 vols. 8vo. price ~5 15s. 6d. III Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. By various Writers. Edited by Dr. WILLIAM SMITH. 534 Engravings on Wood. 2 vols. 8vo. Z4. ' I have been for some time in the habit of using the Dictionaries of Antiquity and Ancient Biography, as well as the Dictionary of Ancient Geography, and I have no hesitation in saying, from my knowledge of them, that they are far superior to any other publications of the same sort in our language. They are works which every student of ancient literature ought to consult habitually, and which are indispensable to every person engaged in original researches into any department of antiquity.' Sir G. CORNEWALL LEWIS, Bart. 'The Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, edited by Dr. William Smith, is a work of so much utility to the study of ancient history, and of such general importance to classical education and the progress of knowledge, that its extensive circulation, wherever the English language is spoken or read, may confidently be anticipated.' WILrAM MARTIN LEAKE, Esq., F.R.S. ' I have much pleasure in expressing my sense of the invaluable services rendered to the cause of Greek and Latin literature, and of classical education generally, by the great and laborious works of Dr. William Smith, which are extensively used, and with great profit, at Harrow, as in all the public schools of England.' Rev. Dr. YAUGHAN. GUIDE FOR TRAVELLERS. Ancient Rome. By Thomas H. Dyer. Reprinted from Dr. William Smith's 'Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.' With a Map of Ancient Rome and 52 Illustrations. Royal 8vo. 7s. 6d. cloth lettered. DR. WILLIAM SMITH'S LARGER HISTORY OF GREECE. History of Greece, from the Earliest Times to the Roman Conquest. With Supplementary Chapters on the History of Literature and Art. By Dr. WILLIAM SMITH. New Edition. 100 Engravings on Wood. Small 8vo. 7s. 6d. Dr. William Smith's Smaller School Books. Fcp. 8vo. cloth, Smaller HISTORY of ENGLAND. 68 Illustrations. 3s. 6d. Spaller HISTORY of ROME. 79 Illustrations. 3s. 6d. Smaller HISTORY of GREECE. 74 Illustrations. 3s. 6d. Smaller CLASSICAL MYTHOLOGY, with Illustrations from the Poets, in English, and Questions upon the work. 94 Illustrations. 3s. 6d. GREEK AND LATIN AUTHORS, EDITED BY DR. W. SMITH. Plato. The Apology of Socrates, the Crito, and part of the Phoedo; with Notes in English from STALLBAUIM. SCHLEEIIRMACItER'S Introductions. Fourth Edition. 12mo. 5s. Tacitus. Germania, Agricola, and First Book of the Annals. With English Notes. Fifth Edition. 12mo. 5s. London: JAMES WALTON, 137 Gower Street.
Page [unnumbered] SMALLER CLASSICAL DICTIONARIES FOR SCHOOL USE, I A New Classical Dictionary of Biography, Mythology, and Geography. Partly based on the 'Dictionary of Greek and R man Biography and Mythology.' By Dr. WILLIAM SMITH. Eighth Edition, with 750 Illustrations. 8vo. cloth, 18s. THE old Classical Dictionaries having become obsolete, from the vastly increased information which the researches of modern scholars have attained on historical subjects, this Dictionary is presented to the student as embodying the accurate particulars which recent discoveries have arrived at, respecting the manners, customs, history, and literature of antiquity. The work contains articles on the most important names, Biographical, Mythological, and Geographical, occurring in the Greek and Roman classics. The Biographical portion comprehends the departments of History, of Literature, and of Art. All names of note are included, up to A.D. 476, and a few remarkable ones beyond that epoch. 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THIs work is designed for junior students, and A new and pleasing feature is introduced into this contains so much of the subjects of the larger volume, viz., the illustration of the Mythological Classical Dictionary as is necessary for under- articles by drawings from ancient works of art. standing the Greek and Roman Classics generally These will give the young beginner a more vivid read in schools. It is more adapted, in size as well and adequate conception of the symbols and figures as in price, to younger pupils; and, for their bene- typical of the deities and heroes than he could fit, not only has the quantity of the syllables of possibly obtain in any other manner; and will thus each name been carefully marked, but the genitive enlist his interest in the objects of ancient Greek cases have been inserted, and Roman worship. III A Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Abridged from the Larger Dictionary. By Dr. WILLIAM SMITH. Illustrated by 200 Engravings on Wood. 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The pupil thus acquires a knowledge of been illustrated by woodcuts from ancient works the forms of the various kinds of ancient armour of art. and weapons, instruments of music, apparatus for The book, however, is designed not only for cooking and banqueting, articles of dress, plans of school use, but for the general English reader who, houses &c. although unacquainted with the ancient classics in The Appendix consists of extensive tables of the original, frequently needs information on points Greek and Roman coins, weights, and measures; connected with Greek and Roman antiquities, the years corresponding to the Olympiads, the The woodcuts are calculated to give a correct calendar, &c. London: JAMES WALTON, and JOHN MURRAY.
